Time to plan again

11
Time to plan again Max van den Berg The article describes new develop- ments in planning in The Netherlands, particularly In Amsterdam. In contrast to the process planning developed dur- Ing the 1970s, a more strategic planning approach is advocated, teaching a ba- lance between objectives and their im- plementation. Negotiation and transac- tion between carefully selected actors Is a general characteristic of the prop- osed planning method. A more open attitude on the part of bureaucrats is also part of the approach. The author is Chief Planner, Province of North Holland, Postbus 6090, 2001 HB, Haarlem, The Netherlands, and visiting professor at the University of Utrecht. Anyone following developments in town and country planning in the Netherlands. and especially in the western part of the country, would be overwhelmed by the multitude of new initiatives. The field is buzzing with activity and ambition. Following a period of stagnation, develop- ments in town and country phmning are now moving rapidly. Pcople again want to make l lolland into something beautiful. Attention is focused on three strongly divergent but related objec- tives: improvement of the quality of the living environment; urban renewal; and the structural improvement of the rural areas. In many respects thc numerous initiatives aimed at thesc objective cross bound- aries, not readily filling into the present urban and rural planning system. Planning schemes also cross the boundaries of cities and provinces, so that, for example, housing needs in Amstcrdam and l let Gooi arc to a large extent solved in the new village of Flevohmd. ~,dm:.nistrators are obliged to cross the boundaries of their policy fic!ds to handle complex planning questions. This is being done where decision makers working in departments of environment, traffic and transport, economic affairs, and town and country planning come together to discuss the coherent development of Schiphol Airport. The division of powers between the threc autonomous administrative levels often proves an obstacle to the decisive and flexible implementation of policy. This is why the improvement and cxpansion of public transport has only been proceeding with such difficulty. There is also a growing need for collaboration between the public and private sectors to generate funding for planning measures. In Amstcr- dam's inner city, for instance, many new activities are under way in the form of public-private joint ventures. For all intents and purposes new planning schemes cannot be realized within existing governmental organizations. New administrative and consultative bodies are being created to incorporate boundary crossing processes. The renowltion plan for Zcedijk has been undertaken by a public limited company consisting of Amsterdam Municipality and a number of financial institutions. All thesc new administrative and executive bodies cross the fixed boundaries of existing governmental organiza- tions. The process planning method, so successful in its application to urban rcnewal, has not provcd readily adaptable to the new phmning schemes. Experiments are now being carried out with a more strategic approach to phmning. All this is more than reason enough to map out rccent developments in urban areas and consider whether new solutions can contribute to tackling the problems. I base many of my findings on the ncw 0264-2751/92/010049-11 © 1992 Butterworth-Heinemann Ltd 49

Transcript of Time to plan again

Time to plan again

Max van den Berg

The article describes new develop- ments in planning in The Netherlands, particularly In Amsterdam. In contrast to the process planning developed dur- Ing the 1970s, a more strategic planning approach is advocated, teaching a ba- lance between objectives and their im- plementation. Negotiation and transac- tion between carefully selected actors Is a general characteristic of the prop- osed planning method. A more open attitude on the part of bureaucrats is also part of the approach.

The author is Chief Planner, Province of North Holland, Postbus 6090, 2001 HB, Haarlem, The Netherlands, and visiting professor at the University of Utrecht.

Anyone following developments in town and country planning in the Netherlands. and especially in the western part of the country, would be overwhelmed by the multitude of new initiatives. The field is buzzing with activity and ambition. Following a period of stagnation, develop- ments in town and country phmning are now moving rapidly. Pcople again want to make l lolland into something beautiful.

Attention is focused on three strongly divergent but related objec- tives: improvement of the quality of the living environment; urban renewal; and the structural improvement of the rural areas. In many respects thc numerous initiatives aimed at thesc objective cross bound- aries, not readily filling into the present urban and rural planning system. Planning schemes also cross the boundaries of cities and provinces, so that, for example, housing needs in Amstcrdam and l let Gooi arc to a large extent solved in the new village of Flevohmd.

~,dm:.nistrators are obliged to cross the boundaries of their policy fic!ds to handle complex planning questions. This is being done where decision makers working in departments of environment, traffic and transport, economic affairs, and town and country planning come together to discuss the coherent development of Schiphol Airport. The division of powers between the threc autonomous administrative levels often proves an obstacle to the decisive and flexible implementation of policy. This is why the improvement and cxpansion of public transport has only been proceeding with such difficulty.

There is also a growing need for collaboration between the public and private sectors to generate funding for planning measures. In Amstcr- dam's inner city, for instance, many new activities are under way in the form of public-private joint ventures. For all intents and purposes new planning schemes cannot be realized within existing governmental organizations. New administrative and consultative bodies are being created to incorporate boundary crossing processes.

The renowltion plan for Zcedijk has been undertaken by a public limited company consisting of Amsterdam Municipality and a number of financial institutions. All thesc new administrative and executive bodies cross the fixed boundaries of existing governmental organiza- tions. The process planning method, so successful in its application to urban rcnewal, has not provcd readily adaptable to the new phmning schemes. Experiments are now being carried out with a more strategic approach to phmning.

All this is more than reason enough to map out rccent developments in urban areas and consider whether new solutions can contribute to tackling the problems. I base many of my findings on the ncw

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Time to plan again

developments in Amsterdam and Noord-Holhmd with which I am regularly confrontcd in my job. Similar developments can be found elsewhere in the Netherlands. Only Amsterdam, owing to thc nature of its planning and social problems, has been a pioneer in the evolution of new planning methods during the course of this century. There, the pressure on the planning system is greatest. In Amsterdam problems arise first and are more serious, the contrasts are greater and the administrators and intelligentsia more eager to solve them. Amsterdam is cheeky, direct, arrogant and conceited but at the same time creative, innovative, self-critical and dynamic.

Shifting planning objectives and methods During the 1950s and 1960s the most important problems were those of reconstruction and the rapidly growing need for space. In areas of expansion municipal administrators aimed at sin equitable division of space between all segments of the population, with extra anention focused on sensitive groups. The ideal of light, air and space was given form in the concept of the garden city suburb, which critics dubbed the 'little house, little garden, little trees, little bit of everything" ideal. This aspiration was embedded in planning norms for living, working, recrea- tion and traffic.

The phmning approach was functional and consisted of four phases: survey, analysis, programme and plan. There was t remendous confi- dence in a scientific, interdisciplinary strategy. The result, conceived by urban planners, was a set of splendid phmning diagrams and designs, based on the philosophy of 'unity of form and function'. For many years the garden city vision inspired politicians and the cultural vanguard, who realized that the needs of the distant future had to be anticipated. Accessibility and mobility were considered of paramount importance, and this resulted in thc expansion of the road network deep into cities.

Phms were drawn up for housing improvement and the reconstruction of inner cities and surrounding old neighbourhoods. Full of enthusiasm and idealism, administrators addressed the drawing table plans. Plans were intended to reconstruct urban patterns and built up areas to a high standard, with special attention being paid to improvement and enlarge- ment of the road system, a metro line and public space. ()n hearing about these plans fl~r the first time residents were not at all pleased. Resistance grew and exploded in a protest against the plans for a new main officc tk)r a bank. Although thc bank was built, other plans for the inner city were never implemented.

During the 1970s administrative interest shifted to the long neglected old city districts. Initially, urban renewal was aimed at the integral renovation of ncighbourhoods by means of demolition and the construc- tion of new buildings. This vision resulted in arrangements between municipal and central government for financing the reconstruction of the Kinkcr district. Again resistance grew and culminated in demonstra- tions against the building of the metro. The accent steadily moved to public housing under thc slogan, "building for the neighbourhood' . A ncighbourhood oriented, small-scale approach aimed at providing affordable housing and offering local residents some participation took over from prescriptive ttrban reconstruction. Urban renewal was taken over by district residents so that urban planning for future generations was no longer an item on the political agenda.

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Project oriented work became fashionable. Project groups were assembled from multidisciplinary sources in line organizations, giving neighbourhood residents considerable influence. Urban planning ser- vices lost their decision making authority. Project leaders cmploycd planning methods that held the middle ground between process plan- ning, rhetorical planning, and transactional planning. Planning oriented itself towards a process of decision making which was directed by action groups from the bottom up. It was also a question of bridging the gap between ordinary people, experts and administrators. Instead of acting, planners became assistants and apologists, l,ocal residents organized themselves into action groups drawing up their own alternative plans which they continually adjusted. Decision making documents received more attention than actual plans. Although this concentrated action was never totally realized, it can bc claimed that urban renewal in the Nctherlands as a whole has been highly successful.

At the same time urban planning management evolved as a new branch of planning. In Amsterdam during the last half of the 1970s I helped define it and put it into operation. This led to a new method of ncighbourhood oriented studies and to various planning methods aimed at improving the planning quality of old and post-war ncighbourhoods. The beginning of the 1980s saw a stagnating economy, declining government r e v e n u e s a n d a c e n t r a l g o v c r n n l e n l ill r e t r e a t . As far as

planning went, the Netherlands appeared to be finished; demand for planning was a thing of the past. The nccd for new housing received low priority and many planning projects were axed. The big city fell under the spell of its own problems, including growing unemployment, criminality, drugs, degeneration and pollution. The image of the city reached its nadir.

A hopeless effort was made to infuse the idea of the city with a new 61an through the model of the compact town. The government worked feverishly on rejuvenating its relations with the business community. Reports such as The Strengths Must he IL~ploited had to conceal the weaknesses. The turning point came in about 1985. Interest in the city increased, the economy improved, the demand for space grew. The Amsterdam authorities moved with the times and broke taboos. The development of a parking garage near Central Station was permitted.

The city government initiated a small-scale contest among leading architects to design a luxury high-rise apartment building near the inner city. It also gambled on the establishment of a casino at Lcidscplein. A. contest held for the Central Station area was won by architect and city planner I lcnk dc Boer, and this became the first step towards the prestigious I,I Banks project.

The new spirit was oriented towards urban renewal, giving priority to a new generation of commercial buildings, cultural accommodation and new forms of housing for the better paid. Knowledge and culture were seen as a means of production and were promoted to entice multination- als into establishing (main) offices. The Netherlands is strong in distribution and the transport of goods and in the transfer of knowhow. The Netherlands prides itself on being a point of transshipment, with seaports, airports and telcports. The city itself became a market product. Amstcrdam municipality was deeply involved in urban renewal and image improvement.

All-embracing plans with an ovcrspill of space are no longer workable at a time when the government lacks resources and cannot decide on the

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implcmentation of phms by itself and can no longer determine the standard of the objectives. It is desirable to carry out only those projects which further the government 's strategic objectives. This will require the collaboration and influence of the business community, institutions and associations. This approach characterb:cs strategic phmning in the inner city of Amsterdam.

The plan of action for the inner city

The phm of action for the inner city was drawn up in 1984 anti comprises 25 remarkable urban planning and non-planning action proposals.

These proposals, which vary considerably, are aimed at improving the centre and its living climate for residents, users and visitors. Mayor Van Thijn has been designated administrative coordinator for the central area; he is assisted by a small official coordinating team. Thcre is also a legal administration working group and an official inner city working group composed of representatives of the official services most closely involved. As first official coordinator at the time, I found that the primary aims of the work were the restoration of crcdibility with interest groups, the exchange of information, the identification of potential bottlenecks and the adjustment and innovative introduction of new projects. The plan of action is a flexible programme with various activities being added and deleted each year, depending on successes and failures and changes in political view; thus the original objective of "improving the living surroundings of existing population groups" has been supplemented by "improving the structure of the inner city for future developments ' . The most recent version also advocates 'impro- ving the image of Amsterdam and making Amsterdam beautiful and tidy'.

The planning processes and organizations arc open, pragmatic, resourceful and flexible. Planning measures are integrated and coordi- nated with measures in other fields of policy.

One of the problems on the agenda, that of vacant buildings, was successfully tackled wilh the 'Living over Shops" project.

'IJving over Shops'

The "Living over Shops" project was begun in 1985 and aimed at the vacant floors in shopping streets such as Kalverstraat and Nieuwedijk. The project grew out of a report drawn t.p by residents" associations about vacant floors above shops; this inventoried some 1500 premises in the inner city suitable for rcsidential use. Permanent residents increase informal social control in shopping districts which, after closing time, appear sombre and unsafe with their deserted streets and shuttered shops. The approach was refreshing and original. The owners of buildings with vacant floors were actively requested to make the space suitable for permanent residence. Assistance was offered by conducting a feasibility study and mediation was providcd to assist in obtaining subsidies and securing permits. This somctimcs led to misunderstand- ings. One shopkeeper said: "living upstairs is fine as long as no staircase is built in my shop'.

The combination of person oriented acquisition and sevices tailored to the objective was very well received by the owners. By 1 May 1989 some 700 residences, covered by over 80 projects, were being proces-

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sed, whilc another 260 residcnccs were already in use or being reno- vated. Considering that this project was carried out by only a single project mediator it can safely be described as a great success. The planning focus - all the vacant floors in the inner city - is not territorially demarcated but is thematic. The planning approach is in fact one of mediation, independent of any programme. A flexible, creative applica- tion of existing subsidy arrangements and permit procedures, directed at owners and their property , proved to bc decisive to the success of the project. A different culture, consisting of official negotiations - the vacancies were a problem for local authorities and owners alike - and a pragmatic ar rangement for determining the rentals and the distribution of the housing were equally important .

The back streets plan

The 1985 back streets plan was intended t o improve the living climate in back streets and in the mediaeval hear! of the city. In the first instance attention was not focused on the fashionable main streets by which the town presents itself to tourists but on the unsightly side streets with vacant buildings, danger from physical assault, pollution, disrepair and poor lighting. The promotion of public safety is a line of approach recognized by the central govermnenl which provides Dfl 1.4 million in subsidies within the f ramework of the Policy Memorandum Society and Criminalio'. An official working group began the project with informa- lion about , and discussions with. residents, contractors and owners. Results were quickly achieved and the serious disrepair of the streets was overcome. "l'o implement this project a broad coalition was formed and ideas were brought forward. A subprojcct which arose was known as 'lighting': its recommendat ions were quickly implemented for the simple reason that the energy company was eager to promote the objectives of the phm (A bar owner: "Can l have more floodlighting for the music . . .?').

The p rogramme also aimcd to eliminate the parking problem in the back streets, to intensify street cleaning, to provide more police surveillance, street resurfacing, and to carry out a scheme for revitaliz- ing the building blocks. This included thc filling of gaps with housing and hotels, among other things. Dozens of projects have been or are being implemented, l lere too, working methods were tailored to the specific situation. Methods included research into development options by actively approaching, and consulting, owners and project developers, feasibility studies, mediation for subsidies, financing, permits, the stimulation of progress, and the clearing of bottlenecks.

Initially, the p rogramme for the public services was Icss successful. The personnel capacity set aside for city cleaning and parking control proved insufficient. Reasscssment was slow to get started because of inflexible priorities elsewhere, a lack of effort, and uncertainty about quality norms. Of late the project has been rather more successful. The stimulation p rogramme has been exceptionally successful. It is st, rpris- ing to see how much can be achieved with limited manpower , through enthusiasm, an active attitude, openness, and a situation and customer oriented approach which allows local residents to participate actively and contribute ideas, criticism and support.

I Jmi ted government resources can apparently be multiplied several times over when the priwtte sector is involved. Success and failure

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therefore depend on administrative, official and private commitment. Coordination and synchronization are effected in both formal, and especially informal, frameworks. An open information exchange be- tween financiers, developers, future contractors and users has proved to be effective and to increase credibility.

Simultaneous action in the rearrangement of the public environment, and a flexible programme of stimulation and mediation have a produc- tive effect on one another. The back streets plan demonstrates that a combination of thematic and territorial planning is readily possible provided a bahmce can be struck between the objective and the (governmental) resources used. Such an approach has proved capable of generating priwlte investment. But the most comprehensive form of public and private collaboration yet is the Zeedijk Project.

Zeedijk Project Anyone walking along Zeedijk from Amsterdam's Central Station will be surprised by an urban view of splendidly restored buildings consisting of shops with completely renovated fiats above them.

Zeedijk Street itself (Figures 1 and 2) has been resurfaced and is now reasonably tidy, its ambience is colourful and lively and the street is almost safe. There is a large luxury hotel at the top of Zeedijk (Figure 3) which has the appearance of a thoroughly rebuilt and rather messily

5 4 C I T I E S F e b r u a r y 1 9 9 2

"/7me to plan again

Figure 2. Birdseye view of the Zeedijk Street.

restored double building, and exudes an atmosphere within of luxurious neocosiness, designed for organized groups of tourists. The image of Zecdijk now is in glaring contrast to that of 1984, when it was a street in serious decay, a refuge for a floating group of heavy drug users who created an intolerable situation for the street's residents, shops, hotels, caf6s and restaurants. Strong pressure from the Zeedijk Crisis Commit- tee, d'Oude Stad Ncighbourhood Centre, and the Amsterdam City Association, resulted in collaboration with the municipality to form the Zccdijk Restoration steering committee. The steering committe advo- cated a forceful policy of public order, an intensive approach to the drugs problem, the attraction of new, powerful economic forces and the restoration of the street's buildings. The powerful economic force was the Golden Tulip Hotel, which only offered its participation after difficult negotiations. The municipality contributed the risk bearing capital. Mayor Van Thijn played a vital role in urging financiers to support the construction of the hotel. Van Thijn's positive and active attitude certainly helped them over the threshold of contributing risk equity.

The renovation of Zeedijk was a joint venture between the municipal- ity and private entcrprise. The project comprised purchase, demolition,

CITIES February 1992 55

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construction, comprehensive rebuilding, and the issue and management o f the shop-residence buildings. The housing of residents and the mobilization and supervision of contractors in the initial phase was one of the tasks of the Zeedijk Economic Restoration NV, in which the municipality had a 50% share with seven banks and investment com- panies. The starting capital was 3.4 million guilders. The municipality on the one hand, and banks on the other, contributed an equal number of commissioners and directors to the public limited liability company (NV). The actual project work was carried out through the Netherlands Municipalities Building Fund (Bouwfonds Nederlandse Gerneenten).

Some 60 buildings were then acquired, of which 40 were renovated, providing 40 business premises and about 102 residences.

The Zeedijk project as a whole was a phmning process combining phmning measures and a number of administrative measures in various fields of policy, including public health, public order and legal adminis- tration. The organizational structures of the respective fields were strongly dissimilar, varying from that of existing official organizations to the joirtt venture of Zeedijk NV. The municipality, the business community, institutions and residents worked together in varying combinations and varying roles and positions.

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The wide scope of the project demanded comprchcnsivc coordination and the ready provision of accurate and up to date intormation to local residents, the business community and official organizations. Adminis- trative responsibility and final coordination lay with the mayor and aldermen. The Zccdijk approach was considered urgently necessary by all those involved. There was a broad consensus regarding the result to be achieved and informal relationships helped to bind together the strongly divergent planning processes and organizations.

Zcedijk property owners, the business community and the mtmicipal- ity succeeded in creating mutual trust and bringing together the financial resourccs nccdcd to carry out the renovation project. The municipality was able to handle certain planning aspects, but supplementary orga- nizations and formal and informal coordinating bodies, and a dialogue tailored to the problems, were the necessary ingredients needed to crown the integrated planning process with success.

Thc Zccdijk project, the back streets plan, thc "Living above Shops" and the plan of action show that boundary crossing problems can bc solvcd with a strategic plan of approach which crosses the dividing line between the public and private sectors, between administrative budgets and line organizations. These practical experiences in the Amsterdam inner city lead me to the following discussion of stratcgic planning techniques.

Towards a strategic planning approach

In contrast to the process planning developed during the 1970s, and still widely used, strategic planning aims to reach a balance between objectives and their implementation. Available resources, and those which need to be mobilized, suggest the level of aspiration of the objectives, and their study is a part of the planning process. A second general characteristic is the creation of a broad basis for planning activities by means of dialogue and negotiation. Strategic planning has proved effective at a time when the government resources available for planning are limited. The position and role of the public sector in town and country planning has changed; it is now less of an innovator looking after society's interests and is seen more as a middleman and catalyst for ideas and resottrccs. Collaboration has the effect of generating ideas, means and a broad basc. In the initial phase of a planning project, proposals, ideas, visions and concepts play an important role. These arc discussed during the course of the planning process and can bc revised and supplemented until participants reach a consensus.

The careful selection of participants and actors to fit in with the project at hand is one of the process phases. In process planning it is the interested parties - users, resident groups and action groups - who play an influential role. The actors selected for strategic planning arc those who have an essential contribution to make in formulating objectives, using resources and establishing the dcsired broad base.

Resources include land, investmcnts, subsidies, and market process and procedural knowhow. Actors can bc recruited from government organizations, the business community and advice agencies. Action orientation and results arc more important than the decision making process.

Strategic planning has a profound influence on the type of planning organization used. Advice groups, task committees, steering commit-

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tees and working groups are forms which foster the dialogue and negotiation which must evcntually result in agreements, contracts or covenants. The significance of planning documents themselves in terms of process results is less dominant. Plans which are more general, and more flexible, are continually changed and function more as a means than an end.

The municipality usually opts for a strategic planning approach to projects which it is unable to implement with its own resources and with its own personnel but can carry out in various partnerships. This situation automatically leads to the selection of project oriented methods which reach out beyond the municipal organization itself. The government should devote more time to collaboration and negotiation than to decision making; it should also attach great significance to a careful selection of strategic plans, the strategic use of rcsources and the strategic choice of the persons and institutions which will be involved in the planning process.

The Amsterdam activities described here illustrate a more strategic approach to planning in which aims shift, the project is continually redefined, planning processes are revised and forms of organization arc drastically modified. Action groups and interested organizations often point out problems. Breaking a problem down into manageable subdivi- sions and quickly achieving results facilitates collaboration. The 'Living over Shops" scheme is one example of this, The gradual expansion of the planning project and the extension of coordination and synchronization into other fields of policy heighten the feeling that 'we can manage' and 'we're going for it'. The back streets plan demonstrated that this works. Programme flexibility is conscquently a continual focus of attention.

The correct selection of actors for a project is not only necessary to obtain specialist knowhow, a broad base and sufficient resources to cope with a problem, but also to achieve a balance among the power relationships. In this the Zeedijk project was particularly successful.

The effectiveness of planning could bc increased if the administra- tions of municipalities and provinces limited themselves to main policy lines and delegated more authority to independent administrators for actual policy implementation. The administrators should have more scope for collaboration and ncgotiation on strategic projects. Strategic planning is no panacea; but it oils the wheels if administrators are willing to cross boundaries.

Thinking strategically, working strategically I have come to the conclusion that the administrative planning agenda should contain s t ra tegical ly selected activities ra ther than all- encompassing policy schemes. In my view, the highest priorities for big city regions are as follows:

• the social-planning revitalization of neighbourhoods; and • the development of a cohesive network of urban centres for a

given region.

Planning nceds to be strategic, and to:

• develop a vision or concept; • recruit the right actors; • analyse available resources and those which can bc mobilized; • mobilize knowhow for the planned activities;

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• create credibility and a broad base: • start on a small scale for quick success; • make use of marketing and promotional techniques: and • reach consensus through dialogue and negotiation.

The planning process should be opcn and accessible to selected expert and interest groups. Obtaining knowledge and a broad base is an important part of the process.

The planning result is the contract and a long-term programme. The phm plays an instrumental role in the transactions, it is not a question of government withdrawing, but of government playing a leading, stimu- lating and intermediaary role. Political decision making is limited to critical moments. The organization and phasing of the planning process should be flexible. A project oriented approach should be coupled with integral authority over finances, information and organizational form.

In conclusion

Many administrators fccl somewhat anxious about which socioeconomic and planning problems to criticize, and hesitant in the application of strategic planning techniques. This is partly the result of the need to oversee a great many activities at the same time, and of wanting to regulate too much through official channels. Administrations that believe in sell" generation and are willing to bear a clear-cut responsibil- ity for social renewal need not have this fear. The mobilization and stimulation of a wealth of knowledge in an articulate society, and the generation of ideas and resources in the business community, is in itself a democratic process that should begin and end with the elected representativcs of the people.

Our carefully built up planning system is not adequate to handle the new boundary crossing problems: only drastic administrative reorga- nization can solve this impasse. But for the time being this alternative is still a chimera. A strategic approach to planning can circumvent the limitations of the Dutch planning system. It will also protect us from the harshness of a free market which offers little room for future oriented planning and attaches little significance to managerial and responsible local government. This is why we have to be aware of the fact that it is "Time to phm again'.

CITIES February 1992 59