IN

TERN

ATIO

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LASS

OCIATION FOR TIBETAN

STUDIES

TENTH SEMINAROXFORD UNIVERSITY

SEPTEMBER 2003

ABSTRACTS

Archaeological excavations at a pre-Buddhist residentialsite in far western Tibet

Mark Aldenderfer

In this paper I report upon excavations at Dindun, a site located on a high terrace over-looking the Blackwater River and between the modern villages of Piyang and Dungkar,Ngari, Tibet Autonomous Region. Testing in 1999 and more extensive excavation in 2001has revealed the presence of residential architecture dating to approximately cal 85 BC(2065 ± 60 rcybp). Although the site has been somewhat disturbed by a series of chortensconstructed during the Buddhist period, it is likely that a small village of at least tendistinct structures was once present. Much of the site is covered in varying depths of wallcollapse, but wall foundation courses can still be traced on the surface. The structuresdiscovered at the site are generally rectangular, and are quite variable in the number ofinternal rooms present. Some are very simple, with only a single room and associatedfeatures, whereas the largest structures on the site have multiple internal rooms. Althoughit is not clear at present why this variability exists, it is likely to be due to variation inhousehold size or composition, age of household, or differences in wealth. Despite thisvariability, feature type and placement are similar in the structures: one corner of everystructure has a probable kitchen area, which includes a large, stone-slab lined hearthfilled with burned soil and ash, and small stone storage chambers and boxes located indifferent parts of the structure. This, plus the relatively homogenous ceramic assemblage,suggests that we are looking at a single cultural tradition at Dindun, and not a series ofreoccupations of the site by different peoples. In general, small structures have very fewartifacts of any kind associated with them, whereas larger ones have more complete ce-ramic assemblages and other artifacts, like ground stone tools. The largest structure, whichcontained multiple rooms, had a unique feature present in a chamber at its western end:a stone stela (Tib. doring). Although pushed over, the stela had been placed in a rock-linedseat. No artifacts were found within this chamber. The stela itself was almost two metersin length, and made from a local stone. Although no carving indicative of art or languagewas found upon it, modifications clearly shaped it into a phallic form. A similar phalliformstela was found on the eastern side of a site within a small rock feature that might oncehave been a small room or chamber. Burned offerings of barley and other vegetable mat-ter were associated with this stela. These stela are clearly part of ritual and religious prac-tice that was once performed at the site, but their exact function is unknown. Similarphalliform stela are known from other parts of western Tibet and the trans-Himalaya,but this the first time they have been encountered in a true residential complex. Thispaper will explore the possible interpretations of this cultural pattern in the light of theantiquity of the site.

A conservation study of rMe ru rnying pa monastery, Lhasa

André Alexander

In 1999–2000, the international NGO Tibet Heritage Fund restored the ninth century rMeru rnying pa monastery in Lhasa in cooperation with the Lhasa City Cultural Relics Of-fice. During that time, unrestricted access enabled us to carry out a comprehensive study(including surveys and structural investigations) vital for the formulation of the conser-vation activities. Due to the peculiar circumstances, the actual work had to begin almostsimultaneously with the study, but that enabled us to look inside opened walls and openedroofs and underneath successive layers of wall paintings and plaster. Comparisons couldalso be made with a number of other historic monasteries in Lhasa that were studiedduring the same period, such as the Lhasa Jokhang and Tengyeling, looking at wall paint-ings, spatial organisation and functionality, construction materials and how a respectivesite is functioning within the local community. All data gathered has now been proc-essed, the surveys are drawn up, and Tibetan sources were consulted to establish a build-ing chronology.

This study has greatly increased our knowledge about traditional Tibetan timberand stone architecture, and helped to develop a systematic conservation and rehabilita-tion approach for historic Tibetan buildings. The study shows that in order to gain aproper understanding of a Tibetan monument, it is not enough to only look at the sourceswithout visiting the building, nor to only judge by stylistic criteria without consulting allavailable sources. Founding dates of several of the sites surveyed had to be repeatedlycorrected when we were confronted with contradictory information.

The current construction boom in Tibet makes comprehensive study and documen-tation of historic sites an urgent priority, as commercial redevelopment may deprive usfrom gathering enough data to one day better understand and appreciate the most im-portant historic developments in Tibetan architecture and decorative arts, and their rela-tion with social conditions and religious practice of the past.

Thangkas dedicated to the Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala: questions ofstylistic connections

Eva Allinger

Most of the thangkas known today with representations of Jinas as part of a series dedi-cated to the Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala found their way into collections of art outside Tibet asindividual items. Only rarely can individual works from different collections be identi-fied as belonging to a group.

The datings and attributions given in publications are almost exclusively arrived aton the basis of intuition alone. In most cases an insecurely dated work is taken as a bench-mark for yet another insecure dating. By contrast, a dating arrived at on the basis oficonographic development would seem to provide a much more secure point of reference.

While in West Tibet the formative period is solidly documented by a securely datedbuilding and its entire decoration (Tabo), this is not the case for the formative period ofCentral Tibet. Thangkas that can be dated on the basis of inscriptions – mostly portraits oflamas – permit stylistic classification from around 1200; however, it also becomes appar-ent that there was certainly more than a single line of development, as parallel schoolsexisted.

This presentation explores the question of whether an at least relative chronologycan be posited for the extant material and whether schools of painting can be distin-guished from one another.

Analysis of Tibetan titles: Towards a genre-basedclassification of Tibetan literature

Orna Almogi

In the last few decades the number of accessible Tibetan works has increased dramati-cally, bringing with them the need to be catalogued and documented systematically. Ti-betan literature comprises a variety of genres, which are based on both the different sub-ject matters and the diverse stylistic forms and methods of presentation. This diversity oftopics and methods of presentation makes cataloguing Tibetan literature highly chal-lenging. The schemes found in most existing catalogues were designed to suit a particu-lar limited collection. But no genre-scheme has yet been proposed for cataloguing theentire corpus of Tibetan literary works. To optimise the accessibility of Tibetan writingssuch a scheme will have to include the broadest spectrum possible of genre types and keywords.

What factors are essential for a genre-based classification? Of primary importanceare no doubt the Tibetan titles themselves including the terms for genres they contain. Asother scholars also noticed, title analysis is not as easy as it first seems. On the one hand,several different titles may exist for one and the same text, and on the other hand, anyattempt to classify Tibetan texts by mechanically relying on the Tibetan genre terms provesto be problematic.

In my paper, I shall clarify the importance of Tibetan titles and possible implicationsfor cataloguing. I shall attempt to analyse the various types of titles and their differentcomponents, including their ornamental parts. Finally, I shall propose strategies for acataloguer to make the most of titles.

Exotica Tibet and the poetics of (post)colonial representations

Dibyesh Anand

Tibet has remained at the edge of postcolonial theory while the latter too has only mademinor skirmishes into Tibetan studies. In this sense, my paper sends a postcard from theedge to both the study of Tibet and the Tibetans as well as to postcolonial studies. Thispaper is about the writing of Tibet in the international political imaginary. It argues forenculturing political analysis and politicising cultural analysis if we are to appreciate therhetorical tropes underlying the poetics of colonial and postcolonial representations ofthe non-Western peoples and places such as Tibet and the Tibetans. It identifies someimportant strategies (such as ‘archive’, gaze, differentiation/ classification, debasement/idealisation, eroticisation/moralisation, chronopolitics, infantilisation/ gerontification,naturalisation, and self-affirmation/self-criticism) that are deployed to operationaliseOrientalist constructs such as Exotica Tibet (umbrella term for Western exoticised repre-sentation of Tibet). Against some Tibetanists, it stresses that Edward Said-inspiredOrientalism critique is relevant in the context of Tibet too. The empirical case of ExoticaTibet is contextualised within a more general postcoloniality (that is postcolonial criticalspirit).

Tibetan students in Soviet Russia

Alexander Andreyev

This paper is intended to shed light on the hitherto unknown story of Tibetan students,who were educated in the USSR in the 1920s–1930s, in the wake of Soviet-Tibetan rap-prochement. According to Russian sources, in early February 1924, a group of four Ti-betan teenage boys, accompanied by the Dalai Lama’s “diplomatic courier”, one ChampaThogmed, arrived in Urga (Outer Mongolia), apparently on the initiative of Tibet’s ruler.They were met by the Dalai’s representative in Russia, Agvan Dorjiev, who then arrangedfor their coming to Verkhneudinsk (Ulan-Ude), the capital of the Buryat-Mongol Au-tonomous Soviet Republic. There the young Tibetans spent about a year attending thecity technical college before they finally moved to Leningrad to be enrolled in the Insti-tute of Living Oriental Languages (LIJVIa), as was arranged by Dorjiev with the SovietForeign Ministry (Narkomindel). More Tibetan boys came to the USSR in the latter half ofthe 1920s. There is evidence that these newcomers were all admitted to the CommunistUniversity of the Toilers of the East (KUTV) in Moscow. The Tibetan students pursuedtheir education in the old and new Russian capitals well into the 1930s, according to theLIJVIa and KUTV official records. The paper discusses their curriculum, the life condi-tions and leisure as well as various mishaps they met with, based on the available infor-mation in the extent Russian sources.

A report on Bhutanese castle ruins and caves associated withLha-sras Gtsang-ma

John Ardussi

An important ancestral figure in the early history of eastern Bhutan was Lha-sras Gtsang-ma (b. 800?), one of three sons of the Tibetan king Khri Lde Srong-btsan Sad-na-legs.According to most Tibetan histories, Gtsang-ma was sidestepped for nomination as btsan-po due to his being a committed Buddhist. Instead, sometime during the reigns of hisbrothers Ral-pa-can and Glang Darma he was sent into southern exile and assassinated.In Bhutan, however, traditions view Gtsang-ma as the progenitor of old ruling familiesfrom districts near Tashigang, whose independent kingdoms were absorbed during themid 17th into the unified state of Bhutan. Today, there remain largely uninvestigatedruins in eastern Bhutan connected with Gtsang-ma. There are, in addition, less certaintraditions connecting him with old temples and cave sites in western Bhutan. In thispaper, I propose to review some of the issues of the various Gtsang-ma legends, focusingon the castle ruins and caves with which he is tied. These include ’Jam-mkhar, Btsan-mkhar-la, Nam-mthong Dkar-po and Bcal-ka cave near Paro. The latter was also famousin Bon-po histories as a place of gter-ma concealment.

“We are the Lhopos, we do not have Tibetan origins. TheTibetans are the refugees”: Understanding the perception of

Tibetan identities in contemporary Sikkim, India

Vibha Arora

This paper seeks to explore the changes in the perception of Tibetan community in con-temporary Sikkim by following a historical approach to understand the inter-relationsbetween Tibet and Sikkim. Lhopos is the term used to refer to the ethnic group of Bhutiaswho reside in Sikkim and who historically migrated to Sikkim in the 14th century. Kabi isthe sacred site where a historic blood brotherhood treaty was solemnised between theindigenous Lepchas and the Bhutia migrants. The two groups were represented by theLepcha shaman, Tekong Tek and Tibetan Prince (Minayak Dynasty of Kham in Tibet),Khye Bumsa. This event marked the entry of the Bhutia groups in Sikkim.

In the 17th century, Phuntsog Namgyal who was a descendant of Khye Bumsa wascrowned as the King (Chos-rgyal in Tibetan) at Yoksum by three influential monks be-longing to the Nyingma sect. These monks had fled from Tibet fearing persecution by theascendancy of the Gelugpa sect in 1761. Historically the influence of Tibet has been verystrong in Sikkim. A reading of the document “History of Sikkim” written by MaharaniYeshay Dolma and Maharaja Thutob Namgyal in 1908 explicitly testifies to this influ-ence. Another document, the Gazetteer of Sikkim (Risley 1928) lists 14 clans as the origi-nal root clans of the Lhopas in Sikkim. This document is also now being cited by theLhopos as the evidence of their claims to indigeneity. Only the clans recognised by thetwo documents ‘History of Sikkim’ and the ‘Gazetteer of Sikkim’ are the rightful claim-ants as Lhopas.

The identity of the Lhopas has also been affirmed in civil law. The Land RevenueOrder no. 1 proclamation of 1917 explicitly made special provisions for the protection ofthe rights of the Lepcha and Bhutias. The proclamation forbids the alienation of landbelonging to the Bhutias and Lepchas to any other group than themselves. These provi-sions and other customary laws were also incorporated in the merger agreement of Sikkimwith India in 1975. Article 371 (f) of the Constitution of India is committed to respect the

rights of the indigenous Lepchas and Bhutias. However the Scheduled Tribes notificationof 1978 led to a redefinition of the Bhutias/Lhopo category by the inclusion of six othergroups in this category such as the Sherpas, Dokpas, Dopthapas, Kagatey, Tibetan andChumbiapa. This notification has led to a crises of identity and a need for self-preserva-tion as increasingly the two groups feel marginalised in their homeland at all levels: nu-merically, socially and on the politico-economic level.

The Lhopos are claiming prior rights as the indigenous groups and asserting them-selves against the Tibetan community who migrated to Sikkim in 1959 consequent to theannexation of Tibet by China. The Sikkim Bhutia Lepcha Apex committee (SIBLAC) wasexplicitly formed in the nineties to preserve the political rights of the indigenous Lepchaand Bhutia communities and for the systematic restoration of their rights. The revocationof the notification is on the explicit agenda of the committee.

The contemporary image of the Tibetan community is that of refugees (indicated bythe green book which is evidence of their refugee status). The once revered Tibetan ori-gins are being presently denied by the Lhopas in Sikkim. The Tibetan community haseconomically prospered in the last few decades. Their success and economic prosperity isbeing resented by the indigenous groups. On the politico-economic level the feelings ofanger are strong and explicit. However on a domestic level marital alliances between theTibetan refugees and the Lhopos do take place. On a religious level there are sectariandifferences with the Lhopos mostly following the Kargyupa or the Nyingma sect and themajority of the Tibetans belonging to the Gelugpa sect.

Why this denial and denigration of Tibetan influence? It is explained by the contem-porary international image of the Tibetan community as refugees and a community with-out a homeland. This is the dominant perception of the community today and the imagefrom which the Lhopas would like to distance themselves. The Lhopos were the rulingelates of Sikkim until the merger of Sikkim in 1975. The Lhopos are emplaced in theirland.

To support my argument, I will be using a series of visual images collected from theBritish archives and from personal collections. These archival images indicate the stronginfluence of Tibet in Sikkimese life and among all categories such as the monks, laity, andthe Royal family. These images will be compared with the contemporary visual imagesthat I have taken during my recent fieldwork in Sikkim, which definitely continue totestify to the continuities of Tibetan roots. However in arguing this, I am not denying theongoing impact of Indian and western culture on the Lhopos. However examining theseinfluences are beyond the scope of this presentation.

Ritual in Sikkim: expressions of cultural identity and changeamong the Lhopos

Anna Balikci-Dengjongpa

The article discusses the political, economic and religious changes that have swept throughSikkim in recent decades and their consequences on the ritual field, both within the mon-astery and the household. Since the 1970s, the Lhopos (Sikkimese Bhutias) have felt theneed to properly define their language, culture and rituals as distinct from Tibetan orother Himalayan highlanders for a number of historical, political and economic reasons.This need to assert a distinct Sikkimese identity has found perfect expression through theworship of the deities of the land and its sacred sites (gnas) as these indirectly promotetheir ancient relation with the sacred land (sbas yul) and their “sons of the soil” identity.

Community membership entails mandatory participation in a number of domesticrituals which are, in many cases, a celebration of these territorial and ancestral deities.Their performance help ensure the health, fertility and prosperity of the individual, theland and the household. The obligation to participate, particularly to weddings and fu-nerals, provides a neutral ground for all members of the Lhopo community to meet be-yond political and other differences. Although these ritual obligations were originallyheld to ensure community membership and thus access to labour and help in case ofemergency, they were well maintained and adapted to the urban setting as they ensuredfinancial contributions so that wedding and especially funerals could be properly per-formed.

The end of the Buddhist monarchy in 1975 was followed by the gradual abandon-ment of Buddhist state rituals and a diminishing attendance at important monastic ritu-als throughout the state. As a result, the household rituals, which survived the politicalupheavals of the 1970s, seem to have effectively replaced the monastery as the centre ofLhopo community and social life in post–1975 Sikkim.

Considering the importance of ethnic politics in Sikkim, the advantages of their ‘tribal’status and the basic need to survive as a community under threat, the capacity to defineand promote a Sikkimese identity has found expression in a number of ways over theyears, not only through the household rituals and the celebrations of the ancestral andland deities, but also through the protection of the sacred sites (anti-hydro project pro-tests), the revival and even creation of ‘national’ rituals on a modest scale in variouscorners of the state, the adaptation of the script of the Lhopo dialect, and the efforts topreserve particular Buddhist teachings and lineages specific to Sikkim such as the rig’dzin srog sgrub revealed by Lhatsun Namka Jigme as a ter in the 17th Century.

The performance of domestic rituals and the need to assert a cultural identity inde-pendent of Tibet has also indirectly helped promote what may be called Sikkimese ‘vil-lage Buddhism’ and in certain cases, the co-existence of shamanism and Buddhism at thevillage level. Sikkimese village Buddhism has indeed surprisingly well integrated as-pects of what villagers call bon. Although bon rituals are the domain are the dpa’ bo andthe rnal ’byor ma, these shamans have become practically non-existent in Sikkim and as-pects of their practices, which do no require possession, have been integrated and sur-vived in the rituals of the village lamas, particularly those concerned with the celebrationof the sacred land.

These land rituals are perhaps the best expression of the Sikkimese identity today.Indeed, this relation with the land, its harvests, deities and sacred locations, is probablythe most important aspect of culture left to the Lhopo community, along with their lan-guage and rites de passage, to define themselves as a distinct community. Such form ofBuddhism seems to have evolved in interaction with the rituals of neighbouring commu-nities, particularly those of the Lepchas, the Limbus and the Bhutanese; and perhaps inreaction and in an effort to define and assert autonomy from a more disciplined, schol-arly, celibate and politically powerful Tibetan monk-body which today represent the cul-ture of a foreign land which Sikkimese had to disassociate themselves from if they wereto survive as one of India’s indigenous ‘tribal’ community.

Observations on schooling in the Tibetan diaspora versusschooling in Tibet

Ellen Bangsbo

The educational attainments of Tibetans in the Tibetan areas are still among the lowest inChina. There is still a high level of illiteracy amongst Tibetan children in Tibet (TAR) andlow attendance in school can be due to disadvantageous geographical conditions in moun-tainous areas, curriculum is often seen as irrelevant and of poverty and a need for thechildren to do domestic labour. In contradiction nearly all of the Tibetan children in exilein India and Nepal complete school up to the 5th or the 10th grade. My paper looks atdifferent aspects, which are significant factors for Tibetan children to attend and com-plete schooling in Tibet versus in India and Nepal.

The first Tibetan refugees in India and Nepal chose to send their children to Catholicboarding schools in Mussoorie, Dehra Dun, Kalimpong and Darjeeling and the majorityof this generation in exile never learned to write Tibetan. Since then the Central TibetanAdministration in Dharamsala or private innovators have funded many Tibetan schoolsin India and Nepal. Traditional restrictions no longer prevail and some Tibetan schoolseven accept the mixture of lay children, monks and nuns. Like in Tibet schools in Indiaand Nepal are obliged to follow official requirements of curriculum and exams, but theyare permitted to add teachings on Tibetan history, language and culture. Tibetan parentsin diaspora acknowledge and welcome the need for their children to learn English aswell as Hindi and/or Nepali respectively.

Tibetans in Tibet are obliged to study subjects that are taught in Chinese and somestudents drop out as they fail to qualify in the Chinese language examinations. The useof the Chinese language as a teaching medium is being increased in primary schoolsand consequently children have few chances of learning to read and write Tibetan.Since the mid 1980s, Tibetan children in Tibet have been offered state scholarship tocomplete their high school in other provinces. Critics are concerned that this will createa local ‘patriotic’ elite and a cultural uprooting of the children selected. The Chinesegovernment has also proposed that teachers should be recruited from China in order to

develop education in Tibet and that a closing of village schools should be transformedinto ‘key-schools’.

The question is if more education and ‘more educated teachers’ actually equate withbetter quality of education? Many schools are geared towards students attaining highscores in exams and often parents feel that it is of greater importance for their children toknow about their language and religion than learning mathematics and science. Tradi-tional education is delivered in one way as strongly disciplinary ‘root-learning’ methodswith not enough attention paid to informal education. However, in modern educationmethodology the methods to deliver education in the classroom are regarded as crucial.UNICEF characterises a right-based child-friendly school as being a child-centred educa-tion system, which promotes children’s basic rights and access to a supportive learningenvironment, knowledge, skills and competencies, and values needed for continuing life-long learning (UNICEF 2002). The teachers’ role is no longer just to convey knowledge,but also in solidarity with the students to function as starters and to teach the studentsindependent learning and individual initiative.

With the understanding that children are not just passive recipients of knowledgetransmitted via the teacher and the textbook some international NGOs aim that the tradi-tional root-learning education should give way to alternatives. By collaborating with theofficial Tibetan educational system in Tibet (TAR) the aim is to renew the educationalapproach and enable local teachers to use a child-centred learning method. It is expectedthat such teaching methods will increase the level of school attainments and participa-tion. This is essential as the Tibetan community needs to be educated as a future Tibetanelite requires educational skills in order to gain influence in a modern society, be it eitherTibetan, Chinese, Asian or International. My paper will focus on which way- and – howa method of renewed schooling can increase Tibetan children’s self-understanding andability to function and act in society. In exile this can be done through a renewed Tibetanculture friendly school curriculum and as this, due to present political restrictions, isunthinkable in Tibet, a revised pedagogical teaching methodology might instead be ameans to teach children how to think and act independently.

References: UNICEF 2002, Shaeffer et. al. The Global Agenda for Children: Learning for the 21st Century.

Observations of Buddhist New Year rituals in present-dayMongolia

Agata Bareja-Starzynska

The present paper is based on research carried out in Ulan Bator in 2001 in collaborationwith Dr. Hanna Havnevik (University of Oslo) as part of the project Revival of Buddhism inMongolia since 1990. This paper focuses on a selection of Buddhist ceremonies of the NewYear (Tsagaan Sar) performed in monasteries in Ulan Bator.

Democratic changes in Mongolia since the 1990s have brought freedom of express-ing religious beliefs and a strong revival of Tibetan Buddhism. Most of the New Yearceremonies observed in Ulan Bator in 2001 were performed also in the past, while thevery popular tsam (’cham) dances are not enacted at present. While some rituals appear tohave kept their old form, other traditional religious observances have become enrichedwith new elements, e.g. the participation of the President and Prime Minister in the NewYear mandala offering in Gandantekchenlin, the largest and most important monastery inMongolia. This, together with other characteristic new features of Mongolian religiouslife, suggests that Buddhism is used as one element in the ongoing nation-building proc-ess.

This presentation aims to show similarities and differences between Buddhist NewYear rituals observed in monasteries in Ulan Bator in 2001 and ceremonies documentedin records from pre-revolutionary Mongolia. An attempt will also be made to compareNew Year ceremonies in Ulan Bator today with relevant such rituals in pre–1950 Tibet.Not being able to observe processes of ritual change, their altered contexts and meaningover time, necessarily makes such a comparison of old and new religious forms superfi-cial. Nevertheless, an attempt will be made here to give a preliminary description of andto identify some of the elements that make up the highly creative moment of religious lifein present Mongolia, where partly forgotten New Year rituals practiced in secrecy fordecades are being re-enacted and recreated in a new socio-cultural setting.

Politics, secrecy and the uses of media: Chen Kuiyuan and thePanchen Lama reincarnation dispute, 1995

Robbie Barnett

In 1999, a book was published in the series Gaoji Ganbu Wenku (High Level Cadre Docu-ments Series).by the Publishing House of the Central Party School in Beijing (ZhonggongZhongyang Dangxiao Chubanshe),. It contained a number of major speeches and writingsby the then Party Secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Region, Chen Kuiyuan, includingsome apparently highly confidential internal reports by Secretary Chen concerning thesearch for the reincarnation of the 10th Panchen Lama. The reports appear to challengedominant western assessments of those events, and at the same time, by putting secretparty texts into the public arena, seem to represent a specific approach to political secrecyand disclosure. Why did Chen have these reports published, and what do they tell usabout the history of the dispute over that reincarnation? This was only one of many ex-amples of uses of the media by political leaders in that issue, which included film, publi-cations and newspapers, not to mention the extraordinary photo-realist triptych of theDecember 1995 ceremony created at the request of officials involved in the reincarnationdispute. The paper looks at the mechanics of representation in that dispute, and the waysin which different types of media were used by the various parties to present their posi-tions. It looks at the links between these forms of technology and the thinking of theparticipants, and asks how these might relate to a “modern” form of Tibetan politics, andto concepts of criminality and secrecy.

Mon and its Tibeto-Burman neighbours: a reassessment of itsepigraphic record in Burma A.D. 1000–1400

Christian Bauer

The recovery of two Mon epigraphs in the late 1990s shattered previously held assump-tions, originally promulgated by G. H. Luce, not only about the absolute chronology anddiffusion of Mon language-use in early ‘Burma’ but also about the nature of language-contacts with its Tibeto-Burman neighbours, notably Burmese and Tircul (Pyu).

One inscription, from Pagán (mound no. 1216, recovered in 1996), dated AD 1129, withsupplementary lines in Old Burmese of AD 1224, together with a number of subsequentepigraphs, suggests continuing Mon language-use in Central Burma after Cañsû I(Alaungsithu), the end of whose reign was previously held to be the cut-off point.

The other inscription, recovered in 1999 from beneath a stupa at a site on the lower east-ern rim of the Irrawaddy Delta, dated AD 1362, is significant in two respects: (1) It is theearliest Middle Mon text so far, until then assumed to begin with the Kyaikmaraw in-scription of AD 1455 (near Moulmein); (2) It is the first tangible evidence of an earlieronset of Mon presence in the delta than hitherto acknowledged.

This contribution examines and re-evaluates Mon epigraphic evidence from all parts ofBurma – Pagán, the Delta, lower western Sittang, lower western Salween and Tavoy –between the 11th and the 14th centuries. Not only will primary Mon data be newly as-sessed but also the records of the Archaeological Survey, Burma, to create a more refinedand reliable profile as to the chronology, areal distribution and typology of these earlytexts. This profile will be matched with corresponding early Burmese data.

In the second part concrete contact phenomena with Tibeto-Burman languages areto be examined:

A. Tircul (Pyu):(1) Can Tircul (Pyu) ‘relative clause’ constructions be attributed to Mon contact?

B. Old (and Middle ?) Burmese:(1) Mon-Burmese grammatical markers – which way were they borrowed? (2) TheMon-Burmese graphic -ui- vocalism; (3) Mon abbreviatory rhyme spellings, their chro-nology and relationship with Burmese – a new framework for the dating of texts.

C. Periodization(1) A new periodization of Mon;(2) Is a periodization of Burmese possible?

Land use change among pastoral communities of Porong(Shigatse Prefecture, TAR), 1950–2000

Kenneth Bauer

This research concerns land use change among pastoral communities in central Tibet. Theproject aims to integrate social and ecological data about land use across several scales inthe Porong region (Nyelam county, Shigatse Prefecture). I draw on ethnographic fieldwork,historical documents, participatory mapping, and readings on the Chinese state and Ti-betan history for a multi-disciplinary view of pastoral development, 1950–2000.

Since 1950, the TAR government has attempted to re-organize pastoralists into feu-dal peasants, Marxist cadres, commune teams, and now private ranchers. The statelaunched a series of economic reforms and revolutions – like communes – to increaselivestock production and improve living standards in many Tibetan areas. I use an em-pirical case – a sparsely populated, economically marginal community close to the bor-der of Nepal – to see the ways in which the state has or has not penetrated rural Tibet.

I will attempt to reconstruct the past fifty years of government policies and actionsvis-à-vis local pastoral communities based on Communist Party announcements, news-paper articles, and ‘grey’ literature from NGOs and government departments. I makepreliminary observations on historical land use based on documents from the Porongregion dating to the 18th century. These documents dictate and record pasture bounda-ries, taxation rates, and stocking levels. This is a rich archive with which to study landtenure and grazing patterns over time. In future ethnographic research, I will gather lifehistories, map pasture use, and interview state and local actors in rangeland manage-ment to narrate historical and contemporary patterns of economic and social organiza-tion in the Porong region.

Chinggis Khan as the reincarnation of Vajrapani: the effect ofTibetan Buddhism on Mongol perceptions of their ancestors

Nasan Bayar

This paper focuses on the cult of Chinggis Khan on the basis of historical and contempo-rary textual sources, as well as on the basis of ethnographic observation of current prac-tices. Chinggis Khan has been represented in different ways and through different sym-bols for the Mongols in different historical periods and socio-political contexts. If onelooks at Chinggis Khan with a shamanic charisma (sulde or suu jali in Mongolian) de-scribed in the Mongolian earliest historiography The Secret History of the Mongols writtenin the 13th century, one would find a figure quite different from the one mentioned underthe same name in the genealogical writings transmitted from the 17–18th centuries: in thelater sources Chinggis Khan had become a Buddhist personage who was not only de-fined as a reincarnation of Vajrapani but embodied Buddhist values.

Although Buddhism was regarded as the state religion by Kubilai Khan in the Yuandynasty, as soon as the dynasty collapsed in the 14th century it lost its privilege in theMongolian society in which Shamanism had been enjoying great popularity at a grass-root level. Altan Khan reintroduced the religion (Gelugpa sect) into Mongolian areas inthe 16th century. The Tibetan Buddhism was spread very successfully with strong sup-port from the Mongolian native leaders. In the 17th century when Mongols were con-fronting the challenge from the Manchu rival, their elites, like great contemporary histo-rian Sagang Sechin, tried to emphasize Chinggis Khan’s lineage by rewriting Mongolhistory. Sagang Sechin of Ordos (one of Mongolian six Tumens, administrative and politi-cal unit at the time) reconstructed Mongol history with a Buddhistic rhetoric and narra-tive pattern, in his Erdeni-yin Tobchi, one of the main sources for the Mongolianhistoriography at that time.

During the Qing dynasty, Manchu rulers employed special strategies to demartializeMongols in order to maintain their rule over the people. The propagation of Tibetan Bud-dhism was one of them. Although the regime allowed the cult of Chinggis Khan to re-main in the Ordos, its structure and functions were modified according to principles ofTibetan Buddhism which was the hegemonic ideology in the Mongolian areas in thatperiod of time. This significant transformation of the cult did not only include the modi-fication of the Mongolian shamanic worship into more a Buddhist one, but also changedthe scope of the participants and the origin of the sacrifice. The main body of the partici-pants of the cult originally consisted of the members of the Mongol royal family fromvarious parts of Mongolia and they did participate in order to settle political and socialissues including power inheritance with the blessing of their great ancestor’s sulde (Soul,charisma). During the Qing Dynasty, the main participants were the native people, atbeginning the Darhads (clergy who conduct the cult for permanent mourning of Chinggis

Khan) and later the common native Ordos Mongols seeking the blessing from the soul ofChinngis Khan.

During the Republican period, the Chinese government intervened in the Mongolnative cult as well as in the Buddhist religion. Especially during the World War II whenthe Inner Mongols were split in their political choice for dependence on Japan or China,the central government (Kuomintang) supported a proposal to move main objects of theritual to Qinghai (Koknuur) to prevent any risk of these being sized by the Japanese.These had their own Mongolian agents who stood in a pro-Japanese line as a means toseek for independence. The cult was moved to the Kumbum monastery where a Mongo-lian lama performed a ceremony to restore the cult in the new environment. Many highofficials including Chiang Kai-shik offered sacrifice in worship of Chinggis khan, whowas identified as a hero of the Chinese nation at that time. This very identification was anaspect of the controversy on who Chinggis khan was.

The ritual of Chinggis khan has been added some new dimensions in the recentdecades: Chinggis khan has become a god-like figure blessing all praying people, Mon-gols or non-Mongols, and the cult site has become an attractive tourist-site, in the currentdays when the market and money rules are penetrating every corner of social life of InnerMongolia. Lamas from the monasteries still help in the ceremonies, participating in thewhole process of the ritual.

In brief, this paper discusses the way in which Chinggis Khan has been Buddhified,especially from the 17th century onwards. Buddhism has affected the Mongolian view oftheir great ancestor, with other political, ideological and social factors reflecting the policyof the Qing regime toward the Mongols. This kind of process did not only happen in thedynastic period of the Manchu rulers but also in modern nation-state context. This papergives a historical outline of how the cult of Chinggis khan was reshaped again and again,in various political contexts, in which the Buddhist religion played an important role intransforming the function and the nature of the cult in a subtle way. Finally, the authoraddresses the more recent transformations of the cult reflecting the complicated interwo-ven relations among state, religion and market, in the construction of the ethnic identityof Mongols and of the Chinese nation as well.

Juncture and *Edge effects in old Tibetan syllable codas

Christopher I. Beckwith

Old Tibetan syllable codas are examined in this paper from the viewpoint of theoreticalphonology. Complex codas (M2 + M1) are highly constrained; the possibilities are [+coro-nal] + /d/ or [-coronal] + /s/ (unlike in onsets, where almost any combination of theavailable consonant segments may occur). In contrast to the basic phonemic distinctionbetween voiced and unvoiced stops that characterizes onsets in Old Tibetan, in coda po-sition the distinction is neutralized, though they are all underlyingly voiced. It is shownthat *EDGE constraints on codas include canonical devoicing of stop codas stem finally –i.e., either as word final or as the last segment before sandhi-rule-governed CV(C) clitics.When simple stop codas are followed by a vowel suffix (e.g., the declarative finite suffix-o), the Maximal Onset Principle applies and the stop is fully voiced (e.g., pab [phap] + o >pabo [pha.bo]). When complex final stop codas (as in Hgyurd) are followed by the samesuffix (-o), first the M1 stop is devoiced by the *EDGE constraint (Hgyurd > [Ngyurt]) andthen, with the addition of the vowel suffix, the Maximal Onset Principle applies and theword is resyllabified ([Ngyur.to]). Old Tibetan codas are compared to complex onsets, whichfrequently violate the Sonority Sequencing Principle but have recently been shown tofollow an acoustically determined template that governs complex margin structure ingeneral cross-linguistically. It is concluded that, in light of the margin template and the*EDGE constraints, the codas of Old Tibetan syllables are not theoretically exceptional.

Imaginaries of Ladakhi modernity

Martijn van Beek

This paper seeks to identify and map the trajectories of contested imaginaries of modernLadakh. While giving due attention to local forces, actors and processes, primary atten-tion will be given to ways in which the production, shaping and dissemination of theseimaginaries are connected with supralocal processes, contemporary as well as historical.Specifically, the encounter with modernity (understood here as always emergent, a proc-ess and project) produces different cultural, social, political and economic effects in dif-ferent regions and countries. Here, in particular the articulation of religious anddevelopmentalist visions for Ladakhi modernity will be analyzed through the examina-tion of written and oral materials. Different strands of influence from different parts ofthe world (Tibet, India, “the West”), as well as the trajectories, the media and agents oftheir insertion into Ladakhi public discourse, will be traced historically. Specific imaginariesof Ladakhi modernity must be understood as particular crystallizations of these multiplestreams and elements, shaped by local as well as exogenous processes and forces. Ac-knowledging the strategic deployment of such visions of modernity for the mobilizationof domestic and international audiences, serving particular political and economic inter-ests, the paper sheds light on the shaping, meaning and salience of imaginaries of moder-nity in Ladakh, offering a contribution to the anthropology of modernity in Tibetan soci-eties.

Notes on Tocharian-Tibetan lexical contacts not shared byMiddle Chinese

Wolfgang Behr

Although it had been assumed at least since Eduard Hermann’s (1869–1950) review [1] ofSIEG & SIEGLING’s Tocharische Sprachreste I [2], that Tibetan not only had lexical contatcswith the Tocharian languages, but also exerted considerable morphological andmorphosyntactic influence upon them, Edward Sapir’s (1884–1939) downright enthusi-astic assessment that Tocharian was “[I]n brief ... a Tibetanized Indo-European idiom”,whose “notoriously difficult” phonology would receive “abundant light from the treat-ment of Tibetan loan-words” [3], found but few followers [4] in mainstream Indo-Euro-pean linguistics, and the announced sequels to his pathbreaking article consequently neverappeared. Rather, the enignmatic non-Indo-European component of Tocharian AB was“temporarily removed” to Ainu in the work of the Belgian linguists Albert Joris vanWindekens (1915–1989) and Pierre Naert (1916–1964) during the fifties and sixties of thelast century (for an overview of the pertinent literature see [5]). Loan relationships withUralic [6–7], Turkic and wider Altaic [8–11] continued to be discussed in several scatteredstudies during the second half of the 20th c., and some of the implied contact scenarioshave – despite pronounced criticism [12] – not been abandoned so far.

Triggered by the archaeological discovery of the so-called “Tarim mummies” [13],commonly assumed to be identifiable with an early Indo-European speaking communityin the vicinty of Tocharian in what is now Xinjiang, and based on improved six-vowelsystems in Old Chinese reconstruction, a new interest in Sino-Tocharian lexical compari-son has been ushered in more recently [14, 15], and the oldest layer of Turco-Tochariancontacts has likewise been thoroughly reanalysed against this background [16]. Apartfrom a side remark on typological parallels between the Classical Tibetan and Tochariangender distinction in the first person personal pronoun [17] and more far-reaching theo-ries about early Indo-European-Tibetan linguistic contacts [18], Tibetan played no role inthe elucidation of Tocharian lexical peculiarities any longer.

In my talk I will attempt to revisit Hermann’s and Sapir’s proposal about earlyTocharian-Tibetan lexical contacts, concentrating on a few isoglosses with Old Tibetan asrepresented by the Dunhuang documents, which are not shared by Middle Chinese. Apartfrom the light these loan equations might shed on the moot question of Indo-European-Tibetan contacts beyond the better documented influences of Iranian language and reli-gious culture on Tibetan [19], they might prove useful as diagnostic tools for currentdiscussions about the position of Tibetan within the Tibeto-Burman family and, a fortiori,its relationship vis-à-vis Old Chinese in the recently proposed Sino-Bodic branch of Sino-Tibetan [20].

[1] NEUMANN, E. (1922), Review of [2], Kuhn’s Zs. f. Vergl. Sprachforschung 50 (1922): 309–311.[2] SIEG, E. & W. SIEGLING (1921), Tocharische Sprach-reste I, Berlin: W. de Gruyter.[3] SAPIR, E. (1936), “Tibetan influences on Tocha-rian I”, Lg. 12: 259–271 (repr. in: D.G. MAN-DELBAUM

ed. Edward Sapir: Selected writings in Language, Culture, and Per-so-na-lity: 273–284., Berkeley etc.:UCP, 1985

[4] IVANOV, V.V. (1962), “Tibetskie kal’ki v to-xars-kix tekstax”, Kratkie Soob__enija Insituta Naro-dovAzii 57: 35–40.

[5] THOMAS, W. (1994), “Zur Frage nach der nicht-indogermanischen Komponente im To-cha-rischen”,in:R. BIELMEIER ed., Indo-ger-manica et Caucasica: Festschrift für Karl Horst Schmidt zu, 65. Geburtstag(Unters. z. idg.. Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft; 6): 223–233.

[6] RÉDEI, K. (1983), “Die ältesten in-do-ger-ma-ni-schen Lehnwörter der Uralischen Sprachen”, in: J.JANHUNEN et al. eds., Symposium Sae-cu-lare Societatis Fenno-Ugricae (MSFOu; 195): 201–233,Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seu-ra.

[7] NAPOLSKIX, V.V. (1994), “O vremeni i isto-riπe-skix uslovijax uralo-toxarskix kontaktov”, Jour-nal dela Société Finno-Ougrienne 85: 37–39.

[8] IVANOV, V.V. (1988), “K probleme toxaro-altajskix leksi_eskix svjazej”, Voprosy Jazy-ko – znanija (4):99–102.

[9] RONA-TAS, A. (1990), “Altajskij i Indoe-vor-pej-skij (Zametki na poljax T.V. Gamkrelidze i Vja_. Vs.Ivano-va)”, Voprosy Jazykoznanija (1): 26–37.

[10] REINHART, J. (1994) “Die tocharischen Ent-leh-nungen im Altaischen”, in: B. SCHLERATH ed.,Tocharisch: Akten der Fachtagung der In-dogermanischen Gesellschaft Berlin 1990 (TIES Supplem. Ser.;45): 73–92, Rejkjavík: Mál-vísindastofnun Háskóla Islands.

[11] PINAULT, G.-J. (2001), “Tocharo-Turcica”, in: L. BAZIN & P. ZIEME eds., De Dunhuang à Istan-bul.Hom-mage à James Russel Hamilton (=Silk Road Studies; V): 246–265, Turnhout: Bre-pols.

[12] WIDMER, P. (2001[2002]), “Nugae uralo-to-cha – ricae”, Finn.-Ugr. Mitteilungen 24–25: 171–178.

The territorial delimitation of the pre-Buddhist Zhang Zhungpaleocultural entity

John Vincent Bellezza

In this paper, I will delineate the territorial extent of the pre-Buddhist paleocultural zonetraditionally known as Zhang-zhung, by examining the geographic distribution of itsmonumental remains. Using a comprehensive inventory of pre-Buddhist archaeologicalsites conducted in Upper Tibet (traditionally known as Stod and Byang-thang) between1992–2002, this paper will provisionally establish the cultural frontiers of Zhang-zhung.The assemblage of monument typologies in Upper Tibet with their highly distinctivemorphologies and design traits serve as an index for gauging the areal configuration ofpre-Buddhist culture. In particular, the unique pillar typologies of Upper Tibet distin-guish Zhang-zhung from the archaeological heritage of adjoining regions.

An important tool of verification for this archaeological methodological approach isliterary in nature. In general or schematic terms, the extent of the Zhang-zhung kingdomas recorded in religious histories (chos ’byung) corresponds to the archaeological record.For example, the 12th century mKhas pa’i lde’u states,” At the juncture of Tibet and Gru-gu(Uighur territorial entity) there were the five stong-sde (communities/divisions of onethousand) of Upper Zhang-zhung....At the juncture of Tibet and Sum-pa (regions in east-ern Nag-chu prefecture) there were the five stong-sde of Lower Zhang-zhung...”. The sametype of overall geographic arrangement is also maintained by the various Bon btsan ’byung,but with the stong-sde administrative unit often being replaced by the khri-sde.

The ethnohistorical frontiers of Zhang-zhung as established by the comprehensivearchaeological inventory are given below. However, borderland regions that fall underthe jurisdiction of adjacent countries are not included. The limited archaeological evi-dence available indicates that the Byang-pa region of La-dwags, sPi-ti in Himachal Pradesh,as well as sLe-mi, Mu-gu, Dol-po and ’Om-lo, in Nepal, shared very close cultural affini-ties with Zhang-zhung.

I. Western delimitation:

1) Ru-thog to the border with La-dwags.

2) Gu-ge to the border with Himalayan India. Zhang-zhung may have existed in asso-ciation with other cultural influences in this region because of the widespread inci-dence of mud brick and rammed earth monument types rarely found in other areasof Upper Tibet.

3) Pu-rang. However, the archaeological evidence for Pu-rang smad is inconclusive atthis time. It would appear that many of the pre-Buddhist sites were effaced in thisagricultural enclave by historical Buddhist resettlement.

II. Southern delimitation:

1) Himalayan watershed as far east as Dar-rgyas-gling township, Sa-dga’ county. It re-mains to be determined if sections of sKyid-grong county, to the southeast, were alsoan integral part of the Zhang-zhung ethnohistorical entity. According to Bon tradi-tion (sLop-dpon bsTan ’dzin rnam-dag’s bstan ’byung, etc.), sTag-mo rdzong of Mang-yul was one of the six main fortresses of Zhang-zhung.

III. Eastern delimitation:

1) gZhung-smad and Ma-g.yo townships, Shan-rtsa county. Areas to the east formed adistinctive but related cultural zone as evidenced by the archaeological record, whichis mostly funerary in nature. The eastern Byang-thang region, which extends as fareast as Bar-tha township, gNam-mtsho and A-mdo county, corresponds to areas inthe Sum-pa paleocultural domain. Interestingly, the Zhang-zhung and Sum-paethnohistorical frontier is also a contemporary linguistic watershed between the Horand sTod skad dialects. Far eastern regions of Byang-thang (eastern Nag-chu county,Sog and gNyan-rong) have very scant monumental remains, indicative of far lessdeveloped sedentary cultures in the pre-Buddhist period.

IV. Northern delimitation:

1) Across the breadth of the Byang-thang west of dPal-mgon county. Except for certaintomb typologies, the Zhang-zhung monumental record does not extend north of 34ºnorth latitude.

On a morphological, locational and functional basis, pre-Buddhist archaeologicalsites in Upper Tibet can be classed as follows:

I. Monuments

1) Habitational structures occupying summits (fortresses, palaces and related structuralremains)a. All-stone corbelled buildingsb. Structures built with wooden rafters

2) Residential structures in other locations (religious and lay residences)a. All-stone corbelled buildingsb. Other freestanding building types

c. Buildings integrating caves and escarpments in their construction

3) Ceremonial stelae and accompanying structures (funerary and non-funerary sites)a. Isolated pillars (rdo-ring)b. Pillars erected within a quadrangular stone enclosurec. Quadrangular arrays of pillars with appended edifices

4) Superficial ceremonial structures (primarily funerary sites)a. Single-course quadrangular, ovoid and irregularly shaped structures (slab-walland flush-block constructions)b. Double-course quadrangular, ovoid and irregularly shaped structures (slab-walland flush-block constructions)c. Heaped-wall enclosuresd. Rectangular mounds (bang-so)e. Terraced structures

5) Cubic-shaped mountaintop tombs

6) Minor stone constructionsa. Thob. Lha-gtsug, gsas-mkhar and rten-mkhar

II. Rock Art

1) Petroglyphs

2) Pictographs

3) Inscriptions

Transforming ordinary birth, death and intermediate stateinto the three bodies

Yael Bentor

One of the main premises of Highest Yoga Tantra is that enlightenment may be achievedin this very lifetime. At the same time, enlightenment is equated with attaining the threebodies of the Buddha. This might be perceived as involving an apparent contradiction. Ifthe body of the Buddha were to be attained by forsaking the present body and taking anew rebirth as an enlightened being, this would not constitute enlightenment in this verylifetime. Then how is it that, without undergoing death and rebirth, the present impurebody – produced by karma and afflicting emotions – could be abandoned, and the bodyof the Buddha, adorned with the major and minor marks, be attained? While other schoolshave similar ideas, this paper will look only at works of Dge-lugs-pa authors who main-tain that because there are unique correspondences holding between ordinary death andthe Dharma Body, between the ordinary intermediate state and the Enjoyment Body, andbetween ordinary birth and the Emanation Body, it is possible to transform the one intothe other without ordinary death intervening. This tradition was especially developedby Tsong-kha-pa on the basis of a work by Naagabuddhi (Naagabodhi), and was fol-lowed by Mkhas-grub-rje and other Dge-lugs-pa authors. The key for attaining enlight-enment in this life through the generation process, according to them, lies in unique cor-respondences linking three levels: (1) the ground of purification, meaning ordinary birth,death and intermediate state (2) the fruit of purification, meaning the three bodies of theBuddha, and (3) the purifier, meaning the tantric practices of the generation and comple-tion processes. This paper will examine some traditional Dge-lugs-pa arguments aboutthe essential role these correspondences must play in the transformation of the ordinarystates into the three bodies of the Buddha.

Professionalisation among amchi in Spiti: discussing themodernisation of Tibetan medicine

Florian Besch

Transformations of Tibetan medicine due to the changes of modernity have been de-scribed in its variations by V. Adams (in Nepal, Lhasa), C. Janes (in Tibet) and G. Samuel(in Himachal Pradesh, India). The factors which had been identified to have significantinfluence on these processes all over the Himalayas are: the political changes in Tibetsince 1959, the so called “biomedicalization” as a result of the engagement of multi- andnational organisations and state programs in the public health sector, the growing touristindustry, epidemiological changes and the globalisation on the health market. Thereforebiomedical epistemology, knowledge system and comprehension of the body have foundits way into the remotest parts of the Himalayas.

Both of my researches (05.-09.1999 in Spiti and Ladakh on “Medical Pluralism inIndia. The Relations of International, State and Local Organisations in Primary HealthCare“; and 06.–10.2001 in Ladakh on “The Anthropology of Nomad RSI Activities inLingshed, Ladakh“ [for the NGO “Nomad RSI“]) have dealt with the practitioners oftraditional Tibetan medicine in Ladakh and Spiti called amchi. These are mostly lineagebased and learnt the standardised knowledge of Tibetan medicine (the text of the “FourTantras” or rgyud-bzhi) and the medical practice from their fathers and different regionalcapacities. The amchi were trying to overcome their actual economic and medical prob-lems which were arising out of the following circumstances: The Chinese occupation ofTibet stopped the exchange of knowledge and raw material (for the production of medi-cines) between Ladakh, Spiti and the Western regions of Tibet up to Lhasa. The amchi’seducation became limited to the lineage and teacher-disciple system inside Ladakh andSpiti because the medical elite could not be educated anymore in Tibet. The amchi claimthat their medical knowledge is declining and is insufficient for village health care. Thecompetition with biomedical institutions and the economic changes during the last 30years have resulted among the Ladakhi and Spiti population in a dramatic decline of thesocial support for the amchi. My researches have shown that, although the people are stillkeen to use Tibetan medicine (along with biomedicine), they are not willing to continue

the traditional system of reciprocity which was responsible for the social and economicsafety of the amchi. Along with the missing medicinal raw material from Tibet the amchiare therefore deprived of their working basis. Unsatisfied with their situation Ladakhiand Spiti amchi started initiatives, as i.a. set up of a regional association, growing of me-dicinal plants, effort for state recognition and to recruit donors. Similar processes in othersettings have been described as a professionalisation of the traditional medical system.While this movement began in Ladakh already in the 70ies with the support of foreignNGOs, the Spiti amchi started efforts by themselves at the end of the 90ies.

Against this background my future research (01.-07.2003 in Spiti) will examine thequestion if and how this so called professionalisation is wanted and supported “frombelow”. The local and collective representations (i.e. the villagers’ illness behaviour andarticulated opinions and the amchi‘s daily routine and activities) of the present develop-ment of traditional medicine will open two fields of interest: 1) The Western notion of“professionalisation” which has been widely used in the scientific discourse since the70ies will be scrutinised in the light of the emic etymology and understanding; and 2)Who is why interested in the continued existence of Tibetan medicine and in which wayhave people participated in its development? These questions lead to the analysis of localand regional hierarchies and the requests and needs of the local population. It is theimportant examination of why and how social and cultural changes take (not) place. Thetransformation of Tibetan medicine in Spiti will be elaborated in its historical reasons andin the consequences of global processes. What are the causes of actual developments inSpiti which have been taken place similarly in Ladakh already 25 years ago? Do the amchi’sefforts to modernise their work mark an independent movement or are they forced byoutside factors like international and state development programs?

The research will be based on a critical medical anthropology approach in the waythat political and economic structures on global and regional level will be examined in itseffects on people’s day-to-day experience. The paper analysis the local answers to mod-ern changes and will prove useful findings for the further discussion on the modernisa-tion of Tibetan medicine.

Bdud bzhi, the four devils

Géza Bethlenfalvy

The paper presents a few sets of four-figure devil-drawings, depicting the widely known,usually malignant but sometimes helping “bdud” demon-deites. The small size and sim-ple pictures originate from Mongolia, where they were used at rituals of exorcism.

Although lots of exciting stories about various strange magic rites and frighteningdemon-deities have been described in the reports of the travellers and scholars from theearliest times onward, the serious study of Tibetan folk-religion started only a few dec-ades ago, and in fact, much of the material needs further study. Important works of greatscholars as Tucci, Nebesky-Wojkowitz etc. started the real exploration, and some of ourpresent day colleagues have also contributed decisive materials about the world of folk-deities, and in particular, the bdud deities as well. Of course, a few interesting questionsstill remain open, some of them probably for good.

One of the most difficult questions is that of the origin, to which some comments willbe made in the paper. Everybody agrees, that the cult of the bdud goes back to the pre-Buddhist period. Nebesky-Wojkowitz e.g. says: “Books of Bon speak of four classes ofbdud, the “earth-bdud”, occupying the East, the “wind bdud”, who dwell in the North, the“fire bdud” who reside in the West, and the “water bdud”, who occupy the South” (ODTp.275). This classification resembles closely the bdud bzhi, the most significant group ofbdud in lamaism, found and described in many texts, who are also connected with theelements and the four directions. They are: lHa’i bdud (E), Nyon-mongs-pa’i bdud (S), Phung-po’i bdud (W) and Chi-bdag-gi bdud (N), but their names have been translated from San-skrit Devaputra-m›ra, KleŸa-m›ra, Skandha-m›ra and M›tyupati-m›ra, and these Sanskrit,and their corresponding P›li names can be found in much earlier texts, than any Bonscripture.

The various forms of the rites connected with the manifold activities of the bdud bzhipose another interesting question to be discussed in the paper.

And the artistic presentation of the various bdud demons is the third question aboutwhich some comments have to be presented.

Demographic analysis of Tibetan Buddhism in westernHimalayas

Rattan Lal Bisotra

Tibetan Buddhism in western Himalayas has been studied in the past in various aspectscovering vast area of socio-economic, religious and cultural fields. But how many follow-ers of Tibetan Buddhism are there in the region and how many have been there in thepast? The study of major trends in the demographic profile of population professingTibetan Buddhism is the main focus of this paper. Is the population of this sect of Bud-dhism declining in this part of the Himalayas? If so, what are the main reasons? Thesocio-economic, religious, technological, cultural, strategic and political factors contrib-uting to such trend are required to be studied at length.

Major portion of western Himalayas comprises of northern part of Himachal Pradeshstate and Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir state of India. The people of these areasare now openly exposed to the world outside their geographical areas due to recent lib-eral tourism policy. In Himachal Pradesh, the people of Lahaul and Spiti and Kinnaurdistricts in the past, had been confined to their geographical limits due to lack of roadand aerial communications. Except few persons migrating seasonally from Lahaul valleyto Kullu valley or some persons with their sheep herds from Kinnaur to other parts ofHimachal and Uttar Pradesh or some able bodied persons on pilgrimages on traditionaland difficult routes, majority of population hardly came out of their villages and districts.Therefore, their mini world was their villages, social, cultural and religious beliefs andpractices untainted by the worldly affairs.

The Sino-Indian conflict in 1962 paved the way for developing these areas from stra-tegic point of view. The Indian National Highway No. 22 (Shimla Kaurik national high-way) towards Kinnaur district and National Highway No. 21 (Manali-Leh road) wereimproved to facilitate movement and deployment of the Indian army in these areas. Thisalso allowed the people to use transport system provided by the state governments ofHimachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir resulting in more exposure outside theirareas and socio-cultural exchange with the people in other parts of the country. The Ladakhwas given some autonomy through the regional council by the Jammu and Kashmir gov-ernment. District Lahaul and Spiti were transferred from the Punjab to Himachal Pradeshin November 1966. Since these two districts of Himachal Pradesh are the tribal districts,special attention is given to these areas for overall development. Special funds are allo-cated by the state and central governments for the social, economic, cultural, educationaland infrastructural development of these areas. This all started in the beginning of seven-ties of the last century. Most of these tribal areas in Himachal and parts of Jammu andKashmir areas (particularly the Ladakh region) were restricted to Indian and foreign tour-ists and visitors. These restrictions were largely removed by the Government of India in

1991–92. Since then, thousands of tourists, research scholars and filmmakers have beenthronging these areas every summer and autumn. This has given opportunity to the peo-ple of these areas to mix with people coming from other areas. The electronic media viz.Radio, television (particularly the cable TV. network) since early nineties has broughtabout revolutionary changes in the food habits, dresses and thinking etc. One importantimpact of these contributing factors has also resulted in change in thinking about thereligion they have been professing for centuries. The youths have been impressed byreligious practices and faith in Hinduism. The sub-sects of Hindu religion, for exampleRadhaswami has opened their branches even in remotest corners of the tribal districts.Moreover, Lamas for monasteries are hardly available in Lahaul and Kinnaur areas. Some-times they have to be brought from Ladakh region. The trend also indicates an informalconversion to Hinduism.

The population religionwise is available for these areas since 1881 till 1991. The cen-sus data of 2001 is currently in the process of compilation, computerisation and finalisa-tion. If the data are available by August 2003, the same will be included in the paper.Other information relating to socio-cultural characteristics of the population are also avail-able in the census reports. The numerical and other information in census reports relat-ing to Buddhist population of western Himalayas will form the base for the presentation.The historical perspective of other religions in these areas will also be taken into account,as these have contributed in influencing the Tibetan Buddhism in these areas in the past.

The data in respect of Tibetan refugees who have entered India in 1959 and thereafterare also available. Their study can form separate portion in the paper so that native Bud-dhists can be studied in historical perspective.

The demographic profile of people professing Tibetan Buddhism in western Hima-layas will be useful study and help in forming the basis for sampling and other statisticaltechniques in future studies. The data are available from state level to the smallest ad-ministrative unit i.e., village. Therefore, the spatial distribution of population and othercharacteristics will form database for future studies. The demographic study of this typehas not been made so far.

The bon of Bon: Forever old

Henk Blezer

A fascinating aspect of Bon religion is its aura of antiquity, which reaches back into anobscure ‘pre-Buddhist’ past, beyond the Neolithic even. Thus the legendary founder ofBon, sTon pa gShen rab mi bo, is said to have been born eighteen millennia ago. SamtenKarmay (General Introduction) and Rolph Stein (Tibetica Antiqua V) have shown that earlyreferences to a (Pha) gShen rab(s) myi bo – apparently a powerful ritual specialist of hisday – occur in Dunhuang documents of the end of the first millennium AD. Stein sug-gests the legend starts from this respectably remote but remembered past, a past of hu-man proportions. Then, as legend evolves, dates move back in time, perhaps even out oftime – to the supra-humane, eventually ending up in pre-history.

A long(er) ‘pre-history’ has been instrumental in formatting Bon identity vis-à-visarising Buddhist sects in later phyi dar Tibet. However, besides historical narratives of amuch later date, there is precious little to testify to that ancient past. All evaporates inlegendary or ‘pre-historical’ (at best: oral) origins. Upon closer investigation these ofteneven fail to precede the Common Era. Yet, occasionally such investigations yield a core ofhistorical data that may have informed ‘prehistory’, which then appears to be formattedno earlier than the inceptive period of organised Bon – some of its basic data may evenhave been ‘transposed’ from that crucial juncture (projected back in time or ‘cloned’).This paper will examine early and presumably oral rDzogs chen transmissions from Zhangzhung, accommodate them in historical fact and attempt to illuminate emic historiographicstrategies employed: how and why has a particular ‘past’ been transmitted or (re)inventedat a particular time.

Blood, vows, and incarnations: identities and allegiances inthe life of Yolmo Bstan-’dzin-nor-bu (1598–1644)

Benjamin Bogin

The Water-Horse year of 1642 occupies a place of paramount importance in the grandnarratives of Tibetan history. A long struggle between the powers of Dbus and Gtsangand their respective allies in the Dge-lugs and Karma Bka’-brgyud sects culminated thatyear in the formal declaration of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s rule over a unified Tibet in anelaborate ceremony performed in the Bsam-grub-rtse palace of his defeated enemy. De-spite the importance afforded to this event, our understanding of the world of feudingkingdoms, religious reformation and social upheaval from which it arose remains regret-tably simplistic. Most of the sources referred to in studies of this period are historiescomposed after the events of 1642 and often with the explicit intention of demonstratingthe predestined nature of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s victory. It is in this sense that the autobi-ography of the Third Yolmo Sprul-sku Bstan-’dzin-nor-bu, The Såra∫gî with the Vajra Sound(Rdo rje sgra ma’i rgyud mangs), stands apart as an original and fascinating description ofthese tumultuous times.

In contrast to the better-known retrospective accounts of the period, the Yolmo-ba’spresentation was composed a decade before the dramatic resolution of 1642. His autobio-graphical writings cast light on a world of exceedingly complex social and political reali-ties often obscured in the teleological narratives of later histories. Although the factionsof Dbus and Gtsang are often depicted as two clearly defined and totally separate enti-ties, Bstan-‘dzin-nor-bu’s own life demonstrates that in the early seventeenth centurythese lines were not so clearly marked and the two factions were closely connected onmany levels. As a reincarnate lama of the Rnying-ma-pa Byang-gter, a tradition lackingits own monastic center, the Third Yolmo-ba spent his youth studying at the monasteriesof the Karma Kam-tshang, under the guidance of the powerful Sixth Zhva dmar Rin-po-che, Gar-dbang Chos-kyi-dbang-phyug. This placed him within the circle of Buddhistteachers connected with the court of the Gtsang-pa De-srid, who became one his mostimportant patrons. In 1617, however, he returned to the lineage of his incarnational iden-tity by becoming a disciple of Rig-’dzin Ngag-gi-dbang-po, an avowed enemy of theGtsang court (which had banished his father from the realm) and a mentor to the FifthDalai Lama. These two stages of his religious education placed Yol-mo Bstan-’dzin-nor-bu In the precarious position of holding strong allegiances to both factions in the ongoingwars. This unique perspective makes him a compelling and important witness to theevents of his day.

Perhaps even more illuminating than his connections with both of the powers re-membered in the official histories is the fact that in Bstan-‘dzin-nor-bu’s comments, thesefactions are only two amongst dozens of other kingdoms and estates of the day that

would fade from history after 1642. His closest ties were with the royal family of Gung-thang, but the autobiography also describes visits and communications with dozens ofcourts spread between Lhasa, Shigatse and Kathmandu. It is in the rich observations ofthe social and religious structures of the time that the Third Yolmo-ba’s writings have themost to offer the historian of Tibet. In this paper, I will sketch an image of Central Tibetduring the early seventeenth century based on these observations in which myriad smallkingdoms, estates, and monasteries form a political landscape far more complicated thanthe bipartite model of the standard histories.

Finally, by examining the nature of the Third Yol-mo Sprul-sku’s connections withthe various forces in this landscape, I will reflect upon one individual’s dynamic negotia-tions of diverse allegiances which were often in conflict. While the Third Yol-mo-ba’sidentity as the son of Lo-chen Spyan-ras-gzigs provided him with strong ties to leadingmasters of the Sa-skya and Jo-nang traditions, as a student of the Sixth Zhva-dmar hewas bound to the monastic institutions of the Karma Kam-tshang. Furthermore, his iden-tity as a reincarnate lama established his position as an upholder of the Rnying-ma-paByang-gter tradition and connected him with its young Dge-lugs champion, the FifthDalai Lama. The Yol-mo Sprul-sku displayed a creative agency in his skilful balancing ofthese various identities by proclaiming or diminishing their relative importance in differ-ent contexts. Despite the violent antipathy between these groups, Bstan-‘dzin nor-bumaintained close ties with all of theme throughout his life. By reflecting on this intermin-gling of ancestral, monastic, and incarnational identities, I hope to draw attention to thecomplex nature of allegiances which is often obscured by the tendency to depict Tibetanhistory in broad sectarian terms.

From empire to nation through Buddhism: The 9th PanchenLama and the 19th Janggiya Hutagt and the demise of

Buddhism in Inner Mongolia

Uradyn E. Bulag

Nationalism, argues Benedict Anderson, is a secular movement, which reduces the scaleof imagined community from the universal religious community to a sovereign and lim-ited political community. In this definition, religion serves as an instrument of empires,but modern nationalism prescribes a separation of religion from the state. By a logicalextension, one may argue that Mongolian nationalism in the early 20th century had todeal with Buddhist imagination, by virtue of the fact that Mongols were deeply Bud-dhist. The transition from a religious community to a political community in Mongoliaand Inner Mongolia was however complicated by the fact that top Buddhist leaders wereoften Tibetans, a system imposed by the Qing dynasty and later briefly sustained by theself-proclaimed successor state – the Republic of China. In other words, Buddhism inMongolia signified not just a religious community, but also “ethnicity”, as well as “em-pire”. Any study of Mongolian Buddhism and nationalism in the 20th century must ad-dress the questions of Chinese and the “Tibetanness” of Mongolian Buddhism.

One of the most important transformations in Inner Asia in the 20th century was thedisconnection between Mongols and Tibetans thanks to communist revolution and na-tionalism in Mongolia, China and Tibet. The disconnection is often teleologically pro-jected to the past, so much so that when historians write about Tibet, they hardly mentionMongolia and Mongols, and vice versa. This disconnection is however compensated byoverriding connections with China, expressed either positively or negatively. What hasbeen lost in such “area studies” and “international relations” are the regional processes,cultural, historical, and geographical, that inform the dynamics of interconnections.

Based on archival materials, this paper aims to study the Inner Mongolian national-ist movement in the early 1930s and the role played by the 9th Panchen Lama and the19th Janggiya Hutagt. It was a crucial moment, because it was when Tibetan Buddhismfigured prominently, perhaps for the last time, in the Inner Mongolian political move-ment. I will argue that the political role played by Buddhist clergy like the Panchen Lamaand the Janggiya Hutagt led to the Inner Mongol rejection of Buddhism as somethingalien and detrimental to the Mongol essence. It is a study of how that “disconnection”came about.

The exiled 9th Panchen Lama had a more dramatic impact on the Mongols in bothInner Mongolia and the Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR) than acknowledged in cur-rent scholarship. For more than 14 years during his exile, between 1923 and 1937, the

Panchen spent most of his time in Inner Mongolia while attempting to cultivate bothChinese and Mongol support to enable him to return to Tibet. In 1929, Merse, a promi-nent Daur-Mongol communist/nationalist revolutionary, and Prince Demchugdongruv,a young and ambitious nationalist prince of the Sunit banner, came to the same conclu-sion that no secular political leaders could unite the disparate Inner Mongolian tribalgroups. Both agreed that the Panchen Lama, a figure highly respected by almost everyMongol, would perform a role in Inner Mongolia similar to that played by the 8thJebtsundamba Hutagt in Outer Mongolia who united the quarrelsome princes and be-came the holy Khan of the independent Mongolian state in 1911. Both tried to use thePanchen Lama to rally the Mongols for the cause of the Inner Mongolian autonomy.

In the mean time, however, the Chinese Republican government, appointed thePanchen Lama as the Pacification Envoy for the Western Region, and the Janggiya Hutagtas the Pacification Envoy for the Mongolian Banners, for the purpose of persuading Mon-gols to abrogate their autonomous movement and identify with China. While the Panchenwas astute in managing his impossible missions without offending either the Mongols orthe Chinese, the Janggiya Hutagt was all too explicit in his pro-China stance.

What was apparent in this Mongol and Chinese competition over Buddhism was theunderstanding that Mongols were a Buddhist people and Buddhist clergy would play aneffective role. At issue was, however, the question of the political community; Mongolsfought for a Mongolian autonomy, while the Chinese tried to integrate the Mongols intoChina. The consequence of these Buddhist-cum-political missions in Inner Mongolia wasa curious “effect” of Buddhist “renaissance” in Inner Mongolia, in contrast to the demiseof Buddhism in communist MPR. Tens of thousands of Buddhist monks and their layfollowers in the MPR, believing that a Buddhist army led by the Panchen Lama came toliberate them from the communist oppression, rebelled, and, after failure, fled to InnerMongolia. This rebellion and the mass exodus were consequential in making Buddhisman “unpatriotic” religion and subject to severe crackdown in the MPR. In Inner Mongo-lia, the Mongol opposition to the Janggiya Hutagt and the departure of the Panchen Lamafrom Inner Mongolia in 1935, relieved Buddhism of its overt political role. In the subse-quent decade of immense political crisis, the Inner Mongolian “quest” for “power” fi-nally led to the rejection of Buddhism as “alien”, as undermining Mongolian prowess,and as possibly anti-Mongol.

The diversity of the Gzhan stong Madhyamaka tradition

Anne Burchardi

Material presenting the Gzhan stong tradition in a systematic and transparent manner isquite rare. Often knowledge of Gzhan stong Madhyamaka seems to derive from the con-text of polemical discourse, where misrepresentations of Gzhan stong by its opponentsflourish. To complicate matters, the actual positions held by those labeled Gzhan stongMadhyamikas has differed considerably from the time of the earliest proponent Dol popa Shes rab rgyal mtshan and up to the present time.

I would like to draw attention to the fact that Gzhan stong is not a uniformly definedtradition. Instead it has been defined and expressed differently by its various proponentsthrough the ages. My discussion will be based primarily on Taranatha’s expositions ofthe later Jonang tradition of Gzhan stong in his Gzhan stong snying po, on his esoteric pres-entation of Tath›gatagarbha in Rgyu ’bras dbu ma’i thig le as well as on his account of Dolpo pa Shes rab rgyal mtshan and Sha kya mchog ldan’s differences in his Zab don nyer gcigpa. Secondly, I will consider the description by the Gzhan stong reviver, Si tu Pan chen inhis Dri lan tshes pa’i zla ba as well as a number of Kong sprul’s definitions in a selection ofhis writings.

Toward a history of Se ra Monastery: the early years

José Ignacio Cabezón

Not a great deal has been written about the early history of the monastic institutions ofthe dGa’ ldan pa/dGe lugs pa school. For the past two years I have been involved in alarge scale multi-disciplinary, multimedia project whose goal it is to document the his-tory, art, architecture, as well as the ritual and educational practices of Se ra Monastery,one of the dGe lugs pas’ great seats of learning (gdan sa). In this paper I propose to focuson the early history of the monastery. What were the conditions of its founding? Whatwere the first buildings to be built, and how were these financed? How was the monas-tery organized in its earliest period? How/when did it evolve into colleges, and furtherinto the present “house” (khang tshan) structure? What was the educational system likeduring the earliest period? What curriculum and texts were used? Who were the majorteachers in this early phase of Se ra’s history? Relying on a variety of historical works(from sDe srid’s Vaidurya gSer po to contemporary histories of Se ra) the paper proposesan initial reconstruction of monastic life during the first 130 years of Se ra’s history (fromabout 1419 to about 1550).

Signs of transition: on interpreting some predictors of tulkurebirth

Marcia S. Calkowski

Accounts of the imminent birth, the birth, or the early childhood of a tulku often high-light portents which may assume key roles in identifying individuals as reincarnate la-mas within the popular, if not the official, Tibetan purview. Such portents include unu-sual meteorological phenomena, extraordinary geological phenomena, parents’ or rela-tives’ dreams of interactions with exalted religious persons or objects, prescient behavioron the part of young children, crop and/or animal infertility in the vicinity of the tulku’sbirthplace, recent deaths among the tulku’s close kin, and other occurrences of bar-chadaffecting the tulku’s natal family. Attention to such extraordinary signs constitutes a criti-cal aspect of the telling and reception of narratives of tulku legitimation, whether inscriptedor oral, that are offered by a tulku’s relatives, neighbors, disciples, teachers, attendants orhagiographers. But what do these portents signify and how do they assist in establishingcertainty? Furthermore, since such portents are, for the most part, initially identified bynon-religious specialists living in close proximity to a prospective tulku, wider accept-ance of these portents may effectively incorporate a prospective tulku’s immediate fam-ily and/or local community into the rank of divinatory agents resorted to in a tulku searchprocess. Thus, another question concerns how portents may serve as potential strategiesof “local” agency in the legitimation of tulku. This paper, based on fieldwork conductedin India and Nepal from 1991 to 1994, addresses these questions by examining the socialand symbolic construction of portents in the authentication of tulku.

Prelimary reflections on the Phur bu mya ngan las ’das pa’irgyud chen po, in the rNying ma’i r gyud ’bum

Cathy Cantwell

The Phur bu mya ngan las ’das pa’i rgyud chen po, found in the Mah›yoga Phur pa ’phrin lasskor of the rNying ma’i rgyud ’bum, is widely quoted in the commentarial literature of thePhur pa traditions, sometimes referred to as especially significant for its teachings on theCompletion Stage Lord (rdzogs rim gtso bo). This paper comments on work in progress(together with Robert Mayer) on critically editing the extant editions of this text. Thevarious editions do not differ radically in their contents apart from an additional folio orso of text in some editions, which results in some editions having twenty-eight chaptersand others twenty-six. However, the ordering of this material varies between editions: onthree occasions, substantial segments of text move position, often breaking in quite un-likely places, such as in the middle of a yig rkang, probably as a result of foliomisplacement. The impact of these differences in arrangement is discussed, along withsome consideration of the commentarial use of the text, which selectively quotes from asmall number of short passages out of a text ranging from thirty-six to fifty-five folios inlength.

‘Soiled with the dust of faulty renderings’: change inperformative aspects of Bonpo liturgy

Ricardo Canzio

It may be said that a large part of the Bonpo doctrines as they survive, represent a stage inthe development of Bon reached only after contact with Buddhism which led them torebuild their doctrinal system along similar lines. However, they represent Tibetan reli-gion as a whole since they built up their doctrine by incorporating freely the new im-ported ideas of Indian origin that began to penetrate Tibet from the 8th century onwardswhile at the same time delving into the storehouse of existing autochthonous beliefs.

We approach the questions posed by the study of the performative aspects of rites, inparticular the nature of the process of change in the liturgy. Since in my view codifiedliturgy represents a way in which institutionalized religion describe ritual, I examineritual prescriptions in literary sources and compare them with actual performance prac-tices. Thus, I try to expose the nature of the social and historical forces that have shapedchange in the performative aspects of Bonpo liturgy in the past and during the presentperiod of social and political upheaval. Similar forces may have been at work in differentsettings during critical periods of Tibetan history. I explain some native categories for theclassification of the liturgy and analyze one important performative aspect of the ritesnamely the procedures used in the recitation of texts and the special manipulations towhich they are subjected.

The famous seventeenth-century Tibetan doctor,Changngopa Nang-so Dar-rgyas

Tseyang Changngopa

Traditional Tibetan medicine has a history of over two thousand years. During this time,there were many generations of famous doctors who accomplished great works, andtherefore there were many advances made in Tibetan medicine. This paper will discussthe most famous doctor from the seventeenth century, the Fifth Dalai Lama’s privatedoctor, Changngopa nang-so dar-rgyas, or dPon-tshang Changngopa, or sTen-‘dzin dar-rgyas, or the name given to him by the Fifth Dalai Lama: lTa-rje Changngopa (one who ishighly commended). Below, I would like to discuss several of the topics I will cover inthis paper including, first, the family history of this famous doctor. I will discuss thisdoctor’s father, the famous doctor, Drang-srong bstan-‘dzin rgal-po, who is consideredthe reincarnation of Sum-ston Ye-shes gzungs, the famous doctor from the twelfth cen-tury. I will also discuss his brother, the famous doctor, gZhan-phan dbang-po; and others.

Second, I will discuss how Changngopa nang-so dar-rgyas and other family mem-bers came into the service of the Fifth Dalai Lama. This will include a discussion of whatkinds of illnesses the Fifth Dalai Lama suffered from and Changngopa nang-so dar-rgyas’recommendations for treatment. This doctor treated many kinds of patients includingfamous men and women from Tibet and Mongolia. While the Fifth Dalai Lama was him-self a great scholar and medical expert, he listed to Changngopa nang-so dar-rgyas’ medicalknowledge and learned certain aspects of medicine from him. The Fifth Dalai Lama gavereligious empowerments to Changngopa nang-so dar-rgyas and to others. Many famousTibetans and Mongolians, both men and women, received these empowerments, which Iwill discuss in detail.

Third, the Fifth Dalai Lama frequently praised the activities and medical treatmentsof this famous doctor, which are written in detail in the Fifth Dalai Lama’s biography andother original sources. Of importance are not only this doctor’s oral transmissions butalso what he wrote in the forwards and in the afterwards of medical texts. In recognition

of these great works, the Fifth Dalai Lama gave the Changngopa family the gift of anestate located in Dulung.

Fourth, the Fifth Dalai Lama established a medical school at Drepung’s west palace,and Changngopa nang-so dar-gyas was placed in charge of this medical school. Later,another medical school was also established at the Potala Palace in the Lha dbang lcog(Shar lcog chen) where Changngopa nang-so dar-gyas taught. I will discuss the contribu-tions that this historical figure and other famous doctors made to the organization andimprovement of traditional Tibetan medical education in order to improve the learningof young Tibetan doctors at this time.

Fifth, in 1652, the Fifth Dalai Lama went to Beijing to meet the Emperor of the XingDynasty, Shungzhi. Changngopa nang-so dar-gyas accompanied him on this journey ashis private doctor. Several other Tibetan doctors also went on this trip including oneother member of the Changngopa family.

Sixth, I will present findings from recent conversations I have had with local peoplein the historical site of Changngopa’s family estate in Dulung. I have taken photos of theruins of this estate where there used to be a Tibetan medical hospital. In addition, I haveinterviewed the local population about their memories and knowledge of this hospital,the famous Changngopa medical family, and the estate itself.

Seventh, I will discuss whether or not other scholars have done research onChangngopa nang-so dar-rgyas and the differences between my research findings andthose of other scholars.

Finally, I will present which sources I used to research this subject, in particular origi-nal sources, many of which have not been used before. Also, I will discuss the originalresearch of other scholars. While many contemporary scholars indicated that certain factscould not be discovered, I was able to find much information from the biographies offamous historical figures and other historical documents.

Yogic practices (rtsa rlung ’phr ul ’khor ) in the Bon traditionand possible applications as a CIM (complementary and

integrative medicine) therapy

M. Alejandro Chaoul

Tibetan traditions have employed rtsa rlung ’phrul ’khor (TK), “Magical Wheel of the Chan-nels and Vital Breath,” as part of their spiritual training since at least the tenth century.These yogic practices are referred to as “mind-body” techniques in the Western field ofcomplementary and integrative medicine (CIM).

Focusing on the TK text from the Bon Great Completion cycle of the Oral Transmis-sion of Zhang Zhung (rDzogs pa chen po zhang zhung snyan rgyud), and its commentary bythe famous meditator and scholar Shardza Tashi Gyaltsen (d. 1934), I have two distinctyet complementary objectives in this paper. One is to situate these texts historically andreport how they are used in the Bonpo lay and monastic settings and curricula today. Thesecond objective is to determine TK’s application in the modern world, giving particularattention to the possible benefits of using these mind-body techniques as part of a CIMtreatment for people with cancer.

Namkhai Norbu Rinpoche, one of the very few to ever write on this topic, states thatTK is the equivalent for the Sanskrit Yantra yoga, where the meaning of yantra is not only‘magical’ but also, ‘machine’ or ‘tool’. Norbu persuasively describes body as a tool, whichone can utilize to understand one’s own nature more clearly.

There are virtually no scholarly works on TK in English or other Western languages.Garma C.C. Chang’s 1963 translation of the Six Yogas of Naropa (Na’ ro chos drug) and itsinterpretation by Evans-Wentz refer to some of the principles and a few of the move-ments described in that particular text of the Kagyu tradition. Namkhai Norbu has ex-plained some of the etymology and principles and has published the preliminary exer-cises of the Magical Wheel of Union of Sun and Moon (’phrul ’khor nyi zla kha byor) in abook directed to practitioners of such method from the Nyingma tradition, but it is notdirected to scholars. My work is in response to this lacuna, and also to contemporaryinterests in a wider scale. Although there are as yet no Western language scholar publica-tions on TK in general and certainly nothing within the Bon tradition, Western societies’interest in this more physical kind of Tibetan practice has been growing. One’s physicalbody, speech or energy, and mind are known in the Bon Great Completeness teachings asthe three doors through which one can practice and eventually realize enlightenment.The energetic body, represented by the vital breath (rlung) and the channels (rtsa), is saidto be the link between the mind and physical body. In fact the TK practices assume, ex-plicitly or implicitly, that the practitioner is familiar with the “channels and vital breath”

(rtsa rlung) practices. In other words, rtsa rlung practices are crucial in the training andharmonizing of the vital breath, which is the basis of TK.

TK involves a coordination of physical movement that guides the vital breath, whichin turn carries the mind. When practiced by the Bon lay community as well as by monas-tic communities such as Menri in India and Tritan Norbutse in Nepal, it is primarily usedto develop one’s meditation practice. However, the movements are also traditionally heldto strengthen one’s physical health and emotional stability as a secondary benefit. To-gether with colleagues at The University of Texas M.D. Anderson Cancer Center of Hou-ston, a randomized controlled clinical trial was conducted to determine the feasibility,acceptability, and initial efficacy of TK with cancer patients. For this pilot study we de-signed a 7-sessions program that included rtsa rlung practices from the “Mother Tantra”(Ma rgyud) and the preliminary (sngon ’gro) TK set from the Oral Transmission of ZhangZhung.

In the first part of the study, 39 people with lymphoma participated. Patients com-pleted measures at baseline as well as 1-week, 1-month, and 3-months assessments afterthe yoga sessions. Overall, the results indicated that the Tibetan yoga program was feasi-ble and well liked. Importantly, the yoga program was associated with a significant re-duction in sleep disturbances, improved sleep quality, reduced sleep latency, increasedsleep duration, and decreased use of sleep medications. Improving sleep quality in acancer population may be particularly salient as fatigue and sleep disturbances are com-mon problems for patients with cancer. These are encouraging signs of the positive effectthat TK might have in cancer patients, and that could also extend to other cancer or medi-cal populations.

This pilot program is one of the few studies of yoga among cancer patients and theonly scientific study of Tibetan yoga in any population. A second part of this study iscurrently examining the benefits of the Tibetan yoga program on both psychological andphysiological (immune and hormone function) outcomes in women with breast cancer.By the time of the conference most of the data of this second part of the study should beavailable.

These studies might help in looking at the compatibility between Western and Ti-betan ways of thinking about the body, as well as the possible applicability of TK as aCIM therapy in different populations, acknowledging the difficulties of the translatabil-ity of Tibetan or any emic system of concepts and practices into Western terms andunderstandings.

Sgra’i bstan bcos mkhas pa’i kha gyan | (Mkhas pa’i khargyan – A Treatise on Tibetan Grammar)

Thupten Kunga Chashab

The Mkhas pa’i kha rgyan (henceforth MKH), a treatise on Tibetan grammar, is attributedto Sa skya pandita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1252) by many Tibetan grammarians; itis also found in a few catalogues of his works. But some scholars are not sure about theauthorship of this text. According to the colophon of the MKH, the text was composed bySa skya pandita according to the new language revision (skad gsar bcad). In the catalogueof commentaries of Sum cu pa (SCP) and Rtags kyi ’jug pa prepared by Tshe tan zhabsdrung do not mentioned this text. Probably he did not regard it as a commentary on Sumcu pa and Rtags kyi ’jug pa (TJP). It seems, R.A. Miller had occasion to study the text, butI did not get opportunity to look through his comments. As far as I know, the treatise isnot widely known to readers.

Content of the text

The author explained Tibetan grammar dividing it into three main sections: combinationof particles (phrad kyi sbyor ba), case (rnam dbye), and the word of action on agent (byedtshig). The first has seven more subsections. Particles are explained according to the se-quence of vowels; first particles with vowel i and so on, next the way of inserting theparticles according to the preceding suffix. In the second section author explained eightbasic cases and twenty four cases in total, with subdivision for eight basic cases by meansof joining singularity, duality and plurality words, nyid, dag and rnams. In the last sectionhe explained briefly formation of verbs.

Comparison with Sum cu pa and Rtags kyi jug pa

The text is mixed, consisting of both prose and verse, and none of them resemble theverses either from SCP or from TJP. As far as context is concerned, it is closer to SCP,except for the last section which explains the word of action on agent (byed tshig) which inmy opinion is closer to the grammatical explanation given in TJP.

Many common subjects were shared by the two texts MKH and SCP. But there areparticles that are explained in SCP, but that cannot be found in MKH, for instance thenegation particle (dgag sgra) ma, the pervasive particle (spyi sgra) gang, the emphasizingparticle (brnan pa’i sgra) ni etc., and vice versa: many of the particles explained in MKHare not mentioned in SCP, for instance ce, she, zhe, cing, shing, zhing etc. Furthermore, Ithink, the following syllables which were explained as particles in MKH do not at allfunction as particles in Tibetan literature, for instance, gir, kyir, gyir, yir, pur, bur, ’ur, par,bar, war, mar, etc.

Meaning of sa mtha’ can

The author of MKH used the word sa mtha’ can to explain the insertion of the genitive(’brel sgra), dative (las su bya ba), omament (rgyan sdud), remaining (lhag bcas) and final(rdzogs tshig) particles, and the particle pa, ba, ma, wa. The one who gave the interlineargloss in the MKH understood sa mtha’ can to mean “with suffix” and sa mtha’ can spangsba to mean “without suffix”. In a grammatical context sa mtha’ means “second suffix sa(yang jug)” which goes after suffixes ga, da, ha, ma (see Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo).Here, if we understand sa mtha’ can as having the meaning of the second suffix sa, asexplained in abovementioned dictionary. to some degree MKH and the modern gram-mar commentaries do not agree with joining the above-mentioned case particles. Forexample, when MKH explains gi, gyi and the other genitive particles, it is said:

’a las ’i ’o// sa rntha ’ can spangs pa’i yang ngo//’i is for suffix ’a. [It is] also for without sa mtha ’ can

If one can insert ’i after a word without a second suffix sa, then the result is that ’i canbe joined after ga and the other suffixes. On the other hand, if we accept the meaning of samtha ’ can as it was understood by the author of the interlinear gloss, in my opinion, thereis no any sense of using this specific term. Moreover, his understanding of the term con-tradicts its literal meaning, ’’with sa ending”. The author of the MKH also used the termsrjes jug spangs pa, med pa, and ga sogs spangs in order to explain the meaning “withoutsuffix”. Therefore, we have to find out why the author used such different words to ex-press a single meaning.

Insertion of the case particles after second suffix da

The second suffix da and the way of inserting particles after it is clearly explained in theMKH. What is more interesting is that it differs from the later grammar commentariesin its flexibility of joining particles after second suffix da with choice. In a few cases, it issaid, after the word with second suffix da one can join the particle either according tothe suffix or according to the second suffix da. It is said:

ga la sogs pa spangs ba’i yang ngo// da yang ’jug pa rnams kyi cing yang na’o//Also with without a ga and the rest. Or (join) cing after second suffix da.

But I found contradiction between following first and the second sentences found inMKH, which are connected with joining particle after second suffix da.

da yang ’jug pa rnams kyi tu yang na ’o// zhugs pa’i tu nyid to//Or [join] tu after second suffx da. Only tu with [its] participation

Conclusion

Authorship of the text MKH is not certain among the scholars. It is a concise treatise onTibetan grammar. Although MKH and SCP shared many common subjects of the Tibetangrammar, but, it seems, MKH is not a commentary on SCP. Thus, the rhythm of verses,number of vowels, sequence and the kind of particles explained in MKH is, in some way,different from SCP. Despite its usefulness in the grammatical references, it is also impor-tant to learn this tradition. The meaning of sa mtha ’ can, the way of joining particles aftersecond suffix da and the particles, gir and the rest cannot be found in the later Tibetangrammar commentaries.

Découvertes et inventions dans l’histoire tibétaine ancienne

Anne Chayet

Dans les Chroniques historiques tibétaines de l’époque classique, les passages qui traitentde la période monarchique font parfois référence à des archives de cette époque, ou s’eninspirent manifestement. Bien qu’une infime partie seulement de ces archives nous soitparvenue, il est parfois possible de retracer ces filiations, qu’il s’agisse d’événements oude faits de société. Dans certains cas cependant, le récit des chroniques ne correspond enrien à l’esprit ni à la lettre des documents anciens dont nous pouvons disposer. Par exemple,tout ce qui touche aux techniques à l’époque monarchique est, dans l’ensemble, rapportéde façon très différente dans les Chroniques de l’époque classique et dans les documentsd’archives dont nous disposons pour la période monarchique. Il est vrai qu’il ne s’agitpas en principe des mêmes types de textes. Les Chroniques tardives contiennent pourtantdes références aux techniques et à leur acquisition, mais c’est plus souvent dans un cadrerédactionnel et fonctionnel général que pour décrire leur importance ou même leur us-age dans le monde monarchique. Nous sommes sur ce point mieux informés des procédésde rédaction des Chroniques que de la réalité de la vie matérielle au Tibet ancien.

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Chenagtsang Dorje Tsering (lJang bu)  

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Chenagtsang Humchen  

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Chos rgyal ngag gi dbang po dang mdo smad sog yul du gsangsngags snying ma dar tshul

(Chogyal Ngagki Wangpo and the development of old Tantrain Mongolian area of Dome)

Chenagtsang Humchen

Chogyal Ngagwang Dargyal Rinchen, a decent of Gushri Tenzin Chogyal, was born in1740. When he was thirteen years old, he went to Utsang where he was recognised as thereincarnation of Ngadak Nyangral by Olkha Jetrung. Thereafter, he received educationin old tantra from various scholars, educated many scholars, and built SangngakMingyeling - a Nyingma monastery where he established the cham of Phur-ba. He wrotemany books such as Rdzogs chen ma rig mun sel. He died in 1807.

Besides the above description of Chogyal Ngagwang Dargyal Rinchen, this presen-tation will focus on the following questions:

1. Why was Chogyal Ngagwang Dargyal Rinchen a Nyingma pa, and why did he es-tablish a Nyingma monastery, when reincarnations of Nyingma lamas in Mongolianareas – where there are very few monasteries of this school – are a rare occurrence?

2. What were the phases in the development of Nyingmapa monasticism, and the pro-liferation of Nyingmapa scholarship in the area?

3. How was Chogyal Ngagwang Dargyal Rinchen perceived by the people of the area?4. Finally the paper will trace the development of Rebkong Ngagmang since the 10th

century to the present day, and will present the background and activities of theinstitute known as Sngags mang zhib ‘jug khang.

Gender, medicines, and modernities: beliefs and practicessurrounding childbirth in contemporary Tibet

Jennifer Marie Chertow

This paper will explore the impact of medicines and modernities on constructions ofgender in contemporary Tibet. By looking at the beliefs and practices surrounding child-birth, this paper explores the intersection between “modern” medical practices and “tra-ditional” practices in rural and urban settings around Lhasa.

Through an analysis of textual materials on childbirth from the Four Medical Tantras(rgyud bzhis) and interviews with traditional Tibetan medical doctors who specialize inwomen’s health and childbirth, I will analyze Tibetan medical constructions of gender intheory and practice. I will juxtapose these findings with biomedical texts used in Lhasahospitals and disseminated by international health NGOs. In addition, I will use inter-views with Tibetan doctors trained in biomedicine in order to analyze how “modernity”meets “tradition” in the domain of childbirth and in constructions of gender.

Theoretically, this paper challenges entrenched and often unconscious dichotomiesin Western scholarship on Tibet between modernity and tradition, past and present, oldand new, historic and contemporaneous, religious and scientific, authentic and synthetic.Taking inspiration from Edward Said’s critique of Orientalist scholarship in the West andGeoffrey Samuel’s depiction of the co-existence of clerical and shamanic Buddhism inTibet, I explore the multi-layered beliefs and practices in medicine and childbirth andtheir impact on constructions of gender in Tibet. One of the primary methods of attainingthis information is by looking at the usage of space by women during childbirth, theirprohibition from certain spaces during “polluted” times (i.e. menstruation and child-birth), and women’s reactions to these prohibitions across social-economic, lay-monastic,and rural-urban divides.

This paper argues that variable belief systems and practices are layered one on top ofthe other in uneven, fragmentary and often “alogical” ways. It is equally important topay close attention to how power shapes the intersection of these beliefs systems, episte-

mologies, and cosmologies in practice. For example, since the 1950s there has been agradual shift in power away from traditional Tibetan medicine (bod sman) to “Chinese”biomedicine (rgya sman). In urban Lhasa, status, prestige, economic and occupationaladvantage are attained through biomedical practices introduced by the Chinese govern-ment rather than traditional Tibetan medical practices passed down from teacher to stu-dent for generations. At the same time, this new Sinofied class dynamic mirrors still ex-tent rural class dynamics where Tibetan medicine, stemming from a highly literate, nobleand monastic tradition, takes on prestige and power when juxtaposed against the “bare-foot” medical practices of village doctors and the occasional midwife.

This research pays attention to the uneven co-existence of biomedical, Chinese, Ti-betan medical, and “folk” or “shamanic” medical practices while paying attention tohow each gains certain valence and prestige over the other depending on the social-cul-tural context. In childbirth, different systems of knowledge, techniques, and technologiesare played out on the ground of women’s bodies, which directly influences how genderis constructed in contemporary Tibet.

For instance, there is a current government initiative to 4have all women in the vil-lages deliver in the county hospital because it is considered “safer,” though the distanceto hospitals, road conditions, and expenses are often prohibitive. In the hospital, wom-en’s bodies are literally shaped by medical workers who ask women to lie prone withtheir feet in stirrups so that they remain immobile for the convenience of the doctor andostensibly for the safety of the woman and the child. Counter-posed to government con-cepts of safe practices, many Tibetans consider hospitals to be dirty and polluted placesdue to the proliferation of disease in these settings. As such, hospitals are dangerous placesthat can bring on spirit attacks and threaten the health of the mother and the child duringchildbirth.

At home, women most frequently deliver on their knees and are free to move at willin order to manage their own pain. However, beliefs about pollution also mean that womencannot deliver in the main house near the stove where it is warm since the hearth spiritresides there. Thus women often deliver in cowsheds or in other areas where animals arekept, conditions that are also not optimal. Safety in the Tibetan cosmological world ishere measured in terms of maintaining a balance between the spiritual world and thematerial world.

In both governmental and village perspectives, women are constructed as the objectof intervention due to their ostensible frailty and due to the danger introduced to themand by them during childbirth. While in the hospital setting, women’s bodies are literallyconfined and controlled by the birthing bed, at home women are free to move at will inorder to manage their pain but must do so under prohibitions that place them underanimal-like conditions. What effect do these different cosmologies and epistemologieshave on the construction of gender, and how do these constructions of gender affect prac-tices during childbirth? To answer this question, I will discuss how women respond to

these variable practices and to what extent inner family dynamics, histories, childbirthtales, and habitudes influence women’s perceptions and practices during childbirth. Theinternal force of these “private” practices may serve as a kind of counterbalance to theheady interplay of variegated practices, both old and new, barking down the village door.On the other hand, they may simply add to the mix of overlaying medical practices dur-ing childbirth.

Underlying all of these questions is the central question of how gender is constructedat the intersection of class, caste, age, occupation, locale, income, and perhaps most im-portantly within the larger landscape of ethnic minority discourses and policies withinChina. This paper attempts to answer some of these questions and pose new ones aboutthe roles of women in contemporary Tibet.

mNa’-mas and nyal-bus: Tibetan marriage, fertility, andillegitimacy through time and space

Geoff Childs

A combination of anthropological and demographic approaches is employed to interpretreproductive outcomes in one historical population (Kyirong, Tibet) and two contempo-rary populations (Nubri, Nepal; Tibetan exiles in Nepal and India). Marriage, nonmarriage,and illegitimacy are used as focal points to highlight sociocultural, economic, and politi-cal factors that shape markedly different birth rates (Kyirong 4.5, Nubri 5.3, Exiles 1.2births/woman) among these ethnically Tibetan populations.

The analysis of fertility in Kyirong demonstrates that conventional interpretations ofTibetan polyandry fail to account for the significance of informal marital arrangementsand a tolerance for illegitimacy in traditional Tibetan settings. Whereas polyandry doesresult in a high level of female nonmarriage, those women excluded from formal mar-riage gave birth to enough children to engender moderate population growth. In Nubri,the high level of female nonmarriage is related to the cultural practice of using daughterswho are nuns as primary caregivers for the elderly. Illegitimacy, although tolerated, ismoderated by the fact that most nonmarried women are nuns who have taken vows ofcelibacy. In this case, religious celibacy in relation to old-age care restrains aggregate fer-tility. Among Tibetan exiles the birth rate has fallen well below replacement level, a trendthat is related to several factors including the prevalence of contraceptive usage, the highcost of raising children, and the delay in marriage. In the meantime, illegitimacy hasbecome disparaged and extremely rare.

The connecting point between these three studies is the interplay between parentalstrategies, individual aspirations, and political-economic forces that influence, but donot determine, decisions about whether or not to marry, the timing of marriage, andreproduction. As a contribution to Tibetan Studies, the paper demonstrates why a nuancedunderstanding of local context is critical for assessing different reproductive outcomes inthe settings where Tibetans live.

Losar celebration: the significance of food in a noble andreligious family of Central Bhutan

Kunzang Choden-Roder

The paper is an active participant observer’s account of losar (lo gsar: new year accordingto the Tibetan lunar calendar) as it happened in the home of a noble family in the late1950’s in Bumthang in the central part of Bhutan.

Through the description of the preparations for and the actual celebration of the newyear by the family in Ogyen Choling (O rgyan chos gling), the meaning and significanceof food in the society of central Bhutan will be explored.

The house of Ogyen Choling village is situated on top of a hillock in the upper partof Tang (sTang) valley in Bumthang. The naktsang (large manor like house) is surroundedby twenty village houses whose inhabitants were originally the tenants of Ogyen Choling.The family’s claim to their ancestry to the religious master Dorji Lingpa (rDo rje gling pa:1346–1405) placed them in the class of nobility of the lama choe ju (chos rgyud).The lamachoe ju like the other aristocratic families in Bhutan yielded considerable economic powerbesides being respected by the general public for the lineage.

For the family in Ogyen Choling, the celebration of losar did not merely consist of thefeasting and the revelry but it was the celebration of a time honoured family traditionwhich entailed a certain set of observances to be carried out meticulously. By celebratinglosar the family members were upholding their duties as the lama choeju of the region, andthey aspired, like the generations before them to make it as grand as the previous ones ifnot better. According to tradition at least one member from each household of all thevillages of Tang valley who had any connection to Ogyen Choling were invited for thegrand celebration. More than losar simply being a gesture of noblesse oblige it was a timefor sharing the auspiciousness of the new year, renewing loyalties and fostering good-will. About 180–200 people would gather for losar and these included the family mem-bers and relatives, the lay priests, the servants, weavers, cooks, servers water carriers,cow herders yak herders, horse attendants, swine feeders firewood carriers and the dailyworkers whose services were essential to make the feudal system viable.

The family had to prepare for the losar celebration throughout the year. Over theentire year goods were collected and set aside for losar. Locally produced vegetables,fruits were preserved and stored. Rice, pulses, fruits and vegetables were brought fromthe family’s estates from the subtropical region of Kurtoe (sKur stod) located to the eastof Bumthang. The family’s merchants would go to the trade fairs in Lho Talung andJampaling in Tibet to get other materials and foods needed specifically for losar as well asfor everyday use. Fine brick tea, rock salt, borax, sheepskins and whole legs of mutton,

wind dried and preserved, were traded against rice, chili, brown sugar, hand madeBhutanese paper, madder and hand woven fabrics. Candies and biscuits from India addedvariety to the foods served on losar.

The losar celebration, in essence, gives an insight into all aspects of food and its rela-tionship to society in terms of the history, hierarchical legitimacy, religion and ritual,economics and politics.

The Tibet factor in US–China relations

Yeshi Choedon

Tibet had been used as pawn in the Great Powers game in the Central Asia. Even in themodern period, it appears to be used for the same purpose in a different context. As oneof the main objectives of the American foreign policy was containment of communism,Tibet assumed both ideological and strategic importance to the US after the communistparty came to power in China. The paper attempts to trace why and how India and Brit-ish reluctance to take strong stand on Tibet issue influenced American Tibet policy bothbefore and after 1959 revolt. The US refused to accept China’s occupation of Tibet until1972. However, with the warming of Sino-American relations, Washington relegated Ti-bet question aside. The paper attempts to focus on why even the Carter administrationdid not take China to task for its dismal human rights record; what compelled it to shiftthe US Tibet policy by recognising for the first time that Tibet was a part of China. Thepaper examines what was the US position on the delegation diplomacy engaged in bythe new leadership in China and the Tibetan leadership since 1979. It highlights howTibet became an item of concern in the US China policy after 1987. It particularly dealswith differences in opinions between the US Congress and the White House on the Tibetissue. The paper also examines why the second term of the Clinton administration em-phasised on the quiet diplomacy in connection with human rights situation in Tibet. Thepaper examines whether it is right to regard as sign of the success of the US quiet diplo-macy when the Chinese leadership showed its desire to build some kind of a low levelbridge with the exile Tibetans in 2002. The paper concludes with attempts to focus whetherother countries, including the US, were involved in encouraging Tibetan leaders give upTibet’s historical claim of being independent country before serious negotiation started;whether it is more appropriate for the US to stick to its initial policy of championing thecause of self-determination in Tibet rather than shifting its Tibet policy according to thedemand of its narrow national interests. These and related questions are the subject ofthis paper.

How did Mongols use the Tibetan script in communication?

L. Chuluunbaatar

Since 17th century in Mongolia Buddhism spread and developed widely. Many monkscholars of Mongolia went to Tibet and they studied and leamed out the five minor andmajor sciences and carried their knowledge in Mongolian land and developed its culture.They also compiled and printed a lot of books on Tibetan. Nowadays they are countedover 300 scholars. Their books are used among the Mongolian and Tibetan scholars still.

Before the 1930s in Mongolia over 100.000 monks were 1iving and they know Ti-betan well, and most of ordinary people also know Tibetan alphabet. Among the monksand ordinary people, who do not know Mongolian Scripts were required to communi-cate on scripts and to send letters to each other. The Mongols could find way of suchcommunication. They used Tibetan script and could record words on Mongolian. In thisway scholars compiled Tibet Mongolian dictionary, poems and pilgrimage books. Forexample, on Tibet Mongolian dictionary by Ishidorj was written as following:

mun’ba (Tibetan) ba’lar mung’hag (Mongolian).

Mongolian language has 7 short vowels but Tibetan 5 vowels. Scholacs used Tibetan2 vowels to mark Mongolian ö and ü. For example: Mongolian ö by Tibetan [ou]. TheMongolian language has 1ong vowels, but Tibetan has not long vowels. Mongolian schol-ars used Tibetan 5 vowels to mark long vowels. For example: Mongolian e could markz*z*.

During the 1930s the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party printed six magazinesfor monks on Tibetan and Mongolian scripts. Those were only on Monglian language.Half of the laymen know also Mongolian script. Therefore the majority of Mongols wereliterate people.

Non-sculptural metalworking in eastern Tibet c.1930–1959

John Clarke

This paper examines the organisation of the traditional non-sculptural metalworking in-dustries of Khams during the period 1930–1959 using information gathered from livingcraftsmen and other members of the community in exile. The extended farming family,as the predominant socio-economic structure within which work was carried out, is firstdiscussed. The question of whether workers were part or full time and the impact thishad on their work is then examined. The most significant metalworking centres: the vil-lages of Derge, Dagyab and others on the eastern Chinese border are then outlined andtheir specialities and reputations examined. The focus then shifts to the question of whethera discrete eastern Tibetan style of domestic and ritual objects exists and what criteriamight be used to discern it. This is related to the further issue of the extent and frequencyof the movement of Khampa craftsmen to other areas. Evidence for the presence of suchworkers in this government workshop in Lhasa is given. It is shown that while relativelyfew eastern Tibetan silver-, gold- or ironsmiths lived in central Tibet, the highly prizedmetalwork of their area was frequently brought to the capital and copied there.

The flow of wealth in Golok Tibetan society

Susan Costello

In this paper I will layout the flow of wealth in Golok pastoralist society. While Golok isa poor, remote area, it is not absolutely destitute, and understanding the patterns of accu-mulation and redistribution of wealth is crucial to understanding the successes and fail-ures in much of Golok’s economic development. I hope this kind of bottom-up look ateconomic processes will prove more illuminating than examination of government orNGO interventions or assessments.

I start my examination with the basic economic unit of pastoralist society – the house-hold. I briefly examine patterns of production, inheritance, and consumption. The con-troversial strategy of maximizing herd size to cope with livestock loss due to snow disas-ters will be assessed here. I then describe the patterns of religious donations includingthose associated with ritual expenses. I examine the traditional role of the tribal leader inthe accumulation and redistribution of wealth, and its modern equivalent. Also in thissection I examine the effect of the remoteness of the environment and the tribal ethos ofbravery which may encourage fighting and stealing, and thus affects the accumulation ofwealth.

In the second part I describe the economic relations between households, includingcooperative ones among relatives. The tradition of hospitality and a positive valuation ofboth begging and giving serves as a safety net for the poorest individuals and enablesgreat mobility of this remote population through guesting while traveling. I also describesome cases of recovery after natural catastrophe, such as the decimation of livestock bywinter storms or theft. I conclude this section with an explanation of the regular mutualaid practices that relatives and friends perform for each other, including contributions tofuneral expenses and restitution payments for injury to others.

In the third part I examine the role of lamas and other religious institutions in theaccumulation of wealth and its redistribution. I distinguish three types of lamas, althoughmost are combinations of these ideal types. The first type is the renouncer, who attractsdonations because of his piety, but gives them away either to needy lay people or to thesupport of monks. The second type is the builder of the religious establishment. Withdonations from the people, these lamas build temples, stupas, etc., and fund prayer meet-ings, where they must feed the thousands of monks they teach. The final type of lama isthe businessman, who takes donations from the people and uses at least some of thismoney to capitalize various business ventures, which his disciples, both Tibetan and HanChinese, help him manage. It is this kind of lama that has the greatest potential to helpthe economy develop. Some lamas, for example, start schools for orphans with the dona-tions they receive. Others start factories in pastoral areas, such as for processing milk into

milk powder. Still others move into Han areas for part or all of the year to teach their Handisciples and do business there.

Finally, I briefly describe the role the government and its bureaucrats play in thedistribution of wealth. First, I describe the attitude of the people toward the government’smoney: basically that one should not be stingy with it. Most bureaucrats operate withthis principle to the extent they can without suffering disciplinary action, and this is usu-ally related to their rank within the government. Who should receive the spoils of gov-ernment funds is determined by the kinship and friendship ties of the bureaucrats, mostof whom are not from the local area. Who should pay fines is similarly determined, al-though local officials usually limit their take to an amount that would not eliminate theillegal activity, thereby preserving their long term income stream. In this section, with afew examples, I also describe the local (mis)directions poverty alleviation programs maytake, such as saddling poor pastoralists with loans they have little hope of repaying, andselling construction materials to those who were intended by the donor to receive it freeof charge. I also look at the government’s vision for the development of pastoralism inthis area, and the reasons for local resistance to parts of this vision.

In conclusion, I summarize both the advantages of the redistributive ethic describedabove and the difficulties Golok pastoralists face in accumulating wealth. I give someexamples of the successes and failures of those who have managed to accumulate wealthand start a business.

The transmission of efficacy: shifts in the structures,expectations, and meanings of Tibetan medical education

Sienna Craig

This paper is based on ethnographic fieldwork I have been conducting in Nepal and theTibet Autonomous Region, China. My work is an inquiry into the political, economic,and social components of medical efficacy, particularly as they play out in relationshipsbetween master-apprentice educational structures on the one hand, and institutions ofTibetan medicine on the other. I have been working with the Himalayan Amchi Associa-tion (HAA), a consortium of Tibetan medical practitioners from remote Nepal who formedtheir own NGO in 1998, and who are directly engaged in the establishment of small schoolsand clinics of Tibetan medicine in Nepal. Much of the material for this paper draws frommy work with this association, as well as from interviews and field experience gained byvisiting HAA members in their home communities. I have also done comparative re-search at several small schools of Tibetan medicine in the TAR, and have conducted inter-views with Tibetan doctors as well as representatives of government agencies and inter-national funding organizations who have been key in the establishment and operation ofthese small medical schools.

This paper focuses on issues of curriculum within formal and informal structures ofamchi education, as well as attendant conceptions of efficacy and what has been dubbeda ‘crisis of confidence’ in amchi and Tibetan medicine. Each of these themes involvesexaminations into the concept and currency of lineage: how lineage functions within net-works of amchi, as well as between amchi, the nation-states in which they exist, and theirforeign interlocutors. Each of these themes also addresses, perforce, the impacts that bio-medicine and biomedical epistemologies are having on amchi medical practice. Thesethemes create a web of meaning about contemporary Tibetan medical practice that isboth grounded in specific nation-state circumstances and extend beyond these borders.The issue of curriculum – what and how to teach, whether or not to introduce biomedi-cine into Tibetan medical courses, what the relationship is and should be between institu-tional and lineage-based master-apprentice pedagogy – plays out at the level of large,state-supported (or state-in-exile supported) institutes for Tibetan medicine in China andIndia. But these issues are also having crucial impacts on the future of smaller schoolsand clinics, and therefore the future of health care practices, beliefs, and structures at alocal level.

In this paper, I discuss the challenges posed by attempts to integrate medical episte-mologies, particularly as this plays out in the education of novice amchi, as well as theprofessionalizing efforts of more experienced Tibetan medical practitioners, many of whomare the head teachers at these small schools and clinics. I examine how the establishmentof small institutes, often expressed by donors and amchi alike as a desire to “preserve

tradition” on the one hand and “modernize” Tibetan medicine on the other, alter amchipractices. What of the diversity of Tibetan medical practice is kept and what is lost throughthis push to institutionalize, even at a community level? How is this revealed throughchoices being made about curriculum? What is it about the creation of a physical space,outside the realm of a home or monastery, for medical education, as well as the moreintangible boundaries of power, authority, and knowledge implied by the founding ofinstitutes, that is perceived to imbue this practice with a new kind of efficacy? How is thisdifferent from the balance of belief and honed skill that produces another kind of efficacy– the more intimate healing encounter between doctor and patient?

Debates over the inclusion or exclusion of biomedical training in otherwise Tibetanmedical curricula also relate directly to questions of confidence and efficacy. Schools ofTibetan medicine are experiencing pressure from local communities, as well as state andinternational agencies, to include biomedical techniques and practices in their curricula,and to supplement Tibetan medical practice with biomedical training. Part of this pres-sure is attributed to the geographic circumstances in which most amchi work and the lackof other health care service in these remote areas. The issue of maternal and child healthcare, as well as emergency medicine, are key fulcrums around which these debates turn.Reactions among amchi to these calls for “integrated” curricula have been mixed. Someagree with this strategy and say that amchi should be trained in biomedical techniques, tobetter serve their communities. Others suggest instead that biomedical and Tibetan medicalpractitioners should work in collaboration, and that these epistemologies of healing shouldbe encouraged in two practitioners who practice side-by-side. Opponents of such cur-ricula say that these approaches, although seemingly practical and well intentioned,embody a naturalized arrogance implicit in biomedically-driven aid agendas. They alsodirectly undermine Tibetan medical training before this medical epistemology has had achance to live in the minds and hands of novice practitioners.

States and international agencies extol the cultural capital of Tibetan medicine asboth a “traditional art” and a “healing science”. Yet for the sake of – and with the moralforce of – “saving lives” biomedical practices continue to be instituted in ways that sys-tematically trump Tibetan medicine. Many villagers still implicitly trust an amchi who iswell practiced and, usually, old and male; they will send their children to attend thesenew schools of Tibetan medicine. And yet, they also have a love affair with IV antibiotics.Biomedicine, even in its most rough forms, is perceived as more “modern” and, in thatsense, more efficacious than Tibetan medicine at a local level. This crisis of confidence inTibetan medicine, then, is institutional and cultural, state-sanctioned and organic. And itis clearly illustrated in the new structures of and demands on Tibetan medical education.

bsTan-’dzin Chos-rgyal’s Bhutan Legal Code of 1729 incomparison with Sde-srid Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho’s

Guidelines for Government Officials

Christoph Cüppers

In his short introduction to the “Sources for the History of Bhutan” (Vienna 1986) MichaelAris remarked that the only published text which affords a parallel to the Bhutan LegalCode of 1729 composed by bsTan-’dzin Chos-rgyal seems to be “The Edict of the C’osrGyal of Gyantse” (Tucci 1949: 745–6). According to Petech this Bhutanese code of lawcontains the rules of conduct for the ruling class.

In recent years, however, the “Guidelines for Government Officials” written in theyear 1681 by the regent (sde-srid) Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho have become available. In itare described the duties of high government officials. When one compares this text withthe Bhutan Legal Code of 1729, it becomes obvious that bsTan-’dzin Chos-rgyal to someextent used the “Guidelines” issued by the dGa’-ldan Pho-brang government as a modelfor his own code. Some sections have been copied literally, others have been shortened,and still others have been rephrased to fit the particular Bhutanese situation.

In my paper I try to explain the Bhutanese and Tibetan concept of governance in the17th and 18th centuries, and to show the points on which the two governments agree,and those on which they differ, regarding the duties of their officials.

Rnying-ma-pa monastic organization in seventeenth-centuryTibet: the case of Smin-grol-gling

Bryan Cuevas

To comprehend the complexities of religion, politics, and social life in premodern Tibet itis necessary to have some understanding of the nature, structure, and organization of theTibetan monastic institution. In this paper I consider the principles of operation, officesand institutions, economy, and early history of the Rnying-ma-pa monastery of Smin-grol-gling (est. 1670) as detailed in various edicts and written documents, including Smin-grol-gling’s first monastic constitution (bca’-yig) compiled in 1689 by Gter-bdag-gling-pa(1646–1714), the monastery’s founder. My main objective is to offer a few insights into thenature of religious life and polity of one of the most influential Rnying-ma-pa monaster-ies in central Tibet at the dawn of Dge-lugs-pa (Dge-ldan-pa) supremacy. During the lateseventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, Smin-grol-gling was one of the principalcenters for the preservation of Rnying-ma ritual, arts, and learning in central Tibet and itssuccess was due in part to the close intimacy Gter-bdag-gling-pa and his family culti-vated with the fifth Dalai Lama (1617–1682). In addition to my focus on the internal struc-ture and monastic polity of Smin-grol-gling during the period under consideration, I alsointroduce preliminary materials for the study of that institution’s family history fromroughly the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries. The role of family relations, alliances,and conflicts in shaping the history of Tibetan religion and politics remains a significanttopic still largely neglected by scholars in Tibetan Studies.

The making of the Blue Beryl: some remarks on the textualsources of the famous commentary of Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho

(1653–1705)

Olaf Czaja

The ‘Four Treatises’ (rgyud bzhi) as it is widely known formed the pivotal point of medicalwritings on Tibetan medicine. Many commentaries were written on its behalf. Among themone finds two composed by Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705): one that covers the wholerange of topics found in the rgyud bzhi: the Blue Beryl (vaidurya sngon po), one that focuses onthe third part of the rgyud bzhi: the ‘Supplement’ (lhan thabs). Both can be regarded as someof the most influential medical treatises and were a hallmark for Tibetan medicine at theend of the 17th century. Even nowadays they still have highly valued position in medicalthinking on the rgyud bzhi. As it is known Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho was assisted in his taskby the celebrated physician Dar mo ’Tsho byed Blo bzang chos grags also shortly called Darmo sMan rams pa. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho although highly educated was not a doctorhimself. Until now, however, no thoroughly study on the sources on which Sangs rgya rgyamtsho has relied has been undertaken. Admittedly this paper too cannot fill this gap butonly call its importance into the attention of the audience. The paper aims on showing thediversity of opinions found in the medical treatises that were reshaped and brought into asingle one by Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho that is nowadays a standard. Some of the medicaltreatises out of which his Blue Beryl (vaidurya sngon po) was created will be introduced heresuch as the ‘Medical Treatments, A Royal Treasury’ (gso dpyad rgyal po’i dkon mdzod) com-posed by Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147- 1216), the ‘Instructions of the Grandfather’ (mes po’izhal lung) written by Zur mkhar ba Blo gros rgyal po (b.1509), ‘Ten Million Relics’ (bye baring bsrel) of Zur mkhar ba Chos rje mNyam nyid rdo rje (1439–1475) or the ‘Practices ofMedical Treatments, A Source for All What is Desired’ (gso dpyad kyi lag len dgos ’dod kun’byung) by bDud rtsi ’gyur med (16th cent.). A few words of assessment on them should begiven as for instance on the work attributed to Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147–1216). Thismedical treatise in its form known today seems be rather a compilation done by Sa skyaPandita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251). To retrace how Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho madeuse of its sources and to establish something of a scale of reliability or authority amongthese textual compositions a comparison will be done of what all these treatises have to sayon specific medical topics. When certain methods of treatment were discussed the sourcesdiffer in some points like measures of diet or more significantly on which vertebrae moxi-bustion has to applied. In some instances one is left with the impression that Sangs rgyasrgya mtsho has preferred the gso dpyad kyi lag len dgos ’dod kun ’byung of bDud rtsi’gyur med (16th cent.) and regarded him as the most authoritative.

By presenting these initial findings it is intended to make one beware of the diversityof approaches within Tibetan medicine through a critical examination of its textualtradition.

Reworking the identity of the rnying ma school: a comparisonof two seventeenth century ritual manuals

Jacob Dalton

As is well known, the Rnying ma school experienced unprecedented support during theseventeenth century. The fifth Dalai Lama’s family had strong Rnying ma ties, and someof his closest teachers were Rnying ma pa. As the new Dalai Lama government rose topower, so did the fortunes of the Rnying ma school. During the second half of the seven-teenth century huge new Rnying ma monasteries were founded throughout central andeastern Tibet. In fact, these years marked a shift in the identity of the Rnying ma schooltowards larger, monastic institutions. In central Tibet, the two monasteries of Rdo rjebrag and Smin grol gling were particularly influential in this new trend. This paper willcompare and contrast the impact of these two monasteries on the shape of the Rnying maschool.

More specifically, I will be looking at their respective ritual manuals for the perform-ance of the “Sutra Empowerment” (mdo dbang), an elaborate ceremony based on theAnuyoga tantra entitled the Compendium of the Intentions Sutra (Dgongs pa ’dus pa’i mdo).Both Rdo rje brag and Smin grol gling produced extensive writings on this ceremony,including two new empowerment ritual manuals. An examination of these manuals re-veals two very different approaches to the Sutra Empowerment tradition, approachesthat reflect the wider strategies taken at each monastery towards the institutionalizationof the Rnying ma school.

By the seventeenth century, the Sutra Empowerment tradition had become the ritualcenterpiece of the Rnying ma school’s Spoken Teachings (bka’ ma). This class of teachingsshould be understood in juxtaposition to the Treasure Teachings (gter ma), with the Spo-ken Teachings based on supposed translations from Indic-language originals rather thanon revelations native to Tibet. At the heart of these Spoken Teachings stands the triad ofSutra, Tantra, and Mind (mdo rgyud sems gsum), the three root tantras of Anuyoga,Mahayoga, and Atiyoga respectively. As mentioned above, the Sutra Empowerment drawsupon the first element of this triad, namely the Compendium Sutra. Historically, the Com-pendium Sutra provided much of the mythological and doctrinal structure for the SpokenTeachings. As a result, by the seventeenth century the Sutra Empowerment had become agrand ceremony representing in many respects the entire Rnying ma school. Its perform-ance took up to two weeks and required resources that only a large monastery couldprovide.

Thus as Padma ’phrin las and Gter bdag gling pa worked to legitimate their newinstitutions at Rdo rje brag and Smin grol gling, they both turned to the Sutra Empower-ment. Their writings changed the face of the Sutra Empowerment tradition, but in di-

verse ways. At Rdo rje brag, Padma ’phrin las sought to create a completely new lineageto replace the one already in existence which was controlled by his enemies. In this way,he hoped to erase certain elements of the Rnying ma school from the history books.

This project represented a power shift within the Rnying ma school that paralleledthe wider change to the new Dalai Lama government. Before, under the rule of the Gtsangkings, the main central Tibetan Rnying ma lineage enjoying royal patronage was thatstemming from the Gter ston Zhig po Gling pa, passing through Sog bzlog pa and Gongra lo chen amongst others. After the fifth Dalai Lama’s takeover, this group fell out offavor while the new monasteries of Rdo rje brag and Smin grol gling were established.The new Rdo rje brag ritual manual embodied this change in royal patronage.

The Sutra Empowerment writings produced at Smin grol gling just a few decadeslater exhibit a completely different approach to the changing face of the Rnying ma school.The tone is not exclusive but inclusive, as Gter bdag gling pa sought to create a newtradition that would be acceptable to all elements within the Rnying ma school. In depict-ing his lineage, he tried to gather all the earlier strands within his own. In his new ritualmanual, he “dumbed down” the empowerment ceremony, making it better suited for thegeneral public and more manageable for a festival format. Thus he removed the mostsecret tantric elements from the ceremony and divided the unwieldy manual into smallerindividual manuals that could be handed off to groups of ritual specialists within themonastery, thus streamlining both the preparations and the actual performance. Now theentire ceremony could be completed in just three days. The new system was backed upby a rigorous historical study that provided unprecedented detail on the ritual tradition.Gter bdag gling pa’s project culminated in 1691 when he invited hundreds of the topRnying ma masters from throughout Tibet to a grand unveiling of his new ritual systemat Smin grol gling. The project was highly successful, and today Smin grol gling’s ritualmanuals are standard at all Rnying ma monasteries other than those affiliated with Rdorje brag.

Bod kyi mdos glud la dpyad pa’i gtam skya reng gsar pa(Offerings to mountain spirits: a study of Khalong)

Dangsung Namgyal

The best way of researching Tibetan tradition of offering mountain spirits (glud) is doingresearch on the Khalong. Khalong Döchen is the oldest written documents, and can bethe representative work on offering mountain spirits, which has been considered as stand-ard work on offering mountain spirits.

The present study includes three sections:

One, definition of offering mountain spirits includes ’jugtsul, damtshig, and results ofoffering mountain spirits, and when this tradition has started in Tibet.

Two, researching Khalong includes two sections: the contents of the Khalong and artisticcharacteristics of the Khalong.

In terms of contents of Khalong, there are five aspects shall be discussed,

1. The origin of Khalong, how it developed and in which Thekpa Khalong belongs to.

2. After defining and introducing the y.astak, I shall give readers general but vividideas about the offering mountain spirits.

3. Giving information about origin, nature and advantage of Sidpe chokrab, which shallcome first, I shall give definition of offering mountain spirits, and characteristics ofNgarglud.

4. Since the main object of offering mountains spirits is Sipe gyalmo, I shall, base on thestandard sources, discuss the origin, unique and commonly characteristics of Sipegyalmo. Further, I shall discuss how Sipe gyalmo became a protector of religion.

5. Summarizing activities after finishing offering mountain spirits.

In terms of artistic characteristics of the Khalong, I found that the Khalong carriesboth ancient Tibetan writing style and Melongma style. I shall compare Khalong withDunhuang documents and later authorial works to describe the characteristics mentionedabove.

Bod sil bu’i dus rabs kyi rtsom rig dar rgud la dpyad pa(Literature during the early 10th Century to the middle of 13th

century)

Danzheng

During the early Tibetan kingdom, because of the three great kings of Tibet, Tibetan poli-tics, culture and economy developed. Especially after written Tibetan was invented, andmonasteries were established, many scholars from India and China were invited. Mean-while, many Tibetans students were sent to India and China. Based on the folklore, Ti-betan authorial literature started and developed. However, with the assassination of LangDarma and collapse of Tibetan kingdom, Tibetan literature experienced reduction, re-vival, and development during the early 10th century to the middle of 13th century.

One: The Period of Reduction

During the time, that Lang Darma demolished Buddhism to the year of 978, the group ofTibetan authors and translators got demolished. Therefore, besides folklores, it was al-most impossible to find authorial works.

Two: The Period of Revival

In 978, ten scholars from U-tsang became monk under feet of Grum Yeshe Gyaltsan andlit the Buddhist fire again. Many scholars, such as Atisha, were invited from India.Kadampa, Kagyudpa, Sakyapa and Jonangpa started having certain mount of monks,who became the new generation of authors and translators. These scholars and monks indifferent schools produced biographies, Snyanngag, letters, materials for moral educa-tion and praying, which lead the new revival of Tibetan authorial literature.

Three: The Period of Development

Sappan’s writing of Mkhas ’jug started the tradition of writing in Tibetan. The publishingof Rol mo’i bstan bcos, Zlos gar rab dga’i ’jug pa, Tshig gi gter, Sdebs sbyor sna tshogs me togchun po started the tradition of general/common sciences (Tha snyad rig pa)[k1]. In ac-cordance with the suggestions given in these publications, Tibetan intellectuals startedproducing their work, which brought Tibetan literature new blood.

More Phyi-dar apocrypha: gSar-ma treasure texts

Ronald M. Davidson

Ratna gling-pa (1403–1478) devotes a section of his gTer byung chen mo to detailing textshe understands as gSar-ma gter and accuses of hypocrisy those challenging the rNying-ma Treasure tradition, for Ratna gling-pa understands gSar-ma representatives to acceptindividual treasure texts rather than actually condemning all treasure works per se. Mostimportantly, he identifies some of these works by titles, including the bKa’ ’chems ka kholma and extending to the Mani bka’ ’bum and a tantra accepted in the Zhi-byed system butnot entered into the bKa’ ’gyur rgyud ’bum. This paper will evaluate these and otherphyi-dar gter works in light of Ratna gling-pa and other rNying-ma apologists’ state-ments and in distinction to the work of Chag-lo Chos rje dpal, Bu-ston, and others. Thepaper concludes that there was a subculture of revelation among gSar-ma representativesin Phyi-dar Tibet, beginning in the eleventh century.

Part of the revelation was tied to models of the Tibetan imperium and focused onSrong-btsan sgam-po, whereas other gsar-ma gter proposed itself as authentic Indianworks, in the manner of rNying-ma revelatory tantras. While the volume of gSar-ma gteris much smaller than its rNying-ma counterpart, the examination of buried texts andcontinued revelation reveals an acceptance of the fundamental model by many facets ofTibetan religious society rather than constituting a specifically or uniquely rNying-maphenomenon.

gSang chen theg pa’i bskyed rim dang bod nang pa’i bla skrulbar gyi ’brel ba

(The relationship between incarnation in Mahayana Tantraand reincarnation in Tibetan Buddhism)

Dawa (Zla-ba)

The present study is based on the researching the Tantric Yogi Dame gyud’s three medi-tations and discusses the origins of some of the Tibetan Buddhist Lama. In this paper Ishall discuss – meditation, physical training, death, interval (bar srid), and birth. FurtherI shall provide the evidences for the origins for many Tibetan Buddhist Lama and incar-nations, the relationships between ordinary Tibetans and those reincarnations.

Tibetan Buddhist reincarnation is a result of practicing Mahayana Tantra. Here I shalldiscuss this topic by dividing the main chapters into several smaller chapters in order forthe readers to have general ideas about the Mahayana Tantra and its practice.

At the same time, I shall discuss little bit about how the Mahayana Tantra came to thehuman world. Moreover, I shall discuss the way of practicing it and introduce about themain ideas of the four Yogis. Additionally I will suggest that Mahayana Tantra is a treas-ure for human spiritual lives by discussing about – birth, death, the reasons for practicingMahayana Tantra, incarnations and reincarnations, how to practice Mahayana Tantra etcissues.

In order to describe my suggestions about the Mahayana Tantra and reincarnationsin Tibetan Buddhism, I shall provide more examples from historical documents and con-temporary actual life.

The Chong Pa Ache Lamo Troupe and related information

Deyki Drokar

The Chong Pa Ache Lamo Troupe was one of the four well-known Ache Lamo troupes,having unique characteristics not only with respect to its rNam Thar (song), perform-ance, and the beating of drums and the striking of cymbals, but also having extremelypleasant traditional songs, dances and music. For this reason, they were well received inLhasa, performing during the Lhasa Shoton Festival before 1959. However, for manyreasons, they could not come to Lhasa to perform during Lhasa Shoton Festival for thepast forty years. And as there are very few documents and articles about the Lamo troupe,I had a strong desire to go to the place of the Ache Lamo troupe. I went to there to dosome field-work and record video in October of this year.

The Chong Pa Ache Lamo troupe resides in one of the six Shangs in Shi ga Tse NgamRing County – the Shang named Chong Ri Wo Che Shang. The name of the Lamo troupearose from the name of this Shang. The area is located in the eastern part of Ngam RingCounty, and more than 80km from the county seat to the Shang itself. It has an averagesea level of 4500 km, and is both cold and has very thin air. Local people told me that theroad from the county seat to their Shang is in its worst state from July to September ofeach year. It is difficult to drive any automobile on the road, and admittedly, I was terri-bly frightened by such a dangerous and difficult mountain.

In 2001, there was a total population of 4470 people in Chong Ri Wo Che Shang,mainly dealing with agriculture, but also rearing many sheep, goats, cattle, chickens, etc.Local people, including the elderly and youngsters, very much enjoy singing and danc-ing local traditional songs and dances. In particular, they are very interested in seeingAche Lamo performances. For example, although we knew that they were, day and night,very busy with their harvest work, one day we requested the Ache Lamo troupe to per-form traditional lamo, and surprisingly, within a short amount of time, all the performerswere gathered and ready to perform for us. At that time, not only did local people cometo see the lamo performance, but also some old people with Chang (barley beer) and theirchildren came from nearby villages.

There is a ruined monastery of the traditional Ache lamo founder – Drob Thog ThangThong Gyalpo – and a very special stupa in this Shang, having a structure very similar toGyang Tse Bal Gun Chob Den in Gyang Tse of Shi Ga Tse. It is said that Gyang Tse stupawas copied from the stupa in Chong Ri Wo Che. Moreover, there are can be seen fourchain bridges that were built by Thang Thong in this general area: Pa Ding Bridge in DoPe Shang, Ta Sur Bridge in Ba Gug Ling Gas Ga Town, Rin Ding Bridge in Rin Chen DingDo Pe Shang and Ri Wo Che Bridge in Ri Wo Che Shang. Several of them have beenrepaired and are still well used.

Thang Thong was born in Rin Che Ding Do Pe Shang in Ngam Ring county, wherehis caves and footprints, etc., can still be seen. Local people told us that Thang Thong wasnamed Kro Wo Pal Den when he was a child, and was then given the name Tson DrunSang Po after he became a fully-ordained monk. Subsequently, he was given the namesDrob Tob Thang Thong Gyal Po and Drob Tob Cag Zam Pa after he started to build thebridges in Tibet. The Rin Ding Cag Zam is in Thang Thong’s hometown, where there is aplacid river upstream from the bridge. It is said that the river was listening to the teach-ing of Thang Thong.

He stayed in the area named Aen Nas Thar Pa Ling for six years. Some of the localpeople recited his story as follows:

To build the Kangyur and Tengyur for his father:To build Ma Ni Ka Bum for his mother;To build bridges for humans and animals:To teach doctrine for six years in Thar Pa Ling.

I felt very sad to hear that Thang Thong’s body, and those of his sponsor, Chang DagTashi Tob Gyal, and his abbot Tob Den Bal Byor, were taken out from the Kyi Nal Gor Mo(“like dog sleeping”) in Thang Thong’s monastery by some people from a nearby villageduring the Cultural Revolution. The other two bodies were thrown in Yarlung Tsangpowhole, while Thang Thong’s body was cut down small pieces and thrown in same river.

Information about Chong Pa Ache Lamo’s history, characteristics, structure, activi-ties relating to the Lhasa Shoton Festival, etc., are detailed in my paper.

Mongol cultural sites and customs in modern ’Dam gzhung(Tibet Autonomous Region)

Denlhun Tshering Yangdzom

There is a long history of political, cultural and economic relations between Tibetans andMongols. In the middle of the 17th century Gushri Khan, the leader of the Hoshod Mon-gols after occupying the Kokonor region led his troops into Central Tibet, supported theFifth Dalai Lama and became the ruler of Tibet. Gushri Khan and his Mongolian de-scendants selected ’Dam gzhung, to the north of Lhasa, as their main residence. Here alarge part of the Mongolian army and their horses were stationed, since this was the bestgrassland in the vicinity of Lhasa. Nowadays the ’Dam gzhung community considersitself to consist of the descendants of Gushri Khan and of the Hoshot Mongols of the 17thcentury. Even though the people of gDam gzhung speak exclusively Tibetan and haveabandoned the Mongolian language, they keep a strong sense of their history and de-scent. This is reflected in some of the local customs and in the organisation of the commu-nity.

On basis of historical textual sources, recent local publications in Tibetan and Chi-nese and my own ethnographic research I will outline in my paper:

1) The area of ’Dam gzhung, its location and its early history

2) The political change during the Hoshod rule (1640–1720)

3) The political situation under the Qing Amban and the Tibetan government (1720–1912) and afterwards

4) The organisation of the community in the Eight banners of ’Dam gzhung

5) Mongolian cultural sites and customs in modern ’Dam gzhung

Leaders, names and festivals: the management of tradition inthe Mongolian-Tibetan borderlands

Hildegard Diemberger

Who organizes a festival or a ritual or a collective undertaking? Who manages tradition?Often, in Tibetan areas, an event is said to have been organized by the dmangs tshogs, orby the government on behalf of the dmangs tshogs. This term, which can be translatedliterally as “the assembled multitude”, or “the masses”, is often used to indicate the com-munity in its broadest sense. Sometimes it indicates the civil community in contrast tothe government, sometimes the local community including its leaders, and sometimessimply an unstructured collectivity.

This paper will focus on cadres and the organisational aspect of certain festivals andrituals in a rural area of Qinghai after 1980. It looks firstly at the extent to which themodern xiang-s reproduce pre-existing administrative settings, as recorded in party docu-ments from the period 1952–54, and goes on to contrast the organisation of two closelyrelated collective events, the naadam and the Tsendiri latse, that were first re-celebrated in1984. They involve what appears to be the same community but have different manage-ment, time reckoning systems, religious implications and representations of ethnicity.This offers a glimpse into the the practical task of managing and arranging the re-inven-tion of traditions, and at the same time offers a example of the multifaceted role of politi-cal leaders at the local level.

The paper is based on research into the community or communities of ‘Sogpo’, aMongolian enclave in Qinghai, also called Henan. The area is surrounded by Tibetancommunities. Due to the complex ethnic structure of this area, the dilemmas andstrategic choices involved in the management of cultural life seem more visible here thanelsewhere. The paper suggests that the closer one looks at social and cultural processes ofthis kind, the more an agency usually located in terms such as “the state”, “the govern-ment” or “the community” seems to dissolve into a multitude of individual actions andchoices that involve a variety of interpretative communities.

The b⁄es-pa’i phrin-yig of fic›rya firya N›g›rjuna in thecollection of the Tibetan manuscripts from Tun-huang

Siglinde Dietz

The full text of the b⁄es-pa’i phrin-yig which is ascribed to the Madhyamaka philosopherN›g›rjuna and was addressed to a King of the Indian S›tav›hana dynasty is available inthe Tibetan Tanjur. It is a didactic compendium of the basic ideas common to the Bud-dhist traditions. Among the Tibetan Manuscripts from Tun-huang in the India Office Li-brary (catalogued by L. de la Vallée Poussin) we find a fragment of the b⁄es-pa’i phrin-yig(No. 646) beginning with the 38th stanza and complete up to the last (117th) stanza. In mypaper I shall compare the language of the two versions and comment on the interlinearglosses of the Tun-huang fragment.

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Lo rgyus yig cha dang deng dus gna’ rdzas rig dngos zhib ‘juggnyis go bsdur gyis zhang zhung dang de’i rig gzhung skor

dpyad pa(Comparison of historical works and archaeological field

research on Zhang-zhung studies)

Dondrup Lhagyal

This presentation examines the existing evidence concerning Zhang-zhung and its cul-ture in well-known Tibetan and Chinese historical sources. These literary accounts formthe background to archaeological field research carried out over the course of two monthsin northern and western Tibet, i.e. the Byang-thang and sTod-mnga’-ris. The work pre-sented here thus involves a comparison of textual investigation and fieldwork to furtherour knowledge of Zhang-zhung and its culture. Fieldwork in this case entailed both ar-chaeological investigations and a study of local oral tradition.

The presentation comprises three parts. The first part is a reviewof the existing sec-ondary literature on Zhang-zhung, which will survey the work that has already beendone on the subject and analyse the methodology that has been employed. The secondpart will analyse references to Zhang-zhung in the work of both Tibetan and Chinesehistorians. The Tibetan works are grouped into two categories: Bonpo works and Bud-dhist sources. A comparison between these two bodies of literature enables us to estab-lish the main differences between the two perspectives. Particular emphasis is placed onthe descriptions of Zhang-zhung as presented in the work of Bonpo authors from differ-ent historical periods. Evidence in support of the Tibetan testimonies is found in Chinesehistorical documents. The third part analyses the main characteristics of Zhang-zhungand its culture through a comparison of historical accounts and the result of field re-search on the topic. In this final part I shall describe and analyse what I found in northernand western Tibet during two months’ field work, and shall then compare historical ac-counts and field research on Zhang-zhung in an attempt to reveal something of Zhang-zhung and its cultural characteristics.

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59-e³$-#Ü#-µ¥-dÜ9-:ë#-+$-Ê  7-=-#(Ü<-Jë#<-2Ý#-#Ü-n+-`Ü-7ë#-·â-oÜ<-ý-+#-,Ü-#,7-/ë7Ü-/ë+-`Ü-…-#+$<-0*ë-+07-+$-Ê NÜ-8$-7'0-Ià/-#<:-eè+-`Ü-

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� Ü7Ü-a+-&ë<-<ëÊ 

    

/ë+-ý<-0,7-/þ:-Y$<-Uë9-:-+c+-ýÊ 

Eë-Bè-+/$-d³# 

Dorje Wangchuk  

� Ü9-rë:-{æ,-,0-/<0-vë7Ü-9Ü#-#,<-`Ü-+/$-¸¥-e<-,Ê � Ü-2ì#<-aë,-8ë$<-:-a/-ý-+$-0-a/-ý9-#,<-ý-%Ü-9Ü#<-;Ü#-8ë+-ý-:<Ê  0,7-rë:-9Ü#-ý-

:-$ë<-73Ý,-+$-/è+-� ë+-eè+-:0-[-2ì#<-;Ü#-e³$-8ë+-%Ü$-Ê 7ë,-`$-/ë+-`Ü-0,7-rë:-9Ü#-ý-,Ü-� Ü-2ì#<-aë,-8ë$<-:-a/-ý-5Ü#-YèÊ Ð/ë+-0,7-*ë#-+$-

{-8Ü#-*ë#Ñ%è<-W-0ë-,<-/ë+0Ü-F0<-:-xä$-P9-i#<-ý-+$-7oè:Ê  &ë<-:ß#<-#,+-+ë,-+$-rÜ+-:ß#<-#,+-+ë,-bÜ<-/Z¨<-ý7Ü-#,<-:ß#<-0$-ýë-5Ü#-

#Ü-,$-+ë,-#ë-#,<-#:-&è,-/6ß$-8ë+-ý7Ü-9Ü#-ý-5Ü#-8Ü,Ê +è9-/Dè,-7+Ü-5Ü/-7'ß#-eè+-ý7$-[$-&±$-¸¥-#)ë$-9ß$-0Ü,-ý9-0*ë$-,<-+c+-5Ü/-%Ü#-eè+-7+ë+-e³$-

:Ê +è-+ë,-9$-vë<-+ýë#-2+-`Ü-+/$-¸¥-e<-)è-,$-+ë,-,0-<-/%+-/g0<-Y$<-0+ë9-/Z¨<-<ß-/!ë+-,-7+Ü-P9Ê   

#%Ü#  /ë+-¸¥-0,7-rë:-9Ü#-ý-+9-2±:-� Ü-/;+Ê  <-/%+-7+Ü7Ü-,$-/ë+-`Ü-:ë-{æ<-+è/-*è9-[-2ì#<-,$-/!ë+-#<:-#5Ü-:-/5#-YèÊ  /ë+-7+Ü9-0,7-

/þ:-Y$<-`Ü-Uë9-¸¥<-,0-5Ü#-:-+9-/-+$-Ê  +è-P9-+9-/7Ü-0,7-/þ:-Y$<-:-#,7-/ë7Ü-¸¥<-U/<-`Ü-$ë<-73Ý,-+$-Ê  8$-dë#<-#5,-5Ü#-,<-#,7-

/ë7Ü-/ë,-&ë<-+$-¸¥<-9/<-/¸¥,-ý7Ü-,$-<$<-{<-`Ü-/Y,-ý-9Ü,-ýë-&è-+9-/-+è<-0,7-/þ:-/7Ü-9Ü0-ý9-7b²9-/-#-7l-dÜ,-8ë+-0è+-+$-Ê  +è-/5Ü,-0,7-

/þ:-Y$<-:-� Ü-2ì#<-eÜ$<-`Ü<-$ë<-73Ý,-eè+-Y$<-#$-7l-5Ü#-8ë+-0è+-/%<-+$-7oè:-/7Ü-+c+-#5Ü7Ü-8Ü#-&-"#-/{+-9è#-<ë,-e³$-8ë+-ý-#5Ü-:-/5#-

,<-+c+-5Ü/-+$-Ê  5ë9-7në<-P-/ß9-{-+!9-,#-+$-<ë#-ýë-<ë#<-0Ü-9Ü#<-#5,-bÜ<-0,7-rë:-+$-7oè:-/7Ü-eè+-:ß#<-%Ü-8ë+-,<Ê  0,7Ü-+0Ü#<-8ß:-

+$-+#ë<-ý-<ë#<-`$-0+ë9-uè$-10-eè+-ýÊ 

#(Ü<- 0,7-rë:-9Ü#-ý-+$-7oè:-/7Ü-*-X+-Uë9-+c+-ýÊ :è-2,-7+Ü7Ü-,$-{æ+-Zè-<ë#<-,<-/;+-ý7Ü-+0-2Ý#-#Ü-Uë9-bÜ<-02ì,-ý7Ü-&ë<-dë#<-`Ü-0Ü$-/E-

+$-Ê  +è-/5Ü,-8ß:-:ß$-7l-0Ü,-bÜ-U+-//<-+$-Ê  /ë+-/E-#<9-CÜ$-#Ü-0Ü$-/E7Ü-9Ü#<-/Y9-&#<-<ß-/!ë+-+èÊ  +è-+#-#Ü-{/-Oë$<-{æ-02,-+$-$ë<-

73Ý,-eè+-:0Ê  #5,-8$-·â,-=ë$-8Ü#-CÜ$-+$-0-− Ü-/!7-7/ß0-<ë#<-+è/-*è9-CÜ$-i<-+$-Ê  (è-9/<-0"<-ý<-03+-ý7Ü-F0-*9-Ië0-9Ü#-+$-7oè:-+èè/-

*è9-[-2ì#<-:-"ß$<-/%ë:-)è-9Ü#-ý-+$-7oè:-/7Ü-*-X+-0Ü-7l-/-/%°-i$<-#<:-7"ë+-`Ü-+è/-*è9-"#-+$-Ê  #5,-8$-Wë,-+$-+-P7Ü-+#-8Ü#-<ë#<-+c+-

#5Ü9-/6ß$-Yè-+c+-5Ü/Ê 

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8ë+-:-+c+-5Ü/Ê  

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`Ü<-02ì,-ý7Ü-0,7-7oè:-bë,-&<-`Ü-e³$-Y$<-+$-Ê  +è-+#-/è+-� ë+-`Ü-9Ü0-ýÊ  +è-/<-`$-#1ì-&è7Ü-+/$-¸¥-e<-)èÊ  &ë<-dë#<-+$-rÜ+-dë#<-`Ü-//<-

+$-7oè:-/7Ü-9Ü0-ý-"#-%Ü#-/%<-:-+c+-5Ü/Ê  

ÁÑ0,7-+ý$-#Ü-Uë9-:Ê 0,7-#%Ü#/þè:-/9-0,7-+ý$-#%Ü#-#0-#(Ü<Ê #<ß0Ê /5Ü-M-<ë#<-%Ü-9Ü#<-<ß-7b²9-9Ü0-+$-Ê +è-+#-8ë$-zè,-+ýè-

02ì,Ê +è-+#-#Ü<-0,7-/þè:-#ë-9Ü0-,$-a+-ý9-bÜ-¹¥<-ý-yè/<-Y$<-`Ü<-02ì,-ý7Ü-#:-&è7Ü-9$-/5Ü,-/%<-:-+c+-5Ü/Ê  

/5ÜÊ 0,7-/þè:-Y$<-+$ë<-#5Ü9-+c+-ýÊ  

<-/%+-7+Ü9-,$-#<è<-+ë,-2,-"#-/5Ü9-+eè-,<-#<:-/;+-e-IÜ<Ê  

/ë+-{7Ü-9Ü#-#,<-`Ü-a+-ý9-+$-…-€ç9-Uë9-uè$-/Ê 

Eë-Bè-{-02ìÊ 

Dorje Gyatso (Muya Doujjiejiancuo)  

+c+-Ië0-7+Ü-8Ü#-7oá-Yë$-/{+-8<-0<-`Ü-i$<-2+-:-/6ß$-YèÊ  /ë+-{7Ü-U+-&7Ü-#ë0<-rë:-bÜ-a+-ý9-+$-Ê  72ì-/7Ü-#ë0<-rë:Ê  &ë<-:ß#<-

#ë0<-rë:Ê  /<0-#5Ü#<-#ë0<-rë:-/%<-`Ü-Yè$-,<-&#<-ý7Ü-0Ü-9Ü#<-+è-#(Ü<-`Ü-9Ü#-#,<-a+-ý9-+0Ü#<-<ß-/6ß$-,<Ê  /ë+-{-9è<-€ç9-hë+-¸¥-0Ü-

9Ü#<-#(Ü<-`Ü-*ß,-0Ü,-9Ü#-#,<-+è-<ë-<ë9-…-€ç9-bÜ-7oè:-60-+è-:-/Yè,-,<-'Ü-P9-€ç9-{æ-/Bë+-e7Ü-XÜ$-ýë9-7/+-,<-€ç9-*/<-#$-&è+-¸¥-�+-+#ë<-ý9-+c+-ý-

10-/)$-8ë+Ê  

+c+-Ië0-bÜ-#ë-9Ü0-:Ê  *ë#-09-9Ü#-#,<-#(Ü<-`Ü-a+-ý9-:-/Z¨9-/-9#<-10-+$-Ê  +è-,<-7b²9-þë,-e³$-2±:Ê  Bè<-<ß-*/<-:0-#$-:-/Dè,-,-…-

/€ç9-hë+-9Ü#-#,<-(0<-;ë9-0-e³$-/-/%<-#<ß0-:-/!9-8ë+Ê >-9ß7Ü-…-€ç9-0"<-%,-8ë<-%Ü,-:#<-,-)-8Ü<Ê .ß:-·â-e³$-/7Ü-…-€ç9-/-5Ü#-:-02ì,-

,Ê  8Ü#-9Ü#<-#(Ü<-:-e$-:-:<-9Ü#-#,<-#(Ü<-`Ü-e$-&-+è-#:-&è7ëÊ  5è<-+$-Ê  8$-"ë$-#Ü<-…-€ç9-bÜ-+!7-$:-,Ü-8Ü#-9Ü#<-#(Ü<-`Ü-a+-ý9-

0Ü,-:Ê #1ì-/ë-9Ü#-#,<-#(Ü<-`Ü-a+-ý9-:-*ß#-8ë+Ê %è<-<ë#<-:<Ê …-€ç9-e-/-+è-8Ü#-9Ü#<-#(Ü<-`Ü-F0-ý-10-+$-8$-,-…<-6Ü,-10-bÜ-/Bè-\ë9-

;Ü,-·â-y-/-+è-7l-5Ü#-.0-ý7Ü-$è<-;è<-Cè+-*ß/-,7$-Ê  +è-W-…-€ç9-e-7µ¥:-+è-8Ü#-9Ü#<-"ë-,7Ü-/Bè-9è<-10-·â-/6ß$-/<Ê …-€ç9-:#-:è,-ý-2ì<-9Ü#-#,<-

`Ü-a+-&ë<-+è-%Ü-P9-7b²9-Ië0-¸¥-020<-‚ë9-+$-$ë-‡ë+-eè+-ý9-0*ë$-&è,-0-e<-ý-7l-/<Ê  9Ü#-#,<-`Ü-a+-&ë<-#$-0$-;Ü#-[$-7'ë#-eè+-0Ü-eè+-#(Ü<-`Ü-

/9-,<-e³$-7b²9-þë9-<ë#<-`Ü<-+è$-07Ü-$ë-/ë-+è-F0-ý-#5,-5Ü#-·â-€ç9-bÜ-8ë+-ý-+è-9è+Ê  

7ë-,Ê  /ë+-{7Ü-9Ü#-#,<-:-a+-8ë+-+0-5è-,Ê  0Ü-9Ü#<-`Ü-:ë-{æ<-7.è:-{<-:-*ß,-0ë$-+$-*ß,-0ë$-0-8Ü,-ý7Ü-dë#<-#(Ü<-<ß-0*ë$-/-,$-/5Ü,Ê  /ë+-

{7Ü-9Ü#-#,<-:-0*ß,-<-9è-#(Ü<-0è+-ý-#-:-8Ü,-8$-Ê  0Ü-0*ß,-ý7Ü-a+-ý9-0$-ýë-8ë+Ê  +ýè9-,Ê  {7Ü-9Ü#-#,<-`Ü-?$-&#<-<-,Ü-#,0-+$-0Ü-

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P9-a+-ý9-#5,-.,-<è0<-/þè+-`Ü-P-/-+è-/ë+-9Ü#-#,<-`Ü-73Ý,-IÜ-P9-¸¥-&#<-8ë+-ý<-+è-#(Ü<-:<-`$-a+-&è-/-;è<-$è<Ê  

+è-/<Ê "ë-/ë<-9Ü#-#,<-a+-ý9-+è-+c+-9Ü,-0*ë-:Ê  9Ü#-#,<-rá$-73Ý,-T#-·â-/ë+-9Ü#-#,<-`Ü-rë#-P-/ß9-b²9-/7Ü-rë:-{æ,-9Ü#-#,<-`Ü-rá$-73Ý,-+$-

#<9-#)ë+Ê {æ,-/þ$<-+#ë<-ý-+è-I-/7Ü-#,+-5Ü#-·â-0*ë$-,<-&è+-¸¥-+è7Ü-*+-`Ü-+c+-Ië0-+è-µ¥<-ý-+$-/%<-ý<-.ß:-/-:#<-<ëÊ  

7oè:-#·â#-eè+-8ß:Ê gá$-#ë-02ì-Wë,-5Ü$-&è,-0#ë-:ë#-/ë+-9Ü#<-9$-þë$-"ß:->ß-I-73ß#<-ýß7ßÊ  

¿Ñ/1,-ýë7Ü-¸¥<-U/<-`Ü-0,7-rë:-:0-:ß#<Ê  7+Ü7Ü-,$-/ë+-`Ü-{:-9/<-+è/-*è9-CÜ$-i<-+$-Ê  (è-9/<-/I0<-ý7Ü-{:-9/<-:ë-{æ<-`Ü-+è/-*è9Ê 

#5,-8$-+è$-9/<-0"<-ý<-/I0<-ý7Ü-{:-9/<-+è/-*è9-+$-Ê  {-8Ü#-,$-7"ë+-/ë+-`Ü-{:-9/<-+è/-*è9-+$-8Ü#-&-/ë+-/€ç9-e<-ý-"#-/%<-+c+-

#5Ü9-/6ß$-YèÊ /1,-ýë7Ü-¸¥<-U/<-<ß-&ë<-rÜ+-:ß#<-#(Ü<-,$-0,7-/þè:-Y$<-`Ü<-#ë-#,<-#$-7l-5Ü#-/6ß$-8ë+-0è+-Uë9-:-+c+-5Ü/Ê  

ÀÑ0,7-#1Ý#<-`Ü<-/6ß$-/7Ü-:ë-{æ<-+ë,-#,+Ê 7+Ü7Ü-,$-0,7-rë:-+$-7oè:-,<-&ë<-rÜ+-`Ü-/%7-hÜ0<-#),-:-./-ý-+$-Ê {:-vë,-/9-bÜ-7#:-w-

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{æ<-+è/-*è9-F0<-<ß-#<:-/-,<-5Ü/-+c+-/bÜ<-)èÊ 0,7-#1Ý#<-`Ü<-� Ü-2ì#<-aë,-8ë$<-`Ü-:<-+ë,-[è-0$-,$-.,-x/<-e³$-"#-YèÊ  &ë<-dë#<-`Ü-:ë-

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<ë#<-`Ü-0,7-/þè:-bÜ-9Ü0-ý70-H$-#5Ü-0-/ë9-/9-$ë<-73Ý,-eè+-+#ë<-,7$-Ê  eè+-Vë-0$-+#-%Ü#-,Ü-8ß:-rë:-#,<-//-"ë9-8ß#-#Ü-#,<-Y$<-7b²9-a+-

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0,7-/þè:-Y$<-<ë#<-8ß:-rë:-+$-Ê  {:-9/<-:ë-{æ<-+$-7oè:-/7Ü-+c+-#5Ü-#(Ü<-*+-,<-+c+-IÜ<-+$-Ê  7në<-+ë,-P-/ß9-&ë<-`Ü-dë#<-+$-Ê 

rÜ+-`Ü-"è-.,Ê +0$<-`Ü-rë:-:ß#<-9è-9è-,<-+c+-{æÊ  

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7#:-0",-bÜ-$ë<-,<-9$-(Ü+-:-$ë<-73Ý,-'Ü-7l-5Ü#-eè+-rë:-8ë+-ý-+$-Ê  +è-/5Ü,-� Ü-2ì#<-`Ü<-+è9-$ë<-73Ý,-#$-7l-5Ü#-eè+-rë:-8ë+-ý7Ü-$ë<-73Ý,-eè+-

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:#<-<ëÊ  

ÄÑ /ë+-`Ü-+0$<-rë:-9Ü#-,<-+$-0,7-rë:-9Ü#-#,<-+c+-/Z¨9Ê  

<-/%+-7+Ü7Ü-+0$<-rë:-9Ü#-#,<-:<-#)0-+ýè-+$-…å$-#)0-[-2ì#<-+$-Ê #(è,-rë:-<ë#<-`Ü<-/Z¨<-ý7Ü-9Ü0-ý-"#-%Ü#-dë#<-/Z¨-e<-)èÊ 0,7-

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,<-+c+-5Ü/-9Ü,-*$-Q,-8ë+-2±:-bÜ-0*7-/Zë0<-7#ë+-IÜ<-/%<-:#<-<ëÊ  

Pochu (dpa’o chung): the little pawo (dpa ’bo)

Tandin Dorji

In western Bhutan, several intercessors gather to conduct the Bala bongko (bala bon skor),a festival in honour of Radrap (Rwa brag pa), the local deity of Wangdue Phodrang (dBang’dus pho brang). The pawo (dpa ’bo) conducts the festival, assisted by one or two femalemediums, neljorma (rnal’byor ma), depending on their availability and a pochu (dpa’bo chung)– a little pawo. I will, in this paper, try to define the social and religious background aswell as the status of the pochu, besides his role in this festival. Is it compulsory to becomea pochu before taking up the role of a pawo? How does one become a pochu? Is he anapprentice to the pawo and is he related to him? Does he conduct rituals independentlyeven in the areas where there are pawo or is he just his substitute in rituals? This will leadto assess the role of the pochu vis-à-vis the other intercessors of the area and the Buddhistmonks. Does the pochu have a ritual space of his own and is his function still relevant inthe society?

rNying-ma interpretatations of the Tath›gatagarbha theory

Dorji Wangchuk

Several studies have been made of the Tathâgatagarbha theory in India, including mostrecently Michael Zimmermann’s excellent study of the Tathâgatagarbhasûtra. On the Indo-Tibetan front, David Seyfort Ruegg has through a series of publications greatly contrib-uted to the understanding of the Tathâgatagarbha theory, particularly that of the dGe-lugs-pa tradition. A study of the Tathâgatagarbha theory from the perspective of the ex-ponents of extrinsic emptiness (gzhan stong) Madhyamaka in Tibet was ventured by S. K.Hookham. However, much remains to be explored in other traditions, authors and textsfrom different periods of Tibetan history.

One important Tibetan interpretations of Tathâgatagarbha that has been mostly ig-nored so far is that of the rNying-ma school. Even authors such as Hookham who touchedupon the theme in passing have over-simplistically described the rNying-ma position –or specifically rDzogs-chen, which contains the Tathâgatagarbha theory – as “gzhan stong-type” teachings. The actual situation, however, is much more complex, and certainly thereare more than one interpretation of the Tathâgatagarbha theory in the rNying-ma tradi-tion. Yet I would maintain that the position of the main rNying-ma scholars, in spite of itscomplexity, was nevertheless explicit, well-defined and relatively consistent throughoutthe history of their school.

In my paper I try to describe as accurately as possible the rNying-ma “interpreta-tion” of the Tathâgatagarbha theory as it was maintained by rNying-ma authors whoseauthority was acknowledged within their tradition. Hence, I will mainly draw on worksof three rNying-ma scholars, namely, Rong-zom-pa (11th century), Klong-chen-pa (1308–1363) and Mi-pham (1846–1912), all of whom are considered authoritative. It is not, how-ever, my intention to examine whether the interpretation of these three authors conformsthe original purport of the Tathâgatagarbha theory in Indian Buddhism.

At the behest of the mountain: clan territory in post-ImperialTibet

Brandon Dotson

In much the same manner that the twelve minor kingdoms (rgyal-phran) represent thechaos of regionalism prior to the order created by the descent of the first Tibetan Btsan-poand the consolidation of the Tibetan empire, the regional principalities (rje-dpon-tshan)represent a return to regionalism after the empire’s collapse. Located after the disintegra-tion of centralised authority and after the Revolt (kheng-log), the narrative of the regionalprincipalities presents a resolution to the social and political upheaval in post-imperialTibet. Three sources for this narrative, the Chos ’byung chen po bstan pa‘i rgyal mtshanof Lde‘u Jo-sras (Jo-Sras), the Rgya bod kyi chos ’byung rgyas pa of Mkhas pa lde‘u Lde’u(Lde‘u) and the Mkhas pa‘i dga‘ ston by Dpa‘-bo Gtsug-lag Phreng-ba (KhG), all stemfrom the Lo rgyus chen mo of Khu-ston Brtson-‘grus g.yung-drung (1011–1075), thoughonly Dpa‘-bo Gtsug-lag explicitly cites his source. The three versions are nearly identical,but the most detailed and complete recension is found in KhG. In this paper a translationof this passage is offered along with an analysis of its contents, particularly as they relateto clan territory.

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Report on the discovery of the stone chessboard (mig mang) inLhasa valley

Dralha Dawa Sangpo

The study of go in Tibet is in a preliminary stage. It is preliminary because much more isunknown than known. Everything we know of the people, ideas and events of the earlyTibet lies in a confusion of ruin, records and remembrances that have been preserved,altered or lost for many reasons. Tibetan chess, which we Tibetans call Migmang, is aunique component of the ancient culture of the Tibetan people. From very early on, bothordinary people and high level official played chess for fun or making important deci-sion. There are rich historical records, which shows that people in Tibet playing go invery early stage of the history and it has been a long tradition throughout the history ofTibet.

The first article on chess in Tibet was written in 1982 by Cheng Xiao Liu, a Chinesechess researcher based in Beijing. He is 6-dan player. Mr. Cheng proposed that the Chi-nese brought chess to Tibet in 7th century, and those stories about Tibetan playing chessbefore this were made up later. This article was discussed by Yasunaga Hajime in theJapan Go Magazine, and by Peter Shotwell in the American Go Journal. In 1990, SonamChogyal, researcher from the Tibet Academy of Social Sciences, translated two Englisharticles which are Go in the Snowland by Peter Shotwell and Study on the Tibetan Chess byJohn Fairbairn, respectively. These two translated articles influenced scholars in Tibet topay attention to Tibetan chess, and as a matter of fact, now there are already severalscholars who engage with studies of the Tibetan chess and published numbers of articlesboth in the Journals of the Tibetan Studies and the Tibetan Culture.

In 1993, an article, Symbolism of Black and White in Tibet, was written by Yian zhenZhong in Chinese for the magazine Tibetan Culture. Mr. Yian, a founder of the TibetanStrange Occurrences Society, considerably enlarged Cheng’s efforts with many new storiesand records. While not entirely focusing on chess, nor following out the conclusions, heargued that there was a parallel development of Tibetan and Chinese chess, and thatearly tales of its being played in Tibet were accurate.

In my article, I agree with Mr. Yian’s opinion that chess was played by the Tibetanpeople as early as 6th century. I analyze all the ancient records on chess, which havenever been used by other scholars before and I myself also concluded that chess is one ofthe very important elements of the Tibetan culture and it was played by the Tibetan peo-ple in all level throughout the centuries and it became a very popular game among thearistocratic families in Lhasa, as well as among the Muslim people in Tibet.

Recently, culture investigators have discovered a chessboard in the ruin of the Palaceof the King Songtsan Gampo, which was built in the region of Medro Gongkhar, in thevicinity of Lhasa city. This discovery illuminates the study of the Tibetan go and the stonechessboard is displayed in the Museum of Tibet in Lhasa, the capital of Tibetan Autono-mous Region of Tibet. As far as I know, the stone chessboard is stored in the Museum, butthere is no any conclusion of when it was made and how old the stone chessboard is.Therefore, the stone chessboard is in need of scientific examination in order to draw outa final conclusion.

My paper is organized by four parts.

1, Introduction: The general history of the Tibetan go based on historical references.

2, Those who have studied Tibetan go have not been anthropologists, historians orTibetans, and those who have studied Tibet have not known a great deal about go.Both have missed much.

3, The rule and play of the chess in Tibet.

4, Further investigation will be difficult task. Tibet is enormous. The area where peopleplay Tibetan chess covers the modern territory plus large part of Qinghai, Gansu,and Sichuan Provinces in China, and extends into Nepal, Bhutan, Mustang, andSikkim in Northern India. Most future research will have to be done in the country-side where is difficult to travel. While the spirit of the culture remains, the content isdisappearing rapidly. Tibetan chess will die with the older men of this generation.

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72:Ê  

Bod kyi mdos glud la dpyad pa’i gtam skya reng gsar pa(Offerings to mountain spirits [mdos and glud]: a study of

Khalong)

Drangsong Namgyal

The most important source for research on the Tibetan tradition of mdos and glud rituals isthe Khalong (mKha’ klong gsang ba’i mdos chen). This is one of the oldest texts, and is consid-ered to be a standard work on the subject of mdos and glud. The present study comprisesthree sections:

1. The components of mdos: the way of entering (‘jug tshul), the pledge (dam tshig), and theresults of mdos rituals, and when the tradition of mdos and glud started in Tibet.

2. Research on Khalong has two aspects: the contents of the Khalong and its artistic charac-teristics.

3. In terms of contents of Khalong, there are five aspects that will be discussed:

1. The origin of the Khalong, how it developed and in which vehicle (theg pa) it belongs.2. After defining and introducing the yas stags, I shall give readers general but vivid

idea about the construction of mdos.3. Information about the origin, nature and benefits of the Srid pa’i chog rabs, and a

suggested definition of glud.4. Since the main beneficiaries of mdos chen are the ma mo of khalong space, and among

them primarily Srid pa’i rgyal mo, I shall discuss the origins and nature of this divinity.5. Activities performed on conclusion of mdos rituals.6. Artistic features of the Khalong include both archaic Tibetan writing styles as well as

the later Me long ma. I shall compare Khalong with Dunhuang documents and latertextual works to describe the characteristics mentioned above.

Development of the national language in Bhutan and otheractivities of the Dzongkha Development Commission

George van Driem

The Dzongkha Development Commission is a semi-autonomous organ of the Royal Gov-ernment of Bhutan dedicated to the advancement of the national language and the studyand documentation of the kingdom’s diverse linguistic heritage. Major activities of theCommission include the description on the Dzongkha language, the codification of aBhutanese orthographic standard in dBu-can script, the graded promulgation of a pho-nological system of romanisation known as Roman Dzongkha, the integration and re-lease of Dzongkha in the Microsoft Windows program, the compilation of English-Dzongkha dictionaries, the documentation of the three most endangered languages ofBhutan, the publication of an ethnolinguistic history of Bhutan. An overview of past andongoing activities will be presented as well as some future plans and aspirations of theCommission.

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The Serpent-like dbyangs-yig of the Sa-skya-pa: the sought-after link between Sa-skya musical notations and the Rol-

mo’i bstan-bcos � by Sa-skya Pandita

Alice Egyed

During my field research in Nepal, I was lucky to locate the only lineage-holder of theRol-mo’i bstan-bcos by Sa-skya Pandita. The drawing manual, supplied by him serves asthe missing link between the chant categories defined in the Rol-mo’i bstan-bcos by Sa-skya Pandita and the chant manual for the Vajrakila ritual. The chant categories of theRol-mo’i bstan-bcos are known and practiced in ritual performances today. The Vajrakilaritual has not only the most ornate musical notations within the Sa-skya-pa schools but italso bears all the characteristics of the so-called “snake” notation as mentioned by severaldbu-mdzads.

One of the three musical instruments mentioned in the chant categories of the Vajrakiladbyangs-yig is of Indian and two are of Bon-po origin. These might also reflect upon thebackground of dbyangs, and at the same time give us a better understanding about thetime of their composition.

Ka¯-thog-pa bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan (1466–1540) and hisactivities in Bhutan

Franz-Karl Ehrhard

A first assessment of the history of the lHo-mon Ka-thog-pa in Bhutan was provided bythe late Michael Aris in his book Bhutan: The Early History of a Himalayan Kingdom,Warminster 1979, pp. 153–154. According to the historical sources available to him, acertain dBu-’od Ye-shes ’bum[-pa] from the Ka¯-thog monastery in eastern Tibet went inthe 13th century to Bhutan on his way to Sikkim and founded in sPa-gro sTag-tshang thesanctuary O-rgyan rtse-mo. It was further stated that this teacher had two disciples, namelybSod-nams rgyal-mtshan and his son, rNam-grol bzang-po, both of whom took up resi-dence in sPa-gro sTag-tshang.

It was also noted by Michael Aris that there existed an autobiography of bSod-namsrgyal-mtshan, but he was obviously not able to consult it. As the biographical tradition ofthis Ka?-thog teacher closely connected with the religious history of Bhutan is now avail-able, I want to readdress the issue of the arrival of the lHo-mon Ka¯-thog-pa in Bhutanand their presence at the famous Padmasambhava shrine in the northern part of the sPa-gro valley. This will be done in three steps: clarifying the identity of Ye-shes ’bum fromthe Ka¯-thog monastery, giving an overview of the life of bSod-nams rgyal-mtshan withspecial reference to his activities in Bhutan – the first transmission of the “Collected Tantrasof the Early Translation Period” (rnying ma rgyud ’bum) in Bhutan is credited to him –and, finally, relating the story of the foundation of O-rgyan rtse-mo, the original resi-dence of the lHo-mon Ka¯-thog-pa, located on a cliff immediately above the main shrineof sPa-gro sTag-tshang.

With these observations it should become clear that the arrival of the Ka¯-thog-pateaching lineage in Bhutan in a formal sense can be dated to the beginning of the 16thcentury: a period when members of the rNying-ma-pa school in general became attractedto the southern Himalayan valleys and the sacred sites associated with Padmasambhava.

Cataloguing the “Newark Kanjur”

Helmut Eimer

Since A.D. 1920 the Newark Museum, Newark, New Jersey, has kept 23 volumes of Bud-dhist scriptures from Bathang in Khams. The books, written in silver on black blue dyedpaper, date back into the 15th to 16th century. They are stray volumes belonging to themain sections of a bKa’-’gyur, viz. ’dul-ba, ’bum, brgyad-stong, phal-chen, mdo, ’das-mdo, andrgyud. Therefore, the designation “Newark Kanjur” (hereafter: NK) has come into use inspite of its limited number of volumes.

In research, the NK has so far only been utilized for editing some relatively shorttexts. From the study of the Mah›sÒtras (Skilling 1994) it has become obvious that the NKis a local compilation that cannot be regarded as related to the main- stream transmissionof Tibetan Buddhist texts translated from the Sanskrit. A detailed investigation of theTath›gatagarbhasÒtra (Zimmermann 1998) shows that the NK comprises at least this textin a translation divergent from that contained in the common canonical tradition. Thesefeatures already classify the NK as a Kanjur comparable to the Phug-brag and the O-rgyan-gling manuscripts. Thus the testimony of the NK is extremely valuable for editingcanonical texts.

A preliminary list of the texts in the NK became accessible in 2000 (Skilling). Fortwelve out of the 15 volumes of the SÒtra section it relies mainly on tables of contents,which are written on slightly smaller leaves added to the individual volumes. Wheresuch tables of contents are missing, the preliminary list does not record all titles con-tained in the respective volume. On the occasion of the 6th Seminar of the IATS, thepresent writer was requested to participate in a precise description of the NK. At thattime four colleagues were willing to participate in the project. A preliminary basic cata-logue of two volumes was already published in the proceedings of the 9th Seminar of theIATS (Dietz 2002).

The paper outlines the basic plan for the catalogue and presents some further obser-vations gained during the cataloguing project.

Tibetanization and Mongolian Buddhism

Johan Elverskog

It is commonly recognized that the Mongols practice Tibetan Buddhism, or for thoseinclined to the hermeneutics of the lineage, the Dge-lugs-pa. Yet in both cases there is anunresolved dialectic between either an ethno-national identity or a theological orienta-tion and an imagined national Buddhism. Thus what does it mean to “be Buddhist” ifyou’re Mongol, a third generation naturalized American, a lesbian and working forMicrosoft in Beijing?

Of course, such an example raises the issue of transnational Tibetan Buddhism, andmore specifically, the tension between modern de-nationalized Buddhism and imperialcum national samgha boundaries of identification. And it is not only academics who havebeen grappling with these issues as of late. Indeed the issue of Tibetanization, as well asmodernization, has roiled the Mongolian samgha as it has tried to redefine itself, espe-cially in a nationalist context, over the last decade. Curiously, however, this is nothingnew. If anything, the history of Mongolian Buddhism has been one of grappling with theissues of transnationalism, lineage identification, accommodation and cultural transfor-mation. The aim of this paper is therefore to juxtapose three critical periods of Mongolengagement regarding the issue of Tibetanization. By investigating the literature fromthe pre-Qing, mid-Qing and the 1990s, I hope to bring forth not only a clearer definitionof Mongolian Buddhism vis-à-vis Tibetan Buddhism, but also what this may actually tellus about the larger issue of what it means to be Buddhist.

This is obviously a rather tall order; however, by focusing on language, it is hoped thatmany of these issues will be illuminated. The choice of language is obviously not arbitrary,for underlying the issue of language are modes of resistance and assertions of new narra-tives of not only political but also religious identification. Thus one poses the question:what is embedded in the oft noted – yet never really investigated – fact that the Mongolsuse Tibetan as a liturgical language? The inevitable analogy is with the Catholic use ofLatin; yet if we take it one step further, keeping the work of Anderson and Hastings inmind, one must wonder: if the eclipsing of Latin led to the rise of nation-states, what wouldthe reverse process reflect? The Manchu emperor Hung Taiji was unambiguous in his view:the Mongol adoption of Tibetan Buddhism “vitiated their cultural identity.” The emperor’sview on the implications of Tibetan Buddhism was also shared by Mongol scholars duringthe mid-Qing, as witnessed especially in the work of Mergen Gegen who created a newliturgical cycle in Mongolian. His plan failed and the Qing program of Tibetanization was astunning success, so much so that Mongol Buddhist leaders today argue – perhaps counterintuitively – that they should keep Tibetan and not return to Mongolian as it had been inthe pre-Qing period. Clearly, the issue of language and its attendant narratives of identifi-cation have shaped the shifting definition of Mongolian Buddhism.

Therefore, in order to begin our understanding of Mongolian Buddhism, and its trans-formations, we need to begin unravelling how the Mongols have understood and inter-preted the process of Tibetanization. Fortunately, an abundance of material from the threeperiods under investigation have recently been made available: most notably the JewelTranslucent Sutra from the pre-Qing period; the newly published gsung-‘bum of MergenGegen (Hohhot: 1999) for the mid-Qing; as well as the imperial correspondence from the“Dalai Lama archive” recently published by the Nr. 1 Historical Archive of China (Beijing:2002). In addition to these materials, I will be relying on the large corpus of publishedBuddhist materials that I have collected in both Mongolia and Inner Mongolia over thelast four years in order to evaluate the contemporary debate.

By providing an historical overview of the Mongol interpretation of Tibetanization,it is hoped that a more nuanced understanding of Mongolian Buddhism and its engage-ment with Tibet and Tibetans may appear. Such a definition grapples with the historicalshifts and cultural transformations that shape any form of Buddhism, and thus may elu-cidate the larger issue of being Buddhist in the transnational context.

Contemporary local narratives about dGa’ ldan Tshe dbangand the Tibet-Ladakh-Moghul War of 1679–84

Gerhard Emmer

The aim of the present work is to shed further light on the historical past and to find outwhat current significance dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang’s historical armed intervention in Ladakhhas for the people, how much it may contribute to the local imagining about Tibet and theTibetans, and last but not least about their own collective identity, the Ladakhiness.

dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang’s far-reaching influence in Tibet’s minority populations con-tinues in the present, as evidenced in the cultural and political life of some local commu-nities. For example he is the celebrated hero in the annual horse-race festivals amongnomadic populations of Nagchu, which have been revived during the last decades (Studer,in press). He is also celebrated at sGar kun sa in the Tibetan mNga’ ris area during thelocal festivals (Gyalbo 1989) in order to praise his victory.

According to Petech (1977, 1988), dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang was born as a Dsungar princeand became Lama of bKra shis lhun po. Later the V. Dalai Lama appointed him as thechief of an army intervening against Ladakh in order to support the dGe lugs pa and theTibetan Government. At that time the ’Brug pa were dominant in Ladakh and in thenewly conquered Guge. They and the Ladakhi king strongly supported Bhutan, whichwas at that time hostile to Tibet. The V. Dalai Lama made this appointment not only tosecure the support for the holy places around Mount Kailasa and to spread the dGe lugspa order, but he also wanted to regulate the trade relationship and the mail service in theregion. The military confrontation culminated in the siege of Ba sgo, prompting the Ladakhito call on the Moghul governor Ibrahim Khan for help. After Khan’s army intervened onthe side of Ladakh, the V. Dalai Lama was eventually able to negotiate the peace treaty ofTimosgang. This agreement created the first state border between Tibet and the kingdomof Ladakh and regulated the caravan trade with Tibet by giving exclusive rights to theSunnite merchants from Kashmir. While the treaty acknowledged minority groups inthis case, it also states that “Buddhist and non-Buddhist religions [Islam] have nothing incommon and are hostile to each other” (Francke 1992 [1926]). In sum, the confrontation

was responsible for strengthening Islam in the capital of Ladakh and resulted in a domi-nance of the dGe lugs pa among the Buddhist schools in the whole country from thenonwards.

The representation of dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang in Ladakh is ambivalent: on the onehand he is considered as an enemy of Ladakh, and on the other as a protector of thedominating dGe lugs pa tradition. For instance, from a folk song recorded in Nubra byFrancke (1909), we know that the people had always feared the Mongols. Indeed, accord-ing to popular tradition the numerous ruins in mKhar rdzong in Nubra are the result ofthe attack by the army of dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang. Francke (1992 [1926]) also mentions aportrait in bDe skyid monastery showing dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang placed in the hands ofthe ogre mGon dkar.

This study shows that in comparison with Tibet, the situation in Ladakh is com-pletely different in respect to dGa ldan tshe dbang and the Mongols. Nowadays, there areno horse-race festivals in his honour, and traces of the life of dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang areconfused, but they do exist. Notwithstanding his lesser profile, the results of his deedshad tremendous effects on Ladakh’s historical development. This is not surprising, be-cause the kingdom of Ladakh was the loser in the armed conflict and thereafter on asteady decline. As a result of his activities, the patron priest relationship between theking and the ’Brug pa order diminished significantly while the Dalai Lamas became themajor spiritual authorities, to the point that they were even consulted in political deci-sions. Furthermore, Lhasa became the most important spiritual training centre for Lamasfrom Ladakh.

Finally, the Dogra period has shifted the religious authority with the installation of anew incarnation-lineage, the Arhat Bakula, further towards the dGe lugs pa (de Vries1981). This paradigm still informs present-day local politics.

The huge impact of dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang’s activities on ethnic groups and how theyperceive themselves extends to present-times, when local people see themselves as verydifferent from Tibetans. However, this is probably due not only to the 17th century his-tory, but also to the large amount of Tibetan refugees in Ladakh and to the difficult Sino-Indian relationship after the second world war.

Bibliography

de Vries, Sjoerd-Jan. 1981. In D. Kantowsky and R. Sander (eds.), Recent Research on Ladakh. History, Cul-ture, Sociology, Ecology. Proceedings of a Conference held at the University of Konstanz. Band 1. 29–36.Köln: Weltforumverlag.

Francke, August Hermann. 1909. “Ten ancient historical songs from Western Tibet”. The Indian Antiquary.XXXVIII, 57–68.

Francke, August Hermann. 1992 (1926). Antiquities of Indian Tibet. Vol. II. The chronical of Ladakh andminor chronicals. Reprinted edition by F.W. Thomas (ed.). New Delhi: Asian Education Services.

Gyalbo, Tsering. 1989. Traditional sGar’ Char-can Grand Meeting in mNga’-ris Area. (published in Chinese;preliminary translation by Thubten Nyima). Lhasa.

Petech, Luiciano. 1977. The Kingdom of Ladakh (c. 950–1842 AD). Roma: Instituto per il Medio ed EstremoOriente.

Studer, Elke. in press. “Ritual and Change. Mongolian Influence on Horse-Races and Mountain DivinityWorship in Tibet”. Inner-Asia.

Mishandled mail: The strange case of the Reting Regent’sletters to Hitler

Isrun Engelhardt

In March 1939, during the visit of the 1938/39 Ernst Schaefer-Tibet-Expedition to Lhasa,Reting Rinpoche, the Regent of Tibet, twice wrote letters to the then German leader, AdolfHitler. This was perhaps the most famous outcome of the Schaefer expedition, and al-though it was not the most important result, it has played a major role in the legacy of theexpedition and the resulting judgement of contemporary German-Tibetan relations.

My paper seeks to reveal the implications of these letters. After external and internalstructural analysis of the letters (which presents some surprising results), further ques-tions remain to be discussed: why did Reting write them and why did he send two let-ters? Are the letters comparable in their style to similar Tibetan letters to other rulers, anddo they correspond to the rules for the compilation of such letters, in the official “letterwriters” yig bskur rnam gzhag? Were they just rather innocuous and noncommittal let-ters written out of politeness, and to what extent do the accompanying gifts reflect thestate of the relationship between Reting and Schaefer? What happened to the letters – didthey reach Hitler? What was their later fate?

This paper will also focus on the implications of the contemporary translations andthe differences between these. The paper will conclude with a discussion of some unex-pected political consequences of the letters.

Sum pa mkhan po Ye shes dpal ’byor: a great scholar betweenTibetan and Mongolian traditions

Erdenbayar

My paper will focus on the famous scholar Yishibaljur (Tib. Ye shes dpal ’byor) who livedbetween Tibetan and Mongolian cultures and has had a great impact on the developmentof Mongolian studies, from the 18th century until now.

Yishibaljur (1704–1788), well known as Sumbahambu (Tib. Sum pa mkhan po), wasa great philosopher of Tibetan Buddhism as well as a medical scientist and writer. He wasproficient in five major sciences (rig gnas che lnga) and the five minor sciences (rig gnaschung ba lnga). He played an important role in Tibet and Mongols cultural development.During his life, he travelled to Mongolia, Tibet and China for religious and political af-fairs and wrote eight volumes in Tibetan.

There are various views on what the original ethnicity of Yishibaljur was and onwhether he was born in Toli of Deed Mongolia (Kökhenuur) or not. Even though some-times he has been considered as a Tibetan because he was writing in Tibetan, he wasoriginally a Chagaan (white) Mongol, i.e. Monguor, or a Mongol. In his autobiographyhe states that he was a Bagatuud of the Four Oirads and confirmed this in various ways.Mongols have dedicated to Yishibaljur and his works a particular attention because theyconsider him as a Mongol and reckon his work as part of Mongolian studies.

Yishibaljur’s work contains various topics in his eight volumes which include aroundseventy works, in which the historical text The Tree of Galbaragcha (chos ’byung dpag bsamljong bzang ) was one of the most famous and has been studied from early by scholars.

This text was translated into Mongolian soon after being written, and has a few edi-tions in Mongolian now. His five works on medical science were translated into Mongo-lian in the middle of 20th century and have always been used at high levels. The scholarsof Mongolian medical science held those works in high esteem and the relevant institu-

tions in China established a price called Yishibaljur Gold Cup from the year 2001. Thisshows the importance that is currently given to him.

Yishibaljur studied astronomy, mathematics and calendar from a teacher namedAgwangzhamsu (Ngag dbang rgya mtsho) in Tibet. Later, he went home and studiedastronomy. So his classic writing of calendar was to be the guidebook for Mongoliancompilers of calendars. His text called the The Divination of Dalu Mergen became an im-portant work in the study of Mongolian customs and folklore.

Yishibaljur and his works have a high position in the history of Mongolian literature.Yishibaljur not only wrote in poetical form but was also proficient in other forms of nar-rative. Especially, his educational verses spread the teachings concerning the nature ofDharma, emptiness, and developed the literary support for the teaching of the religiousprecepts. He thereby played an important role in forming a new section of Mongolianancient literature.

He was one of those scholars who first studied and used Dandin’s Snyan ngags melong. He also researched the laws of Baridida and Zadi concerning the ways of writingverses in the ancient Sanskrit language and greatly contributed to the poetry theory ofthe world.

Yishibaljur was the first scholar who studied Gesar in a systematic way. He studied theTales of Gesar and used the poetry theory of Dandin. He looked for evidences while trying toprove that Gesar Khan had been a real man of history and he recorded his findings in hisMashi Chagaan Shugara Odun. So his writing anticipated many issues concerning the mod-ern studies of Mongolian and Tibetan Gesar. He also spread the practice of writing of gsung’bum among Mongols which was already widespread among Tibetans.

Mongolian scholars have devoted great emphasis to the studies of Yishibaljur andhis works through the centuries. Especially, his works about literature had an importantimpact on the study of Mongolian literature. In this respect, the seminal works of Altangereland Yondon inspired many descendants in their study of literature according to his ap-proach. But Yishibaljur’s works about literature and culture were not as famous as thoseabout history and medicine. These have been famous in their Tibetan editions and a greatwork of translation made them more accessible to a broader Mongolian readership.

Generally, Sumbahambu Yishibaljur was the outstanding learned Lama among Mon-gol, who made immortal contribution to the development of Tibetan and Mongolian cul-ture. In my paper I will look both at his achievement and at how he is perceived nowadays.

Magical realism in Tibetan literature: the prose narrative oflJang-bu.

Franz Xaver Erhard

The notion of magical realism is repeatedly mentioned in connection with Tibetan con-temporary literature (gsar-rtsom). I would like to pursue the question of the existence ofmagical realism in Tibet and what the extensively theorized notion of ‘magical realism’can add to our understanding of Tibetan literature.

Even though magical-realistic literature has a long tradition, it only became known inTibet (and China) through translations from Latin-American works in the genre, especiallyby Gabriel García Márquez’s One Hundred Years of Solitude at the beginning of the 1980s.

It was also in the 1980s that the gsar-rtsom literature gradually emancipated itself fromthe tight boundaries of affirmative socialist realism in the course of the liberalization policyof the Deng era in literary magazines (e.g. sbrang-char, bod-kyi rtsom-rig sgyu-rtsal, lho-kha’irtsom-rig sgyu-rtsal). The socialist aesthetic had already broadened the context of Tibetanliterature, which was traditionally confined within the framework of the poetics of Dandin(snyan-ngag me-long), to the language and subject matter of everyday life.

The dual influences of traditional poetry and social realism are both absorbed andtransformed through the magical-realistic genre of writing. Next to people like sTag-‘bum-rgyal, rDo-rje-mkhar and Glu-smyon He-ru-ka the author Chab-brag rDo-rje Tshe-ring,writing under the pseudonym lJang-bu, is an outstanding representative of Tibetan magicalrealism (sGyu-‘phrul dngos-yod ring-lugs). lJang-bu, who was born in Sog-po county in A-mdo at the beginning of the 1960s, belongs to the generation of intellectuals who grew upat the time of the Cultural Revolution and were educated in the state Nationalities Uni-versities. lJang-bu currently works as an editor with the literary magazine Bod-ljongs rtsom-rig sgyu-rtsal in Lhasa. Through an examination of his short stories “sog-rus las mched pa’irnam-shes” (1986) and “shi gson” (1987) I hope to demonstrate how magical-realist writ-ing is undermining both the (high) Buddhist tradition as well as the poetic conventionsof Socialist Realism.

Magical-realistic texts contain an irreducible magical element, something outside theconventional perception of the world that cannot be rationally explained. Thus the tex-tual world refers to the real world external to the text. This real world that provides thatframe of reference is enlarged through a fictional, irrational world, based on axioms thatare accepted by the characters and the readers alike. A border-crossing continuity span-ning two or more worlds is created, resulting in an ambiguity between the texts that callsinto question the conventional concepts of space, time, identity and truth.

Magical-realistic writing, which is based on pre-modern belief-systems, local mythsand legends, can be considered as an ex-centric antithesis to the central concepts of thedominant culture. In contrast to the dominant culture, whose hegemonic claims intro-duce modernity, the magical and irrational elements of the narration represent local andoften oral traditions, which stand in diametric opposition to the concepts of modernity.However, these texts should not be interpreted as conveying an anti-modern position.On the contrary, magical-realistic literature does offer the possibility of a modernity thatis aware of local history, tradition and culture and allows this awareness to influence theconstruction of a modern identity.

This theory of magical-realistic literature, based largely on postcolonial literature,cannot be applied uncritically to contemporary Tibetan literature. For example, Tibetanauthors write in their own language whereas postcolonial authors usually use the colo-nial language. Nevertheless this theoretical approach may also be used in the context ofTibetan literature, to the extent that the Tibetan culture is marginalized by the dominantChinese culture and Tibetan society modernised according to Chinese socialist princi-ples. The Chinese representation of Tibetan society and culture as backward, supersti-tious and altogether pre-modern, combined with the Chinese wish to modernise Tibetansociety – meaning, essentially, to adapt it to Chinese society – is similar to the intellectualclaim of European colonials.

I hope to demonstrate how Tibetan authors are present in the hegemonic position of(Han) Chinese culture, in their conscious use of the Tibetan language to situate them-selves at the periphery of Chinese literature. The literary ‘technique’ of magical realismmakes subversive writing possible by breaking up any rational and realistic concept oflinearity, space and time and thereby radically calling any truth into question. However,Tibetan magical realism cannot merely be considered in relation to (Han) Chinese litera-ture and culture, but is also an expression of the hybridisation of Tibetan culture. For thisreason modern authors question the idea that either Buddhism or (Han) Chinese-im-posed socialism provides the central paradigm for Tibetan culture. The radical scepti-cism of magical-realistic writing creates a third dimension (space), within which modernTibetan identity can be articulated. It therefore comes as little surprise that lJang-bu’snarratives should use folk-religious beliefs rather than Buddhism or its philosophicalschools to represent local traditions.

Rulership under the sway of the Number Thirteen: a keyaspect of the Tibetan concept of rule

Karl-Heinz Everding

During my study of the history of the petty kingdom of Mang yul Gung thang, whichstretched out between sPu rang in West Tibet and dPal khud mtsho 200 km to the west ofSa skya, I came across information to the effect that the Gung thang king administeredhis domain with the aid of 13 centuries and a 13-member council of administrators (Tib.las tshan bcu gsum). Further, it is said in the chronicle Gung thang rgyal rabs that he per-formed the so-called 13 deeds of an ox and that his fortress, Khyung rdzong dkar po, had13 towers. That these details are purely coincidental is a possibility that can be ruled outin view of the many other occasions in which the number thirteen is mentioned in theTibetan sources.

In the planned talk, therefore, I shall be delving into the meaning of this number inthe sphere of Tibetan cultural influence. A systematic attempt will be made to draw to-gether the contexts and numeric configurations in which the number thirteen was evi-dently of particular significance. My special focus will be to show the significance of thenumber in the historical field and to raise the question of its ideological background.

Poetical prefaces of manuscript texts from Western Tibet

Elena de Rossi Filibeck

On two occasions I have had the opportunity to point out the value of the contents of thepreface folios found at the beginning of some manuscripts. First, in Tabo Studies II (editedby C.A. Sherrer-Schaub and E.Steinkellner, SOR LXXXVII, Roma 1999,pp.191–204), I re-lated a description of the frontispiece of a complete manuscript of the “Sutra of the Goldenlight” indicating its peculiarity. So, too, in a paper in honour of Prof. Raniero Gnoli, (“Due fogli manoscritti da Tabo conservati nel Fondo Tucci” in Le Parole e i Marmi, SORXCII, 1, Roma 2001, pp. 237–247) where I studied two manuscript folios containing apreface to a lost manuscript. In addition to these two folios, there is a small similar groupof sheets kept in the Tucci Fund, whose contents I catalogued as: ”introductory praise orpreface folio to lost manuscripts” in my forthcoming “The Catalogue of the Tucci TibetanFund vol.II. ” In order to complete the examination of this kind of folios, including thosefound at the beginning to other complete manuscript texts, which are all from WesternTibet, my paper will deal with the contents, the formal aspect and the historical informa-tion of them.

Approaching the book: Tibetan text-handling practices andthe social relations they entail

Damchö Diana Finnegan

As have Buddhists of other traditions, Tibetans have directed a tremendous amount ofattention to the physical forms in which their texts move through the world. This paperlooks at Tibetan practices that surrounding written texts as material objects, and seeks toexplore the ideas about texts implied and propagated by these practices.

Even as they direct our gaze to the physical form of written texts, Tibetan Buddhistbook-handling practices offer stiff resistance to the commodification that becomes pos-sible as soon as one focuses on the text as a physical object. Consequently, a written textin Tibet is a very different sort of object from other objects. Such texts are explicitly andintentionally granted tremendous agency over individuals in Tibet. They consequentlystand in a very different relationship to their users than other objects do, and act onthem in fundamentally different ways. Just how the status and power of these writtentexts are constituted and articulated is a main concern of this paper. I will argue that theideas about what a written text is, and the practices through which these ideas arearticulated and actualized are crucial to the reception and transmission of these texts inTibet.

As a guide to this territory, I will take up the remarkably explicit practical instruc-tions given in the Tibetan tradition to users as to how written texts should be approachedand handled that are often transmitted as part of refuge advice in texts of the lam rimgenre. Approaching the texts in the way prescribed establishes certain very distinctiverelationships between persons and texts, and we will see that those relationships allowthe text to act on the persons in its orbit in certain ways. We may therefore read the in-structions with an eye to detecting these processes in action.

The particular set of instructions this paper will examine is taken from a 15th centurywork Tsongkhapa, the byang chub lam rim chen mo. These instructions demand that weconstrue the written text as a physical object entirely sui generis, and configure such textsas powerful objects. Over and again, attention is drawn to the written text as a physicalthing, at the same time as utmost effort is made to prevent it from being seen as a merething, and this tension has proven an extremely productive force in the shaping of Ti-betan textual practices. The tension within the dual understanding of a text as a locus ofmeaning and as a material object in the world emerges at times as a source of wonder, attimes as a potential problem and at others as an opportunity.

For example, the anecdotes accompanying the instructions provide an image of waysin which enacting the sanctioned behavior in regards to the written text empowers users

in their social relations with others, and likewise provide an image of the devastatingconsequences of mishandling them.

The paper will also cast a wider look to see how these very precise prescriptions andproscriptions are rooted in fundamental notions about writing, particularly in connec-tion with the progressive extinction of the teachings of the Buddha. We will consider thetraditional tale of the arrival of Buddhism in Tibet, in which it is said to have fallen quiteliterally from the sky in the form of a written text, landing on the roof of the king’s palace.Although no one was able to read the Sanskrit letters, we are told this manuscript wascarefully preserved for generations, granting sight to the blind who worshipped it, await-ing the day when readers would be born who could unlock the text’s verbal meaningtext. In this, we find a distinctive vision of the role of the literary community and ofphysical text themselves in generating and transmitting such potent knowledge.

Through its exploration of such images and practices, the paper will argue that Ti-betan Buddhist approaches to written texts reflect and produce distinctive ideas abouthow knowledge is created and moves in the world. Together, these ideas and practicessurrounding the handling of physical texts work to discipline individuals and communi-ties to orient themselves in certain ways towards the embodiments of that knowledge, inorder to learn from and be transformed by them, but also as sources of social power andprosperity.

Poverty and marginalization of Tibetans in China fromreform to WTO: statistical evidence from Tibet (TAR) and

some interpretations

Andrew Fischer

The discrimination of Tibetans within China over the last 50 years has been a generallyaccepted fact by the international community, but very little rigorous socio-economicanalysis has been conducted on dynamic that such discrimination has taken in the cur-rent period of liberalization and intense economic growth in China. This paper seeks toclarify and map out the nature of poverty and discrimination in Tibet in the 1990s, andthen to provide several explanations. Statistics from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS)in China will be used and the analysis will focus on the province of Tibet (TAR) given thefact that a large majority of the ethnic Tibetans in the province can be exclusively isolatedin the rural statistics.

Although the Chinese government claims to have reduced absolute poverty in Tibet(TAR) from 480,000 in the early 1990s to 70,000 in 2002, this reduction does not appear tobe borne out in the SSB data for the province. When indexed to inflation, the average netincome per rural household in Tibet suddenly fell in real terms by over 20 percent be-tween 1990 and 1995. Although slowly regaining its value after 1995, it only reached its1990 real value by 2000, and by 1998 it fell in rank to the lowest of all such incomes inChina, falling from 95 percent of the national average in 1990 to about 56 percent in 1998.All told, the average income per rural household in Tibet, at about 41 US cents a day in1998 (non PPP), was only marginally higher than the Chinese measure for absolute pov-erty, which itself is far below the PPP dollar-a-day measure established by the interna-tional community.

This sharp fall in real and relative rural incomes in Tibet does not appear to be re-lated to questions of either geographical remoteness or productivity, as typically positedby the government as the primary explanation for entrenched poverty in the westernreaches of the country. Rather, the timing of the sudden fall in real incomes appears tohave been related to shifts in the macroeconomic and fiscal policies of the government inthe early to mid–1990s and their repercussions within an ethnically discriminatory con-text. The years leading up to the 1990s saw the heavy repression of local dissent withinthe TAR, aborting any initiatives for local indigenously-led development. This was con-trary to the experience of the other western Chinese provinces, where local and ruralprocessing industries proliferated in the mid to late 1980s during the distributional con-flicts of the “commodity wars” and the related local state developmental activism. Al-though such regionalism was controversial at the national level, it nonetheless gave theseprovinces an opportunity to diversify away from the disadvantaged sectors of the na-tional economy, such as agriculture and raw material extraction, and thus to respond to

the worsening terms of trade in these sectors from the mid–1980s onwards. Such diversi-fication consequently formed the backbone of successful poverty alleviation strategies,or at least, it delayed the slow-down in poverty reduction observed in these regions byallowing local economic actors to capture substantial value-added in the processing oflocal resources and by increasing the wage component of rural incomes.

In contrast, by the early 1990s there were virtually no rural industries in the TAR,and this situation has remained constant throughout the 1990s, despite heavy investmentin the province by the Central government. To the contrary, the rural economy has re-mained specialised in the production of a few traditional commodities, and economicpower has remained entirely concentrated in the urban areas under the effective admin-istrative and fiscal authority of the Central government. Subsequently, when the domes-tic pricing of most primary commodities was liberalized in the early 1990s – and in thecase of wool, international trade as well – Tibetan farm incomes suffered a sharp fall.Simultaneous austerity measures brought a sharp drop off in subsidies and an increase inservice prices. Thus given their severe dependence on traditional commodities, Tibetanfarmers and nomads had very few alternatives to be able to respond to the changingprice and fiscal environment. Repression and the tight security environment of the early1990s allowed for very little margin of manoeuvre for local initiatives. As a result, in-comes fell in both real and relative terms.

The scenario is particularly significant given its clear demonstration of the interde-pendence of discrimination and impoverishment. It therefore highlights the pivotal im-portance of economic, social, and cultural rights – or rights as entitlements as articulatedby Amartya Sen – in the planning of effective poverty alleviation. It is also relevant to thecurrent ascension of China to the WTO. The tariff reductions and trade liberalization thatwere begun in the reform period will be largely completed, particularly with respect tograin imports. This will most likely produce a further downward push on agriculturalprices, exacerbating the above observations on a larger scale in Tibet as well as in China.

Changing conceptions of hereditary rank – ’rigs btsog pa’families in rural Central Tibet.

Heidi Fjeld

This paper deals with hereditary social status in present day Tibet, and in particular thelower ranked groups of people defined and termed as ’rigs btsog pa’ (polluted/uncleanlineage). The research is based on fieldwork conducted in several villages in Panam (Pasnam) county, Shigatse prefecture, in 2002. Some of the villages in Panam are known fortheir strong presence of rigs btsog pa families, and these places provide an opportunity fora study of Tibetan concepts of family lineages, pollution and social hierarchies in general.

Hereditary social status, and the classification of certain families as low and ‘dirty’,is found significant in most of the Tibetan ethnographic region. However, the extent towhich these conceptions determine social interaction varies greatly. In Panam, the pol-luted groups include butchers (bshas ba), blacksmiths (lcags bzo ba), burial workers (barul),and beggars (bslongs mkhan), who are ranked in this order.

Since the 1950s, radical structural changes in Tibet influenced the work possibilitiesof the lower ranked groups. After the land reforms in 1980/81, the rigs btsog pa (who weretraditionally skill workers), as the rest of the population in the farming areas of TAR,received land to cultivate. This alternation of relation to land have led to a change ofwork for most of the rigs btsog pa families, although in varying degree. Their new positionas farmers have, however, not led to significant changes in their social position. It is myintention to analyse the discrepancies between the vast structural changes and the, to alarge extent, remaining low position of the rigs btsog pa, as well as to present some find-ings on inter-rig relations in rural Tibet.

The ritual significance of zan par

Zara Fleming

The purpose of this paper is to examine in some detail the Tibetan wooden moulds knownas zan par (food mould) or glud par shing (wooden mould) for ritual ransom or substitute.The zan par is used to create effigies of dough as scapegoats, (T. glud) in order to propitiateevil spirits or as offerings to the deities.

The idea of transferring evil to another being or scapegoat is common in many cul-tures throughout the world. In Tibet, the concept of glud stems from the earlier pre-Bud-dhist faith, the indigenous folk tradition and the Bon religion, where sacrifice formed anessential part of ritual ceremonies. It was later adopted and used in the tantric rituals ofthe Tibetan tradition

Such rituals were of course, anathema to Buddhism, which held all forms of lifesacred. And when Buddhism gained the upper hand and obtained state recognition, theBonpos were forbidden to indulge further in such practises. The use of effigies as substi-tute scapegoat is believed to date from this time, as is the introduction of the zan par.Effigies come in a variety of sizes, from life-size representations down to the miniatureimpressions created by these wooden moulds.

The different types of zan par will be studied, as will the rich iconography and sym-bolism found on these moulds. The profusion of carved designs (animals, birds, mytho-logical creatures, deities, demons, astrological signs, auspicious emblems etc) will be fur-ther examined in some detail.

For example, there are countless representations of deities (lha) and demons (bdud).These are usually divided into three categories – those that rule the sky (lha), those thatreign over the land (sa bdag) and those that control the underworld (klu). The list of sub-divisions is too expansive to detail, but included on zan par are representations of dgralha, dregs, btsan ma, the ’u brang and gnyan.

Also depicted are specific groups of protective deities who repel hostile or inimicalforces (dgra lha) for each different community. For example, the nomads worship a groupof nine (’brog mo), whilst those that live in the mountains propitiate the gods of the rocks(brag lha). The dress and mounts of these deities indicate the pastoral and warlike natureof their corresponding social strata. The carved representations ride animals and weararmour often with the addition of shamanic equipment.

The use of zan par still appears to be widespread throughout the Tibetan culturaland spiritual domain. They are common amongst the Bonpo and in all the major Tibetan

Buddhist traditions. However the zan par is not exclusively used by religious practition-ers. A selection of zan par is kept in the monasteries, but also carried from village tovillage by both lay and Buddhist practitioners, in order to cure sickness and deal withvarious misfortunes.

The method of making the votive images will be explored. The mould is lightly coatedwith butter, then a mixture of barley flour (rtsampa) and water (or sometimes milk andfurther butter) is pressed into the mould, in order to create a miniature impression. Thetsampa flour is consecrated before use, auspicious ingredients often being added to pleasethe deity being propitiated. It may also be coloured, depending on the particular ritualand the nature of the specific deity. .

The final section of the paper will deal with specific rituals in which images from thezan par are used and in what method they are utilised. For example, in conjunction witha threadcross (nam mkha). In a complex ritual, an altar is set up and on top of this a multi-tiered structure of coloured threads representing Mount Meru, often crowned by a fur-ther threadcross mansion which houses an effigy of the person or deity for whom theritual is being performed.

Dough images of animals, birds, humans, weapons and a multitude of other gludofferings made with the zan par are carefully arranged on the tiers. The officiating lamathen performs the ritual, invoking the various deities to enter into the images and thethread cross mountain. Finally, the whole structure is burnt or cast away, symbolicallyremoving all traces of negativity and misfortune.

The profusion of zan par images are similar to the symbolism found on offeringtangkhas (i.e. rgyen tshogs, bskang rdzas). Comparisons will be made, as will the distinc-tion that in the paintings the offerings are visualised and created in the mind, whereasthrough the zan par three-dimensional representations are created, which not only serveas offerings, but also as ritual substitutes when rites of exorcism are employed.

In this introduction to the ritual significance of zan par, I will attempt to illustratehow the Tibetan people use the images made in these moulds, in order to cope with thevarious natural and supernatural forces at work in their environment.

Artistic practice in Qinghai’s Tibetan workshops: therelationship between medieval and modern traditions

Sarah E. Fraser

Artists in Qinghai today deploy much of the same technology in their painting produc-tion as medieval workshops in neighbouring Gansu where hundreds of painters sus-tained eight centuries of high quality production. The relationship between Buddhistguilds in the distant past and active modern Tibetan painters is not such much of unbro-ken continuity as a question of the circulation of Tibetan artistic practices in temple artsthroughout Amdo (or western China). We lack a systematic understanding of Tibetanaesthetic contributions to the region’s artistic development, particularly in the case ofDunhuang where Tibetan art made a significant contribution. Cultural exchanges in the1940’s highlight the relevance of a regional history of artistic practice and the necessity ofunderstanding the past through the present.

This is the time to reassess the legacy of Tibetan aesthetic structures in the Gansu-Qinghai region, particularly in light of a 20th century Sichuan painter in Gansu. In 1941,the Han Chengdu painter Zhang Daqian (1899–1983) instinctively recognized the impor-tance of modern Tibetan artists in the millennium of the region’s painting history. Realiz-ing that he needed trained professionals from Tibetan Buddhist workshops in an ambi-tious project to paint thousands of copies of Dunhuang murals, he hired 5 artists at theKumbum (Taer si). Xiawu cairang, 82, who lives today in Wutun and maintains the Rigongart tradition of Amdo, is one of the painters that went with Zhang to Dunhuang. He isalso the only living Rigong artist who possesses the title of “painter, first-class”-equiva-lent to a national treasure.

I will present findings from my interviews with him conducted over the last 10 years.Through the matrix of these two artists (Zhang and Xiawu) and their cultural exchange,this paper explores the production of Tibetan Buddhist art in the context of continuityand appropriation. I also consider the larger historical implications of their exchange atthe moment when western Chinese scholars were enthusiastically exploring Buddhistart as part of a long-overlooked tradition of vernacular art. This moment did not lastlong. Buddhist art and archaeology quickly became problematic and scholarly compro-mises were adapted to politically acceptable models. In the late 1940’s and early 1950’sTibetan art ‘disappeared’ in Buddhist archaeological studies of the region but circulatedwidely in picture books stressing its non-religious associations. In developing a largerframework for understanding Qinghai painting, I consider to what extent contact withthe stylistic features of other workshops that spread across Tibet from 11th–17th impactedthe workshop practices of Amdo and Xiawu’s praxis. The paper will propose a redefini-tion of artistic transmission and practice in Amdo.

The Fourteenth Dalai Lama’s speeches in Tibetan: a literarycorpus embracing modernity and history

Kevin Garratt

This paper considers the views of the Fourteenth Dalai Lama on contemporary issuesconcerning Tibet and Tibetans, as articulated in speeches made by him in the Tibetanlanguage over the last forty years. Since leaving Tibet, Tenzin Gyatso’s innumerable ad-dresses and talks in Tibetan to a host of audiences have covered a wealth of topics. Overthe years, a considerable amount of that material has been published from India, usuallyas booklet anthologies, or has appeared as verbatim accounts in Tibetan language news-papers. Their content mostly concerns topical issues of the day, ranging from pronounce-ments on weighty affairs of state through to basic social and educational issues confront-ing the Tibetan diaspora. Thus, we read of a wealth of political, religious and seculardiscussion informing the many strands of the Tibet Question – for example, the excessesof the Cultural Revolution and Panchen Lama controversies – as well as comment onsimple daily life, like planting flowers to improve the environs of McCleod Ganj shanties.Naturally, he provides his own (sometimes forthright) views on many aspects of theseTibetan equations, often adding his own glosses on the matters in hand. Over time, thatburgeoning literary corpus has come to form a record of both significant and humbleelements and events, which in its own right may be characterised as a valuable accountthat is both modern and Tibetan – and embraces history.

Embodiment and embryology in Tibetan literature

Frances Garrett

This paper is a study of the role of embryology in structuring Tibetan presentations ofhuman embodiment. I will demonstrate that embryology was a productive means ofexpressing and debating controversial notions of embodiment that were themselves cen-tral to some of the most fundamental concerns in Buddhist doctrine. The problem ofgeneration engages conceptual and metaphysical questions that are integral to way anintellectual culture articulates constructions of human identity. This paper will outlineseveral ways that embryology is used in Tibetan literature to define taxonomies of em-bodiment that are in turn posited as physiological grounds for theories of human iden-tity. Such taxonomies classify individuals by a host of criteria, including gender, moralstatus, material quality or content and spiritual achievement, and their prominence inBuddhist literature demonstrates the importance of embryology in Tibetan intellectualculture.

Literary representations of human embryology from a selection of pre–16th-centuryTibetan medical and religious texts, and analysis of their role in Tibetan presentations ofembodiment, are taken in this paper as the basis for addressing the relationship betweenmedical, religious and other forms of discourse during that period. The analysis of em-bryology in Tibetan literature emphasizes the ready exchange of scholarly discourse acrossliterary genres, demonstrating the complex intertwining of religious and philosophicalscholasticism with scientific and medical theoretical structures. Although it is sometimessaid that medical theories are fully integrated with religious doctrines in Tibet, the twoare still, to a certain extent, disciplines and genres of literature with known boundaries inTibetan literature. While Tibetan historiography typically marks medicine as a “secularscience,” by the fifteenth century certain topics within medical literature, most notablyembryology, anatomy, and physiology, had been completely absorbed into Buddhistconceptual frameworks. Analysis of seminal medical texts and their commentarial litera-ture demonstrates that within medical literature a developing methodological divide dis-tinguishes these topics from others such as pharmacology or nosology.

By analyzing accounts of human physiology and their relationship to theories ofgeneration, I question whether the relationship between medical and other forms of dis-course was characterized by convergence or rivalry, and whether links between medi-cine and religion were expressed as a matter of shared contents or of common analyticallanguage. Francis Zimmermann’s insightful research on Indian medical texts uncovers asubordination of empirical fact to the blueprints of classical thought. In these medicaltexts traditional knowledge is expressed in stereotyped formulas. These formulaic para-digms portray a vision of the world and its inhabitants that pervades a wide variety ofliterary genres, and Zimmermann’s research demonstrates that such concepts, vocabu-laries and stereotyped formulas are common to both the medical and legal works of an-cient Hindu India. While Zimmerman’s work suggests a valid approach to the study ofTibetan medical texts and their relationship to other forms of Tibetan literature, a reduc-tion of medical epistemology to formulaic repetition is, in the Tibetan case, largely inap-plicable. Producing such impressive polymaths as Longchenpa (klong chen rab ’byams drimed ’od zer, 1308–1363) and Tsong Khapa (tsong kha pa, 1357–1419), the centuries in ques-tion are arguably the most creative period of Tibetan intellectual history, and scholarlyinnovation is evident in Tibetan medical literature as well. Analysis of the wide-rangingand influential uses of embryology in Tibetan literature shows Tibetan medical scholasti-cism to have been a productive enterprise that integrated both gnostic and epistemicmodes of knowing to express contemporary views on ethics, aesthetics, philosophy andpolitics.

Some considerations concerning the modern situation inTibet

Irina Garry

In the beginning of the twenty-first century, after more than half a century of the “peace-ful liberation”, the national question of Tibet is still far from the solution. Two oppositepoints of view on the problem are expressed by the Chinese government and the govern-ment in exile of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The third side represented by independentresearchers demonstrates a wide range of opinions bending however to the Tibetandiaspora’s point of view. To my opinion, such a one-sided attitude to the analysis of themodern situation in Tibet, since it seldom takes into consideration the Chinese point ofview and the opinion of Tibetans, loyal to the authorities, prevents the objective under-standing of the problem. In this paper I discuss the necessity to pay more attention to theChinese governmental point of view as well as the Chinese publications on Tibetan studies.

The relevant Chinese sources concerning the modern situation in Tibet can be ar-ranged into two large groups: (1) official documents of the Chinese government; and (2)Tibetan studies in China.

1) There is a sufficient number of publications describing national policy of the Chi-nese government. The latter is represented in a form of a Communist propaganda, whoserhetoric is sometimes regarded as a curtain disguising its colonial nature. Nevertheless,analysis of the main points of the CCP national policy from inside, i.e. from the Chinesegovernment’s point of view, will allow to find out the rationale of its rhetoric.

(a) Tibet and Xinjiang, as well as the issue of Taiwan, are still the sources of instabilityin the Chinese state. Resolving the problems of the Dalai Lama and Tibetan refugees arestill far from plausible solutions. All of the Tibetan autonomous regions occupy the terri-tory in 2,2 millions sq. km., or 23% of the territory of the CPR, with a population of 4,59millions (according to 1990 census), or 0.4% of the whole population of the CPR. Theagenda of building a multinational state and the tense international situation urge theChinese government to put the issue of the territorial integrity above other priorities.

(2) The reluctance of China to discuss the Tibetan problem internationally is ofteninterpreted as its unwillingness to solve the urgent problems of the Tibetan people; how-ever, Chinese government seems to be interested in the improvement of life standard inthe frontier areas, since the principle of territorial unity is easier to maintain by winningloyalty of the population, rather than only by repressive measures. At the early 80-s, afterattributing all the faults of the Cultural revolution to the Gang of four and revision thenational policy, the government was expressed its will to undertake the real measures forrenewing negotiations with the Dalai Lama and improving the situation in Tibet. By the

huge investment in the Tibetan economy, restoration of monasteries, and revival of reli-gion, the government attempted to solve the national problem in Tibet.

(3) The hardening of the policy toward religion, culture and language at the end ofthe 90-s does not mean, in my view, the drastic change of the course toward Tibet and hasa temporal character. The recent publications of Chinese researchers trying to investigateobjectively the problems of reforms and signs of renewal the seemingly hopeless rela-tionships with His Holiness may be interpreted as a continuation of the liberalizationcourse.

II) Nowadays, the Chinese scholars achieved a significant success in the study ofTibet. It was reflected, i.a. in the three-volume “Catalog of Chinese publications in Ti-betan Studies” published in 2001 in Beijing. It contains hundreds of titles on all aspects ofTibetan studies in the Chinese/Tibetan languages with translation into English and testi-fies the increasing attention paid by the government to the investigation of Tibet. Thepublications of the Chinese researches is highly diversified. The most of the publicationson the modern situation is still on the previous, “rhetoric” level; they describe successesof the national policy of the CCP, socialist construction and so on. But the large scalepublication of the Tibetan historic and other sources, as well the emergence of seriousinvestigations of the Chinese economists and social scientists seems to be an evident suc-cess of the Chinese Tibetan studies. Among the recent publications, it is the collectivework of the Institute of social studies and anthropology of the Beijing University, and theResearch center of China Tibetan studies titled “The Research on the development ofTibetan society”. All the articles of the book are based on the firsthand fieldwork of theresearch group of the Beijing University, and represent an advanced and seemingly reli-able analyses of the social and economic processes in the modern Tibet. The investigationof the Chinese scholars convincingly show that the recent improvement of the generalsituation in Tibet has been reached mainly due the subsidies of the central governmentwhich composes about 100% of the annual income of the autonomous government. Thisobjective analysis testifies the evident shift from mere rhetoric to attempts of genuineinvestigation.

Although there are different scenarios of social development, I think that if the newleadership of CPR will adhere to the liberalization course there is still a hope of a peacefulresolving of the Tibetan problem and continuation of a dialog with His Holiness the DalaiLama. In conclusion I would like to stress once more the importance of using the Chinesesources in the analysis of the modern situation in Tibet as well as in the creation of con-ceptions of the Tibetan development.

The study of Tibetan society in Zongka area during MingDynasty

Gartso Kyi

This paper takes the Tibetan tribal society of Zongka area during AD.14th to AD.17thperiod as the subject of research. Zongka area is located in the east of Amdo. Tibetanshave lived in this area since ancient times. Although many revolts have happened here,Tibetan was always the main composition of the local population, which has been chang-ing since the Yuan and Ming Dynasties, especially during the Ming Dynasty. Being aspecial area, there are many interesting things that need to be studied. The social historyof the area, which has attracted the attention of so few researchers, is a particularly richfield of enquiry. In this paper I try to describe the Tibetan tribal society of Zongka inhistory, including its territories, politics, economy, laws, customs and habits, religion,education, and the relationship between the local and the central government. This essaymakes a comprehensive and overall investigation of the social history of Zongka Tibetantribal according to the materials in Chinese and Tibetan. I try to describe it on the basis ofhistorical materials with an objective attitude.

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Patterns in the ritual dissemination of Padma gling pa’sTreasure Cycles

Holly Gayley

Padma gling pa (1450–1521) is Bhutan’s indigenous saint par excellence in a country thatowes much of its Buddhist heritage to proselytizers from Tibet. Acquiring prominence inlarge part due to his status as a gter ston, Padma gling pa attained widespread renown inhis own lifetime, and the treasures (gter ma) he revealed became focal points of regionalidentity and religiosity. The very grassroots nature of his career, building a base firstlocally in Bum thang and later extending it to Lho brag and Kong po, contributed to hisstanding as a local saint with implications for Bhutanese nation formation in the centu-ries following his death.

Elsewhere I argue that narrative genres in Padma gling pa’s treasure corpus con-struct a blueprint for modes of dissemination enacted in the ritual arena. Specifically, Itrace the construction of temporal junctures, or contact points, that link Padma gling paand his discovery sites to Padmasambhava and establish the basis for ritual efficacy. Theemphasis on face-to-face meetings depicted in narrative genres suggest direct contact asa normative mode of dissemination for the primarily ritual content of Padma gling pa’scorpus. In his autobiography, moreover, it is evident that access to Padma gling pa’s treas-ure cycles involved a face-to-face mechanism of authorization (bka’ lung), often via a com-munity event. I conclude that a community of faithful (dad pa ldan) is both addressed andconstituted by Padma gling pa’s textual production and its dissemination.

In this paper, I examine more closely the modes and patterns of ritual disseminationrecorded in Padma gling pa’s autobiography. As such, I hope to supplement MichaelAris’ study of Padma gling pa by focusing on ritual activities, omitted for the most part inHidden Treasures and Secret Lives. Padma gling pa’s autobiography provides a plethora ofinformation concerning his ritual activities and makes evident the extent to which hevigorously propagated his treasures. Consistently, Padma gling pa notes the sponsor,location, scale and participants of rituals he performed as well as the gifts received asofferings. While I provided several examples of this previously, this paper proposes a

more systematic analysis of Padma gling pa’s ritual activities, which may yield insightsinto the social historical dimensions of treasures. Indeed, because treasures are often thefocal point for public occasions, in their discovery and in their dissemination, it is impor-tant to investigate the contribution of gter stons to community formation in Himalayanareas.

As part of this systematic analysis, I attempt to reconstruct the network of peopleand places linked through the propagation of Padma gling pa’s treasures. While tantricrituals often involve a group of participants with concomitant pledges of allegiance, treas-ures constitute community in a unique way, because they are anchored to a geographicplace. In his early career as a gter ston, Padma gling pa typically disseminated his treas-ures in large-scale gatherings throughout the area surrounding a discovery site. Overtime, he consolidated a network of sites within the four valleys of Bum thang and acrossthe border in southern Tibet as his domain of conversion (gdul zhing). Indeed, if we maphis discovery sites across the Himalayan landscape, we can see the extent to which Padmagling pa’s career began locally and expanded into a decidedly regional scope.

While I hope this paper will contribute to a further understanding of Padma gling paas a religious figure of special importance to Bhutan, I also intend to augment thefoundational scholarship on gter ma by Janet Gyatso. Specifically, by considering the roleof gter ma in community formation and regional identity, I emphasize the social functionand performative dimensions of treasure texts. In addition, by detailing the patterns inthe ritual dissemination of Padma gling pa’s treasures, I hope to make a theoretical con-tribution to ritual studies more broadly by explore a suggestion made by Charles Ram-ble: the triangulation of text, community and place.

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Bod kyi gso ba rig pa’i mdun lam dang skabs bab kyi ’gan’khri’i skor gyi bsam gzhigs thor bu

(The future and destiny of Tibetan medicine and its currentresponsibilities)

Gesang Chile (Skal bzang ’phrin las)

Tibetan medicine, which has a history of more than three thousand years, is a part ofTibetan civilisation, and has greatly profited the development of Tibetan population andtheir health. Even now, while modern science and technology have developed greatly inthe world, Tibetan medicine has its own practical value. However, the swing of the de-velopment of modern science and medicine has brought both crisis and opportunity toTibetan medicine. The present study will use the methodology of modern scientific re-search to compare the theory of Tibetan medicine with the findings of modern science,modern medicine, the science of life and physiology. It will further discuss the crisis andopportunities facing Tibetan medicine – its informational and scientific characteristics –and the question of its future survival. The conclusion, in five sections, will present thevalue and current situation of Tibetan medicine and its future responsibilities with re-gard modern civilisation, politics and economy.

Case study: Rural non-farm activities are the main channel ofincreasing income of Tibetan rural households

Gesangzhuoma (Kalsang Drolma)

Rural non-farm (RNF) activities in this paper focus on that Tibetan farm households un-dertake RNF works, or the farmers move to a town/city to find off-farm jobs. With thedevelopment of economics to a certain extent, economic growth cannot only depend onthe agriculture, because it is hard to increase rural income through increasing outputexcept for expanding land size of which are operated by unit household. Natural condi-tions limit acreage under cultivation, as well as there is no more space for the increase ofrural productivity per unit of labor. Population growth in rural area leads to the decreasein per capita acreage. Therefore some households must withdraw from agriculture pro-duction, and engage in RNF activities or transfer to find RNF employment in towns orcities. So that employment problem of rural surplus labors can be deal with and employ-ment pressure caused by disguised unemployment can be alleviated.

From 1999 to 2000 I have been to the TAR twice and conducted a detail fieldwork torural households within two months. In my opinion RNF activities already have becomea main channel for Tibetan rural households to increase income. I participated in a projectgroup for the investigation of the reasons why some rural households become well off atthe beginning of 1999. In the investigation I visited many villages that have their ownways to become well off. I choose a village of Shannan area to be my study case becausethe village named Jian with a middle-level economic condition has the generalization forstudying the rural areas in the TAR. In Jian village RNF activities focus almost on run-ning small rural industries and shops in local areas, and some rural surplus labors leavetheir home villages and take on non-farm jobs mostly in construction of secondary indus-try and transportation of tertiary industry. In this paper the circumstance of non-farmactivities and their effects on life of the households based on the research of Jian villagewill be described. At last the reasons of influencing the households to seek non-farmopportunities are analyzed so as to enable a closer examination of what can be donewithin rural areas themselves to increase overall economic activities and employment.

In Jian village there are 129 households with the population of 599, with an arableland covering 989.4mu (66 hectares), so per capita land is only 1.7 mu (1102 square me-ters). The average acreage of households’ lands is about 7.7 mu. Hence 80% householdsplant the crops for their own needs and few crops for sale. Livestock such as scalpers,yaks and cattle yaks is raised for farm-work. Some butters and milks are provided for thehouseholds to use, the others for sale. Although over 1400 sheep and goats are raised,much wool are used to weave the carpets and stored at home. So farming and stock-breeding is hard to earn cash to the households in Jian village. In fact they find that non-farm activities are available for them to earn cash. Jian village has one lorry for transpor-

tation, two flour mills and four oil mills are operated for the local crops processing, whichnot only provide more non-farm opportunities for surplus laborers, but also provide house-holds a main channel to have cash income. In the village running a small retail store isquite popular, and 13 people run nine stores in their spare time. The household inter-viewee zhaxi becomes better off for their engaging in the business. The income of run-ning a store is two thirds of his total earning. Laborer export has already become a popu-lar term with special Chinese economic characteristics that is similar to the mobility oflabor force. But in the paper the term means that rural laborer leave their home villagesand take on non-farm jobs mostly in construction sector of secondary industry and trans-portation sector of tertiary industry. Almost half of laborer of the village spent their win-ter spare time to go to the townships and cities where jobs are available such as housebuilding and road repairing etc. Therefore non-farm activities are adopted in Jian villageand promote these households to earn cash so as to improve their living standards.

In Jian village there still have less than 20% of households are short of cash becausefour main reasons restrain them from being engaged in non-farm activities. (1) Low ineducational quality and poor in literacy: The TAR is vast with a low population density,and in some village there are only less than ten households. It is difficult for the localgovernment to build a primary school in every village, but they have to reach this aim. Inthis case, it is hard for some illiterate farmers to find non-farm jobs and the jobs they canfind are all limited in manual labor with low wage. (2) Bad life habits: Most rural house-holds haven’t good life habits. Many farmers smoke cigarettes and drink barley wine,which not only waste their cash and crops also hurt their health. They don’t pay attentionto diet and unbalanced diet is showed such as they eat a lot of staple food and rarely takevegetables. (3) The imperfect sanitation condition: In Jian village 40% of households haspatients with a chronic disease that cost them a lot. (4) The birth rate is mounting in ruralareas and per capita land holdings are decreasing. Therefore more surplus rural laborersare required to compete for non-farm employment.

Body concepts in Tibetan medicine and the understanding ofthe ‘Subtle Life Essence’ (Tib. bla ) and its relevance for

medical therapy

Barbara Gerke

This paper takes an anthropological and historical approach to analyse the understand-ing of the humoural and subtle life principles and their impact on body perceptions andtherapy in the Tibetan medical tradition.

In terms of the body, the influences of Chinese, Indian and native body concepts onTibetan medicine make an historical and anthropological analysis an interesting endeav-our. The paper describes the complex body perceptions, taking into account their differ-ent historic roots. The classification of the 12 vital and vessel organs relate to the Chineseelements and influenced Tibetan pulse diagnosis, whereas the energy ’wheels‘ (Tib. ’khor,Skt. kala) and ‘channels‘ (Tib. rtsa, Skt. nadis) have their historical origins in the IndianAyurveda and the Kalachakra Tantra. The set of medical thankas from the 17th centuryAD depict organic and subtle topographies, of which selections would be shown to illus-trate Tibetan body perceptions (Tibetan Medical Paintings, Serindia Publications, Lon-don 1992).

Bla – a non-Buddhist indigenous concept of “soul“ – appears in Tibetan medicine aswell as shamanic bon po rites. Studies on bla have been carried out among the Khumbo,Yolmo, Tamang and Sherpa tribes in Nepal (Diemberger 1993, Desjarlais 1990, 1992 andHolmberg 1989) and among the Bonpo of Dolanji in Himachal Pradesh, India (Karmay1998), but not yet within the Tibetan medical tradition.

In Tibetan medicine, physiology has been a matter of humoural flux of the threehumours rlung, mkhris pa and bad kan, of which five types each are described in detail.Their movement through the body, as well as their diagnosis, cannot be compared withWestern biomedical concepts of physiology. Knowledge on the flow of the humours andthe strength of the ‘life essence’ is derived from on ‘feeling the pulse‘ (Tib. rtsa tshor ba). 12organ pulses are felt at the ateria radialis, whereas bla has a special pulse, called bla rtsa atthe ateria ulnaris, which is felt to determine the life span of the patient.

Further, a linguistic approach relates Tibetan medical terminology to body percep-tions and is applied to selected terms. Their analysis speak of a complex perception of thebody, often related to day-to-day language, as well as to Buddhist philosophy which hada strong influence on Tibetan medicine.

The paper analyses the concept of bla which in the available literature has been gen-erally translated as ‘soul’. How could a concept of a ‘soul’ survive in the Tibetan Bud-

dhist non-theistic worldview of ‘non-soul’? How is bla described in the medical litera-ture, and how does its understanding affect the medical practice of a Tibetan doctor? Blamoves around the body in the rhythm of the moon cycle and is responsible for the per-son’s vitality and radiant well-being. The bla can be affected through shock experiences,accidents, and emotional traumas or during pregnancy. Complete loss of bla leads to mentaldisturbance and physical weakness. The rituals, such as the bla bslu and the bla ’gugs tshe’gugs, are meant to strengthen the vital essence and well-being of the patient, as well assupport the transition of the death process. They are still widely practised by shamansand in many Tibetan monasteries throughout the Himalayan region.

The paper explores several meanings of bla in shamanic ritual, but mainly in theTibetan medical context. Selected translations from original Tibetan medical works on blafrom the Blue Lapislazuli (Tib. vaidurya sngon po) by Desi Sangye Gyatso, completed in1687–88 and the ritual ”buying the soul back with a ransom” (Tib. bla bslu’i lha thabs srogtsho’i ljon pa) from the Nyingma pa collection rin chen gter mdzod by Kontrul Lodro Thaye(1813–1899) are included.

The presentation places Tibetan body concepts in a perspective that will allow re-searchers to take a wider approach to their study and understanding of Tibetan medicalprinciples. Indigenous medical perspectives within their historical contexts should re-ceive careful attention when introducing Tibetan medicine to a Western audience andevaluating treatment efficacy of Tibetan medicine in a Western culture, so different fromits own. This presentation will hopefully lead to a more credible understanding and ac-knowledgement of the importance that Tibetan healing traditions give to the subtle lifeessence for the radiance of well-being and the maintenance of health.

The rise of Post-Tantra: the formation of snying thig�from1050–1213

David Germano

Eleventh and twelfth century Tibet was marked by both a flood of Buddhist tantric teach-ers, lineages and systems from India, and by an astonishingly creative reinvention ofthese tantric traditions in specifically Tibetan terms. We are still only in the beginningphases of sorting out these developments historically, which are obscured due to thepaucity of clear historical accounts, the tendency by many authors to present their com-positions as excavations from the past, and the tendency by most authors to cloud theirinnovativeness with claims of faithfulness to Indian precedents. One of the most impor-tant developments was the rise of what some have termed philosophical Vajrayana, themost interesting example of which is the tradition of rdzogs chen snying thig. My paperwill assume that the tradition originated in the mid eleventh century and developed intoits basic form by the close of the twelfth century, relying upon new sources that havebecome available only in the past few years. I will focus on outlining the basic features ofthe tradition in relation to esoteric Buddhism, including the famous gsang ba snying potantra. In doing so, I will argue that the tradition broke with the central norms of Indianesoteric Buddhism, and constituted – in the minds of Tibetans as well as in substance – aquite distinct development that could be termed “post-tantra”, since it deeplyproblematizes the division of Buddhism into sutra and tantra. In doing so, I will arguethat the snying thig tradition makes perfect sense as a creative development in eleventhand twelfth century Buddhist Tibet, in contrast to suggestions that its true origins lieearlier in time and/or in other cultures and religious traditions.

Gzhi thams cad yod par smra ba sde’i ’dulb (ZTYD) lineagesin Tibet: a survey

Anandamayee Ghosh

Gzhi thams cad yod par smra ba sde’i ’dul ba (Mulasarvastivada (MSV) vinaya) was intro-duced and spread in Tibet in three lineages. 1. dbus-gtsang (Central Tibet) lineage fromShantaraksita and sad mi bdun (8th century A.D.) 2. And that was handed over to klusmes of Kham. 3. Stod (Upper) Vinaya lineage of Nagarjuna-Gunamati, Tsong khapa (1357–1419 A.D.) was ordained in the same lineage. That period, 8th to 15th centuries may bethe extension of Vinaya in Tibet through eminent ëdul ëjin like sBa Ratna, Pal spun gsum,Sa skya pan chen etc, despite the formation of multiple schools in Tibetan Buddhism.(11th century downward).

In Tibet ZTYD nunnery developed either isolated or affiliated to a monastery. In thisrespect the four major schools in Tibet are not similar. Among the rnying ma pas and bkabrgyud pas marriage is not restricted provided the partner be a spiritual practitioner.Among the sa skya pas and dge lugs pas celibacy for the monks and nuns is importantinspite of their freedom to give up the yellow-robe, if the situation demands. Among theTibetan Buddhists the vinaya rules are ascertained to three-fold vows, sdom gsum. How-ever disciplinary rules for nuns are more in number than those of monks.

Milk and barley: folk concepts of health in rGyalthang

Denise M. Glover

Ethnobiological research conducted throughout much of the world has shown that tradi-tional environmental knowledge (TEK) among indigenous groups is often highly spe-cialized and extensive, frequently with medicinal uses of local flora and fauna being domi-nant in the repertoire of TEK. Yet while conducting a series of interviews among commonhouseholders in the rGyalthang area in 2001 and 2002, many people articulated to mequite directly that the knowledge of how to use local medicinal plants has faded with theintroduction of hospitals and the availability of western, Chinese, and even preparedTibetan medicines. “We used to know,” one man commented “but now it’s so convenientto just get what you need in Zhongdian that we don’t know how to use these plantsanymore.”

Whether there has truly been a loss of knowledge is difficult to prove, particularlywithout the availability of data indicating the level of knowledge among common house-holders in the past several decades. Important for the argument of this paper, however, isthe perception that there has been a diminishing of medicinal plant knowledge amongcommon householders. Although undoubtedly in part a product of nostalgic rumina-tion, this sentiment of lost knowledge has significant implications for a local concept ofhealth.

Central to the theory of health among those I interviewed in rGyalthang is a convic-tion of the goodness inherent in milk products and barley. While not at all antithetical tocanonical Tibetan medicine, which stresses the importance of proper diet as one of thefoundations of good health, rGyalthang folk concepts of health seem particularly rootedin the economic and cultural life of local Tibetans. Although generalized markers of theTibetan diet (and by extension “The Tibetans”), dairy products and barley are indeeddietary staples in rGyalthang. Most local Tibetan fare (even in rGyalthang, that far-offcorner of cultural Tibet) does consist of yogurt, cheese, butter-tea, and tsampa (with theaddition of potatoes and possibly stir-fried vegetables and a variety of meat). rGyalthangfolk concepts of health, then, rely on the dietary basics.

One of the most cogent explanations I encountered about the benefits of milk prod-ucts was given by a woman in her late 60s. Yeshe Drolma lives in the old part of town,Dokar Dzong, in Zhongdian. While our conversation focused mainly on the 15 differentplants that she uses medicinally (she had the most expansive repertoire of locally gath-ered medicinal plants of all the householders I interviewed) she prefaced the interviewby saying that in general her family stays quite healthy. When I asked why she respondedwith a well-reasoned logical argument: “We eat lots of cheese, yogurt, and milk. Theseproducts come from animals that graze in the high meadows and eat herbs with medicinalproperties. Since we drink the milk of these animals, we benefit from their diet and inturn receive doses of medicine ourselves.” This was not the first time I had heard thisexplanation, although it was one of the most articulate renderings.

While dairy products are discussed mostly in term of prophylactics, barley was men-tioned more as a remedy for certain ailments – headache, cold, and sometimes stomachproblems. Often the barley is mixed with other foodstuffs, such as garlic, chili, or cheese.One man commented that if one gets a cold, it’s important to eat well – and such a dietincludes lots of barley consumption. Barley gives strength, people noted; it maintainsvigor and can revive a weakened body.

This paper argues that ingredients of the common diet become glorified as virtualmedicines due in part to the sentiment of “lost” medicinal plant knowledge. Althoughunable to heal themselves with local plants, rGyalthang Tibetans nonetheless maintainsome sense of control over their own health by revering the very basics of their dietaryexistence. Comparisons are made with other research in the field of medical anthropol-ogy (Scheper-Hughes 1996) to argue that the glorification of milk and barley may reflectthe extent to which common householders feel disenfranchised from the current trend ofcommodification of medicines and health care in northern Yunnan Province.

No (heart) strings attached: misunderstanding the meaningsof sponsorship, charity, and development practices in

contemporary Tibet

Ethan Goldings

This paper examines the practices of philanthropy in present day Tibet in light of cultur-ally constructed meanings. It looks at how the givers and receivers of grants may notshare the same understandings of the goals, methods or what is implied by the relation-ship and posits ways in which the misunderstandings may be systematic. By contrastingexplicit written and oral explications of normative practices of giving and receiving withmy fieldwork on development projects with Tibetan partners; I hope to illuminate thesepatterns of misunderstandings and look for common ground that incorporates the besteach party has to offer.

The anthropological literature on gift exchange is rich and varied but its applicationto grant making or development work has been limited. At least since Marcel Mauss’Essai sur le don (1925) there has been an historical and culturally specific awareness ofhow much more is implicated than a simple transfer of wealth. Bourdieu (1972/1977)sensitized us to the ways in which contingent strategies informing the transfers of wealththrough time constitute systems that were not intended nor even something of which theactors were fully cognizant although they understand the rules (both written and un-written) with perfect fluency. Escobar (1994) analyzes at the macro scale how the globalindustry of aid work serves to create a conception of underdevelopment among grantorsand grantees alike. What remains to be done is to link these insights to specific cases ofphilanthropy with historical and ethnographic focus and, ideally, reform the specific prac-tices to better meet mutual goals.

The nuances of not-for-profit exchanges in the Tibetan context are particularly rich.The traditions of charity, patronage, sponsorship, unrestricted donations and earmarkedgifts, etc., are pervasive, profound, extensively documented as well as widely practicedby radically different actors throughout an extensive history. Many aspects of a westernphilanthropic tradition and best development practices are, however, conspicuously ab-

sent. The almost irrepressible urge to give freely in an effort to immediately amelioratethe suffering of those less fortunate that fate has placed in one’s path contrasts starklywith the rational impartial ideals guiding the search for sustainable solutions to root causes.

More specifically and practically, these “blurred genres” form the basic understand-ing underpinning the transfer of some $90 million over the last decade from westerndonors to grantees in the TAR alone. The perennial eagerness of so many western donorsto make grants in Tibet in spite of the obvious limitations on work there is a phenomenonworthy of inquiry. One can hope for more satisfying results in a future with a more clearlyunderstood and mutually agreed upon philanthropic idiom.

Baba Phuntso Wangye and the Tibet Communist Party

Melvyn Goldstein

The paper examines the nationalistic and revolutionary activities of Baba Phuntso Wangyeand the Tibet Communist Party from 1940 to 1949, giving emphasis to their attempt toenter into an alliance with the Tibetan government in 1943–44 and the organization theycreated with Gombo Tsering in Yunnan (the Eastern Tibet People’s Autonomous Alli-ance) to launch a guerrilla war against the forces of Liu Wenhui, the warlord of Xikang.

Interpreters, translators and travelling agents: the role oftongshi in Sino-Tibetan relations

Roger Greatrex

This paper examines the development of the role of a certain group of semi-officials,known as tongshi in Chinese, in Sino-Tibetan relations from the late-fourteenth century tothe end of the eighteenth century, i.e. during the Ming and Qing dynasties, with particu-lar reference to the part played by tongshi in events along the pre-modern Sino-Tibetanborder. Tongshi were often Tibetans in Chinese and later Manchu employment, who un-dertook various duties, ranging from interpreting, the translation of official documentsand accompanying Tibetan tribute missions to Peking to participate in court audiences,to acting as travelling agents in Tibetan territory whither they were dispatched to acquiremilitary intelligence for their employers. As this paper shows, the information obtainedfrom the activities of certain tongshi was of considerable importance in permitting theMing and Qing dynasties in maintaining their notional claim to authority over the borderregion. The tongshi were thus instrumental in enabling the Ming and Qing rulers, whofailed to incorporate the Tibetan border regions directly into the Chinese empire, in theirattempts nevertheless to force the Tibetans resident there to submit to a high degree ofChinese jurisdiction. Drawing on the Veritable Records (shilu) of the Ming and Qing dy-nasty emperors, archival materials, and Ming and Qing dynasty official publications, thedevelopment of the institution of tongshi is traced and illustrations of their activities given.

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Bod gna’ rabs riggnas khrod kyi grangs rig bsam blo’i ’du shesyang bskyar gleng (Mathematics in ancient Tibetan culture)

Gu ru ji

Tibetan intellectuals and ordinary Tibetans developed a form of mathematics in accord-ance with the environment they inhabited. This paper will examine the distinctive char-acteristics of Tibetan mathematics.

A. Recording figures and counting in ancient Tibet

1. Using wood, rope and small stones to indicate numbers2. Using fingers for simple calculations such as addition, substraction, multiplication

and division.3. Using sand-bowls (rtsis gzhong) for similar simple calculations.4. Using the linear measures rgyang grags and dpag tshad to define length.

B. The use of mathematics in ancient Tibetan technology

1. Using mathematics for building walls.2. Using mathematics for bridge-building.3. Using mathematics for building palaces.4. Using mathematics for the construction of stupas.5. Using mathematics for thangkha painting.

C. The use of mathematics in ancient Tibetan astrology

1. Dgu tha2. Bcu ‘dril grangs grangs gnas3. Dbyibs rtsis

D. Conclusion

While the remarkable Tibetan civilisation has been a subject for research by scholarsthroughout the world, the subject of Tibetan mathematics has been relatively neglected.The present paper will attempt to address this deficiency through a discussion of theseaspects of Tibetan mathematics.

The woeful body: the female body in medical and ritualdiscourse

Kim Gutschow

This paper considers how the female body appears as a unique vessel of suffering andimpurity in Buddhist medical and ritual practices. In particular, it considers how medicalpractices and folk rituals differ in their approach to the female body. Both monks andtraditional doctors or amchis are involved in the professional transformation of suffer-ing, yet with rather different results for their female subjects. Both Tibetan medicine andBuddhism draw on similar discourse of causality and suffering, including an androcentricapproach to the female body. While the central texts of Tibetan medicine like the RgyudBzhi rarely differentiate the female body and its ailments from the male body, moral andritual discourses single out the female body as a complex source of individual and socialsuffering. This discourse constructs the female body as a privileged site of suffering inwhich being female is both a calamity and a punishment for past deeds. In particular, thefemale body is singled out as defiled (grib can), miserable (lan chag can), and sinful (sdig pacan) in the west Tibetan idiom of Zangskar, Northwest India. This cultural discourse iden-tifies the female body as both dangerous as well as in danger. It is dangerous to the sacredat the same time that it is in danger of falling into even lower rebirths. As such, the femalebody offers a powerful model of danger and impurity in Buddhist discourse.

Mapping the body with Buddhism: shifting fortunes of thetantric channel system in Tibetan medical anatomy

Janet Gyatso

This paper is about the relationship between medical theory and Buddhist theory in Tibet.It will study how these two kinds of writing have shared literary genres, strategies ofargumentation, and doctrinal terminology, and yet diverged in basic orientation as wellas the manner in which authoritative truth is conceptualised. I attribute much of thisdivergence to this fundamental difference: the ultimate goal of Buddhist practice is togain enlightenment, while the ultimate goal of medical practice is to keep patients alive.I argue that the very different kinds of ways that the success of these two projects wouldbe determined – and in particular, the special role of empirical observability in medicine– affected in turn the mentality of both traditions overall.

The paper draws on one section of a longer essay I am working on. It will focus onthe increasingly vexed issue of how to account for the tantric system of channels in theface of increasing attention to empirical evidence in Tibetan medical tradition. A numberof medical theorists from the 15th century onwards began to debate the question of whythe tantric channels are not directly observable. They give a wide variety of responses,betraying a variety of attitudes toward religious authority and its relative status to em-pirical evidence, not to mention the complex question of how to conceptualize such dis-crepancies in written discourse.

An entropy-based assessment of the UNICODE encoding forTibetan

Paul G. Hackett

This paper presents an analysis of the UNICODE encoding scheme for Tibetan from thestandpoint of morphological entropy. We can speak of two levels of entropy in Tibetan:syllable-level entropy (a measure of the probability of the sequential occurrence of sylla-bles), and letter-level entropy (a measure of the probability of the sequential occurrenceof letters). Syllable-level entropy is a purely statistical calculation that is a function of thedomain of the literature sampled, while letter-level entropy is relatively domain inde-pendent. Letter-level entropy can be calculated statistically, though a theoretical upperbound can also be postulated based on language dependent morphology rules. This pa-per presents both theoretical and statistical estimates of letter-level entropy for Tibetan,and explores the Tibetan UNICODE encoding scheme in relation to coding ambiguity,data compression, and other issues analyzed in light of an entropy-based language model.

The enlightenment of gNam.chos Mi.’gyur rDo.rje: Diagramof an emanation body in seventeenth-century eastern Tibet

Georgios Halkias

This paper will examine the role of Buddhist transmissions in the characterization ofindividuals, monastic lineages and related institutions in seventeenth-century Tibet – atime in history dominated by rule-by-reincarnation regimes wherein requisitions for secu-lar power and descriptions of enlightenment formed complimentary non-symmetricalinvestments on the body of the discovered incarnation, the Tulku. In the Tibetan religioustradition, the recurring phenomenon of ‘lineage incarnations’ can be understood as anindigenous adaptation of the Mahayana cult of the Bodhisattva and also as the supremeattainment of an individual who gains, through the practices of esoteric Buddhism, mun-dane powers and control over his present and future emanations. The reincarnate saint,in his embodied mastery of the Buddhist teachings, is often expected to engage his com-petence in this world. In this capacity, as a living source of Buddhist efficacy, he is drawnwell within a monastic nexus of power collaborating in a variety of historical and politi-cal productions.

Preservation of oral and textual lineages has been crucial in the debate of what con-stitutes genuine Buddhist praxis and for the division of the Sangha into distinct monasticassemblages. All schools of Buddhism content that lineages that are not transmitted fromteacher to student are considered lost and irretrievable. Juxtaposed to this pan-Buddhistassertion, the Terma practice of continuous revelation challenges a ‘one-to-one correspond-ing politics of transmission’ by arguing within Mahayana metaphysics for non-historicalsources to Buddhist teachings. The first section of this paper will briefly sketch Vajrayanaphilosophical ideas and practices concerning the formation of the tantric body and itsenlightened performance. The second section will diagram the emanation body ofGnam.chos Mi’.gyur Rdo.rje (1645–1667) across a field of subjective positions that incor-porate localized lineage-interweavings and circulation of spiritual transmissions (canonicaland revealed) as intellectual capital.

An interlineal translation of the Sukhavata sadhana included in the Migot Gnam.choscollection will complete this paper. These popular seventeenth-century Amitabha prac-tices, revealed by Mi.’gyur Rdo.rje and edited by Karma Chag-med, are classified as purevision termas (dag snang gter). The text translated herein presents a syncretic example ofseveral tantric lineages and practices combined in one sadhana. The appendix to thispaper will contain the unaccounted indices 38, 39, 40 and 41 and the presumed lost index(dkar.chag) of volume 13 missing from Meisezahl’s valuable, yet incomplete, Gnam.chosindex published in 1981 and 1982 respectively.

“Seeing Lhasa” exhibition

Clare Harris

In September 2003, the exhibition “Seeing Lhasa: British Depictions of the Tibetan Capi-tal 1936–1947” will open at the Pitt Rivers Museum. The exhibition is designed to explorethe visual representation of Lhasa and its inhabitants through the media of photography,film and painting. It demonstrates how a group of elite men based in a far-flung outpostof the British Empire established a vision of Tibet for consumption by others back athome. Capitalizing on the excellent photographic collections of the Pitt Rivers Museumthe exhibition will show how a series of visual tropes emerges from the sight/site ofLhasa with views of the Potala Palace, the portrait of it’s chief inhabitant (the Dalai Lama)and the dramatic landscape in which the city is set becoming the most potent. The exhibi-tion also seeks to move beyond the idea of the photograph as simply an official documentof colonial record and to analyze the social conditions in which images are produced inthe light of Anglo-Tibetan relations – both personal and political.

My presentation will serve as an introduction to the exhibition at the Pitt Rivers andsuggest some new approaches to British photographs of Tibet emphasizing the impor-tance of visual sources for historical and contemporary projects.

Ascendancy of the term rtsom-rig in Tibetan literary discourse

Lauran R. Hartley

The Tibetan term “rtsom-rig” was coined no more than sixty years ago to roughly conveythe contemporary understanding of the Chinese term wenxue and the English term “lit-erature.” Moreover, a survey of Tibetan literary publications in the immediate post-Maoperiod reveals that the term rtsom-rig had still not gained wide currency. Not until thelate 1980s, as a new corps of secularly educated Tibetan writers and critics sought tofound a unique literary history did Tibetan discourse on writing shift from a snyan-ngagcentered paradigm to a critical formation that both constructed and centered the conceptof a national “Tibetan literature” (Bod-kyi rtsom-rig). This discursive shift, however, raisedquestions regarding the classification of pre-modern writing. Were “snyan-ngag” and“rtsom-rig” mutually exclusive categories? Was one a sub-category of the other? Tibetanliterary critics began to raise such questions in the late 1980s and the discussion returnedwith fresh vigor in the late 1990s. In this paper, I examine how the contemporary under-standing of snyan-ngag consequently narrowed from the more comprehensive sense as“belles-lettres,” which generally prevailed through the early 1980s to a literary genreapproximating the constellation of concepts suggested by the English term “poem.” Andyet, the broader understanding of snyan-ngag continues to be upheld by some literaryscholars, their stance now representing an oppositional strategy against the tide of a widerdiscursive shift with extraliterary implications.

King Mer-khe: a historical note on the legend of the origin ofthe sTag-lung-pa protector rgyal po Mer-khe

Guntram Hazod

rGyal po Mer-khe is the name of one of the chief protector gods of sTag-lung, the oldmonastic centre of the sTag-lung bKa’-brgyud-pa in Byang (north of ’Phan-yul) foundedin AD 1180. The deity is named after the place Mer-khe in the district of dBu-ru-lung inupper Byang, an area in which it functions as the principal yul lha (territorial god). Onealso finds Mer-khe further to the west in the (nomadic) area of sNying-grong(~drung),where he is the god of an oracle whose family originally came from Mer-khe. Concerninghis origin as the Dharma protector, a local account tells that he is supposed to be the spiritof an earlier ruler of Mer-khe from the period of the decline of the dynasty (9th / 10th c.),who was killed at a local riding festival and drowned in the river. The corpse then under-took a long journey in the waters of the sKyid-chu, from dBu-ru-lung to Lhasa, beforebeing brought back to Mer-khe through ’Phan-yul. In the end the “rgyal po Mer-khe”spirit which acted as a bringer of harm was overpowered by the sTag-lung founder sTag-lung thang-pa bKra-shis-dpal (1142–1210) and placed in the service of the Teaching. Thestory will among other things lead us to some issues of the earlier history of the region inquestion, which also concerns the identification of places from the dynastic period. Thusthe area of the present-day Mer-khe is very probably identical with the Mer-khe of theDunhuang Annals, where the location appears as a primary residence of the emperor Mang-slon mang-rtsan (d. AD 676) and is last mentioned in the year AD 705 in connection withthe safekeeping of the body of the btsan po Khri Dus-srong.

The manuscripts of gNas gsar Gompa, Pijor village, Dolpo:11th–14th century cultural history

Amy Heller

In May 2000, as Tibetologist of the Pijor Library Project, I was responsible for inventory ofthe library of this remote village comprising 650 Tibetan manuscripts while photogra-phers documented the architecture of the gompa and photographed all illuminations inthe Buddhist manuscripts. The existence of this library has been known for some time.Both Snellgrove and Jest mention its existence in their writings of more than a decade agobut no one had studied its contents. Subsequently it was walled up due to theft. ThePritzker-Roncoroni expedition in 1999 visited and, at the request of the villagers, initi-ated a restoration project, including the inventory of the library and architectural renova-tion of the monastery. The 1999 visit indicated several wooden capitals which could sty-listically be dated to circa 13th century and contemporaneous illuminated manuscriptpages. From the May 2000 inventory, it is confirmed that the library in its present statedates from the 13th/14th century; the prefaces of several texts situate the role of thisremote village as an intermediary between two larger kingdoms in western Nepal andcentral Tibet. In addition, we also learned that the bKa’ ’gyur was given to gNas gsarduring the reign of Punyamalla, a king of the Khasa Malla Kingdom to the west of Dolpo.In this presentation, we will examine how the Pijor manuscripts inform us about dedica-tory ritual practices, the architecture of the gompa, Buddhist iconography, political his-tory and trade routes of this region.

Terminological delineations: surveying the vocabularypertaining to melody and percussion typology in A-lce lha-mo

Isabelle Henrion-Dourcy

The aim of this paper is to sum up the key distinctions made by the actors of Tibetanopera [A-lce lha-mo] in the musical aspects, both vocal and instrumental, of their actingtechniques. Far from being fixed for the whole operatic tradition, typologies are subjectto geographic as well as lineage variations. The most articulate gloss, that will be pre-sented in this paper, is found among the troupes that have inherited the style of the Lhasa-based pre–1950s sKyor-mo-lung opera troupe: the government TAR Opera Troupe, thevarious amateur troupes of the Lhasa region as well as most troupes of exile. The firstpart will be devoted to vocal music, namely the melodic organisation operating within a-lce lha-mo. Four main terms are used to qualify different parts of the repertoire, all ofwhich can roughly be translated by “melody”: rnam-thar, rta, glu and gdangs. Rather thanresting on musicological distinctions, these differences are mostly imputable to the mean-ing conveyed by the songs. The various sub-categories within these four categories willthen be laid out, followed by melodies that fall outside this categorisation because theycombine different musical genres. Finally, the two main ornamenting techniques of thesingers will be explained: melismatic and syllabic additions on the main canvas. Thesecond part of the presentation will delve on the typology pertaining to percussion mu-sic. Singing and dancing are mostly disjointed in opera: whereas the songs are generallydone by a soloist, standstill and with no instrumental accompaniment (allowing a freemeter), the drum and the cymbals give the pulse for the dances done by the whole troupe,or for a character’s idiosyncratic movements across the stage. Rhythm is of course themain distinctive factor, opposing the slow beat (dal-brdung) to the fast beat (mgyogs-brdung).A survey of individual drum beats for various characters of the a-lce lha-mo repertoirewill also be provided. Complemented with a series of short-recorded illustrations, thispaper will conclude on the current evolutions in the aural dimension of ‘traditional’ opera.

Liberation from the pain of evil destinies”:the silken images (gos–sku) of Gyantse monastery

(rGyal rtse dPal ’khor chos sde)

Michael Henss

rGyal rtse dPal ’khor chos sde (gTsang) is the only site in present-day Tibet where theoriginal giant appliqued silk thangkas (gos sku) are still preserved and ritually used untilthese days. They are by far the earliest examples of these most exceptional cultural relicsin the whole Tibetan Buddhist realm to exist, dating back to the first half of the 15thcentury.

In 2000 and 2001 I was able to document the ritual of their annual display. In thispaper an attempt is being made to reconstruct their original setting, to identify the icono-graphic program, and with the help of textual sources the historical evidence of theircommission, manufacture, technique and dating, to characterise the style and to describethe present ceremonial use.

Of the original three principal silken banners (each ca.22,5 x 22,5m in size) two withthe central images of Shakyamuni und Maitreya are surprisingly well preserved, whilethe third one, depicting Buddha Dipankara, is – like one of the two separate sidebanners(ca.22,5 x 5,5m in size) – seriously damaged and has not been shown on displaysince decades. The two prominent historical figures of the Shakyamuni gos sku could beidentified with the help of local informants and ’Jigs med grags pa’s “History of the Princesof Gyantse”(rGyal rtse chos rgyal gyi rnam par thar...,l479/81, Lhasa edition 1987) as’Jam dbyangs Rin chen rGyal mtshan, “the great abbot of gNas rnying” monastery nearGyantse (r.1422–1452),who performed the consecration ceremony for the rGyal rtse gTuglag khang in 1425, and Sems dpa’ chen po chos kyi Rin chen, another gNas rnying abbot.Since ’Jigs med grags pa’s quite precise description must refer to the present silken imagein situ, it can be dated to the years 1436–1439. According to this source the other existingthangka of Maitreya was manufactured in exactly the same period, depicting the samegNas rnying abbot Sems dpa’ chen po chos kyi rin chen, and opposite – both figures werealso confirmed as such by local informants – Shariputra, an Indian pandita and abbot of

Bodhgaya, who was invited by the Gyantse king Rab brtan Kun bzang ’Phags (1389 –442), the actual commissioner and sponsor of these silken banners, to Tibet in 1418(or1414?) to become his principal teacher.

The consecration ceremony for the Maitreya thangka was dedicated to Rab brtankun bzang’s mother Byang sems bzang mo (d.l435) and performed by Lama Chen poTsen dra pa and Chos rje Phyogs las rnam rgyal (l376 – 1451), one of the three famous Bodong pa masters who came to Gyantse in 1438. Further details presented in this paper arerelated to the manufacture technique and to iconometric data for these appliqued thangkas,to the Chinese silks, stylistic comparisons with the wall paintings in Gyantse, and to theceremonial procedure as it is performed today.

Sherpa beliefs and Western medicine: providing health care atKunde Hospital, Nepal

Susan Heydon

In 1966 Sir Edmund Hillary built a small hospital in the village of Kunde to providehealth care services to the mainly Sherpa people of the Mt Everest area in Nepal. KundeHospital, part of a wider aid programme to assist these people renowned for their role inHimalayan mountaineering, has become the main provider of Western medical servicesto approximately three and a half thousand people of the villages of Khumbu as well as asimilar number from adjacent areas. The history of the hospital is largely the history ofWestern medicine in this mountainous, remote part of Nepal. The hospital is run by SirEdmund Hillary and the Himalayan Trust from New Zealand with finance from the SirEdmund Hillary Foundation of Canada and the Canadian International DevelopmentAgency and has been staffed by volunteer overseas doctors and local Sherpa staff. Be-tween 1996 and l998 my husband and I were the volunteers running Kunde Hospital. Myconclusion at the end of our time at Kunde was that despite enormous change through-out the region, largely brought about by the increase in tourism and development, Sherpabeliefs about sickness remained strong and were the key to understanding not only whatSherpa people did when they were sick but also to understanding how the hospital re-sponded to sickness among the Sherpa.

The aim of this paper is to explore historically the enduring nature of Sherpa beliefsand practices about ill health using hospital records, correspondence, oral sources, bothSherpa and overseas medical staff, and my own participant observation. Secondary sourcesabout the Sherpa are extensive and provide both scholarly discussion and historical ref-erence points. While earlier sociological studies discussing health issues focused on thebelief in and control of invisible beings more recent studies have highlighted change andmodernisation. Change has occurred regarding sickness and health but the questions arehow much, in what way and in what context?

Polarising health care into Sherpa beliefs versus Western medicine/modernisationfails to take into account the complexity and layering of what has happened and is

happening among the Sherpa of Khumbu. This paper is part of my ongoing doctoralstudy which looks at the history of Kunde Hospital from different perspectives: Sir Ed-mund Hillary and the Himalayan Trust who built and run the hospital; the Sherpa whoare the main users of the hospital services; the hospital as a Western medicine project andthe hospital and international aid.

Buddhist sites in northeast A-mdo/Hexi from the 8th to the13th Centuries

Bianca Horlemann

This paper will provide an outline of the location or approximate location of Buddhistsites like monasteries, hermitages or caves in northeast A-mdo and in the overlappingarea called Hexi (in Chinese) from the 8th to the early 13th centuries.

Although it is generally presumed that Buddhism continued to flourish in north-east A-mdo during the 9th century when it was officially abandoned in Central Tibet andthat, furthermore, local A-mdo monks played an active and important role in the secondpropagation of Buddhism in Tibet, our knowledge of the general Buddhist topographyof A-mdo before, during and after the time of the famous Dgongs Rab-gsal (832–915?)remains rather sketchy. However, by collecting and comparing references to Buddhistsites in A-mdo and Hexi in Tibetan and Chinese sources which refer to the afore-men-tioned period and area, it is possible to draw a rough map of major Buddhist establish-ments in the region. Some of these sites still exist to this day, as for instance the Dmar-gtsang-brag-Temple (Chin.: Baimasi) on the Tsong-chu (Chin.: Huangshui) east of Xiningor the Byams-pa ’bum gling-Caves (Chin.: Binglingsi) south of Lanzhou. Whereas infor-mation on Tibetan Buddhist establishments in the 8th – 10th centuries can be found pre-dominantly in the Dunhuang documents, the Chinese sources for the Song dynasty (960–1271) contain several references to Tibetan monasteries in Hexi such as the Ga-lu Gser-khang G.yu-gang Monastery (Chin.: Yigongcheng) as well as to several newly establishedChan monasteries in Hexi under Song patronage such as the Guangren chanyuan inMinzhou.

Tibetan and Chinese pulse diagnostics: visual representationsof tactile experience, a comparison

Elisabeth HsuZhen Yan

Tibetan and Chinese pulse diagnostics are closely related, and in the first part of thispaper the historical affinities of Tibetan and Chinese pulse diagnostics will be outlined.Zhen Yan has written her masters thesis on the early Tibetan texts (e.g. sMan-dpyap Zla-ba’I rGyal-po and rgyud-bzhi) and highlighted the similarities to Chinese pulse diagnos-tics (Suwen and Maijing, etc.), and and this will form the basis of an in depth elaborationof her impending doctorate dissertation. She compares and contrasts the various quali-ties of the normal, sickness, odd (or strange), and death pulses, and their descriptions.The second part of the paper is devoted to a discussion of the Tibetan medical thankas ofthe 17th century which record various aspects of the process of Tibetan pulse diagnostics:locations on the body surface for taking the pulse (the point is that the pulse is not onlytaken at the wrist, as in present-day Chinese pulse taking, but at places like the neck, theloins, and various other places for which we have hints in early Chinese sources butwhich are no more practised in Chinese medicine today), rules about the condition inwhich a doctor is to take the pulse (These are: Do not eat wine and meat, avoid rubbingthe body and roasting by the fire (not known from Chinese sources), do not overwork(i.e. in Tibet: hunt), do not eat cold foods and food that is hard to digest, do not overeat,do not fast, don’t have sex, don’t lie awake with insomnia, don’t talk too much, don’t useyour brains too much, don’t travel too far, don’t stay motionless in one place. Take thepulse early in the morning) and the visual representation of the pulses themselves, avisual representation of tactile perception (the one mode of presenting movement is toshow waves, the other is to show images – in both cases the visual signs that are pro-duced would appear to be iconographic, but the iconographies are culture-specific). TheChinese and Tibetan material is from the 17th century, and before, and the paper maytherefore be considered to be more historical in orientation. Yet part of the approach thatwe take to the material is informed by the anthropology of sensory experience.

Dismemberment and meat distribution among Tibetanhunting communities

Toni Huber

Hunting is the most persistent known mode of human subsistence on the Tibetan pla-teau. Thus, it is hardly surprising to discover that the hunt is associated with a rich set ofideas and cultural practices in Tibet, some of which have proven archaic roots. However,for a variety of reasons, the world of Tibetan hunters remains barely known or under-stood outside of their own ranks. In this paper I will present basic research on two relatedfeatures of many Tibetan hunts, that is, the dismemberment and meat distribution sys-tems that together mark the point at which dead game animals are appropriated by andenter into the social world. These activities are heavily circumscribed by a variety of rulesand rites. The actual performance of dismemberment and meat distribution are found tobe completely unlike those idealized forms of “creative dismemberment” (Macdonald1980) known only from Tibetan textual sources in which the body parts of the animal arecorrelated with social divisions. It is rather the case that during actual hunts certain typesof “play” can be introduced to randomize the outcome of the distribution economy. Inmarked contrast to frequent appeals about the “uniqueness” of Tibetan culture, I con-clude, using comparative data, that the ways in which Tibetans process game meat havemany similarities to both neighbouring and very distant societies in which hunting isalso practiced. The research results were obtained among nomadic populations of centralAmdo and the western Changthang.

The story of Dugar Jaisang and Mongolian folkunderstandings of Tibeto-Mongolian relations

Caroline Humphrey

Late 19th –early 20th century accounts of Tibeto-Mongolian relations, from the point ofview of Mongols, exist in several genres. One of these we may call academic in the Euro-pean style. Among the various Mongol peoples, the Buryats especially – for among themseveral scholars were educated at Russian universities – developed a significant histori-cal literature. The work of Dorzhi Banzarov, Galsan Gomboev, Tsybyk Zhamtsarano andGombozhap Tsybikov, included studies related to Tibet written in objective style, aimingat historical veracity and published in Russian. A different genre, a cross between thenamtar and personal reminiscences, is evident in the autobiographies of the Buryat activ-ist lama Agvan Dorzhiev, advisor to the 13th Dalai Lama. Dorzhiev’s writing combines afactual account of his activities with value-laden diatribes generated by the complex,conflictual politics of the revolutionary era. Much less is known, however, even by read-ers of the Mongolian and Russian language literature, about the view of Tibeto-Mongo-lian relations of ‘ordinary people’ – that is, people who may have been educated but werenot transformed by European-style university education or by experience in high inter-national politics. The proposed paper concerns such quasi-mythic views, in particularthe story of Dugar Jaisang as recounted in Buryatia and Eastern Inner Mongolia in thefirst half of the 20th century. The popularity in regional culture of this story is evidentfrom the fact that paintings and sculptures of Dugar Jaisang were commonly found inmany monasteries and even continued to be produced and sold in Mongolian state artdepartments during the Socialist period.

Important sources of local views on Tibet are the numerous chronicles of Buryat his-tory held in the archives of the Academy of Sciences in Ulan-Ude and the collections of oralnarratives made by ethnographers of the period (Natsov, Potanin, Pozdeyev, Zhamtsarano,and others), In the late 19th century Buryat chronicles Tibet appears as the great ‘land ofsnows’, a place of consolidation (not of origin) of kingship and religion. If India is the placeof origins, Tibet is where magical and unearthly events took place, along with wars andinternal conflicts. Curiously, Mongols, or the principle of a Mongol presence, is central toall of this, and especially to kingship. There is a strange circularity, such that kingship,which originates as ‘Mongolian’ then evolves, though the splitting-off of younger sons,,into further kingly Mongolian and Buryat lines. Thus in Yumsunov’s chronicle of the HoriBuryats kingship is said to have originated in India in the Sakya clan – which took descenthowever from the line of Mongolian kings called ‘Raised by All’. When the Sakya kingwent to Tibet, it was because he came from the ‘eternal kingly line’, and bore numeroussigns of supernatural powers, that he was recognised and raised to be the King of the Tibet-ans. Ancestors of both the Halh Mongolians and the Hori Buryats were descendants of thisline. Kingship is here recognised to have its own magical power independent of religion. It

was only in a later age, when holy Chinggis Khan made an arrangement with the SakyaLama Gunga Nimbu, and the latter sent talismans and relics to Mongolia, that the Mongolsbecame acquainted with Buddhism. Even here, at the famous point of origin of the pactbetween kingship and religion, the Buryat accounts give precedence to kingly rule. It wassaid that when Chinggis, conquered Tibet and united its people, the festival of the NewYear was changed to coincide with the anniversary of this date. The king could reorganisetime itself. The lamas had to unite their festivals and rituals with the new calendar, andfrom this time onwards the New Year festival became recognised as a Buddhist one.

The story of Dugar Jaisang fits with this general line of emphasis. According to ma-terials gathered by Natsov among Buryats in the 1920s–30s, Dugar Jaisang was a minorMongol ruler who saved the Gelugpa religion. He set off to Tibet in the period of the 6thDalai Lama to destroy its Ningmapa enemies, headed by a Ningma ruler descended fromGushi Khan. In one version, this attach was accomplished by force of arms and involvedmuch killing. But the popular version, and that illustrated in countless paintings, has itthat Dugar Jaisang magically enslaved a tiger, which became his supernatural weaponagainst the wrong believers (in various versions these are Bonpo or Karmapa). Misbe-having lamas, even of the Gelugpa, were punished and expelled from the monasteries. Itis said that the Tibetan custom of showing one’s tongue on meeting originated with DugarJaisang’s purge. Anyone belonging to the infidel sect would have a black striped tongue,and he killed such people without mercy. The iconography of Dugar Jaisang is not Bud-dhist, however. He is depicted ‘structurally’ as a master of the whole of nature. The armedwarrior subduing the tiger is the main subject, but visually balanced opposite to the tiger(fierce wild animal) is the tethered camel (tame domestic animal) on which Dugar Jaisangwas riding to Tibet. In the other two corners of the painting are the deer roaming on thehill and the swans floating below on the lake. Trees to the left are balanced by rocks on theright, and in the sky a red sun is matched by a white moon.

The story of Dugar Jaisang is held by Mongols to be a ‘reminder’ to the Tibetans:Gelugpa Buddhism was rescued by our Mongol warrior. This idea was still current in the1930s. According to one Mongolian lama who spent time in several Tibetan monasteries,when the Tibetan lamas became irritated at the learning and overweening ability of theMongol lamas and threatened to send them home, the Dalai Lama is said to have pro-nounced as follows:

“Don’t forget Dugar Jaisang has reached the age of ten, he’s looking at us, he’s laugh-ing” (Dugar Jaisang arab xurchigeed, nash xaraad, ineej baina). This meant, Dugar Jaisanghas been reincarnated and is reaching maturity and he may attack again.

In general Tibet appears as the deeply respected ‘high’ (deed) country, in contrast tothe ‘lower’ (door) lands of the Mongols, and these terms do not only refer to geography.Nevertheless, folk accounts indicate that Mongolian peoples felt the qualities ofMongolness to be fundamental to the constitution of Tibet. A pure militancy, which con-tained its own supernatural power, was intrinsic to the upholding of the true religion.

On the archaeological remains of Buddhism during 11–13thcenturies discovered in Western Tibet

Huo Wei

This paper is focusing on the introducing and analysis of the remaining of the Buddhismduring 11–13 centuries in the archaeological investigation in the Western Tibet by theChinese archaeologists as well as its values of importance, which includes the newlydiscovered founding of wall paintings, bronze status of Buddhism, the log-carvings, andthe remaining of incomplete leaves of Buddhist books – a clear reflection of the inter-relationship between the Guge Kingdom and the rest parts surrounded it (such as Kash-mir, North-India, Spiti etc.).

In the early days of Guge – a kingdom in west Tibet, there were an active group ofgreat Buddhist monks such as Rinchen Zangpo (A.D. 958–1055), and being positive pro-moted by the Tibetan kings. At the time, the cultural activities were very active in Gugeand from abroad, in the kingdom of which artists were busy working at building up theBuddhism temples, digging the stone caves, setting up the Buddhist Statuses and towers,which remained as the cultural spots or historical sceneries that was recorded in the earlypapers of G. Tucci (an Italian Tibetan scholar), yet what has been discussed in this paperis beyond those by Tucci.

This paper offers something new on the art relics of Guge Buddhism with differentstyles and different times through the introduction and the analysis of the new materials.

Imperial stooge or emissary to the Gelug throne? Rethinkingthe biographies of Chankya Rolpa’i Dorje

Marina Illich

The life of Chankya Rolpa’i Dorje (Tib: lcang skya rol pa’i rdo rje), the famed 18th-cen-tury Gelug lama from eastern Amdo, has been a subject of interest in Tibetological andBuddhological circles for some time and is gaining increased attention in New Qing Stud-ies/Manchu Studies circles. To date, however, scholars from these disparate disciplinarybackgrounds have tended to portray Chankya as a mouthpiece of Manchu interests, animperial stooge who facilitated Qing expansion in Mongolia and Tibet. This common-place, I argue, is reductive and methodologically problematic. Chankya’s biographersundoubtedly show him cooperating with the Manchu throne but they also devote con-siderable space to illustrate the complex and manifold ways that he co-opted Manchusponsorship and openly resisted Manchu imperialism to further his own agenda: con-solidating a pan-Gelug empire crowned by the Dalai Lama in Lhasa. In short, Chankya’stwo primary biographies (Tib: rnam thar) depict Chankya as an active agent of history,rather than a passive imperial mouthpiece.

The glaring disparity in traditional and academic representations of Chankya’s lifedraws, in part, from a modern scholarly tendency to conceive of political, military andbureaucratic power as “real” and “religious” power as cross cut with false consciousness.Employing a positivist and “secularist” reading of history, many Western-trained aca-demics have been quick to write off the indigenous organization of Tibetan biographies,as well as the historical narratives they construct, as didactic and devotional fabricationsof “hagiographers” inhabiting a fictitious cosmology beset with “supernatural” and “magi-cal” imaginaries. While such readings of Tibetan historiographic texts may tell us a greatdeal about ourselves, as Western-trained academics, and the cultural legacies to whichwe are heir, they doom us to failure in the task of reconstructing the concerns –cosmological, soteriological and epistemological – which shaped the lives of Tibetan(ized)historical protagonists.

In this paper, I will attempt a different reading of Chankya’s biographies, one thatapproaches them as counter-narrative inscriptions that self-consciously attempted to de-flect Manchu imperialism by inscribing Chankya as a paradigmatic agent of a pan-Gelugwill to power. This reading is methodologically indebted to the work of cultural histori-ans James Hevia and Angela Zito. In their respective studies of Chinese imperial GuestRitual (Ch: bin li) during the Qing, Hevia and Zito have shown that imperial rituals werenot symbolic expressions of other kinds of power or attempts to mime an idealized butunattainable social order through the charade of posing the Emperor as a semi-divineSon of Heaven. Rather, they argue, imperial rituals were the crucial venue through whichthe imperial body instantiated its power by encompassing a host of others and therebysuccessfully embodied the cosmic axis from which to ritually mediate between Heavenand Earth. As Hevia points out,

“The overwhelming emphasis in Chinese ritual texts on the position and dispositionof bodies in ceremonial space meant that ritual actions constituted a cosmo-political or-der in highly consequential ways.”

“… relations were contingent and provisional, requiring continuous renegotia-tion and refashioning as conditions in the world changed. In a political situationin which lords vied with each other for supremacy, any claim that the emperormight make to supreme lordship was predicated on his dexterous managementof relations with other lords; he must include their strength without diluting itso that he could, if necessary, command them to assist him in the ordering of theworld.”

Put another way, the successful instantiation of imperial power was stipulated noton forcing others to submit to the throne but on assimilating them within its own projectsof rulership.

In this paper, I argue that Chankya’s biographers were keenly aware that imperialpower was constituted – and could be contested – through the performance of ritualizedaudience sequences and the narrative inscription of those encounters. Such a readingwould explain why Chankya’s biographers took pains to recount the minute ways ritualprotocol was maneuvered during imperial audiences to accord unorthodox honors toChankya and other high lamas in his retinue..

With this methodology in mind, the paper will examine how Chankya’s biographersused the act of inscription, with its self-conscious ordering of bodies in social space, toinstantiate Gelug protagonists in a dominant subject position vis-à-vis the hegemonizingpower of the Manchu imperial machine. Specifically, it will examine how Chankya’s bi-ographies accomplish this task by 1) organizing the events of his life around the discur-sive logic of lama-patron (Tib: mchod yon) “joint-rulership” which depicted lama andemperor as co-equal sovereigns over their respective supra-worldly and worldly domains,

and by 2) repeatedly producing Chankya in the dominant (Ch: yang) subject position inhis ritualized encounters with the Qing Emperor Qianlong and senior officials at theManchu court.

Re-examination of the Ldan ma brag inscription (II) inEastern Tibet

Yoshiro Imaeda

The so-called Inscription II of Ldan ma brag, Ri mda’, ’Byams mdun district, Brag g-yabprovince in Eastern Tibet was discovered in 1983.

Previous studies consider the monkey year in the reign of btsan po Khri lde srongbtsan alias Sad na legs which is mentioned in the inscription to be 816 AD.

However it is now ascertained from reliable sources that the reign of Khri lde srongbtsan started in 798/800 and ended in 815. As a consequence, the monkey year of theinscription can only be 804, the only monkey year which falls during the reign of thisbtsan po.

From a careful examination, one can conclude that the inscription commemoratesthe appointment of Bran ka Yon tan (= Dpal chen po), fully ordained monk (dge slong), atthe High Council of religion and State affairs (chos dang chab srid kyi bka’ chen po labtags) in the year 804.

The inscription is thus an important witness of the career of Dran ka Yon tan whobecame Chief Minister (blon chen) by latest in 809.

Relocation of the verses on “The equality of oneself andothers” in the Bodhi(sattva)caryavatara

Chiko Ishida

There are two versions of the Bodhi(sattva)caryavatara, viz. the current version entitledBodhicaryavatara (BCA) and the early version entitled Bodhisattvacaryavatara (BSA).The former is available in Sanskrit and also preserved in the Tibetan Tripitaka, while thelatter was only found in the Dunhuang manuscripts, in Tibetan. Both include a series ofverses about the equality of oneself and other people, the concept of which supports theBodhisattva’s starting point of helping others, but they are situated in different chapters:at the end of the chapter on the “Perfection of strength (virya)” in the BSA and at the endof the chapter on the “Perfection of contemplation (dhyana)” in the BCA. Because thecontents of the books are arranged step by step along the six perfections (paramitas), thedifference may reflect the characteristics of the books themselves; more practical or morecontemplative.

Commentators have already remarked upon the problem, to which chapter the versesare supposed to belong, but nothing has been written about the differences of the versesin question themselves. In fact, the total number differs and so do the details of the corre-sponding verses. The BCA has 84 verses while the BSA has 52. Many of the verses in theBSA have corresponding verses in the BCA, but they are not always the same in detailand that could be evidence of an enlargement of the text. I assume the change of detailscould have led to the relocation of the series of verses. I would like to examine this matterin this paper.

Actually the topic “the equality of oneself and others” consists of two parts, first, theequality itself and second, a practical meditation in which one substitutes one’s identityfor that of another person, Each part includes differences between the two versions, butin order to investigate the reason for the relocation, I will here focus on the former part.

The BCA mentions the non-existence of self-identity as a person who feels pain, whilethe BSA does not refer to it. The theory is stated from an ontological viewpoint and it

explains the equality of all beings. On the basis of this theory the BCA claims one shouldhelp others because their natures are like one’s own. The theory is found only in the BCA,and it is summarised in verse 113 of the “Contemplation chapter.”

Here I would like to refer to the two works compiled by Dharmapala:Bodhisartvacaryavatara-sattrimsat-pindartha and Bodhisattvacaryavatara-pindartha. Bothare extracts of important verses from the BCA. It has already been pointed out that theseextracts convey both versions partially; i.e. they mix both versions and therefore theycould have been compiled just at the time when the two versions were concurrent andread at the same time.

It is interesting that both abstracts quote only verse 113 and the opening verse of thetopic (v. 90) of the “Contemplation chapter” as representative verses of the topic. Both areonly found in the BCA. In addition, it would be worthy to note that both use the word“sgom pa” (meditate/ meditation), which is not used in any verse of “the verse series” inquestion in the BSA. This fact suggests that at that time the theory mentioned above hadalready been regarded as the most important part among all the verses about the equalityof oneself and other people. As the BSA contains none of these, the BCA’s point of viewobviously changed from the BSA. The theory which explains the equality of one’s selfand others ontologically and the existence of the word “sgom pa” made it easy to relocatethe series of verses from the chapter of strength to that of contemplation.

We can find some evidence in the “Strength chapter’’ which suggests that the BSAwas the earlier form and that it was changed in a “well-devised” manner in the BCA.There are two key verses m the “Strength chapter,” and they exist both in the BSA and inthe BCA, although they are not completely the same. The two verses state the contents ofthe chapter one by one and form a kind of synopsis. And the last of the items is the topicof “the equality of oneself and others.” Because the verse series of “the equality of one-self and others” is situated at the end of the chapter, the construction of the BSA “Strengthchapter” corresponds to the two synoptic verses. In the BCA, on the other hand, thetopic is not stated in this chapter. The key verses and the last verse of the chapter in theBCA (the verse corresponding to the one immediately before “the equality” verse seriesin the BSA “Strength chapter”) were slightly but intentionally changed, so as to fit withthe relocation of the verse series from the “Strength chapter” into the “Contemplationchapter.”

Organization of the Chinese inhabitants in Tibetan-ruledDunhuang

Kazushi Iwao

Dunhuang and other towns along the Gansu Corridor were under Tibetan dominationfrom the last quarter of the 8th century to the first half of the 9th century for about 60years. Many Tibetan and Chinese documents redacted during that period were preservedat Qianfodong, and were transmitted to the present. Thanks to these documents, the in-formation concerning the Tibetan rule over Dunhuang and the surrounding area is muchmore abundant than the material concerning Tibet properly. It is therefore essential totake into account the data attested in this “marginal area” in order to fully understandthe history of the Tibetan Empire. Besides, the researches on the Tibetan rule overDunhuang are comparatively less advanced than those on Tibet.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the organization of local Chinese inhabitantsin Tibetan-ruled Dunhuang. Since Akira Fujieda in 1961 presented the basic structure ofTibetan domination system in Dunhuang, his theory has been more or less accepted byscholars. Today, that is 40 years later, we now have accumulated knowledge about thesociety, advanced in reading Old Tibetan language, and an increasing amount of docu-ments are available. We are thus in a position to restructure the basic framework of AkiraFujieda’s theory.

To begin with, I would like to focus on “xingren-buluo”, one of the thousand dis-tricts set up in Tibetan-ruled Dunhuang. It has been believed that “xingren-buluo” wasthe Chinese translation of Tibetan “nyan rna’i sde” and that the district served for recruit-ing “messengers”. According to Fujieda, it was one of the “g-yung gi sde” or “civil dis-tricts” . However, through examining the relevant documents both Tibetan and Chinese,I have reached the following tentative conclusions.

1. The terms “nyan rna’i sde” and “xingren-buluo” are not equivalent. Fujieda sug-gested that they are the same because “nyan rna” meaning “messenger” is equal to“xingren” meaning “passenger.” But “nyan rna’i sde” only appears in a Tibetan docu-ment from Miran, and the context clearly indicates that the persons in case were not“messenger.” On the other hand the expression “xingren-buluo” appears only inDunhuang documents where however its function is not specified.

2. The Chinese “xingren-buluo” might correspond to Tibetan “rgod kyi sde” mean-ing “military thousand-district” . This finds support in one Chinese document where theterm “xingren-buluo” is used as a common noun meaning “military thousand-district”in general, not as a proper noun referring to any particular district. The term “xingren sanbuluo”, “three districts of xingren” in Dx. 1462 clearly refers to the three military thousand

districts in Dunhuang, namely, “stong sar kyi sde”, “rgod sar kyi sde” and “snying tsomskyi sde”.

3. As to “g-yung gi sde” designating a “civil district” in Dunhuang. As it is known,the Tibetan people were divided into “rgod” and “g-yung” in the social system of the OldTibetan Empire. Since there existed “rgod kyi sde” in Dunhuang, there must have been“g-yung gi sde” as well. However, the term “g-yung gi sde” has not been found in OldTibetan documents. On the other hand, one may notice that in Tibetan documents “rgodkyi sde” appears together with “dar pa’i sde” in a pair and in Chinese documents “xingren-buluo” appears with “simian-buluo” in a parallel way. On its part, “simian-buluo” hasbeen rightly identified to be the Chinese translation of “dar pa’i sde”, a civil district. Darpa’i sde or simian-buluo forms a pair with rgod kyi sde or xingren-buluo “military dis-tricts” and possibly mean “civil districts” in general. We may then infer that dar pa’i sdewas used in Dunhuang as a substitute for g-yung gi sde.

Finally, I will discuss the organization of Tibetan-ruled Dunhuang and its historicalchange. The reason why they did not use the term g-yung gi sde is perhaps connectedwith the form of organization of g-yung gi sde and the change occurred in the organiza-tion. The question will be considered in comparison with what we find in other CentralAsian area under Tibetan domination.

Current studies on Lolo manuscripts

Kazue Iwasa

The Lolo language (or Yiyu in Mandarin) belongs to Lolo-Burmese language group, withinTibeto-Burman language branch. Lolo is spoken in the southwest part of China, the north-ern province of Vietnam and it is also said to be spoken in Laos. There are 6 dialects with25 sub-dialects in China and 2 dialects in Vietnam.

Lolo possesses a great number of manuscripts written in its own letters. Their con-tents include diverse fields such as religion, literature, medicine, astronomy and so on.The letters and the formats are different from a dialect to a dialect.

This presentation aims to introduce the current situation of the studies upon Lolomanuscripts which are stored in Britain and France and to demonstrate some examplesand features that I have researched hitherto.

Studies of Lolo manuscripts are being pursued most actively in China and less sooutside China. Many Chinese translations from Lolo such as “Zhi lu jing” -a kind of sutrato intone in funeral- have been published. However, there exist only few linguistic analy-sis of the manuscripts. Outside China, on the other hand, much research has not beendone except for some French translations are being carried on. In order to consider thehistorical change in the Lolo language, it is essential to research the written Lolo lan-guage and analyse its features. This research might provide the development of Tibeto-Burman linguistics with contributory information.

Demonstrating some examples with the translation, I will mention some notable find-ings of the Sani manuscripts, which is a dialect spoken in Yunnan. All the examples arecited from the manuscripts stored in the British Library and in Missions Etrangères deParis. Those in the British library have never been studied nor translated.

Recent discoveries about Si tu Panchen and the thangka setshe commissioned in 18th-century Khams

David P. Jackson

Later Tibetan written sources on art history from Khams, including the famous accountin Kong sprul’s encyclopedia Shes bya kun khyab, unanimously attribute a great artisticimportance to the outstanding scholar and connoisseur Si tu Pan chen Chos kyi ’byunggnas (1700–1774). Similar assertions also began to be made in the Western secondaryliterature already in the 1960s. Yet even as late as the early 1990s, when most influentialWestern authorities still despaired of ever ascribing thangkas to named Tibetan artists,not a single thangka painting could be attributed to him or his atelier with any certainty

Today the situation has vastly improved. At least ten major sets commissioned by Situ Pan chen have now been identified, and more continue to turn up, not only outsideTibet but also in Khams and at Situ’s monastic seat.

In my talk I would like to present some of my recent findings on Si tu Pan chen andthe major multi-thangka painting sets he played a role in producing. In particular I would-like to describe a number of thangkas that miraculously survived at Situ’s monasterydPal spungs, including some from otherwise unknown major sets. My report will updatemy two previous publications on Si tu Pan chen the artist and art patron.

(Jackson 1996, part II chapter 10, and Jackson in Rhie and Thurman 1999)

Psychiatric aspects of classical Tibetan medicine: textual andanthropological studies

Eric Jacobson

In the study of classical Tibetan medicine (CTM) anthropological methods can supple-ment textual exegesis by providing insights into the forms of illness and therapy in con-temporary Tibetan society. This additional perspective allows one to examine the rela-tionship between classical medical theory and contemporary experience and practice. Inaddition, psychiatric anthropology can place these aspects of CTM in the context of othermedical systems, including contemporary biomedicine.

Original translations of selected chapters of the central classic of Tibetan medicine,known as the Four Treatises (bdud rtsi snying po yan lag brgyad pa gsang ba man ngaggi rgyud), revealed that the conceptual structure of CTM is in some respects strikinglysimilar, and in others fundamentally divergent from that of biomedicine. A brief sum-mary of CTM etiology, pathophysiology and pharmacology is given. This study focusedin particular on theory pertaining to illnesses which biomedicine would regard as psy-chiatric, i.e. those in which disturbances of affect, perception, conduct and cognition areprominent. In CTM nosology these kinds of illnesses appear in two broad divisions. Cer-tain of the “wind” illnesses are described as having prominent affective and anxiety symp-toms. More severe illnesses which would be characterized as psychotic are attributed toattack or possession by a number of different classes of spirits.

In addition to textual studies anthropological research was conducted in Tibetan refu-gee communities in northern India. Intensive case studies were conducted with sixteenindividuals who had been diagnosed and treated by CTM physicians (’em chi) for ill-nesses in which psychiatric symptoms were prominent. Each study included life histo-ries, illness histories, the subject’s unprompted descriptions of symptoms, and screeningwith selected portions of a standardised diagnostic interview, the Structured Clinical In-terview for Diagnostic and Statistical Manual SCID. Each patient’s clinical presentationto their emchi was also observed, and the emchi’s diagnostic conclusions were recorded.

On the basis of these data the cases could be divided between those which the emchiattributed to disturbances of “wind”, in which affective and somatosensory symptomspredominated and those attributed to interference by spirits, which biomedical psychia-try would classify as psychotic. Some cases were explained as due to both excess “wind”and spirit interference. A summary is given of the data collected in these case studies.These suggest certain relationships between the etiological and nosological constructs ofCTM and biomedicine. The most common of these Tibetan illnesses, e.g. “life-wind ill-ness”, are briefly placed in the context of similar disorders which psychiatric anthropolo-gists have studied in other cultural settings.

In general the data collected in this study confirm the overall picture which hasemerged in psychiatric anthropology over the past two decades: that certain broad typesof psychiatric illness, e.g. a spectrum of anxiety and depression disorders, and varioustypes of psychotic syndromes, are recognizable across varying cultural and civilizationalcontexts, yet at the same time each context modifies the symptomatological expression,course and social meaning of such illnesses.

A female gter ston in the first half of the 20th century: theautobiography of bDe ba’i rdo rje

Sarah H. Jacoby

The overwhelming majority of Tibetan textual sources documenting the process of Treas-ure (gter) revelation are authored by men and portray male perspectives of tantric prac-tice. However, one of the most important sources on Treasure revelation and Tibetansocial history from a female perspective is the heretofore unpublished (in Tibetan or Eng-lish) and untranslated 407 page autobiography written in 1927 by the treasure revealerbDe ba’i rdo rje (l892–1940, also known as Kun bzang bde skyong dbang mo or Se ramkha’ ’gro) entitled dbus mo bDe ba ’i rdo rje’i rnam par thar pa nges ’byung ’dren pa’ishing rta skal ldan dad pa’i mchod sdong the Spiritual Biography of the Central TibetanWoman bDe ba’i rdo rje, a Reliquary for Fortunate and Faithful Disciples [Serving as] aChariot Leading to Renunciation, Not a standardized hagiographical biography, the textprovides a detailed visionary and historical account documenting how a Lhasa-borndaughter of a political leader of Mongolian ancestry and a Tibetan woman of the wellknown gNubs clan come to reveal two Treasure texts titled chos nyid mkha’ gro’i gsangmdzod (Secret Treasure of the True Nature Dakinis) and the chos nyid mkha’ ’gro’i thugsthig (Heart Drop of the True Nature Dakinis).

The autobiography not only contains elaborate accounts of prophetic visions involv-ing pure lands and dakinis, but it is also a rich source of information about the politics ofLhasa at the turn of the 20th century replete with discussions of rgya sde’i dpon (leader[s]of the Chinese faction) and bod sde’i dpon (leader[s1 of the Tibetan faction). All this isseen through the interesting perspective of a biracial woman whose father sent her tolearn Chinese characters before she was permitted to study Tibetan. After managing toeschew the political marriage her parents arranged for her to a Chinese leader’s son, bDeba’i rdo rje recounts travelling widely throughout Kham and Amdo, residing in particu-lar in the Chamdo/Riwoche area and in Golok where she revealed her Treasures in herthirties and wrote her autobiography at a place called Ser dgon, which presumably is thesource of her nickname “Se ra mkha’ ’gro.”

I will examine this text as an eloquent example of the literary genre of biography, asan ethnographic source, and as a rare document legitimizing the Treasure revelation proc-ess from a female perspective. bDe ba’i rdo rje’s autobiography provides an importantcontribution to the study of Tibetan autobiography because it is one of the few extantautobiographies of a female religious figure in pre-l959 Tibet. Through recounting herexperiences as a woman who faced significant hardship in her roles as renouncer of herfamily’s political power, as Treasure Revealer, as traveller (from Lhasa to Eastern Tibet),and as a householder, this text is an emic representation of social attitudes regarding

women as well as an account of what one woman considered to be integral parts of herlife story as it related to her spiritual liberation.

Legitimizing her role as a Treasure Revealer and thus reassuring her disciples of theefficacy of their spiritual path is central to bDe ba’i rdo rje’s intentions for writing thestory of her life. bDe ba’i rdo rje’s text accomplishes this aim in multiple ways. Early inthe text, she provides many prophesies drawn from other Treasure texts announcing herbirth and her eventual discovery of two Treasures. Additionally, more than half of theautobiography is an elaborate description of bDe ba’i rdo rje’s visionary life detailing themany interactions she had primarily with dakinis, both in her waking and dreamingexperience; it is from the dakinis that she receives empowerment to reveal her Treasures.The autobiography serves to explain bDe ba’i rdo rje’s divine genealogy through recount-ing a vision in which a divine man tells her that she is not in fact the daughter of theMongolian Chimse political leader, but is the daughter of a local deity and protector ofthe rNying ma teachings named gNyen chen thang lha (a proclamation her parents latervalidated), thus legitimising her status as a dakini. The roles of dakinis in the Treasurerevelation process as protectors and decoders of Treasure texts, destabilizing figures whoremind the (usually) male Treasure revealers of their lack of inherent selfhood, and as“others” to male Treasure Revealers who act as consorts that are required for successfulTreasure revelation have previously been documented by scholars such as Janet Gyatso.This paper will examine the interesting question of whether and how bDe ba’i rdo rje’sautobiographical account of her own Treasure revelation process represents a twist in therole of the dakini as destabilizing “other” since the protagonist of Treasure Revelation inthis case is also female.

Le vocalisme du tangoute du point de vue des languesrGyalrongiques modernes

Guillaume Jacques

Tangut (Mi-nyag in Tibetan) is a dead Tibeto-Burman language whose texts range for theeleventh to the fourteenth century. It was spoken in northern China, in what is now Ningxiaand northern Gansu. Its writing system is of daunting complexity, and we may evenassert with confidence that it is the most complex in the whole history of writing : thereare nearly 6000 characters, and only 10 percent include a phonetic clue to their pronun-ciation, unlike Chinese where this figure reaches 90 percent. Since Tangut was not writ-ten in an alphabetic writing system, its pronunciation is known indirectly, thank to theriming dictionaries created by Tangut scholars on the model of the Chinese Guangyun.They represented the pronunciation each character by two other characters : the firstindicating the class of the initial, and the second that of the rime. This system had theadvantage of being more precise than an alphabetic system : several rimes stand in com-plementary distribution, which proves that Tangut scholars encoded subphonemic dis-tinctions in their dictionaries. However, just like in reconstructing Middle Chinese, know-ing the phonological system, however precise it might be, is not sufficient : we need toflesh out these categories with actual phonetic values. Two bodies of data are used in thisrespect : the Chinese transcription of Tangut, especially in the Fanhan heshizhangzhongzhu, a bilingual language manual, and the Tibetan transcriptions. However,these data are often contradictory one to another, and besides some rimes are left withtoo few transcriptions to propose any reliable reconstruction. Yet, another body of datacan help us in reconstructing Tangut.

Tangut seems more closely related to the Qiangic languages, that supposedly in-clude rGyalrong, Qiang, Prinmi and others. Therefore, a systematic comparison betweenthese languages may help to understand Tangut phonology better. Investigations of thiskinds are very few : the only one with serious implications for Tangut phonology is astudy by Gong Huangcheng who demonstrated that so called tense vowels correspondmostly to etyma that have preinitial s- in other languages.

Unlike Gong’s paper, who used all the data available on Qiangic languages to con-duct his research, I shall concentrate on rGyalrongic languages, using my original field-work data together with some published data as a basis for comparison. Some have pro-posed that the closest relative of Tangut be modern Minyag (Muya in Chinese), althoughthis language, though it seems to belong to the Qiangic branch, seems to bear no excep-tionally close relationship to Tangut except for its name. Besides, I have no access to fullyreliable data on this language so I could not include it in my study. rGyalrongic lan-guages are spoken in Eastern Tibet, in rGyal-mo tsha-ba rong-pa where Vairocana wasexiled in the eighth century, that is now a part of Sichuan, rNga-ba bod-rigs cha’ang-rigs

rang-skyong-khul (Aba zhou in Chinese). rGyalrongic languages are divided into threebranches : Eastern (spoken in the biggest city ’Bar-khams), Stod-pa and Ja-phug. My field-work was conducted on two Ja-phug dialects (gDong-brgyad and gSar-rdzong), and Ihave access to published data on the Eastern lCog-rtse dialect. Using the rimes of thegDong-brgyad dialect that I know best as a starting point, I systematically compare thecorrespondences with Eastern rGyalrongic and with Tangut. Given the fact that Tangut isnot a daughter language to rGyalrong, only a sister language, finding cognates oftenproves difficult and some of the comparison proposed in my paper may eventually bedemonstrated to be incorrect. Since the focus of this paper in on the rime system, noattempt will be made for the time being to establish correspondences between the initialsof rGyalrong and Tangut.

This research will not directly help us to ameliorate the existing reconstructions ofTangut. This window in the prehistory of the language can then be used as a tool toreconstruct the system of historical Tangut, because this stage of language evolution mustbe derived from that of proto-Tangut by a set of systematic phonological rules that mustobey typological constraints. The correspondences prove that Tangut underwent impor-tant vocalic changes in regard to the more conservative rGyalrongic languages, and com-parison between Tangut and rGyalrong gives us a clue a not on the pronunciation oftwelfth century Tangut, but on the rime system of proto-Tangut. One of such rule of cor-respondence is rGyalrong a :: Tangut jij; this vowel corresponds to a in Tibetan also, soTangut i must be an innovation and we can hypothesize a change *a -> -jij. Finally, com-parison can help us understanding the origin of the Tangut verbal ablaut and the Tangutverbal morphology in general.

Liu Manqing: a Sino-Tibetan adventurer lady in the 1930s

Fabienne Jagou

After a first trip from Nanking to Lhasa in 1929/1930, Liu Manqing (1906–1941), a Sino-Tibetan lady devoted her life to the safeguard of Tibet and Khams, having an avant-gardeSino-Tibetan point of view. The two trips that she did to Tibet (the first one in 1929, thesecond in 1938) demonstrated a real heroism at a time where travelling was not so safeand her commitment into the Khampas community located in Nanjing showed some sortof nationalism.

However, having the Chinese nationality although being born in Lhasa (from a Chi-nese father and a Tibetan mother), created many troubles in her mind as she had to man-age at the same time her belief in the Chinese policies towards Tibet and her strong wishesto help Tibet. We will explain her own involvement during her first trip, and the reactioncreated by her heroic behaviour among her Tibetan and Chinese contemporaries fromRepublican China and, later, among people from the People Republic of China and fromWestern countries (no Tibetan testimony seems available today).

The welcome Liu Manqing received after her first trip to Lhasa encouraged her toget closer from the Nanjing Khampas community and to create Khampas associations.These associations were very active during the Mainland China resistance war againstJapan and some of their members travelled to Lhasa in 1938. Liu Manqing, herself, wentback to Tibet in 1938. We will assess if any shifts occurred in her behaviour, in term ofheroism and nationalism, from her first trip to Tibet to the second one, given the contextof the Tibetan national history.

Socio-economic organisation of village communities andmonasteries in Spiti and Upper Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh,

India

Christian Jahoda

Spiti and Upper Kinnaur are famous for their Buddhist monasteries and temples most ofwhich (e.g. Tabo) have been founded during the time of the ancient West Tibetan king-dom. Research conducted in the area during the last 15 years has been focussed mainlyon the art history, architecture, inscriptions and texts of these Buddhist monuments. Since1997 investigations into the economic history of Tabo village and monastery brought tolight documents pertaining to the economic relationship between the monastery and thelay population of Tabo and other villages in Spiti valley during the third quarter of the20th century. These documents are the latest evidence for a special system of economicsupport for the monastery by a special class of lay people (khral-pa) before it came to anend during the 1970s as a result of the overall transformation of the administrative andsocio-economic order in Spiti and Upper Kinnaur.

Based on the example of Tabo this paper will explore this economic system in itshistorical development since the middle of the 19th century. This will be done with thehelp of historical sources of different languages and origin, including reports by Britishsettlement officers and tax registers found in Tabo monastery. These registers – one ofthem being entitled Dus-mchod kyi yig-tho or lTa-po mgon-gyi bon-tho bskod-pa bzhugs-so – record goods collected by the monks from lay villagers which were spent for thecelebration of major religious festivals.

In the 19th century this economic system was organised within a special administra-tive unit (chos-gzhis) set up to support four major monasteries in the area (includingTabo). Lay people from villages all over Spiti Valley belonged to this unit. The structureand organisation of monk communities as well as their relationship with the lay commu-nities will be examined. It will be shown how the economic organisation of the khral-pabelonging to this unit was determined by their duties as members of the chos-gzhis. Com-parative analysis of the socio-economic organisation of village communities in Upper

Kinnaur supports this hypothesis and makes it possible to explain the relatively higherimportance of trade in this neighbouring area. The system of land tenure and the taxsystem including obligatory transport (begar) will also be treated from a comparativeview.

The results of the investigation into the historical development of the socio-economicorganisation of Tabo village and monastery will be the basis for a re-evaluation of state-ments and hypotheses on the system of land tenure and political organization in WesternTibet formulated by Pedro Carrasco in his Land and Polity in Tibet as well as a discussionof theoretical approaches based on respective studies in other areas.

On the so-called Secret Biography of Tshangs dbyangs rgyamtso

Jalsan

The author is the 6th Lamatan of the Baruun Heid monastery in Alasha (Inner Mongolia)and the reincarnation of sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho.

(1) This paper focuses on the so-called secret biography of the Sixth Dalai Lama,which has been widely discussed among Tibetan scholars and abroad, by considering thematerials from Baruun Heid monastery in Alasha. The text “thams cad mkhyen pa ngagdbang chos grags rgya mtsho dpal bzang po’i rnam par thar ba phul du ’byong ba’imdzad pa bzang po’i gtam snyan lha’i rgyud kyi tam bu ra’i sgra dbyangs zhes bya babzhugs so” is called for short “The Biography of Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtso ”or ‘theBiography of The Sixth Dalai Lama ’’. It is a complete biography of the Sixth Dalai LamaBlo bzang rin chen tshang dbyangs mtso and was written by a Mongolian author fromAlasha, called Nang dbang lhun grub dar rgyas or Lha btsun Dar rgyas no min han.However many people in the field of Tibetan studies call this text The Secret Biography ofTshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho. In my paper I will provide a clarification of this issue onthe basis of historical materials stemming from the Alasha Baruun Heid monastery andof other relevant Tibetan and Mongolian sources.

(2) The biography was finished in 1757 in the Baruun Heid monastery in Alasha, inwestern Inner Mongolia, 11 years after the death of the Sixth Dalai Lama. According tothis text he died in Alasha in 1746 and not in the Kokhnuur in 1706 as claimed by otherhistorical sources. The Baruun Heid monastery was completed in 1756 and a mchod rtenwas built to host the body of the deceased 6th Dalai Lama. The text of the biography wascompleted one year after the construction of the monastery and was then spread amongthe other temples of the area. It is said that a section of this edition of the Sixth DalaiLama’s biography was presented to the Thirteenth Dalai Lama by the Fifth Lamatan ofBaruun Heid, sDe srid Hutugtu Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1871–1944), early in the Twenti-eth century. The Dalai Lama chanted the praise of this work after having read it and gaveorder to have it engraved in Lhasa. This Lhasa wood engraving was the one that would

become widespread and would be translated into other languages. There is no doubt,however, that the wood engraving in Alasha Baruun Heid is the earliest edition of thisbiography. In fact the Thirteenth Dalai Lama presented a copy of the new Lhasa editionbiography of the Sixth Dalai Lama to Alsha Baruun Heid monastery in return throughthe Alasha Mongolian Phul ’byung rdo rams pa and this text was kept in the monasteryuntil the “Cultural Revolution ”.

(3) Why did this biography circulate with the name of “Secret Biography”(gsangrnam)? There is only one possible interpretation. This is because the words “Secret Biog-raphy ” had been written on every margin when the “tam bu ra’i sgra dbyang”, the sixthDalai Lama biography, was published in Lhasa. Today nobody can find the words “Se-cret Biography ’’ from the title page to the colophon of the work.. But why that personhad written such words when he transcribed it is still a puzzle.

(4) This biography has also been translated into Mongolian. The translator was aBuryad Mongol, called Doromba (Phul ’byung mdo rams pa) Geligjamtro. It was trans-lated into Cyrillic Mongolian by G. Jamsorongjab, as part of the 33rd volume of the “Mon-golian Literature Collection” published in Ulaanbaatar in 1998. Comparing this transla-tion with the original we can see that the quality of the translation was not very high. Anew Mongolian edition was published by the Inner Mongolian People’s Publishing House,in Hohhot, in December 1999. This book was translated by ’Jam dbyangs bstan ’phel nyima and proof-read by myself. Having at my disposal the original version from BaruunHeid and the other versions of the text I was able to look at the differences between themand address the question of the very definition of the text as “secret biography”.

Note on tshal pa bstan ’gyur (1317–1323)

Jampa Samten

Tshal pa bKa’ ’gyur, one of the most comprehensive and authoritative edition commis-sioned by Tshal pa Kun dga’ rdo rje in 1347–1349 is well known to us. But, there is hardlyany reference found in the history of Tibetan canonical literature of the Tshal pa bsTan’gyur commissioned by Tshal pa sMon lam rdo rje, father of Tshal pa Kun dga’ rdo rje between1317–1323.

Recent1y Mr.Tashi Tsering, Director, Amnye Machen Research Institute, Dharamsalahas kindly provided me a copy of the catalogue of Tshal pa bsTan ’gyur entitled “bsTan’gyur gyi dkar chag nor bu’i phung po bzhugs so” which has come to light for the first time.The text has 100 folios written in beautiful dbu med script with seven lines on each page.Unfortunately, the folio number 4–6 dealing with the historical account of the bsTan-gyuris missing.

In this paper I attempt to highlight the distinctive features of Tshal pa bsTan-’gyursuch as the inclusion of gsang sngags rnying rma’i skor (texts of earlier translation of tantras)and shortcomings in comparison with rTse thang and Zhu lu edition of the bsTan ’gyur.

An analysis of the poem “The Young Courier Dondrup”

Jamyang Drakpa

This poem was written by the Reb-kong religious hierarch Sgis-steng Blo-bzang-dpal-ldan (1880/81–1944) while staying one summer in Rdo-rje County. The poem is a letter toMar-nang Rdo-rje-chang who was Sgis-steng Rinpoche’s bla-ma in his former life andwho was currently his student.

In general, over the course of Tibetan cultural history, various poets have arisen evinc-ing different qualities. Those seen as most exemplary of their respective styles during thetwentieth century were Dge-bshes Shes-rab-rgya-mtsho and Sgis-steng Blo-bzang-dpal-ldan. For this reason, in this paper I will offer an analysis of this poem, the life of itswriter, his relationship with the person to whom he addressed his poem, the characteris-tics of the poem’s content and literary qualities, etc.

Snyan rtsom grags can gzhon nu drug gi khyad chos ladpyad pa (The characteristics of Zhon nu don drup)

Jamyang Drokpa

The poem gZhonnu don grub was written by Yongzin Lobzang Paden, the tutor of the7th Rebkong Khabgon. He wrote the poem as letter to Rebkong Kyabgon, who is hisstudent in the present life and his teacher in the last.

The two most famous Tibetan poets of the twentieth century are Sherab Gyatsho andLobzang Paden. In this present study, I shall focus on gZhon nu don drup and discuss thefollowing aspects: history of the author; the relationship between the author and his sub-ject; the social situation at the time the poem was written; the characteristics of the con-tents, language and metaphors in the poem.

The ancient Tibetan’s worship on holy mountains and holylakes and the biological environment protection of Tibet-

Qinghai Plateau

Jiangbian Jiacuo

Almost every huge mountain, every big river and every large lake in Tibet-Qinhai Pla-teau has a beautiful tale. Consequently it generated numerous holy mountains and holylakes across the highland. The worship of Holy mountains and Holy lakes plays an im-portant role in ancient Tibetan’s worships to nature.

The first seeing of ancient Tibetan people who lived on the snow land were toweringsnow mountains, vast grasslands, magnificent views of nature as well as severe biologi-cal situation under less-oxygen environment and unpredictable weather. There was noway that they could understand and explain such an complicated natural phenomenonin a objective environment, as a result, various illusions, delusions, assumptions as wellas imaginations were generated in their mind, they were convinced: The transition ofsun, moon and stars is powered by a super-natural existence. Mountain has mountain-god, so do water, wind and thunder. All villages and tribes have their own guarding-spirits. In general, all beings in this world were powered by their own guarding-spirits.The faith, dependence, fearfulness, or animosity and aversion to these deities had beengradually converted to the worship to nature. They spiritualized nature to spirit and thenhumanized the spirit. In another word, giving the beings characteristics of god and thenfollowed the step of god. The thinking of “ souls on everything” and natural worship ofancient Tibetan had been generated in this way.

In the opinion of ancient Tibetan, fables and legends, holy mountains and holy lakes,super-natural spirits linked tightly with each other. Even though many nationalities indifferent regions have their own worshiping holy mountains and holy lakes, it is not asmany as Tibetan, also is not as popular as on Tibet-Qinghai Plateau. Those holy moun-tains and holy lakes closely connect to people’s religion, working, custom and daily life.It seems that Tibetan people live with a world of holy mountains and holy lakes. Fromtheir worship to holy mountains and holy lakes, we can clearly see the ancient Tibetan’sworship to nature.

This worship to nature, especially the worship to holy mountains and holy lakes,demonstrated original environment-protection consciousness of ancient Tibetan andplayed very important role on biological environment protection of Tibet-Qinhai Pla-teau. The purpose of this article is to remind people to concern about the biological envi-ronment protection of Tibet-Qinhai Plateau by analyzing historical origin and practicalfunction of this special worship to nature.

This is not just a subject in terms of study and theory, more important, it is a practicalissue about the lasting development of Tibet-Qinhai Plateau and biological environmentprotection of Yangtse River and Yellow River, the two rivers that have been considered asmothers of this great oriental land.

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Growth of democracy in the Tibetan exile community

Hortsang Jigme

My paper deals with three phases of democratization:

The first phase deals with the introduction of democracy on 2 September 1960 to 11May 1990. I have called this the “Period of Initiatives from the Top”.

The second phase deals with developments from 28 June 1991 to 3 October 2002. Ihave called this the “Period of Growth”.

The third phase deals with developments from 27 March 2001 to now. I have calledthis the “Period of Full Maturity”.

Major points covered in my paper are as follows:

1. Historical Background:

Discuses the creation of a Reform Committee in 1952 by the 18-year-old Dalai Lamato pave the way for democratization. Deals with His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Five-point Decree, which he issued in 1954 to the district administrations and big landownersof Tibet. Deals also with His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s 18-point Decree for reforms andits failure due to resistance from the privileged class.

2. Birth of democracy on 2 September 1960:

Discusses the singular circumstances surrounding the introduction of democracy inthe Tibetan community. By and large, democracies in other countries came about as aresult of struggles, often violent, from the grassroots level. In contrast, the Tibetan exilecommunity has had democracy virtually thrust upon the people by their leader. Makinga comparative study and discussing the challenges and obstacles faced in the fledgingstage of democratization, I have provided a detailed insight into all the vicissitudes of theTibetan experiment in democracy.

3. Conclusion:

Analyses the experiences of the last 43 years and provides a prognosis on the futurecourse of Tibetan democracy.

The paper deals also with a number of lesser developments, which are not men-tioned here.

Who is the father of Desi Sanggye Gyatsho?

Jigme Samdrub

From the time Desi Sanggye Gyatsho was eight years old, the Fifth Dalai Lama startedtaking care of him with great attentiveness. The Desi received education from variousscholars, such as the Great Fifth himself, Desi Trinle Gyatsho, Peden Phuntshok andNgawang Phuntshok. Especially since the Fifth educated him in Tantra and Sutra andpolitical science, the Desi became an excellent scholar in both religious and secular affairs.

In 1679 when the Desi was twenty-six years old, the Fifth Dalai Lama awarded himthe highest Tibetan administrative rank, Desi, and gave him the power of attorney to acton his behalf, events that are preserved in writing on the third floor of the Potala Palace.Some people, particularly in the Kagyudpa school, were envious about this preferentialtreatment, and spread rumors about the relationship between the Fifth and the Desi tothe extent that the latter was the son of the Fifth, etc. Unfortunately, later Tibetan histori-ans have not carried out any research on the basis of these rumours, saying simply that“some claim that the Desi was son of the Fifth”, or else asserting that the allegations wereuntrue without providing any evidence.

Due to the earlier conflict between the Fifth and the Tsangpa Desi, a supporter of theKagyudpa, members of the Kagyudpa school spread rumors about the Fifth and DesiSanggye Gyatsho which were later cited by Giuseppe Tucci and by Wang Yao of the Cen-tral University for Minorities. The Tibetologist Bangsin in his Development of TibetanBuddhism wrote that: “it is said that the Fifth was the father of Desi Sanggye Gyatsho”.We have no right to blame those scholars for making such mistake, since they may nothave had access to the relevant materials or else were not familiar with the concernedtopic. This paper will discuss the subject by comparing various sources as follows:

1. The birth year and month of the Desi2. Nine months of the Great Fifth before the Desi was born3. The relationship between the Fifth and Desi’s family4. Conclusion

A study of the Amitabha concept in Tibetan Buddhism

Ryoshun Kajihama

I would like to present a paper about Amitabha concept in Tibetan Buddhism. Therefore,I have collected the materials about Tibetan Amitabha concept written by:

Tsong kha pa, bDe ba can gyi zhing du skye ba ’dzin pa’i smon lam zhing mchog sgo ’byedces bya bzhugs //

The First Panchen Lama, bDe ba can gyi zhing du thogs pa med par bgrod pa’i myur lamzhes bya ba bzhugs //

The first lCang skya, bDe ba can gyi zhing du bgrod pa’i myur lam gsar bar byed pa’i sgronme zhes bya ba bzhugs //

dPal sprul Rinpoche, Tsong kha pas mdzad pa’i bde smon zhing khams sgo ’byed ’don’grigs //

Mi pham, bDe ba can gyi zhing sbyong ba’i dad pa gsal bar byed pa drang srong lung gi nyima zhes bya ba bzhugs //

Third rDo Grub chen Rinpoche, bDe ba can gyi zhing lam brtsams pa’i gdam dge ba’i lolog spel byed dbyar skyes sprin chen gsal ba’i sgra dbyangs zhes bya a bzhugs //

From these materials, I shall present the following three topics:

1. What are the four causes to be born in the Land of Bliss (Sukhavati)?

2. Why do people pray to be born in the Land of Bliss (Sukhavati), they will be able tobe born in the Land of Bliss (Sukhavati)?

3. Reasons why it is very important to be born in the Land of Bliss (Sukhavati) notgenerating any doubt to the teaching of Buddha.

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Rma lho sog rdzong gi mched khongs la dpyad pa(The origin of Malho Mongolian County)

Kalsang Dargay

Malho Mongolian county is so called because it is located on the southern side (lho) ofMachu in Tshongon. Early Tibetan histories refer to it as Maphari Sogpo, which is said tobe derived from Mongolian The ru tha ra. In any event, this group of Mongolians influ-enced the politics, economy and culture of the surrounding minorities, and gained animportant position in Tibet-Mongolian history. This paper discusses the origin of MalhoMongolian County in three sections: during the Yuan dynasty, during the Ming dynastyand during the Qing dynasty.

1. Development during the Yuan Dynasty

Based on the Waka Tsering’s Mes po’i gtam rgyud mu tig phreng ba and TrhungyikWangchenkyap’s Deb ther mes po’i zhal lung, this section discusses the origin of theMongolians in Malho. Trhungyik Wangchenkyap writes in Deb ther mes po’i zhal lung that:

In 1256 Mongolian king Hipali sent his army to Cangyul and ruled the place; in 1257,the Mongolian army attacked Song from three directions: Hubei was attacked from onedirection, from another direction Hunan was attacked, and Sichuan was attacked from athird direction. Although the Mongolians could not conquer the areas, Nansong lost mostof the power, and half of Sichuan was conquered. At that time, the Machu area in thesouthern part of Tshongon was a place for Mongol horse herders to camp. This is wherethe Thu med dar bao’i tribe, the first Mongolian tribe originated (TrhungyikWangchenkyap’s Deb ther mes po’i zhal lung: 91).

The Mongol Thumed tribe originated later, and Thumed therefore does not seem tobe the name of a tribe. However, it might be mixed with the second group of Mongolians:Thuman, a term meaning “ten thousand” in Mongolian, and Dara Khach, the term for apost-station rank in Mongolian, were used as tribal names. In short, a tribe named ThumedDarbho originated with a group that had been sent to set up a station together with thehorsemen who accompanied them. But this hypothesis needs further investigation. Ac-cording to A History of Malho Mongolian Tribe (pp. 27- 28), “a Mongolian tribe establisheda station where the tribe distributed clothing and horses to its army. This depot becamethe first phase of the Mongolian population in the area, located in Gyakhar Rato ofSerlungshang.”

2. Development during the Ming Dynasty

In 1559, Altan Khan moved to Tshongon and established relations with the ThirdDalai Lama. At the same time, the Ming Dynasty, through the Third Dalai Lama, sentAltan Khan to his homeland. But a group of people from the Thumed tribe led by Holochiwere left in Tshongon.

The Cultural History of Malho County records that: “When Mongolians in Tshongoncame into conflict with the Yuan dynasty in 1591, a group of people of the Holochi tribemoved to Malho and joined the Thumed” (P. 99). During the Ming Dynasty, around mid-dle of 17th century, a group of people in Thumed Holochi tribe moved from southernpart of Thalan Byethang to Malho.

3. Development during the Qing Dynasty

Due to the conflict among the Mongolian tribes, Gushri Danzin Chogyal moved toTshongon in 1636. He established relations with the Dalai and Panchen Lamas, and con-quered most parts of Tshongon, which later became the main base for the Mongol popu-lation. More detailed information will be given with references from Deb ther mes po’i zhallung (pp. 221- 222) and A History of the Malho Mongolian Tribe (pp. 13).

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New light on an old friend: P.T. 849 revisited

Matthew Kapstein

P.T. 849, first edited and studied some 80 years ago by Hackin, is among the best knownof Tibetan Dunhuang documents but remains, nevertheless, puzzling in many points ofdetail. Certainly it offers an authentic reflection of the interaction between Tibetan Bud-dhists and visiting Indian masters at the dawn of the “later diffusion” of Buddhism inTibet. But it is not always clear which elements it owes to its Tibetan author, and which tohis Indian master Devaraaja. The present communication will seek to resolve some of themystery, with reference in particular to the transcriptions of Sanskrit materials given inthe text.

Emptiness versus infinity – on the freedom of interpretationof the early Dzogchen and Mah›mudr› upadesha texts.

Maret Kark

Various genesis describe the process of evolution in similar symbolic terms later tocrystallize into different semiotic systems. The early Tibetan semiotic systems of Bonand Dzogchen and later Mah›mudr› describe the process in highly positive terms ofmanifestation.

The All Good (Kun tu bzang po) ground (kun gzhi) qualified as primordially pure (kadag) dimension of space (nam mkha’ dbyings) manifests as the completely pure sphere ofenlightenment (byang chub dbyings), the nature of mind (sems nyid).

Genetically such reality (de kho na nyid) is described as self arisen (rang byung), exis-tentially (yin) as void (stong) clear (gsal) light (’od) and gnostically as primal knowledge(ye shes).

The presence of the three aspects of manifestation (rig pa mngon sum) – void, lightand knowledge – is undivided (dbyer med) single sphere (thig le nyag gcig). Their simulta-neous arising (lhan gcig skyes) is experientially marked (mtshan) by total bliss (bde chen).

The unceasing (rgyun chad med) presence of knowledge (rig pa ye shes) appears itself(rang snang) as a variety (sna tshogs) of movements (rgyu) causing different appearancesas self reflections in a mirror (rang snang me long gzugs brnyan), the marks of which dis-perse by themselves (rang grol).

In the context of early upadesha texts voidness is designated not as a negative cat-egory of emptiness, but inseparable from the gnosis of clear light. For that reason it wouldbe appropriate to re-define the term stong nyid, shÒnyat› through the coemergent aspectsof light and knowledge and thus re-interpret it as omnipotence.

The meaning of the early Tibetan trinity system is very similar, if not identical, to theChristian semiotic system of the triune God. It could be assumed that similar models ofsymbolic thinking were well known during the first centuries of the Christian area.

The numerical systems seem to arise together with the semiotic systems of genesis intheir early phase of generation and represent a different value orientation than our ha-bitual number sequence from zero to infinity. Zero was not regarded as a cipher betweennegative and positive qualities or quantities, but as a symbol of wholeness similar to thepotentiality of a seed (nam mkha’i thig le). In this way the cyphers could be viewed as thesigns of the unfoldment process. Thus the infinite expanse of reality was seen coemergentwith the omnipotent light of knowledge and characterized as totally fulfilling (rdzogschen).

In the early Dzogchen texts the trinity model seems applicable on all levels of knowl-edge: human, religious and cosmological. In later texts the three qualities of void, lightand knowledge are treated separately and the primal value system seems to have lost itsinitial meaning.

Opening the door of speech by poking fun at others

Karma Phuntsho

‘Ju Mi pham rNam rgyal rGya mtsho (1846–1912), a rNying ma pa savant from Khamand perhaps the greatest polymath Tibet ever produced, is renowned for his versatilescholarship. Among the twenty-seven large volumes of his work is a short text (vol.27,pp. 285–353) that is unique in its style and structure. Entitled rTsod rig bsdus tshan smra ba’isgo ’byed, it is a work largely on dialectics and logic. In it, Mipham discusses severalPramåˆa and Madhyamaka topics, in very terse language, primarily to make fun of theTibetan sophistry that was flourishing in the dGe lugs pa monasteries.

Although it deals with abstruse concepts such as ŸÒnyat› and apoha, it is definitelynot one of the treatises Mipham undertook in all seriousness. Unlike his more formalworks, it is poorly structured and does not seem to have been written for a pedagogicalpurpose, although the rNying ma pa later used it in their curriculum as a parallel to bsdusgrwa in the dGe lugs pa syllabus. His arguments are largely axiomatic, and made up ofwitty remarks, which are nonetheless logically sound and very sharp. It could be consid-ered a polemical work with a heavy satirical overtone, and is indeed a clear presentationof his disapproval of Phya pa’s (1109–69) bsdus grwa logic, which is seen as pedantic,specious and an adulteration of Dharmakirti’s thought. Mipham playfully attacks hisopponents, who we know are mainly dGe lugs pas, without naming names and usingintricate and sharp reasoning.

In my presentation, I shall survey this text in the light of other works, which impingeon the issues he raised in this work. This will help us to unpack his aphoristic argumentsand explain the many contradictions, paradoxes and oxymorons he raises against hisopponents. Through capturing his satirical and humorous philosophical mood, I hope toimprove our understanding of the personal enigma that was Mipham.

A rare dGe lugs pa work kept in O rgyan chos gling (CentralBhutan)

Samten Karmay

The Library of O rgyan chos gling has a rich collection of Buddhist writings. One manu-script volume contains the short works of dBen sa rGyal ba Blo bzang don grub (1505–1566). There are about 89 pieces tightly written in small dbu med script with 9 lines oneach folio. It has 523 folios.

The teaching contained in the manuscript later became what is known as dBen sasnyan brgyud or dGe ldan bka’ brgyud. The volume of texts containing the teaching isoften called sPrul ba’i glegs bam and is shrouded in total secrecy. In Tibet itself the textsof this tradition were therefore very rare. Yet the tradition itself is reputed to be an “oraltransmission” going back to Tsong kha pa himself. Consequently, it remained till this daytotally unknown to the Western specialists in Tibetan Buddhism. It was in fact not inte-grated into the mainstream of the dGe lugs pa tradition. Moreover, it became a controver-sial doctrine among later masters of the school. The Fifth Dalai Lama was very critical ofthis tradition.

It was a surprise for me to find this work in the milieu of rNying ma pa and bKa’brgyud pa texts in such a place as O rgyan chos gling. Its presence there is very signifi-cant in that it gives a new perspective to the history of O rgyan chos gling and its reli-gious tradition.

The category of causative verbs in Tibeto-Burman languagesand the Iconicity Principle

Vadim Kassevitch

The category of causative is widely attested in Tibeto-Burman languages, both in modernidioms and classical or extinct languages. Its ways and means of manifestation are quiteheterogeneous, including agglutinating affixes, auxiliaries, and derivation by Ablaut,where segmental ‘mutations’ and tone alternations can be found.

The meaning of causatives is usually thought of as a variety of the cause-and-effectsemantics. Actually, this is not the case, since a cause is identifiable, if (if and only if) aneffect, necessarily brought about by this cause, is invariably produced, while the causa-tive semantics does not really presuppose a necessary effect as its integral component.E.g. from Bu. Maung Hla go e( se d_ ‘(He) causes Maung Hla to sleep’ it cannot be in-ferred if Maung Hla really sleeps or not. It could be argued that the causative semanticsbelongs to the set of semantic primitives, which cannot be reduced to any other ‘simpler’meanings and are, accordingly, indefinable.

A very interesting issue is the type of relationship between form and meaning incausative verbs. The Iconicity Principle predicts that the causative verbs will display “ad-ditional” morphemes and/or marked phonological features (if formed by Ablaut) as com-pared to their simplex counterparts. The data drawn from a number of Tibeto-Burmanlanguages shows that the (morpho)phonological alternations underlying the causativeverb derivation are not strictly uniform. Both unmarked and marked phonological val-ues may be associated with this type of derivation, cf., on the one hand, Bu. mjing ‘behigh’ > hmjing ‘make high, elevate’, where preaspirated sonorant is marked as opposedto its non-aspirated, plain nasal counterpart, naturally unmarked, and, on the other hand,Lhasa Tibetan (a14 ‘sleep’ > (a55 ‘cause to sleep’; in the latter case, the causative counter-part of the simplex verb is derived by a tone change which arguably brings about a lessmarked tone (it stands to reason to consider level tones unmarked as opposed to markedcontour tones).

The number of such diverse examples is quite great, which makes it doubtful whetherthe Iconicity Principle, at least if applied to the category of causative in Tibeto-Burmanlanguages, is as valid an explanatory tool as it is believed to be by many.

The multinational team of translators of the Buddhist canoninto Tangut (Images of Tanguts, Tibetans, Indians)

Ksenia B. Kepping

The well-known Tangut engraving “The Translation of the Buddhist Canon into Tangut“shows at the final stage of the translation (1090) the team of the translators of the Bud-dhist Canon – the head of the team the State Preceptor (guo shi) Bai Zhi-guang and hiseight assistants.

The names of the monks in captions are either Tangut (four surnames) or Chinese(five surnames). Usually it is stated that those who have Tangut surnames are Tanguts,while those who have Chinese surnames „may be Chinese“. However such approachproved to be ineffective.

Tangut written sources declare that “the Tanguts are people with crossed eyes“. Adrawing from Khara-Khoto shows a face of a Tangut: he has almond-shaped upward-turned eyes and his eyebrows following the shape of the eyes are descending to the tem-ples. Such eyes and eyebrows are “a diagnostic sign“ for a Tangut. Accordingly, fourmonks may be defined as Tanguts: Bai Zhi-guang, two monks sitting to his right – TianShan-zun and Siyu Zhi-yuan, and one sitting to his left – Weiming Guang-yuan (Weimingwas the surname of the Tangut emperors).

In course of the translation period two monks in turn served as the head of the trans-lators’ team – first Bai Fa-xin and then Bai Zhi-guang, both were State Preceptors. So farthey are defined either as being Uighurs or Tuyuhuns. I believe that the surname Bai inboth cases stands for “Bai“ (lama Vairochana) – obviously the Tanguts took after the Ti-betans (cf. Tibetan translator Bai lo- za-wa). Both Bai Fa-xin and Bai Zhi-guang undoubt-edly were Tanguts.

The person sitting first at Bai Zhi-guang’s left hand, his name in Tangut pu ngwi zilhie, represents the famous Budong Jingang (Unshakable Vajra). The Tangut transcriptionuses the first syllable of the collocation Budong (pu), whereas ngwi zi lhie is the Tanguttranscription of the word vajra. He belonged to the so-called Xi Xia monks. Being byorigin an Indian, he nevertheless received a Tangut surname, since he was regarded as aXi Xia monk.

Budong’s biography mentions his disciple Lebu. Last in the row opposite Budong sitsa monk, his name lupu sie mi Lubu Zhi-yun. Seemingly it is Lebu: his position may indicatethat he was Budong’s disciple. He does not look like Budong (his origin remains a mys-tery). The reason why he got a Tangut surname apparently is connected with his teacher:Budong’s disciple, whoever he was, might be looked upon as a “Xi Xia monk“ as well.

Next to Budong sits tshieu tsie mbi Zhao Fa-ming. The surname Zhao points to thenon-Tangut ethnicity of the monk (his appearance is non-Tangut). The character tshieu(chin. surname Zhao) has only one homophone – tshieu (chin. you “teacher“), thus, wehave “The Teacher tsie mi“, which, I believe, stands for the well-known Tantric teacherTsa-mi. His appearance and the way his name is rendered into Tangut shows that he wasnot a Tangut, but a Tibetan.

Since three Tantric teachers (Budong Jingang, Lupu, and Tsa-mi) were involved inthe final stage of the translation of the Buddhist Canon, we may suppose the Tangutsfrom the very beginning have chosen Tantrism as their state religion.

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The ‘Ten Sciences of traditional Tibetan studies’

Khotse Tsulkhrim

This shall be covered under the following five headings:

A. A brief introduction to ’gangs ljongs rig bcu’i snyin bcud chen mo’B. Analysing the ‘Five Major’ and ‘Five Minor’ Sciences of TibetC. A discussion of the relative merits of each of the ‘Ten Sciences’D. A discussion of the need for protection of the whole set of ‘Ten Sciences’E. A discussion of the need to make the traditional ‘Ten Sciences’ as the foundation for

building and developing modern Tibetan education system.

A. An explanation and justification for the compilation of ’gangs ljongs rig bcu’i snyinbcud chen mo’. This is followed by a discussion of how surviving Tibetan lamas, scholarsand adepts have concurred and contributed to this compilation. Finally, five characteris-tics of these compilations are presented with five corresponding benefits of the project.

B. Justifying how the ‘Ten Sciences’ constitute an altruistic cultural heritage that hasbeen developed by the dwellers of the ‘Roof of the World’ who, despite their lack ofsophistication in the material sciences had, nevertheless, developed sciences of the mindthat are characterised by the love of truth, compassion, wisdom for bringing peace andhappiness to others. Their universal appeal lies due to the fact that they cover existentialworld of physical nature from the highest mountains to the tiniest atomic particle on theone hand and the systematic and detailed study and analysis of the living world, thelaws of birth, growth and decay etc on the other hand. Despite their intrinsic value andpotential benefit to humanity, due to a number of circumstances and factors relating totime and place, these ‘Ten Sciences’ had not filtered across the borders of Tibet into thefive continents. However, presented in the language of the western sciences, there is nodoubt that the intrinsic value and validity of these sciences will be recognised for theirpotential.

C. Here, the individual Sciences are focused for their nature and characteristics. Forexample, the study of ’sgra rig pa’ (phonology) as an antidote to proclivities for spellingerrors. As an antidote to proclivity to errors in meaning one studies ‘Logic’ (gtan tshigsrig pa). For satisfying one’s desires and needs [practical benefits] one studies the arts andcrafts. (bzo rig pa). For protection and cure form diseases and afflictions, one studiesmedicine. In order to gain an understanding of the true nature of reality, one studies‘metaphysics’ (nang don rig pa). To attain mastery of language use one studies poetry.(snta ngag) To enrich one’s vocabulary, one studies ’mngon brjod’ (synonyms) [?]. And togain mastery in versification, one studies ’sdeb sbyor’ (composition). To expand one’sknowledge of languages and to entertain all, one studies ’zlos gar’ (arts and theatrics). To

gain mastery of numbers pertaining to the known and unknown aspects of life, one stud-ies ‘astrology’. etc.

D. Justifying the need to take speedy action to preserve these sciences. In the modernera of technology and communications that has overtaken the whole world, the place ofTibetan culture has gained some degree of recognition under the rubric of ‘Tibetan Stud-ies’. However, a closer examination of the overall situation reveals that, far from beinghappy one can see a situation of serious concern even within Tibet itself, the origin ofthese ‘Ten Sciences’ as there are relatively very few who may qualify as being fully trainedand specialised in these sciences. These may be attributed to a number of factors but themain fact is that the future survival of these sciences is as precarious as a patient who isabandoned by his doctor. In particular, among the Tibetan youth there is an alarming andwoeful lack of appreciation and desire to study these sciences. As a result there are veryfew who may be regarded as having studied, internalised, apply and teach these sci-ences. The contrary is true. As such not only would this precious cultural heritage be lost,but with it, Tibet will lose its very identity because they derive their identity from thecontinued study and practice of these sciences. That would tantamount to self-inflictedcultural genocide.

E. Here the writer argues that the Ten Sciences be made the foundation to build on asystem of modern education for Tibetans. As the saying goes, there can be no new culturewithout an old culture. Likewise, if the Ten Sciences are adopted as the foundation forbuilding and developing modern Tibetan education, then Tibetan education will becomemore complete and worthwhile.

On the traditions of the Vair ocan›bhisa bodhi-sÒtra and itsma ˜ala in Tibet

Tanaka Kimiaki

In the Tantric Buddhism of Tibet, the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra is regarded as the basictantra of the Cary› Tantras in the standard fourfold classification of Buddhist tantras. Butbecause the current of Tantric Buddhism based on the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra fell intodecline quite early in India, not very much material has been preserved. This current ofTantric Buddhism was, however, introduced to Tibet during the Tufan period, and exem-plars of the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala, although few in number, were previously knownto exist. These included a copy in the Ngor Collection, brought out of Tibet by bSod namsrgya mtsho, a former abbot of Ngor Monastery, and a version preserved at TateyamaMuseum in Toyama prefecture, Japan.

But when I was searching for material to assist in the reproduction of the TibetanVajradh›tu-ma˚˜ala and Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala at the Toga Meditation Museum inToyama prefecture in 1994–96, the number of related texts, line drawings and photo-graphs that I managed to obtain exceeded my expectations. An analysis of these varioussources revealed considerable differences among the different Tibetan versions of theVairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala regarding the arrangement and iconography of the deities.

A thangka put on the market by a London art dealer in 1993 is the oldest extantexample of the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala among these, dating from the thirteenth cen-tury, but the central deity faces east and the arrangement of the deities is also the reverseof the norm. In addition, the four Buddhas of the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra are depictedin the archways above the four gates. The Samantabhadra Chapel (Kun bzang lha khang)and Amoghap›Ÿa Chapel (Don zhags lha khang) in the stÒpa at dPal ’khor chos sde (early15th cent.), meanwhile, preserve murals depicting various deities from theVairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala.

Today, the traditions of the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra and its ma˚˜ala have more orless disappeared in Central Tibet, but it has come to light that these traditions have man-aged to survive in Amdo in northern Tibet. The K›lacakra College (Dus ’khor grva tshang)at Bla brang Monastery (Bla brang bkra shis ’khyil) in Gansu province, China, runs acourse on the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra, and during my visit in 1996 I was able to takephotographs of its Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala. This ma˚˜ala is similar to the TateyamaMuseum version, and my conjecture that the latter derived from Amdo was thus con-firmed.

In addition, I acquired copies of numerous wood-block ritual manuals preserved atBla brang Monastery. These included some which have already been reprinted in India,

such as those on the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala by the first and third Panchen Lamas,but there are also a number of texts that were not even known to exist, such as a lengthymanual of 62 folios by bTsun gzugs shes rab rgya mtsho. The dates of this author are notknown, but I was told that he had been a scholar-monk attached to the K›lacakra Collegeat Bla brang Monastery.

At Rva rgya Monastery in mGo log county, Qinghai province, I was also able toobtain photographs of a line drawing of a samaya-ma˚˜ala of the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala used when creating a ma˚˜ala in powdered colours, as well as copies of xylographsand manuscripts of ritual manuals preserved at this monastery. These too include some,such as the above-mentioned manuals by the Panchen Lamas, about which we alreadyknew, but again there are a number of texts that had not been known to exist, such as ananonymous commentary on procedures for measuring out the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-ma˚˜ala.

In this paper, basing myself on the above materials, I propose to shed light on thetraditions of the Vairocan›bhisa˙bodhi-sÒtra and its ma˚˜ala in Tibet, which have hithertobeen veiled in mystery, and I also hope to survey their iconographical characteristicsthrough a comparison with Japanese exemplars.

Jag ’dul gzha’ tshon gling: a Bonpo mountain pilgrimage inDolpo, Nepal

Marietta Kind

Situated in a remote side-valley in the westernmost part of Dolpo, ’Jag ’dul has beenforgotten for a long time. Before this valley was deserted, there used to be a village, amonastery and several fields as well as a direct trail through the high mountains to themonastery of Samling in Upper Dolpo, to which strong ties were kept. Due to a landslide,the trail to Samling was cut off. As a consequence, direct communication and trade stopped.The village moved southwards to the area known as Kaigaun-Hurikot while the desertedvalley of ’Jag ’dul became a place for meditation and summer pastures. When Ka ru Grubdbang bsTan ’dzin rin chen reached the area around the end of the 19th century, he had arevelation concerning the hidden valley of ’Jag ’dul and predicted that his student ’Gromgon bsTan ’dzin Nyi ma would succeed in opening the pilgrimage and write the guide-book (dkar chag).

During the last ten years, the practice of this Bonpo pilgrimage has been revived andthe local population, which follows Bonpo and/or shamanic beliefs, sets out for the pil-grimage once a year. This paper is an account of the pilgrimage based on the dkar chagand guides through the outer (physical) and inner (spiritual) landscape. Oral explana-tions recounted on the trail and the actions taken at the respective places will provideadditional insight for an understanding of this specific pilgrimage and its significance forthe Bonpo community of Dolpo.

Mythos and logos: Reading authenticity (tshad ma) in theearly Bon tradition

Anne C. Klein

A close examination of gTan tshigs Gal mdo rig pa’i tshad ma and related materials makes itclear that the category of authenticity cannot be fully appreciated by examining its tenetson rjes dpag and mngon sum, as is the case in the tshad ma traditions stemming from Dign›gaand DharmakÈri,

In this paper, therefore, I explore the proposition that, in the cultural life of whichthis text is a part, philosophical and mythic perspectives are profoundly interfused andhave a crucial bearing on questions of authenticity. Nor is mythic import confined tophilosophical inquiry. I show that mythos is also invoked in historical accounts of thiswork and its tradition. In short, mythic dimensions, syllogistic logic, and an epic sense ofhistory as well as ontology form the matrix in which various questions of authenticitycan be raised. Thus, along with the philosophical concerns of Authenticity, we must alsopay attention to the Terma tales alluded to in its colophon, and to contextualizing narra-tives from Bon histories, such as the early dissemination of Bon throughout the heavenlyrealms, or Lishu Daring’s transference of thousands of texts on the backs of birds in flightfrom Zhang Zhung to Tibet.

Whereas Aristotle’s logic rejected myth, thus setting the course for Western philoso-phy as a genre, traditional readers of Authenticity were as comfortable with rigorous logicas with the mythic-fantastic elements in the background of that logic. I examine how thatlogic is infused with mythos, especially in the figure of Samantabhadra, who embodies –that is, who presents, rather than represents – the central logos of the text. For this I drawon Authenticity as well as Zhang Zhung sNyan rGyud as well as several historical sources.

The Rawang of Hkakabo Razi, Tibeto-Burmese border

P. Christiaan Klieger

The ancient salt routes between the Tibetan plateau, Yunnan, China, and northern Burmahistorically brought many Tibeto-Burman speaking peoples into Myanmar. Perhaps themost recent group to migrate south was the Rawang. Now living along the headwaters ofthe Irrawaddy River in southwest Yunnan, China and Kachin State of Myanmar near Mt.Hkakabo Razi, the largely unknown Rawang group of Tibeto-Burman speakers subsist atthe extreme southeast corner of the Tibetan culture area. Here, in one of the last stands ofold growth forest in Southeast Asia, they hunted and gathered, farmed, and became in-volved in the trade of salt headed southward and the movement of jade, rubies, andexotic animal products flowing northward into Tibet. Extremely short of statue, espe-cially individuals of the Taron or T’rung clan, the Rawang were preyed upon by slaveraiders from China and Tibet until modern times. They were cursorily described to theoutside world through the journals of Prince Henri d’Orleans in the late 19th century andFrank Kingdon-Ward in the early 20th century, but very little has been written aboutthem since Burma was closed to foreign anthropologist after WWII. Our research in 2001and 2002–2003 in the land of the Rawang provides a glimpse into the life of a group notwholly dissimilar to their Lhoba neighbors to the northwest, but one to which is condi-tioned by extreme isolation, Baptists missionaries in the 1930s, and the recent establish-ment of the Hkakabo Razi National Park. How the Rawang construct their notion ofidentity vis-à-vis their Tibetan and Burmese cousins is one of the themes of this paper.

‘Welcome to Shangri-La’: the making of place in DiqingTibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Yunnan

Åshild Kolås

This paper deals with the development of ethnic tourism in ‘Shangri-La’, and the con-comitant reconstruction of the area as a ‘Tibetan’ place. It discusses how the area has been‘sacralised’ in the process of incorporating it into the ‘sacred realm’ of Buddhist Tibet,how it has been ‘ethnicised’ in connection with the establishment of Diqing Tibetan Au-tonomous Prefecture, and finally how it is currently being ‘exoticised’ with the promo-tion of Diqing as a tourist destination, and the renaming of one of its counties, Zhongdian,as ‘Shangri-La’. The paper explores the tensions between these various ‘place-making’strategies, how ‘place’ is reinvented, and how hegemonic interpretations of ‘place’ arecontested. Theoretically, it brings together some contemporary perspectives on ‘placemaking’ from various different fields, including anthropological studies of place and iden-tity, the political geography of territories and boundaries, and studies of pilgrimage andreligious geography.

Situated on the edge of the Tibetan Plateau, this area has for many centuries been apart of the Tibetan cultural realm often referred to as ‘ethnographic Tibet’. Khawa KarpoMountain is one of the most significant sites in the local geography, and is also known asone of eight major mountain pilgrimage destinations (’gnas ri’) for Tibetan worshippers.The worship of territorial deities, known locally as ‘ri bdag’ or ‘mountain owners andprotectors’, has a long history in this area. Every village community, or even a monasticcommunity, is responsible for maintaining a particular ‘la rtse’ on the top of a hill ormountain, in honor of the ‘ri bdag’ whose lands they live on. Whereas the ‘ri bdag’ isimportant to the local communities who acknowledge this deity ritually, the deity whoinhabits a ‘gnas ri’ such as Khawa Karpo is important to all Tibetan Buddhists. LocalTibetans compare Khawa Karpo to a palace for the deity bDunchog, for whom offeringsare performed during the Kalachakra ceremony. As interpreted in this paper, the associa-tion of Khawa Karpo with a significant deity in the Tibetan Buddhist pantheon is animportant way of incorporating the area into the Tibetan realm. The paper discusses thisas a process in which the land itself has been ‘sacralised’ in new ways.

In 1957 ‘Diqing Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture’ was established as the only ‘Tibetan’area in Yunnan Province. According to the guidelines of the newly founded People’sRepublic of China (PRC), the boundaries of ‘autonomous’ prefectures were supposed toreflect the ethnographic distribution of ‘nationalities’, i.e. ‘ethnic minorities’ distinguish-able from the majority ‘Han’ population by virtue of distinct, shared, cultural traits. Theestablishment of ‘autonomous’ administrative regions has thus been a process of‘ethnicising’ the territory of the PRC. The explicit strategy of the PRC authorities was tobreak down the influence of the ‘feudal theocracy’ in the Tibetan areas. With the onset of

the Cultural Revolution, pilgrimage and the worship of territorial deities was made ille-gal. When these practices were again allowed in the early 1980s, they became significantnot only as religious expressions, but as a way to contest the atheist ideology of the Chi-nese Communist Party (CCP) as well as the technocratic ‘place-making’ strategies of theauthorities, which failed to comply with the meanings of place that were significant topeople living there. In other words, I suggest that the revival of mountain pilgrimage andthe worship of territorial deities have become means of reclaiming places as ‘Tibetan’.However, currently tourism development is creating new tensions, between the use ofsites as tourist destinations and the maintenance of ‘sacralised’ notions of place.

The contemporary reinvention of the area as ‘Shangri-La’ builds on the ‘ethnicising’processes described above, while in some respects challenging hegemonic representa-tions of Diqing as a ‘minority area’. In CCP ideology, ‘minority nationalities’ have beencast as representatives of less ‘advanced’, more ‘primitive’, stages of social evolution. Inschool textbooks as well as the media, the ‘backwardness’ of the minorities has beencontrasted to the ‘modernity’ of the Han Chinese. However, currently this contrast hastaken on new meanings, as urban Chinese search for the place of their dreams in theunspoiled nature and simple lifestyles of ‘minority areas’ such as Diqing. Tourism devel-opers have taken advantage of this trend, and represent Diqing as an exotic ‘Shangri-La’,a place where people live in harmony with nature. Though its purpose is largely com-mercial, the mythologising game played by bureaucrats and entrepreneurs has conse-quences for how Diqing is understood as a ‘minority’ area, and a ‘Tibetan’ area in par-ticular. This further affects the meanings that local Tibetans attach to the place where theylive.

Inner morphology in the verbal domain in the Tibetanlanguage

Irina N. Komarova

The majority of verbs in the modern Tibetan language has a paradigm of two or threeforms, which differentiate the present, past and future tenses. The verbs in the modernTibetan language have complicated grammatical forms. These forms are produced by thecombinations of synthetic and analytical means of which synthetic ones are of particuliarinterest to us here. In this context vowel and consonantal alternations of phonemes andalso tonemes alternations within temporal forms of the verb stems will mainly be dis-cussed below.

The morphonological description aims at discovering of regular morphemic alterna-tions.

Within the bounds of tense category there are binominal opposition, expressed bythe verbal stems:

1) present–future tense vs. past tense:/u – y/: ku ‘steal, will steal’ vs. ky?4 ‘stole’;

2) present tense vs. future–past tense: /o – a/: ny?4 ‘‘want’ vs. nya ‘will want’, ‘wanted’.

This morphonological phenomenon is of typological value. Thus the distribution ofthe vowel and consonantal phonemes with relation to the so-called grades of alternationmay be presented as follows:

Vowels representing two grades of alternations in temporal verbal stems:/e – a/. kem1 – kam4 – kam1 ‘to dry’;Vowels may represent three alternation grades:/e – e – a/: qe?3, – qe?3 – qa2 ‘to make’;

The regularity of vowel alternations is based on the articulatory vowel rows: front –back /i – u/, /e – o/ and back – front /o – f/, /u – y/. For example:

front–back /i – u/: zin2– sung2 – sung2 ‘to hold’, ‘to grasp’;back–front /o – f/: ko2 – kf?3 – ko2 ‘to catch illness’, ‘to be infected’;Consonants in the Tibetan language may have only two alternation grades:/t – th/ te?3 – the?3 – te?3, ‘to follow’;thung/ – tung4 – tung1 ‘to drink’.

Essential changes of the consonant phonemes, which occur in the alternation, are asfollows: desaspiration, aspiration, voicedness, voicelessness, tone changes:

a) desaspiration: /c – z/ cong1 – zong4 – zong1 ‘to sell’.b) aspiration: /p – ph/: po:2 – pho:2 – po:2 ‘to throw’.c) voicedness: /ch – zh/: che:1 – che:1 – zhe2 ‘to separate’.d) voicelessness: /zh – ch/: zhi2– chi?3 – ch2 ‘to ask questions’, ‘to inquire’.e) These examples demonstrate that vowel and consonant alternations can be ac-

companied by tone alternations. The high level tone marked as tone 1, the low rising tone– as tone 2, the rising–falling tone – as tone 3, the high falling tone– as tone 4:

/2 tone – 3 tone/ to2 – tf?3 – to2 ‘to risk’;/1 tone – 4 tone/ kol – ko?4 – ko1 ‘dig out’, ‘to carve’.

Although in the Tibetan phonological system consonant phonemes outnumber ofvowel phonemes, vowel alternation are more frequent than consonant alternations. Verbsof certain groups have only one form because tense forms present, past and future) arenot distinct, for example: sum2 (present, past, future) ‘to be closed’, hlung1 (present, past,future) ‘to fall’.

It should be noted that in many cases the identical phonetic word structures havedifferent graphic forms.

As it was shown above, consonant, vowel and tone alternations (the inner inflection)in the Tibetan verbal stems participate in production of morphological forms. This innermorphology may serve the only indication of the temporal opposition in the same way asin classical Tibetan. In modern Tibetan the synthetic type of form–building exists alongwith the analytical type.

The architecture of the empty shells of Nyar-ma

Gerald Kozicz

The monastic complex of Nyar-ma in the Indus Valley near Shey is considered to be oneof the foundations of Rin-chen-bzang-po and the origin of the site is therefore dated around1000 A.D. The site consists of five temples and about a dozen of chötens within a rectan-gular wall, of which today only parts of two sides are recognisable. Today the complexseems to be in ruins, as the roofs, including the support constructions and the woodendoor constructions were removed. The wall paintings and sculptures which have beenexposed to weather and rain, are almost completely destroyed. When Snellgrove andSkorupski visited the site in the 1970s, they referred to the buildings of Nyar-ma as “emptyearthen shells”. This point of view, which is based on the art historian interest in decora-tive arts such as sculpture, painting and wood carving, completely ignored the informa-tion about the architectural practice of Second Diffusion of Buddhism, which is still pro-vided by this monastic complex. Therefore research has been undertaken in two respects.

First, especially because of its devastated state, the buildings of Nyar-ma allow theanalysis of building technologies such as brick laying, the construction methods for foun-dations and the different layers of plaster. Where the plaster is missing, joints can beinvestigated. Second, an analysis was carried out on layout and orientation, i.e. a) influ-ences of topography and the sun path, b) patterns of space organisation within the com-pound and c) proportions, in order to identify geometric criteria for the design and rela-tions to iconometry. In terms of site layout, two geometrical grids could be identified, onereferring to the cardinal points, and a second grid, including the surrounding wall, whichdoes not follow the cardinal paints. The site layout is a superimposition of these gridsand has a higher complexity than other compounds like e.g. Tabo or the Alchi Chos ’khor.Most attention was paid to the biggest temple at the northern part of the enclave. Thisbuilding is almost identical to the Tabo Main Temple. It is bigger in size and the ambula-tory has three niches, which makes the design even more elaborate. By means of exactplans and analysis it will be possible to show the influence of structural necessities aswell as iconometric patterns and proportions on the architectural design practices of the2nd Diffusion of Buddhism.

Klimburg-Salter, Deborah (1997), Tabo – A Lamp for the Kingdom, Milano.Snellgrove, David L. and Tadeusz Skorupski (1980), The Cultural Heritage of Ladakh, Vol. 1, Warminster.

sTag tshaº Lotsaba on the status of pram›˚a studies

Helmut Krasser

In a stimulating paper David Jackson has discussed the view of modern scholars regard-ing the “question of Pram›˚a’s spiritual significance and soteriological utility”. There heargued against interpretations by Western scholars that consider the Tibetan tradition’sown understanding of epistemology and logic (tshad ma, pram›˚a) as being a “secular” or“non-Buddhist” field of knowledge (rig gnas, vidy›sth›na). Apart from the view of Saskya Pandita (1182–1251), Jackson also drew on the Sa skya master sTag tshaº Lots›ba⁄es rab rin chen’s (1405-?) treatment of this topic in his Rig gnas kun es. This text was notat that time available to Jackson, and his discussion was based on such quotations as arefound in the Bai durya g.ya’ sel of the dGe lug pa scholar sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgyamtsho (1653–1705). As in the meanwhile the Rig gnas kun Ÿes has become available, thislecture will focus on sTag tshaº Lots›ba’s understanding of the status of tshad ma.

An exchange of letters between the Manchu emperor HongTaiji and A mes zhabs, the abbot of Sa skya

Leonard W.J. van der Kuijp

The early Tangut /Mongol – Sa skya connection was invoked in the early 1640s in twoitems of correspondence that survive between A mes zhabs Ngag dbang kun dga’ bsodnams (1597–1659), Sa skya’s twenty-eighth abbot from 1617 to 1653, and Hong Taiji (r.1626–1643), the Taizong Emperor of the Manchu state. The letter by A mes zhabs is extantin Mongol, Hong Taiji’s in Chinese and Tibetan. The essay seeks to provide some back-ground information to these two letters. They were written in very turbulent times. Theyear 1637 effectively marks the beginning of the campaign Gushri Qan Bstan ’dzin choskyi rgyal po (1582–1654) of the Qoshot Mongols and Bsod nams rab brtan of the Dga’ldan pho brang launched against Karma bstan skyong dbang po of Bsam grub rtse andhis allies. The campaign ended in 1642 with the conquest of Bsam grub rtse and the deathof Karma bstan skyong dbang po.

The descent of gNya’-khri bTsan-po – an early version of themyth

Per Kvaerne

In a paper presented in 1992, Samten Gyaltsen Karmay discussed a version of the myth ofthe descent of gNya’-khri bTsan-po to Tibet found in the lDe’u chos ’byung. This mythicnarrative, coming at the end of a complex theogony, was by far the most elaborate ver-sion of the myth known at the time.

A related and no less complex version is found in the unpublished Grags pa rin chengling grags, of which I have completed a translation, based on three manuscripts. A studyof this version of the gNya’-khri bTsan-po myth reveals interesting variants among itsconstituent elements. Brief comparisons with other and more well-known versions willalso be made, and an attempt will be made to place the myth in a broader historico-religious context.

Dynamics of development on the Tibetan Plateau

Gabriel Lafitte

No comprehensive account is as yet available on the dynamics of modernisation on theTibetan Plateau. Given the size, administrative fragmentation and diversity of the pla-teau, this is not surprising. We now do have many small-scale studies, by developmentagencies as well as social scientists, of the livelihoods, indicators of human well being,and economic opportunities of rural Tibetans and urban centres of capital accumulation.These enable a tentative political economy model to be proposed.

China has attempted the industrialisation of Tibet for 50 years, and only in the TsaidamBasin has it succeeded. Elsewhere enterprise losses are chronic, subsidies are enormous,dependence on external inputs overwhelming, while the subsistence economy has notbeen strengthened or integrated with the enclave economy.

Many Tibetans now wonder if such state failure is systemic, indicative of a dysfunc-tional model that fails to consider the basic realities. The most fundamental reality is thatnearly all the plateau is an extensive land use zone in which sustainable productivity isbest maintained by traditional community based economic organisation, amid a dispersedpopulation. The structural distortions resulting from chronic dependence on subsidies,the failure of industrialisation, the underinvestment in rural production, education, healthand food security, all suggest a policy that, after 50 years, is questionable. Fresh policydirections are needed.

This paper examines a growing convergence of ideas between Chinese and Tibetaneconomists and development policy planners. Tibetan economists and development plan-ners are now enunciating alternative models. The new approach is based on adding valueto subsistence production, reinstituting traditional community based organisations re-sponsible for natural risk management decision making, and strengthening the mobilityrequired for sustainability, rangeland productivity and biodiversity conservation. TheseTibetan models are based on the comparative advantages of the subsistence economy,and are a ground-up, farmer first approach. Comparative advantage now includes newfactors, such as the perception among high income Chinese urban consumers that yo-ghurt, cheese, leather and wool are fashionable and in much demand.

Chinese policy makers are shifting towards seeing Tibet as a water source ratherthan an extractive zone. Chinese economists increasingly question whether the standardemphasis on industrialisation, in large and small urban centres, is a policy suited to re-mote regions. This policy has been standard for 50 years, through all major policy shifts,and is meant to foster not only growth and wealth creation, but also employment andpoverty alleviation. Alternative policies emphasise the gains to be made by adding value

to subsistence products, investment in education and basic human services, and targetedpoverty alleviation designed to maintain the mobility of extensive land users.

Within a political economy approach, several models offer possible explanations ofthe dynamics of modern Tibetan development. It may be premature to suggest a masternarrative encompassing the past 50 years, especially if such a model is to account for thepersistent failure of a development state to attain its developmental goals in Tibet. Yet wecan test some hypotheses: the geographic and ecological determinist models based inphysical sciences, the evolutionary models of neoliberal economic transition theory, thedependency theory model drawn from colonial experience worldwide. It may be thatnone of these models fit what we know.

We may now tentatively depict the experience of the past 50 years as the creation ofa modern extractive enclave economy superimposed on a pre-existing subsistenceeconomy, so far with remarkable few linkages between two spatially separate economies.One is the modern urban economy, which is both capital intensive and labour intensive,reliant on external inputs, and highly localised spatially. The other is extensive, starvedof capital and short of labour, and persists in subsistence mode, unconnected to the urbaneconomy and socially excluded from the human service that are delivered only to urbanareas and those enjoying urban incomes.

The major change of the past 50 years is the imposition from above of spatial in-equality, of wealth concentrated in enclaves and poverty spread across the hinterlands.Within the enclaves there are few industries, fewer profitable enterprises, and employ-ment is concentrated in tertiary sectors of administration, logistics and maintaining thepresence of the distant state. In the vast hinterland malnutrition, poverty, rangeland deg-radation, deprivation, social exclusion and deteriorating productivity are pervasive. Thisspatial inequality is not development, nor a stage in a natural evolution towards devel-opment.

A discussion on the honorific verses to gods and spirits inKing Gesar narratives

Lan Quejia

One: Definition of the honorific verse

The so-called honorific verse here refers to the verse that the narrators sing about gods,local deities, and religious protectors at the beginning. This verse includes singing aboutjewel (konchok); sing about Buddhist deities; protectors of Bon religion; singing aboutgods, dragon and Nyan; singing about local deities; singing about white, black and stripecreatures (Thesrang karnaktra). The way of placing the different honorific verses indi-cates the emotional attitudes of the narrators towards a particular addressee.

Two: Functions of the honorific verse

Gesar story includes starting, worship, recognizing location, describing oneself, mainbody of the story and ending. The honorific verse is one the most important contents ofthe story, which carries unique art characteristics by combining with other parts.

Three: The main contents of the honorific verses

Since Tibetans commonly believe in religion, religion becomes the foundation of allthoughts and behaviors. The honorific verses in Gesar story are also reflections of reli-gious belief. The writers, narrators and listeners of Gesar story get satisfaction of theirbelief by expressing and enjoying their artistic work.

Four: The artistic characteristics of the honorific verse

The honorific verses of Gesar story generated from social life, where people worshipgods and protectors. The honorific verses are not copies of social activities. They haveslightly been changed according to the content and artistic reasons of story, accordingpersonalities of different roles in the story. For instance, singing about Tatrin marpo andLudolba nakpo in order to express wrathful personality of a role; sing about Manjushuri(Jamyang) and white Tara to express a peaceful and compassionate personality of a role.Besides these, the honorific verse also carries some characteristics – which cannot be foundin other parts of the story such as beauty of Nyannga.

A newly discovered old perspective drawing of Lhasa

Knud Larsen

During a stopover in Kathmandu in September 2002, in a curio shop, I came across an olddrawing which clearly showed the centre of Old Lhasa. The drawing was in bad shapeand was in the process of being eaten up by insects and cracking into pieces. It is an inkdrawing on Chinese bamboo paper with application of watercolour and gold paint (onsacred roves). The main roof of Jokhang has a layer of leaf gold in relief. The dimension is50 x 66 cm. The type of perspective is Western. It is a rather naturalistic representation ofCentral Lhasa around Jokhang seen from South West.

The type of drawing is unique. I have in my research for representations of Old Lhasafor my book* never come across anything similar. However, a large thangka in the RyukokoUniversity in Kyoto depicts Old Lhasa in the same type of perspective from the sameviewpoint.

My first thought was that my drawing could be the original sketch, done on location,while the thangka, as the final result, could have been executed in Kathmandu. Howeverthe drawing is much more detailed than the thangka and there are interesting differencesin the shape of buildings. The drawing is therefore hardly the “blueprint” for the thangka,but what is then their relationship?

* “The Lhasa Atlas”, Tibetan Traditional Architecture and Townscape, Serindia 2001 (co-authored with AmundSinding-Larsen).

Fragments of pram›˚a texts preserved in Tabo Monastery

Horst Lasic

During the last two decades research on Western Himalaya has acquired a new momen-tum. This development was initiated by Deborah Klimburg-Salter, Ernst Steinkellner andHelmut Tauscher, all affiliated with the University of Vienna. Their initial research inWestern Himalaya was confined to the fields of Art History and Philology. They weresoon successful in finding international researchers to join them in their effort. Duringthe next years not only the number of collaborators but also the fields of research in-creased and became more specialized, ultimately comprising research on oral traditions,architecture, manuscripts, inscriptions and art history. The different projects are now in-corporated into an interdisciplinary research unit dedicated to the cultural history ofWestern Himalaya.

In the beginning the focus was set on Tabo Monastery in the Spiti Valley in HimachalPradesh. In 1989 research on manuscripts began when Helmut Tauscher, in charge of thephilological investigation, took part in the first expedition to Tabo. Dunng the followingyears the overwhelmingly large number of unsorted manuscript folios of evidently highhistorical value that were found there have been examined, regrouped into manuscriptunits and documented in situ. A greater part of them have also been photographed. Theprimary collaborators in this work have been Cristina Scherrer-Schaub, Paul Harrison,Christoph Cüppers and Helmut Tauscher.

A catalogue, compiled by Cristina Scherrer-Schaub and Paul Harrison and due to bepublished in the near future, will provide scholars with a means of systematically ap-proaching the filmed material, essential for studies concerned with the history of theindividual texts and groups of texts as well as of the history of the Tibetan bKa’ ’gyur andbsTan ’gyur as a whole.

The present paper will focus on a particular group of texts found in Tabo, namely theTibetan translations of Sanskrit texts belonging to the so-called logicmepistomologicaltradition within Buddhism, which started in India with Dign›ga and Dharmakırti. Ti-betan scholars started to produce translations of texts belonging to this highly compli-cated genre at an unexpectedly early date, and twenty-five or so are already mentionedin the lDan kar catalogue.

Manuscript fragments of Dharmakırti’s Pram›˚av›rttika, his own V¸tti on theanum›na chapter, ⁄›kyabuddhi’s commentary Pram›˚av›rttika˛ık›, Dharmakırt’sSambandhaparık˝› together with his own V¸tti thereon, Vinıtadeva’s Sambandha-parık˝›˛ık›, Vinitadeva’s Ny›yabindu˛ık›, and of Dharmottara’s commentary of the sametitle have been found in Tabo Monastery. An examination of these fragments will try to

find clues to determine the historical position of these manuscripts in the development ofthe bsTan ’gyur.

Dzödge Nyima and Ngylra Lhade’s tribal council formed inlate 1780s

Lha mchog gyal

Both Dzödge Nyima and Ngylra Lhade in Kanlho were the parts of eight Lhade in Labrangmonastery. Before the democratic reform, a tribal council system was practiced, whichwas different from the feudal system.

One: Definition of tribal council

All the affairs were decided by agreement of administrative leaderships.

Two: The members and their responsibilities in the council

Highest leader, called Labrang Gopa, was elected from the eighty servants (Zhabchi) ofLabrang. Under the Labrang Gopa, there was an organization, called Gurgangpo, formedby nine people coming from different groups and permitted by Jamyang Zhalpa. Underthis leadership, there are various lower leveled leaders such as Gope Garkor, Godardzin.These leaders also have their own responsibilities.

Three: Regulations of the tribal council

This regulation was like a law, where the responsibilities, election, terms and selection ofthe council were described; these regulations also functioned as a base for judging a caseof crime, and described the responsibilities of Chozhi of Labrang monastery.

Four: The political effect of the tribal council

The system of the tribal council was quite democratic, and members of the council hadfreedom of act, and the tax is very low. At the same time, the council had very strongsupporters outside of the council. Therefore, people, such as who got political problemsin Gansu and Sichuan, who used to live under depression of Mabufang, who used tohave poor life condition, and who would like to work for a community, jointed the LabrangLhade. Labrang became famous in the Tibetan area, particularly in the area of Dome, andgradually became a centre for religious and secular affair.

Tibetan studies in China today

Lhagpa Phuntshogs

I. The Course of the Evolution of Tibetology in P. R. China

II. The Present Situation of China’s Tibetological Cause

1. Organizations.2. Personnel.3. Publications.4. Conferences.5. Works.6. International exchange.

III. Several basic characteristics of China’s Tibetology from 1949

1. The secularisation of the main body engaged in Tibetological studies.2. The popularisation of research content.3. The modernization of the canıers of studies.4. Scientism of theories in Tibetological studies.5. The variety of methodology in the studies.6. The expansion of the field of study.7. The research contingents are open towards various ethnic groups and different pro-

fessional groups.

IV. Several characteristics of China’s Tibetology Today

1. The purposes of the Tibetological studies will become clearer. The purposes in mak-ing researches are all for application, i.e. for applying the research achievements intothe great practice of the Tibetan people in their construction of their new life andmarching towards a new era, into the great practice of serving the ethnic Tibetansociety’s progress and development, the Tibetan people’s well-being and happiness,the ethnic Tibetan culture’s development and prosperity, not only for today, but alsofor the long-term future.

2. China’s Tibetological researchers become younger, more competent professionallyand further modernised.

3. The trend in internal cooperation and coordination within China’s Tibetological cir-cles further speed up.

4. The theories of the discipline of China’s Tibetology are further established, the aca-demic thinking become further active and brisk, the research methods and means

further modernized, the quality and ability of the contingent as a whole is improvedand increased effectively.

5. China’s Tibetological studies develop in depth, the fields of studies become moreextensive, the degree of depth in these studies changes greatly, the achievements ofstudies are more noticeable.

6. Along with the steps of the economic globalization are speeding up, the trend thatChina’s Tibetology march towards the world is becoming more obvious, the contactsand exchange activities with Tibetological circles in various countries are carried outmore extensively and deeply.

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Dus rabs bco brgyad pa’i lo rabs brgyad cu ba nas ‘go tshugspa’i mdzod dge nyin ma dang dngul rwa lha sde’i gur gang

boi lam lugs la cung zad dpyad pa(Dzödge Nyima and Ngulra Lhade’s tribal council formed in

the late 1780s)

Lha mchog rgyal

Both Dzödge Nyima (mDzod dge nyi ma) and Ngulra Lhade (dNgul rwa lha sde) inKanlho were the parts of eight lhade (lha-sde) in Labrang monastery. Before the demo-cratic reforms, the local administration comprised a tribal council system that was differ-ent from the feudal system.

1. The definition of a “tribal council”, in which all affairs were decided by agreementof administrative leaderships

2. The members and their responsibilities in the council

The highest leader, called Labrang Gopa (‘go ba), was elected from the eighty “serv-ants” (zhabs phyi) of Labrang. Under the Labrang Gopa, there was an organization, calledGurgangpo, that consisted of nine people from different groups and permitted by JamyangZhalpa. Under this leadership, there are various lower leveled leaders such as Gope Garkor,Godardzin. These leaders also have their own responsibilities.

3. Regulations of the tribal council

This regulation was like a law, where the responsibilities, election, terms and selec-tion of the council were laid down; these regulations also functioned as a base for judgingcriminal cases, and specified the responsibilities of the Chozhi of Labrang monastery.

4. The political effect of the tribal council

The system of the tribal council was quite democratic, and members of the councilhad considerable freedom. Moreover, taxes were very low. At the same time, the councilhad very strong external support. Consequently, people who lived under the oppressiverule of the warlord Ma Bufang in Gansu and Sichuan and ran into political difficultieswould often join the Labrang Lhade. Labrang became famous in the Tibetan area, par-ticularly in the area of Dome, and gradually became a centre for religious and secularaffairs.

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Comparison of historical works and archaeological fieldresearch on Zhang-zhung studies

Dondrup Lhagyal

This presentation is trying to study what are accounting concerning on Zhang-zhungand its culture in well-known Tibetan and Chinese historians. On the basis of that studythe presentation is showing what were actually found during two months archaeologicalfield work on Zhang-zhung study in Northern Tibet and Western Tibet, namely Byang-thang and stod-mnga’-ris. It is using both comparison of historical accounts and modernarchaeological fieldwork on the topic and analysing the main feature of zhang-zhungand its culture.

The presentation is consisting of three chapters. Chapter one is review on Zhang-zhung studies. In this chapter I shall point out what have been done on Zhang-zhungstudy and analyse the study methods have been using. In Chapter two, I shall analyse inthe accounts of Zhang-zhung that are accounted in both Tibetan and Chinese historians.In this chapter, I use many important Tibetan and Chinese historical works. Those Ti-betan works are analysed into two categories namely Bonpo works and those of Bud-dhist. Through comparing between Bonpo works and Buddhist one shows the main dif-ferences of the accounts in the two historians. Especially showing various features ofZhang-zhung in the different works that composed in different periods by Bonpo au-thors. Then showing that Zhang-zhung described in Tibetan works is proved as a histori-cal concept by Chinese documents. Chapter three is analysing the main characteristic ofzhang-zhung and its culture through comparison of historical accounts and the result offield research on the topic. In this chapter I am describing and analysing what I found inNorthern and Western Tibetan plateau during two months field work, then comparinghistorical accounts and field research on Zhang-zhung and try to showing the Zhang-zhung and its cultural characters.

In short, through the article showing the Zhang-zhung research has to basis on bothhistorical works and field research. And field research has to include two part namelyfinding important archaeological sites and local oral history.

Modeling Tibetan rural urbanisation: the case study ofNaiqiong village in the past twenty years

Li Tao

Urbanisation is not only the inevitable trend of the world’s economic development, butalso one essential activator factor for such development. This essay is to study the au-thor’s recommended way for rural urbanisation of Tibet featuring unique natural, his-torical and cultural characteristics on the Roof of the World.

The project serves as part of the Study on Socio-cultural Changes and Urbanization proc-ess in Ethnic Areas of Sichuan and Tibet – a Ninth Five-year-plan project supported by theNational Foundation for Social Sciences. It started in the early 90s and was completed onthe basis of the field studies in Naiqiong village respectively in 1991, 1993, 1996, 2001 and2002.

One of the six villages in the Naiqiong town, Duilong Deqing country, Lhasa, Tibet,Naiqiong is about 12 km from downtown Lhasa and a few km to the county town. Weanalyze the urban progress in the last 20 years – the transformation of the traditional wayof production, the farmers’ way of living, the formation of the rural urbanization con-cept, the construction of social and community orders. This essay aims to reveal thatTibet differs from inland and coastal China in the land-and-human struggle and groundsof economic takeoff. Tibet should, instead of copying the coastal model of “building fac-tories in all villages and townships”, solve the problem of population which is destroy-ing the environment to some degree, and drastically the urbanisation model in smalltowns. This model should be distinguished fro the typical Asian “Kostadesasi” mode, byproposing a Tibetan rural urbanisation model featuring conservation of traditional cul-ture, development of local eco-tourist and human resources, and concentrated rural ur-banization in medium-sized towns.

The wall paintings of Guru lHa-khang, Phyi-dbang castle,central Ladakh

Erberto Lo Bue

This paper is meant to draw attention to the wall paintings in the small temple of GurulHa-khang, at the foot of the ruined castle of Phyi-dbang, Central Ladakh. Erberto Lo Buefirst drew attention to these paintings in an article published in Oriental Art in 1985/86and has visited the chapel twice since. Its iconographic programme is composite: it cer-tainly relates to the figure of Rin-chen-bzang-po and to its spiritual lineage, but also tothe ’Brug-pa tradition as well as to the figure of Ma-gcig, as well as that of Padmasambhava.The author discusses the relationship among the various iconographic themes illustratedin the chapel, attempts to relate them to the lay and royal figures with inscriptions por-trayed therein, and eventually tries to contextualize them stylistically through compari-son with wall paintings in temples at A-lci and in the caves at Sa-spol, as well as in atemple at Nyo-ma, in Eastern Ladakh.

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Srid pa’i mdzod phug dang chos mngon par mdzod kyi dpyadzhib (Srid pa’i mdzod phug and Abhidharmakosa)

Geshe Lodoe Rabsal Gatsa

There are different definitions of mdzod in Tibet that are mainly based on two mdzod: theTibetan version of Srid pa’i mdzod phug taught by Tonpa Shenrab and the Tibetan versionof Abhidharma written by Dbyig gnyen.

Srid pa’i mdzod phug was translated by Zhangzhung Stong rgyud mthu chen andTibetan Sha ri dbu chen between 967 B.C. and 683 B.C., while Abhidharma was translatedby the Indian scholar Jinamitra and the Tibetan translator Ban de Dpal rtsegs.

There are some differences between these two mdzod. Srid pa’i mdzod phug uses bothZhangzhung language and Tibetan and separates the mdzod into seventy mdzod gnas inaccordance with the great vehicle, while Abhidharma uses only Tibetan and classifies Mdzodinto seven mdzod gnas. Moreover, according to the Kha che bye brag smra ba, Abhidharmadescribes two truths and four truths.

One interesting point is that there are many more similarities between these twomdzod, although they have different origins. I have even found that some of the sentencesand paragraphs in these two mdzod are exactly the same. In this present presentation, Ishall show more examples on the differences and similarities and further state my ownsuggestions about these two mdzod.

Dge ’dun chos ’phel’s History of Colonialism

Donald S. Lopez

Despite the fame (for different reasons) of his ’Dod pa’i bstan bcos and his Klu sgrub dgongsrgyan, Dge ’dun chos ’phel considered the account of his travels, entitled Rgyal khams rigpas bskor ba’i gtam rgyud gser gyi thang ma to be his most important work. It is by far hislongest work; its pages account for more than one half of his surviving writings. Theseventeenth and final chapter of the work is entitled simply Mjug rtsom and was appar-ently written in 1939 while he was living in Sri Lanka. In this chapter, Dge ’dun chos ’phelsurveys a wide range of topics, including the arrival of the Portuguese in India; the Euro-pean slave trade; Christian missionaries in India; the character of the British; the meet-ings of Bogle and Pan chen Blo bzang ye shes; the practice of sati; the rise of new religionsin India under the British, (including Theosophy and the Ramakrishna Mission); andGandhi and the Indian independence movement. He also devotes a long section to “sci-ence” and its compatibility with Buddhism, before concluding with a discussion of theremnants of Buddhism in India. As usual, the author does not hesitate to offer his ownopinion on any topic and to provide advice to his fellow Tibetans. This paper will pro-vide a survey and brief analysis of the final chapter of what Dge ’dun chos ’phel regardedas his most important work.

Tibetan identity: marginality and hybridity within thetransnational Tibetan community

Losang Rabgey

It has been widely noted that anthropology as a discipline has passed through a momentof considerable epistemological anxiety (Marcus and Fisher 1986; Kuper 1999). TheGeertzian hermeneutic turn pushed many anthropologists towards a more humanisticapproach to social science and, in so doing, made the discipline more vulnerable to thedeconstructive mood that overtook humanities departments throughout the 1980s and1990s. But while the critical turn toward text led to much disciplinary introspection andimportant illuminating insights, there is a growing sense that the abandonment of politi-cal economy that this approach represents is now unacceptable. In Micaela di Leonardo’srecent indictment of contemporary American anthropology, it is argued that anthropol-ogy ‘has isolated culture from power and, as a result, from the processes and changes ofhistory itself (l998: xi). American anthropology has ‘gone wrong’ because too often itforgets that one cannot understand a culture without understanding its political economy.

To talk about political economy, and issues of power more generally, is to take seri-ously epistemological frames other than what travels under the sign of poststructuralismor postmodernism. It is in this spirit that I take as my primary object of study the concreteand gendered manifestations of power in women’s everyday lives. Feminist theory andanalysis provide the key tools with which to examine women’s struggles, their engage-ment with and embracing of social change and new opportunities. Earlier feminists fore-fronted the need to make visible and theorize gender oppression, in part by clearingspace for a radical critique of theory-building and, indeed, of entire disciplines. At thesame time, an ethnographic account of these particular women’s lived experiences dem-onstrates the need to work toward a feminist theory that engages with discourses onagency/resistance, nationalism/transnationalism, and identity/representation.

Within this context, then, this paper includes a focus on political economy and be-gins to address some of the complexity of Tibetan identity by examining marginality andhybridity within the transnational Tibetan community. The process of en-gendering Ti-bet, educing an understanding of gender construction and notions of the feminine, be-gins to give voice to women, a key subaltern in Tibetan society. This paper examines howculturally scripted practices of gender and power differently shape women and men.Women’s responses to, and narrativization of, these practices lead to an exploration ofhow women assimilate, accommodate and resist gendered norms. The unprecedentedrate of social change in the Tibetan diaspora necessitates an examination of the implica-tions of transnational diasporization for women’s self-identification. From daily life ob-servations ant oral life narratives emerge accounts of both the agency and subordinationwomen experience in diaspora.

I engage theoretical discussions of gender, nation, diaspora and the body through anethnographic account of the lives of ‘ordinary’ Tibetan women – non-elite laywomen – ina specific historical moment. Now numbering approximately 130,000, the diaspora origi-nated when thousands fled the plateau after an unsuccessful uprising against Chineseoccupation. Since the formation of the diaspora in 1959, Tibetans now live in widely dis-persed locations across the Indian subcontinent, the West and other parts of the world.While they have struggled for and gained a measure of access to the global media, thediaspora population remains minuscule. Tibetans live in settlements of farming villages,nunneries, monasteries, boarding schools, former colonial hill stations as well as majorinternational urban centres. I engage in this theoretical exploration through an ethno-graphic account of the lives of ‘ordinary’ Tibetan women from two sites. These womenare laywomen, mostly in their sixties and older, from the ordinary classes living in diaspora.

The first site, Bylakuppe, is a refugee settlement in south India with approximately12,000 Tibetans, most of whom are maize farmers located a few hours drive from Bangaloreand Mysore beyond, Bylakuppe is the largest of all the Tibetan settlements in India, inpart because of the influx of new refugees to the largest local monastery of Sera Secondsite is Toronto, Canada’s largest and one of the most cities, It is home to one of the firstwaves of Tibetan migrants to be settled in the west, and a new larger wave of migrants.Whether working in south Indian cornfields or Toronto office towers, an ongoing en-gagement with change by Tibetan women from both locations indicates a sharedtransnational space of culturally scripted meanings and political economy. This studythen opens a critical space for the discussion of transnational feminism and Buddhistconcepts in rethinking the categories of woman and selfhood in Tibetan society.

On the iconography of thangkas dedicated to theVajradh›tuma˚˜ala

Christian Luczanits

Two years ago I discovered that there are also numerous Central Tibetan thangka paint-ings dedicated to the Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala. These paintings are part of a series of at leastfive where each is dedicated either to the centre or a quarter of the mandala. As the maindeities on these paintings are the regular Jinas (the five Buddhas) the relevant thangkahave not yet been accurately identified and differentiated from other depictions of thefive Jinas. As I have briefly noted in the case of the first example of this that I discoveredand published in a review article, one has to differentiate between those paintings whichdepict the five Buddhas with the secondary Bodhisattvas displayed symmetrically andwith only the standing figures individualised, and those where all secondary Bodhisattvasclearly convey an iconographic meaning by being individualized. To date, 27 such paint-ings from different museums and private collections have been identified, documentedand subjected to preliminary analysis.

The thangka paintings allow the development of the Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala to be fol-lowed far beyond the examples preserved in early western Himalayan art. As prelimi-nary analysis reveals, these paintings display different iconographic compositions whichare certainly the result of the differences in the context in which they were created andthe development in their usage. Although the context in which the paintings of the fourquarters of the Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala were created is still unclear – these thangkas, for ex-ample, do not allow any inference as to which Tibetan school(s) initiated their makingand thus continued the tradition of this Yoga Tantra topic – a way of resolving this matteris already becoming clear.

During my visit to the Musée Guimet in Paris (1–9/612W2) representations of thecomplete Vajradh›tuma˚˜ala were researched in detail. This collection is extremely in-formative because it contains four different versions of the same mandala of differentTibetan schools which can be clearly identified. Thus, comparison of the iconography offull mandala representation with those where only quarters are represented in detail willallow associations to be established and the respective context to be differentiated.

In general, extending the scope beyond western Himalayan art allows the develop-ment of this particular theme to be followed up to our times. Complementary research onlater textual sources may also reveal changes in the usage of the theme and/or the differ-ences in usage between the different schools and their interrelationship.

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Gnam ri srong bstan gyi lo rgyus go gnas(Namri Songtsan’s Position in Tibetan History)

Lumbumjie

1. Based on the standard Tibetan history books, Lde’u chos byung, Lha brag chos byung,Deb ther sngon po, and Deb ther dmar po, I shall discuss how these scholars ignoredNamri Songtsan’s achievements and deeds owing to sectarian beliefs.

2. 1). During the early 6th century when sTag ri gnyan gzigs was in power, Sumpa hadunified all the kingdoms around Lhasa River and the other four sides. In terms ofmilitary and economy, Sumpa was much more powerful than the Spu-rgyal, whichwas located in the Yarlung area. Since it was difficult to conquer Sumpa by force,Namri Songtsan used the conflict between the King and ministers (blon-po) of Sumpathat manifested furing the time of his father, to pave the way for the unification ofTibet.2) Besides conquering most of the petty kingdoms into Spu-rgyal, Namri Songtsanpaid close attention to the economic development of Tibet. Even Drugu, in the north-west of his sphere of influence, respected him as their own king.3) In addition to recognising the loyalty and achievements of his own ministers, NamriSongtan also showed respect towards ministers from neighbouring principalities whosought refuge in his realm. This enabled him to acquire many excellent ministerssuch as the Myang, Dba’s and Mnon clans, who were instrumental in unifying thecountry. 4). While there was little discord among the ministers such as Khyung pospung sad and Myang Dba’s, the king also brought an end to entrenched rivalriesbetween his old ministers. This made it possible to divert all his energy into theconstruction of the kingdom.

3. The unification of Tibet must be considered one of the most important achievementsof Namri Songtsan, and he should be seen as the founder of the ruling dynasty.

A study on the size of the Han Chinese population living inTibetan areas and the TAR

Luorong Zhandui

This paper will focus the study on the quantity of the Han Chinese people from outsideTAR (Tibetan Autonomous Region) in present and the population change in other Ti-betan areas in past 10 years. As a Tibetan economist, the author of this paper has made aLong time field study about the nationality population structure in many Tibetan areas inpast 10 years. So the study will mainly depend on the case study the author made in TARand the latest data the author collected form the Tibetan areas. Beside the materials theauthor personally collected from Tibetan communities, this paper will certainly use manyother reference materials such as the latest national census made by Chinese governmentin 2000, some related research paper written by west scholars and the Tibetan scholars inexile and news given by west medias.

By the comparative studies on such a sensitive topic and the author’s personal expe-rience in TAR and other Tibetan areas, this paper will draw an orbit about the develop-ment of the Tibetan population of China. One more aim of this paper is to expose thetruth about the change of the nationality population structure in TAR in past 10 years.

Tibetan literary life and activities in the Yunnan Tibetan areas(1980–2002)

Lara Maconi

In May 2002, the Yunnan Nationalities Publishing House published a Tibetan translationof the novel Lost Horizon, James Hilton’s classic of 1933 (its subsequent film adaptationwas in 1937) which contributed largely to the construction of the Western ‘myth of Tibet’through the invention of the word and world of Shangri-La. The Tibetan version of Hilton’snovel in the PRC, has come after a series of successful Chinese translations of this type ofWestern ‘myth-making’ literature on Tibet throughout the late 1990s. The publication ofall these translations in the PRC is not innocent. As is written in the introduction of theTibetan version of Lost Horizon, Hilton’s novel is meant to further implement the newChinese tourist policy in the Yunnan Tibetan areas, and to legitimise the subsequent re-naming of bDe-chen county (Diqing zhou, in Diqing Tibetan autonomous prefecture) asShangri-La county (Xianggelila zhou). Now that Mythos Tibet has finally found its loca-tion in Yunnan, the Yunnan Tibetan areas – which have traditionally represented the far-thest south-eastern outskirts of the Tibetan cultural world – are supposed to become thenew attractive centres for all those people who are interested in experiencing ‘authentic’Tibetan life. The Chinese tourist promotion of Shangri-La has put the Yunnan Tibetanareas in the limelight.

The recent prolific and diverse Tibetological studies in the international arena, havepaid little attention to the specific evolution of Tibetan social and cultural life in the YunnanTibetan areas. The fact that these traditionally belong to the greater Khams region doesnot justify any underestimation of the importance and distinctiveness of local realitieshere. All the more since the PRC partition of the Tibetan world into different provincesdoes affect the evolution of Tibetan socio-cultural life in different ways according to dif-ferent regions.

In this paper, on the basis of interviews with Tibetan writers and publishers carriedout during fieldwork in Yunnan Tibetan areas (September-October 2002), and through acritical reading of an ensemble of literary publications collected on the field, I describe

and analyse modern Tibetan literary life and activities in Yunnan, mainly between 1980and 2002. Besides presenting Tibetan writers and editors, their creative and editorial ini-tiatives, according to their language of writing (Tibetan and/or Chinese), in differentareas in Yunnan, I focus on the specificities of the Tibetan literary world there, seen in acomparative perspective with the other Tibetan worlds of literature in the PRC. I will payparticular attention to literary relations among the different Tibetan cultural regions, bothin terms of contacts and common activities. My objective is to observe the present dayYunnan Tibetan world of literature both in a Tibetan inter-national perspective, and againstthe background of the changing weather of the PRC Yunnan economic and nationalitiespolicy.

The Baltistan movement and the emergence of Tibetanidentity in Baltistan today

Jan Magnusson

When you first come to hear about it, it sounds bewildering: “The emergence of Tibetanidentity in Baltistan today”. Until recently, Baltistan appeared to be completely Islamised.There were no conspicuous traces of a Tibetan material culture, and Islamic influence inlocal politics was strong. Local history told a story of Muslim descendance and rule. Butalthough the local population has been Muslim for generations and use the Urdu alpha-bet they speak an archaic dialect of Tibetan.

Language has formed an important part in a number of recent local projects intendedto raise awareness about Baltistan’s forgotten Tibetan past. They have been started by asmall group of mostly young and intellectual Balti male migrants, some of them evenbelieving that the survival of the Balti people as a nation is impossible without a breakwith Pakistan and a union with Ladakh. Today, a visitor arriving in Baltistan’s munici-pality Skardu is met by an increasing number of signs written in Tibetan script. It is thissocial process in contemporary Baltistan that is the subject of this paper.

’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa and the emergence of religiousorthodoxy and political hegemony under the dGe-lugs

Derek Maher

The lifetime of ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa (1648–1721) closely corresponds to the pivotalperiod of Tibetan history between the conquest of Gushri Khan and the establishment ofdGe-lugs-pa political authority under the Fifth Dalai Lama in 1642 and the interventionin Lhasa of the Manchu Dynasty in 1720. Moreover, ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa stands atthe intersection of several of the key competing forces that influenced events during thisseminal time. His great importance within the dGe-lugs-pa School is signalled by thevery prestigious lineage of “pre-incarnations” constructed for him by his followers andby the fact that he became a key target of criticism by scholars from other Schools. In thispaper, I will discuss the life of Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa in the context of these larger his-torical forces.

First of all, I will position him within the dGe-lugs-pa School, showing the uniquerole he played in consolidating the tradition at a time when its political fortunes were inthe ascendant. Through his writings, ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa worked to present a uni-fied and coherent interpretation of Tsong-kha-pa’s system, surpassing his fellow text-book authors in the attempt to create philosophical consistency. Through these efforts, heendeavored to fashion a sense of dGe-lugs-pa orthodoxy by responding to the variousSa-skya and bKa’-rgyud critics of Tsong-kha-pa.

At the same time, ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa represented a conservative element withindGe-lugs that resisted the inter-sectarian syncretic tendencies of the Fifth Dalai Lama,sDe-srid Sangs-rgyas-rgya-mtsho, and others within his own School. Along with the Sec-ond Panchen Lama, he worked to encourage the Sixth Dalai Lama to take on his vowsand to behave as a Dalai Lama, attempting to minimize the influence of the sDe-srid overthe youth. When he understood where events were leading, ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pagradually distanced himself from all of the figures who were seen as threatening thepurity of Tsong-kha-pa’s message.

Finally, because of his strong connections to his birthplace in A-mdo, ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa also had particularly good relations with some Mongolian factions. This in-volved him in many of the gripping political dramas and power plays that unfolded inCentral Tibet during the first decade of the eighteenth century. He was close to the QosotMongolian Hla-bzang Khan, who murdered the Regent, took over control of Central Ti-bet, and perhaps murdered the Sixth Dalai Lama. He had a long and important relation-ship with the leader of the other faction of the Qosot family, Erdenai Junang Khan, theeventual Patron of ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa’s monastery in A-mdo. It is largely as a resultof ’Jam-dbyangs-bzhad-pa’s prestige among various Mongolians factions and the Qosot

Mongolians in particular, that the center of gravity of dGe-lugs shifted to the east, a cir-cumstance that is vitally responsible for the prosperity of the School in the chaotic dec-ades that were to follow.

A tantric rewriting of the history of China by mGon-po-skyabs in the rGya-nag chos-’byung

Guilaine Mala

For specific reasons linked to the political circumstances of his time, the 18th-centuryMongol scholar mGon-po-skyabs, who was probably one of the best polyglots and poly-maths of his time, was asked to write, in Tibetan, a History of Buddhism in China. Hecompleted it in 1736 under the title rGya-nag chos-’byung, ‘The Chronicle of Buddhism inChina’. This chronicle is unique in historical literature written in Tibetan, not only be-cause it is the only work entirely devoted to the religious and worldly history of China,but also because it seems to be the first to present a historical ‘montage’, which goes backin time as far as to the period of the mythical kings and which, being carefully Buddhicisedab initio, adapts perfectly to the Manchu Emperors.

The rGya-nag chos-’byung illustrates the Mongol supreme achievement in masteringTibetan Mahayana Buddhism, so much so that its author clearly intended to be the spokes-man for all the upholders of the dGe-lugs-pa tradition.

The present paper addresses the following:

1. It briefly describes the content of the three main parts of the Chronicle of Buddhismin China and emphasizes its differences with the earlier Chapters on China writtenin Tibetan.

2. It explains what literary techniques mGon-po-skyabs uses to build up his setting,and which Tantras and Mahayana Sutras allow him to encompass all tenets whatso-ever within his Buddhist view.

3. It examines the finality of mGon-po-skyabs’ elaborate construction and raises thequestion of the intricate relationships between the Mongol and Tibetan Buddhists atthe Manchu Court.

Nine Great Translators: The transformation of a list and whata difference it makes

Dan Martin

This paper concerns a group of translators said to have been active during the reign ofEmperor Khri-srong-lde-btsan known as the Nine Great Translators. My basic insight isthat the list has been transformed during the course of post-Imperial Tibetan history writ-ing, by gradually eliminating ‘unknown’ names and by growing to encompass names oftranslators that were probably in fact active during the early ninth century and not dur-ing the eighth. This would affect the datings of some canonical translation work, of course,but more significantly, it appears to have consequences for our understanding of how thehistorical traditions, consciously or not, made adjustments in their portrayals of the Im-perial Period in order make them better conform to contemporary demands.

Blending the Sûtras with the Tantras: Maitrîpa’s role in theformation of Sûtra Mah›mudr› in the Kagyu Schools

Klaus-Dieter Mathes

In defence of their p›ramit›-based pith-instructions which enable a beginner to work withdirect perceptions of the luminous nature of mind in a not specifically Tantric context,Kagyu scholars usually refer to a cycle of Maitrîpa works called “free from mentally en-gaging” (Skt. Amanasik›ra) and the related works of his disciples, especially theTattv›vat›ra by Jñanakîrti and the Tattvadaßaka†îk› by Sahajavajra. These works reflect thelatest developments in Indian Buddhism, which may be characterized as a genuine at-tempt to incorporate the Tantric teachings of the Mah›siddhas into the more traditionalmainstream Mah›y›na. But why did these teachings remain so controversial in Tibet,especially among the pre-eminent masters of the Sakya school?

It was not so much the free use of Tantric concepts such as “union into a pair” (zung’jug), “luminosity” (’od gsal) or mah›mudr›, what made Maitrîpa’s amanusik›ra cyclc andits Indian commentaries revolutionary, but the claim that the path of mah›mudr› medita-tion is already contained in the Sûtras in a hidden form, and that it is thus possible, andeven advisable, to follow the Tantric approach of directly cognizing luminosity on theSûtra level. In other words, what really became controversial, was the introduction of aSûtra-based path that was as direct and effective as Tantra, even without Tantric initia-tions and commitments.

It will be shown how Sahajavajra justifies such an approach by referring to theRatnagotravibhåga and the Avikalpapraveßadh›ra˚ı in his commentary on Maitrîpa’sTattvadaŸaka.

The divine palaces of the Buddha: painted and sculpturedarchitectural frames in the Indo-Tibetan art of the Western

Himalaya

Marialaura di Mattia

In Indian Buddhist art, at least since Gandh›ra times, it is noticeable the use to encloseBuddhas, Bodhisattvas and other prominent personages (grouping all together in a nar-rative scene, or singly) into architectural frames.

In the golden reliquary from Bîmar›n (Afghanistan), now in the British Museum, asequence of Buddhas, Hindu Gods, and devotees are indeed all contained within archedniches. The architectural forms that appear on the Bîmar›n reliquary reflect the culturalmilieu in that region in those times. In fact, it shows a blend of Indian styles, as it isevident in the pointed arched elements of each unit, recalling the caitya windows shapedas ogival arches – later called gav›k˝a – recurrent in the Indian rock carved cave architec-ture, and in the Hellenistic inspired components, as the pillars that support the arches.

Similarly, in this synthetic survey of painted and sculptured architectural framesfound and examined in the ancient Western Himalayan temples, it is noticeable a blendof styles, nevertheless each element harmoniously contributes to the composition of anorganic whole. The combination of different forms and patterns is more rich and com-plex in the Himalayan temples, if compared to the early specimens from India. In thecourse of time, the Indian prototypes developed and became highly differentiated, ac-cording to the areas, the cultural-historical periods and the building materials. Hence,the articulated architectural production of Buddhist India was reaped as a mature fruitby the Tibetan artists, and combined with the local taste and traditions: then the variousstyles were elaborated. Therefore, the representations of architecture enclosing divinitiescan actually tell the history of the interweaving crossed influences that were covering,like a precious net, the Western Himalayan regions.

Once searching for the Indian origins of the architectural framing, we are over-whelmed by a lot of specimens, mainly sculptured architectural frames, starting for in-

stance from the stûpa basement known as the “Double-headed eagle shrine” at Sirkap(Taxila), to the fragment showing a devotee within a torana, from Butkara I (Sw›t), now inthe National Museum of Oriental Art of Rome, and so on.

However, observing a slab from Amar›vati, now in the British Museum, we can no-tice an interesting development: the Buddha figure is here surrounded by an elaboratearchitectural structure, representing a stûpa, with basement and terraces populated andenlivened by other figures.

Also in the façade of cave 19 at Ajanta, a sculpted stûpa surrounds the Buddha. Notto speak about the interior of cave 26, where a complex stûpa structure accommodates aseated Buddha. However, this last instance can be classifiable in a further category, onaccount of its tri-dimensionality.

Anyway, two stelae of the P›la-Sena period from Vikramapura now respectively inthe Varendra Research Museum of Rajshahi and in the Dacca Museum, represent whatcan be considered a further development, allowing us to trace a closer correction withHimalayan art. Here the Buddha figures, presumably Ratnasambhava and Amit›bha,are surmounted by a Ÿikhara structure, therefore depicting the Buddhas inside real palaces.

In fact, analysing the Himalayan specimens we need to operate a methodologicaldistinction between elaborate prabh›ma˚˜ala (that can suggest architectural frames) andactual representation of architecture; in other words, a distinction has to be made amongthose images framed only by a tora˚a (usually adorned by mythological animals) andthose depicted within a palace whose architectural structure is developing all around atoraˆa.

Particularly in the Buddha palaces, as represented by the Himalayan sculptors andpainters – for instance at Nako (Kinnaur), Lha-lung (Spiti) and A-lci (Ladakh) – it ap-pears that the buildings are cut by vertical sections, in order to expose the garbhagha wherethe Buddha and/or other Buddhist divinities are located. We are in front of the represen-tation of a monumental architecture intended to lodge holy personages, the ideal conclu-sion of the long artistic journey from the prabh›ma˚˜ala to the palace, culminating in thedetailed Himalayan architectural frames.

The detailed rendering of these divine palaces will be one of the topics of this paper.I shall compare a rich series of typologies documented by the door tympanums – trilo-bated or polylobated – by the columns, by the windows and terraces, by the shapes of thebuildings – often surmounted by multiple roofs and by the decoration of the façades.The, I shall try to examine the recurrence of the patterns and to analyse the problemsposed by the research of the stylistic sources. Consequently, a question could be posed:which ones were the actual models? Presumably, the Tibetan artists were reproducingalmost contemporary buildings, which they could see in nearby trans-Himalayan areas,cultural contexts in their turn inspired by P›la-Sena architectural prototypes. But also a

big role should have been played by the transportable sculptured specimens, as for in-stance the ivory Buddha group with painted wood frame from Kashmir, now in the GopiKrishna Kanoria Collection, at Patna.

Therefore, it is conjecturable that inside some ancient Western Himalayan templeswe could find clues that will enable us to reconstruct at least a portion of the history ofthe Indo-Tibetan styles of art and architecture. The unfolding of a series of architecturalelements, the comparison with actual structures – drawing parallels and looking forcrossed influences – will be tools, instrumental for the study of the artistic milieu at thebeginning of the Second Diffusion of Buddhism (bsTan-pa phyi-dar) in the Western Ti-betan Himalaya.

Ventures into virgin territory: initial findings from the rDo rjekhros pa rtsa ba’i rgyud and other exorcistic texts

Robert Mayer

Fifty years ago, several hundred editions of the rNying ma’i rgyud ’bum (NGB) existed.Today, only seven are known to have survived. Of the approximately 1,000 survivingNGB texts, less than ten have so far been systematically studied within the modern aca-demic tradition, and even fewer of these on the basis of critical editing. Yet given theconsiderable differences often found between the versions of texts in different NGB edi-tions, and their frequent textual corruption, studies that lack a genuinely critical editorialbasis can prove quite misleading. The NGB texts are also comparatively unknown to theTibetan tradition, since NGB collections existed more as religious objects than as texts forstudy. Nevertheless they potentially provide a rich source of data on many aspects ofTibetan history, culture and religion.

In an attempt to examine this data, we began a research project, funded by the UKArts and Humanities Research Board, to systematically edit NGB texts, and examine themfor clues to the historical and cultural conditions in which they were produced. Our projectentails rigorous philological analysis, combined with contextualising studies of contem-poraneous materials from outside the NGB with a view to sociological and anthropologi-cal enquiry. One feature of the NGB collections is the enormous quantity of exorcisticmaterials they contain. What can we learn from this?

In this paper, I present initial findings arising from my study of some NGB exorcistictexts, in particular the rDo rje khros pa rtsa ba’i rgyud.

Suffix *-s and parts of speech in Old Chinese

Olga Mazo

Suffix *-s is one of the few suffixes reconstructed for Old Chinese. It is considered to goback to the Sino-Tibetan *-s. In Old Chinese the suffix has several functions and one ofthem is converting verbs into nouns. The problem is that it is difficult to tell parts ofspeech apart. In Old Chinese there are neither morphologic nor syntactic criteria for theprocedure of determining them. Most of the words can occupy any syntactic position.There are two ways to solve this problem and in both cases the syntactic criteria is used.The first way is to define the parts of speech statistically, according to what syntacticposition, predicate or actant, the word occupies more frequently. Another way is not todefine parts of speech at all, but divide all the words into semantic-grammatical classesaccording to their syntactic functions.

The usage of suffix *-s seems to be a good provement of the first theory. By means ofsuffix *-s nomina passiva, instruments and results can be formed. So it can be decidedthat the existence of such derivations allows the way of telling parts of speech apart. Butthe problem is more complicated. The suffix also converts nouns into verbs. The verbsmean the standard action that the person “makes” with the noun, the standard actiontaken by the person or the action whose “result” is the noun. Morpheme *-s is also usedfor making causatives, for deriving locatives from the verbs and vs. etc. But there is alsoa pair of characters where the word without the suffix has a causative meaning “to frighten”and the word without the suffix means “to be afraid”. The situation with locative –verband verb-locative derivation is also rather interesting: e.g., from the word “be down-wards, lower part” the word “to descend” is formed, but from the word “to ascend” –“upper part, be upwards”. So the word with the suffix doesn’t allow us to predict the partof speech of the word.

Sino-Tibetan *-s had two main functions: deriving nouns from verbs and makingcausatives. Both derivations are not typical for Old Chinese but the suffix preserves insome words. Later it is used as a special marker of a “non-standard” meaning of the wordin its position, a marker of “non-standard” semantic change. In the case of verb-nounderivation the meanings of the nouns are not typical, for the verb in the actant position.In the case of noun-verb derivation sometimes the semantic of the verb is typical for thenoun in predicate position, but sometimes the semantics of the verbs changes. Since thenumber of Old Chinese texts is limited and the only source of our knowledge about thatsuffix are rhymes and the remarks of the medieval commentators it is very difficult to tellnow for sure why *-s was used in these particular words.

Shifting margins: Tibet as self and other among the Gurungsof Nepal

Ernestine McHugh

Gurung identifications with Tibet, while strong, have long been ambivalent. Tibetanshad been accorded a low status when the caste hierarchy was imposed by the Hindustate on the peoples of Nepal in the 19th century. In conducting research in a Gurungvillage in the southern foothills of the Himalayas during the 1970s, I discovered a com-plex set of beliefs and feelings about Tibet including ideas about real spiritual power,pretended spiritual power, moral laxity, and moral strength so on. Gurung beliefs andfeelings about Tibetans bore an interesting relationship to the national culture of Nepaland to stereotypes of T’ibetans that been expressed in Nepali literature and codified inlaw, though Gurungs were believed (by themselves as well as others) to have migratedmany centuries ago from Tibet, this connection tended to be downplayed.

As globalisation and revolution altered the political and economic landscape of Ne-pal, Gurung perceptions of Tibetans have altered profoundly. Over the past thirty years.There has been a firm shift from conceptualizing the Tibetans as sharply distinct to view-ing them and publicly pronouncing them to be part of the Gurungs’ historical line ofdescent. This is enacted in the sponsorship of rituals, change in patterns of worship, col-lective pilgrimages, and is confirmed from the Tibetan side in a variety of ways. As theGurungs with whom I worked have become more urbanized and self-conscious aboutethnic identity, and as the global media has recontextualized Gurung perceptions of Ti-betans, the representation of Gurung-Tibetan history and relations has been dramaticallyrecast. The juxtaposition of present discourses with those that existed earlier in the vil-lage setting reveals a great deal about how the definition and significance of Tibet hasshifted among Gurungs, and about bow the value of being Tibetan has changed as thefundamental reference points for articulating identity have altered.

Himalayan medical encounters: the establishment of Westernbiomedicine in Tibet

Alex McKay

During the 19th century, the first point of contact with Western medical systems for manyTibetans came via encounters with European travellers (who were generally either ac-companied by a medical officer, or had acquired some practical medical knowledge them-selves), or during their own excursions to British India. In the 20th century, theYounghusband mission (1903-04), marked the formal introduction of Western biomedi-cine into Tibet. Medical officers with the mission offered free services to Tibetans, includ-ing wounded ‘enemy’ combatants, and at the completion of the mission officers of theIndian Medical Service were stationed in Tibet to continue this free provision of biomedi-cine to the Tibetans. Despite initial cultural resistance, biomedicine proved popular there,and its development was further stimulated within the limited modernisation projectinitiated by the 13th Dalai Lama in the period 1913–23. By the 1940s, biomedicine ap-peared to be replacing the Tibetan medical system(s), not only in regard to its adoptionby Tibetan elites, but across the broader community.

This paper is concerned to briefly examine the general nature and consequences ofthe informal encounters of the 19th century, before focussing on the explicit political aimsof the British introduction of biomedicine, the medical aspects of the modernisation project,and its consequences for Tibetan medical systems. In conclusion, these elements will beconsidered in regard to the subsequent (post–1950s) renaissance of Tibetan medicine inthe West, in order to bring out the two-way nature of the political aspects of this medicalencounter.

Deathbed visions in medieval Tibetan and ChineseBuddhism

Ching Hsuan Mei

Not surprisingly both Tibetan and Chinese Buddhism have developed teachings appli-cable by deathbed, which provide visions and means for the dying to travel safely fromthis world to the other. It is intriguing to find however that certain elements from thesetwo branches of Buddhist teachings seemed to be combined in one manuscript (at least)– a treasure text (gter ma) discovered in 14th century Tibet. We can simply regard this as a“phenomenon” in the progress of doctrinal compilation in Buddhist history. However,what makes it interesting is the fact that the composite teaching constantly dominatesbelievers’ thought and influences their lives up to this day. Based on this combined ver-sion, ’pho ba yoga was established as an important festival of pilgrimage and religiousinstruction later in 17th century Tibet. This festival/practice is not only alive in Tibet butalso has spread to the world where Tibetan culture and religions are active.

It is not my intention to investigate the modern development of this festival butrather place emphasis on the emergence of Buddha Amitabha in the ’pho ba yoga (theteaching of transferring consciousness). In the primary narrative of ’pho ba teaching in the10th century, there is no specific Buddha and Buddha-field indicated. However, in its14th century treasure version, Amitabha is described as the initiator of this teaching andwho naturally become the ultimate saviour of the dying.

The emergence of Amitabha in the revealed version of ’pho ba yoga reflects variousaspects of religious phenomena in 14th century Tibet. How exactly does Amitabha asso-ciate with tantric ’pho ba yoga? Why is it Amitabha but not others? What type of devotionto Amitabha has been absorbed in the medieval ’pho ba practice? To figure out these puz-zles, I shall first clarify the fundamental issue: the nature of the connection between ’phoba yoga and Amitabha traditions.

Long before Buddhism had been transplanted into Tibet, Amitabha tradition earnedits populace among certain groups in North India and East Asia. However it remainsimplicit as to when and how the belief of Amitabha was introduced to Tibetan people.Thus, my research will hopefully bring light to the mystery and contribute to our under-standing of Amitabha tradition in Tibet.

A number of reasons bring me to the belief that the 14th century is an importantperiod to explore. Firstly, it was at this time that there was large-scale development of thegter ma movement. This background makes the discovery of ’pho ba by rNying ma mas-ters more interesting since ’pho ba is supposed to be transmitted by the bKa’ brgyud pas.

One approach of my study is to extend the survey among these rNying ma pas and try tounderstand what is the common thought dissimilated in their contemporary.

Secondly, both the land of Tibet and China was under the control of the Mongolianregime during the 14th century. They had frequent contacts back to the time of late Tangand Sung periods. The particular information I would like to mention here is, in the bor-der region Szechwan, visualization yoga and breath-controlled meditation were widelypromoted by some Chinese Ch’an and Pure Land masters. Also this trend of practice hadpenetrated to the lay practitioners. Against this, I assume that the parcel of thought re-lated to Amitabha teaching which can be seen in ’pho ba yoga could possibly have beenderived from Chinese Pure Land tradition.

The paper I shall present here is set in this framework. The specific theme I shalldiscuss is the similarities found in both ’pho ba yoga and Pure Land teachings. This paperwill consist of three sections.

In the first section, I shall briefly describe the early transmission of ’pho ba yoga andits content. The treasure version of this yoga, ’pho ba ’jag tshugs ma, uncovered by the 14thcentury treasure-revealer Nyi zla sangs rgyas, will then be presented. I will discuss theextent of difference among these ’pho ba texts in the change of time and pinpoint thethoughts related to Amitabha teaching seen in the latter revealed text.

The second section will focus on a specific Pure Land Sutra, its commentators andtheir works. In my preliminary studies, I put forward that the Sutra of Visualization on theBuddha of Immeasurable Life (Kuan Wu Liang Shou Fo Ching) bear interesting elements forscrutinizing the similarities. The commentaries made by the early patriarchs of Pure Landtradition provide an abundance of data as well. Study on the biography and hagiogra-phy sources of these patriarchs such as Shandao and Fazho could broaden our view ondifferent aspects of Pure Land tradition. I shall discuss in this paper that both Shandaoand Fazho promoted the combination of visualizing meditation and breath controllingtechnique. Fazho was even seen as the reincarnation of Shandao in some hagiographysource.

In the last section I will interpret the “mystery” elements in the lineage of Shandaoand Fazho, which have been neglected in the studies of Pure Land Buddhism. This inturn will raise the issue of how difficult it is to draw the line between esoteric and exo-teric Buddhism. I shall further analyse thoughts extracted from ’pho ba and survey theirrelationship to Chinese Pure Land teachings.

The legend of Cig car ba criticism in Tibet: a list of six Cig carba texts in the Chos ’byung me tog snying po by Nyi ma ’od

zer (12th century)

Carmen Meinert

The twelfth century work Chos ’byung me tog snying po by Nyang Nyi ma ’od zer men-tions a list of six texts which are said to represent the system of Chinese Meditation Bud-dhism connected to Heshang Mahayana, the apparent advocate of a subitist path to awak-ening in the legendary debate of bSam yas. This particular form of Chinese MeditationBuddhism spread to Tibet in the eighth century via the Central Asian oasis Dunhuangand became known as Cig car ba. Nyi ma ’od zer is the first Tibetan scholar to mentionsuch a systematic corpus of texts connected to the development of the Cig car ba school.Soon after, Sakya Pandita and Bu ston mention again this list with slight variations. Atthe time of Bu ston the legend was complete that these texts were actually composed byHeshang Mahayana himself. Although none of these texts were probably composed byhim, the creation of that corpus of texts was rather used for one particular aim, namely tocriticise Chinese Meditation Buddhism, Cig car ba, and eventually stigmatize it as a he-retical path.

The aim of the present paper is to identify some of the texts mentioned in the list ofNyi ma ’od zer in order to elucidate the very complex situation of a variety of ChineseMeditation Buddhist teachings spreading in Dunhuang and in Tibet in the eighth andninth centuries. At least two titles are connected to sixth and seventh centuries medita-tion masters from central China, namely Wolun and Hongren. These two figures are knownfrom a number of Dunhuang manuscripts representing the situation of Chinese Medita-tion Buddhism before the split of this movement into the Northern branch of Shenxiuadvocating gradualism and the Southern branch of Huineng promoting subitism. Theanalysis of some of these Dunhuang manuscripts will reflect this very situation. Moreo-ver, gNubs chen Sangs rgyas ye shes’ bSam gtan mig sgron (9th/10th centuries), the veryfirst commentary quoting extensively from texts now available among the Dunhuangmaterials, also quotes texts which later appear in the above mentioned list of Nyi ma ’odzer. Although Sangs rgyas ye shes is the only early Tibetan scholar to have analysed the

Cig car ba tradition on a wide textual basis and has qualified it as an authentic Buddhistpath, nonetheless, he deprives the tradition of the possibility gaining complete insightinto the absolute. As it will be demonstrated, Sangs rgyas ye shes thereby seems to failacknowledging that some metaphors of Chinese Meditation Buddhism actually point toa kind of ‘luminous emptiness’ which he only connects to the rDzogs chen teachings. Inthis regard Sangs rgyas ye shes might even be seen as the first critic in the Cig car ba/rDzogs chen debate – although the later Tibetan tradition might have criticised him forbeing pro Cig car ba!

A new handlist of Tibetan rare book collections in the Libraryof Congress

Susan Meinheit

The Tibetan collections housed in the rare book cage of the Asian Division, Library ofCongress, currently include nearly 3,000 volumes. In addition to the Derge Kanjur,Narthang Tanjur, and Choni Kanjur and Tanjur, collections from Joseph Rock, William W.Rockhill, Berthold Laufer, and others formed the majority of these collections until recentyears. Now, however, in addition to these early 20th c. acquisitions, we are actively ac-quiring newly printed xylographs such as those of the Derge par khang and special re-print volumes such as the “Historical Materials of Tibetan Buddhism” (Dpyad gzhi’i yigcha phyogs bsgrigs). Since these texts are acquired specially for LC they are not included inthe cooperative acquisitions program (formerly PL–480) and have not received LCcataloging so far. This paper will present an updated outline of the contents of the Ti-betan rare book cage and report on progress towards entering these collections into theLibrary’s online catalog. It will serve as an inventory and handlist which can be expandedupon over the next several years, thus making these collections known to scholars world-wide. Included will be titles of collections, number of volumes, date of acquisitions, andin the case of large collections, a list of individual authors. It will include the followingsections: canonical texts, early 20th c. collections, modern xylograph/reprint collections,fragments, and non-book items. Until such time as online catalog records are created itwill serve as an access point for locating individual texts within these collections.

New discoveries about the life of Chos-dbyings rdo-rje, theTenth Karma-pa of Tibet (1604–1674)

Irmgard Mengele

Though the Tenth Karma-pa has long been one of the most enigmatic major figures in thehistory of seventeenth century Tibet, recently a series of remarkable text discoveries hasthrown much new light on his life and personality. I would like to report on one suchdiscovery, a comprehensive biography of the Tenth Karma-pa, most probably composedby the outstanding scholar and artist Si-tu Pa˚-chen Chos-kyi-’byung-gnas (1700–1774),For his presentation of Cho-dbyings-rdo-rje’s life-story, the author used not only all thesources we know today, but also biographies which are still lost. This work clarifies thetraumatic events during Chos-dbyings rdo-rje’s childhood, his special relations to certainpeople, his love for solitude, his courage in travelling alone and his political role in theconflicts of seventeenth-century Tibet. The source is particularly interesting for what itreveals about the Karma-pa’s amazing artistic skills and art works.

A brief introduction to the contents and contexts of La YeSongs in Amdo

mGonbo Tshering

Introduction

Throughout Tibet, regional songs and dances hold a special place in the life of local peo-ple and communities. Under the general field of local songs in Amdo is a variety of sub-genres, including songs for celebratory occasions (ka mtshar), call and response riddles(srid pa), participatory group song-dances (rtsed rigs) and songs which question the na-ture of the world (srid pa ’dri ba). All of these songs embody long historical traditions andremain popular among Tibetan people throughout Amdo. Certain genres are prominentin particular areas. For example, while music of the Tibetan lute (rdung len) is most popu-lar in the Labrang region, the Trika region is the most famous place for La Ye. The customof La Ye (meaning “melodic songs”) is especially favoured among gatherings of youngmen and women. This summary paper briefly outlines the definition, longitudinal devel-opment and the content and contexts of La Ye songs in Amdo Tibetan communities.

La Ye and the life of Amdo Tibetan people

The tradition of singing La Ye as an annual competition takes place almost everywhere inAmdo, particularly in rural areas. The songs present a space in which the theme of love inall its aspects and guises may be discussed by its principal protagonists; the young peo-ple of a given place. Gatherings are held during the two-to-three day “Festival of theGods” (lha rtse dus chen) which falls in the sixth Tibetan lunar month (roughly corre-sponding with July in the western calendar). After the dancing of the afternoons has dieddown, the La Ye performances may begin.

Context and content of La Ye

A single singer’s welcome initiates La Ye. This preamble is a signal to the prospectiveperformers’ older acquaintances or opposite sex relations to leave, for fear of beingashamed by the songs’ candid content. Children are allowed to remain, as they are notconsidered able to understand the full significance of the songs. Thereafter, different kindsof La Ye follow in a conventional order. Yet while certain sections of the sequence may beomitted, the opening preamble (rtse mgo), love songs (rogs mthun) and farewell (bde mo)must not be overlooked. Each singer must rely on his or her individual creativity, knowl-edge of the medium and wit in composing the impromptu and/or pre-prepared exchangesthat make up each performance. Diverse ideas and emotions may be aired in these “songdiscussions”. During the love songs proper, singers weave in messages expressing love,the missing of a cherished partner and the bidding of a farewell. The fact that La Ye are

sung in pairs of men and women, whose status in life makes them potential mates, addsa extra frisson to the proceedings. The songs are composed using different melodies, thoughthe tempo is frequently upbeat. Performers must skilfully manage an assortment of vari-ables – timing, manner of singing, tune, evaluating the audience’s preference and moodetc. – and be evaluated by the expectant onlookers accordingly.

The changing social nature and musical structure of La Ye

During the 1980s and 90s, a highly entertaining form of La Ye (the sarcastic/mocking klashags) emerged. This new genre perhaps constitutes an innovative form of the long-es-tablished non-amorous sarcastic songs (glu shags). The new form of sarcastic/mockingsong is similar in musical form, but differs in content, from the older song type. Kla shagsis becoming popular at contemporary young people’s gatherings. For example:

My song is like a Gesar song . . .Even if you wanted to answer me,You would be too ashamed!(Meaning: I have so many songs, and you have so few.)

The older-form of La Ye (which has seven word-per-line stanzas) is currently beingreplaced by a present-day form which uses stanzas of nine words-per-line. Once the meta-phor, and then content, were expressed in separate stanzas. However, this convention isbeing replaced in approximately 20–30% of cases by verses which combine analogy anda moral.

Significance of La Ye for the audience and participants

La Ye is an important social event, marking a much-welcomed moment of entertainmentand recreation after the demanding winter period has abated, and before the hard graftof harvest-time begins. People from many walks of life gather together from the sur-rounding locale. The Festival of the Gods, and the La Ye performances within it, presentsa time when community bonds may be strengthened or renewed, barring an occasionalbeer-fuelled disagreement. Participants often undertake a period of preparation prior toperforming, which may involve the study of specialised texts and/or the gaining of ad-vice and suggestions from respected family elders. La Ye may thus constitute one way inwhich the transmission of traditional knowledge is continuing today. The messages prom-ulgated within La Ye performances are also considered to be a source of moral guidancefor local people. Certain people may be persuaded to mend their errant ways on thestrength of realising the legitimacy of a song’s message.

Conclusion

The information presented in this abstract is based on first-hand research, which hasbeen undertaken by the author over a three-year period, to date. The material suggests

that La Ye continues to constitute an important social phenomenon for younger genera-tions in Amdo society today. As a social practice, gifted singers are able to draw on thelong-running social and textual legacies of La Ye, while selectively integrating contempo-rary features. The on-going popularity of the song-gatherings throughout Amdo indi-cates that La Ye is still considered relevant and constructive for rural societies in today’sso-called “modern” world. La Ye constitutes a progressive, living tradition, which simul-taneously shows traces of a rich cultural heritage. As such, La Ye is a regionally distinc-tive, social expression of cultural continuity and social innovation.

The adaptation of Tibetan Medicine in a Western culturalcontext

Colin Millard

This paper presents some preliminary results from research carried out in several Tibetanmedical clinics in the United Kingdom. The clinics are all part of the Tara Institute ofTibetan Medicine, which is part of the Tara Rokpa International Charitable Organisation.At present clinics are held once a week in Edinburgh, and once a month in Glasgow,Dundee, London and Samye Ling Tibetan Centre at Eskdalemuir in Dumfriesshire. Thedoctor who practises in each of these clinics, Doctor Lobsang Dhonden, is a graduate ofthe Lhasa Medical Institute, and has also been awarded a degree in medicine from theTibetan Medicine and Astrology Institute at Dharamsala. Prior to him being invited towork for the Tara Institute of Tibetan medicine, he had worked in the hospital of tradi-tional Tibetan medicine in Lhasa, and in clinics in Ladakh and Orissa, in India. The infor-mation presented here forms part of a long-term research programme that has been im-plemented by the Tara Institute of Tibetan medicine on the safety and efficacy of Tibetanmedical treatment.

Information has been gathered about the patients through two methods. First, thepatients have been asked to fill in a standard questionnaire. Second, during each clinicalinteraction a range of information has been recorded, this includes, general details aboutthe patient, medical history, and history of therapeutic recourse, the patient’s commentson their condition, how they have responded to the Tibetan medical treatment, biomedi-cal disease classification (if known), forms of diagnosis, the doctor’s questions and thepatient’s responses, and the treatment.

Drawing on information that has been gathered so far this paper will address severalmajor issues that have arisen during the clinical sessions. The first issue relates to theeffects of the patient’s cultural assumptions, and the way that these cultural assumptionsinhibit the flow of the interaction or in certain cases can lead to an openness to whatTibetan medicine has to offer. The second issue concerns cultural labels, whether or notthe patient describes their disorder according to a fixed nosological term, and if theircondition has been labelled by medical practitioners in different ways, and the effectsthis has on the clinical interaction. The issue of cultural labels leads to the related themeof translation between the notions of different medical systems. What does the Tibetandoctor understand when the patient describes their condition in western biomedical termssuch as hormonal, immune, or neural disorders; and conversely to what extent does thepatient understand the Tibetan doctor’s own conception of their disorder. The paper willdiscuss these issues by relating them to clinical interaction involving patients sufferingfrom thyroid disorders and chronic fatigue syndrome (ME).

A further issue addressed in the paper is the way that Tibetan Medicine, as it is prac-tised in the Tara clinics, has been adapted to fit into a new cultural context. The adapta-tions that have been made partly relate to the Tara Institute of Medicine’s attempt toachieve accreditation by meeting the standards set in The Report of the House of Lords SelectCommittee on Science and Technology on Complementary and Alternative Medicine. The paperwill indicate differences between the way that Tibetan medicine is practised in Tibetancommunities and the way that it is practised in the Tara clinics. This section of the paperwill consider three broad areas. First, a discussion will be made of the forms of diagnosisthat are used and those that have been left aside. Second, the paper will consider the waythat Tibetan medical therapy has been adapted to the cultural requirements of the clinics.The doctor uses a pharmacopoeia that has been specially adapted to fit the legal require-ments of the U.K. The paper will assess this circumstance in terms of the safety of Tibetanmedicines, and the way that, in the doctor’s opinion, this limitation has affected thera-peutic efficacy.

The third category of adaptation that will be considered relates to disease causation.In an article in Charles Leslie’s Asian Medical Systems (1976), Frederick Dunn gives fourcausative factors that lead to health or disease: exogenous, endogenous, behaviour, andhuman population. He further subdivides the category of exogenous factors into: bioticand non-biotic. For the endogenous factors he gives: genetic. This accords well with thebiomedical view of disease causation, but a cross-cultural study of medical systems showsconsiderable divergence in what is classed under these various headings. The endog-enous factors of Tibetan Medicine relate primarily to the proportions and flows of hu-mours; and exogenous factors, could include a range of factors, such as astrological influ-ence and disruptions caused by harmful spirits. Under behaviour, Dunn lists psychologi-cal, social and cultural factors; where biomedicine might downplay these components ofdisease causation, in Tibetan Medicine these are deeply related to health concerns. TheTibetan medical system views health as arising from the harmonious interrelationship ofphysiological, psychological, social and environmental factors. It is breakdowns in thisinterrelationship which is the cause of disease. Tibetan medicine conceives these relation-ships in Buddhist terms and as such for certain kinds of disorder ritual intervention isrequired. The paper will consider the approach that has been taken to the Buddhist andritual elements of Tibetan medicine in the Tara clinics.

Pax Tibetica: Tibetan Buddhist models of globalisation?

Martin A. Mills

In the decades following the diaspora from Chinese-occupied Tibet in 1959, the perform-ance of Tibetan Buddhist ritual practice on the ‘global stage’ by exiled Tibetans has inten-sified markedly. Monastic masked dances, sand mandala rites and elaborate tantric ini-tiations by prominent Buddhist leaders such as the Dalai Lama occur on a regular basisacross the world, in places as diverse as Mongolia, London, Tokyo, Graz and New York.Generally, this trend been read by Western scholars in terms of the articulation of Tibetanethnicity and the continuity of religious culture: a ‘theatre’ which ritually re-enacts a lostculture of a dispossessed group as a basis for the encouragement of political participationin the Tibetan cause by concerned Westerners.

This paper examines the manner in which certain core sets of ritual practices have,since the early 1990s, been organised under the rubric of ‘World Peace’, and examines theuse of that rubric in terms of its relationship with the practice of Tibetan Buddhism asboth a diplomatic tool in the transnational context, and – I would argue – as a means ofconstituting a particular understanding of the exiled Tibetan polity as a non-nationalform of religious governance, centred on the Dalai Lama as the focus of a specific, butcross-sect religious lineage.

Specifically, the paper will examine the manner in which several ‘World Peace’ projects– all directly or indirectly linked to His Holiness – manifest a highly specific ritual dy-namic central to pre-modern modes of religious governance in Tibet, but mobilised in atransnational context. These include:

• The World Peace Ceremony instituted by Tarthang Tulku in 1989, and carried out atprincipal Buddhist sites in India each new year as part of a Monlam Chenmo.

• The Kalacakra for World Peace empowerments given by the Dalai Lama. Whilst theperformance of mass Kalacakra empowerments is part of the traditional repertoireof the Dalai Lamas, the multiple and transnational nature of the present Dalai La-ma’s project is widely acknowledged to be unprecedented. The addition of the ru-bric ‘for World Peace’ is also an innovation on His Holiness’ earlier empowerments.

• The World Peace Vase Project inaugurated by HH Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche and pres-ently under the auspices of Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche: designed to plant 6200gter-bum medicinal vases at geomantically designated sites of religious power, politi-cal governance and conflict, and sites of substantial ecological damage and sensitivity.

• The Stupas for World Peace Project founded by Dr. Akong Tulku Rinpoche as a func-tion of the expansion of the .

• The Tibetan Peace Gardens founded by the Dalai Lama, such as that presently locatedwithin the grounds of the Imperial War Museum in London.

Much modern scholarship has interpreted this new formulation as a form of ideal-ised cultural theatre – as representing a ‘Shangri-la-ist’ Tibet in the guise of a uniquely‘peaceful’ spiritual tradition (in the Western sense of the term). In this paper, I suggestthat they actually manifest a wider Tibetan religio-political project designed to re-contextualise a series of key ritual understandings about the pre–1959 Tibetan polity withinthe transnational context of the Tibetan diaspora.

Specifically, I argue that the mobilisation of ‘World Peace’ as a ritual tradition has thefollowing features:

• It derives primarily from extant Nyingma terma traditions concerning the geomanticrelationship between Buddhism and the landscape, that were decisive componentsof Tibetan myths of state relating to the First Diffusion.

• In line with the pre–1950 context, this relationship between Nyingmapa ritual tradi-tions and the exiled Tibetan polity is mediated (though not necessarily organised)within World Peace rites primarily through the figure of the Dalai Lama, and pro-jected into the transnational context as a component of the globalisation of TibetanBuddhism.

• It arguably derives its modern formulation from the Dalai Lama’s advocacy of Tibetas a ‘Zone of Peace’, as presented within the Strasbourg Proposal of 1987.

• It depends on an explicitly non-sectarian understanding of the relationship betweenthe four principal orders of Tibetan Buddhism and, in an emergent sense, the Bontradition.

In these senses, the development of the new World Peace traditions is both an in-ward- and outward-looking project: it represents as much an internal ideological re-for-mulation of the Tibetan religious state in exile as it embodies a loosely-mobilised ideo-logical framework for a transnational ‘sacral polity’ based on a ‘Tibet’ that is increasinglyequated with Buddhism.

The Bon sgo gsal byed reexamined

Katsumi Mimaki

The author of the present paper published, with the collaboration of Samten G. Karmay,a facsimile edition of the fourteenth century bon po doxographical treatise, the Bon sgogsal byed. He published also three articles concerning this text. There are still severaldetails to be reexamined before publishing a critical edition and a translation of the textin question.

It is these details that will be discussed in the present paper.

The inappropriate embellishment of ancient Tibetanbuildings

Minyak Choekyi Gyaltsen

Nowhere in China, or perhaps even the entire world, is it possible to see such majorchanges as in the case of traditional building methods in the Tibetan region. All the modi-fications or alterations to Tibet’s historical monuments have been carried out by the Ti-betan themselves. Apart from the temples, castles and palaces that have disappearedwithout trace, building, embellishing or extending in such a way as to alter the originaldesign substantially entails a deviation from the local tradition. This is a very grave mis-take, an error that should not be accepted or tolerated. The main point is that Tibet hasproduced some world-famous examples of buildings, as its many palaces and monaster-ies testify. Our architectural designs and features are exceptional in many respects. How-ever, we should be aware of the following fact: that until now we have failed utterly tocherish and preserve our own architectural heritage. Thanks to benevolent natural con-ditions, such as the dry climate, many ancient buildings that are mentioned in the histo-ries have managed to survive to the present day, and we ourselves should also do some-thing to protect and preserve them. Nevertheless, apart from the damage and destructionsuffered by ancient buildings as a consequence of war and natural disasters, all othermodifications and alterations have been wrought by the inhabitants of the country them-selves. This is a serious blight on our history, and should be a source of deep regret to allTibetans. Insofar as I have devoted my time to the study of ancient Tibetan buildings, Iwould like to present this state of affairs to as wide as possible an audience, since I regardit as my duty to speak out against this trend. I shall attempt to do so by presenting thefollowing cases.

1. The Lhasa Jokhang

The Lhasa Jokhang is a very important temple that is over 1350 years old. The earliesttemple has only two stories, and the original dimensions were confined to that samesquare shrine. In the eleventh century, following the restoration by Zanskar Lotsawa,extensions were added to the eastern and southern sides. The most significant develop-ment occurred around 1650, when the Great Fifth Dalai Lama built the three-storey tem-ple with materials from Kagyupa monasteries that had been destroyed, and erected thefour-storied towers at each of the four corners. This was when the building acquired itspresent form.

2. Samye monastery

Samye is the first Tibetan monastery. Attributed to Padmasambhava, the monastery hasbeen shown to have featured tiled balconies and to have had a number of outer faces [i.e.

it was polygonal]. It was damaged by fire on two or three occasions. The first occasionwas in the thirteenth century, after which it was restored by Ra Lotsawa. It suffered an-other outbreak of fire in the eighteenth century. The subsequent restoration by DemoDelek Gyatso may have been the occasion when the monastery received its distinctivegold and copper pagoda style roof. Alternatively, this roof may have been added in thenineteenth century, during the time of the Eleventh Dalai Lama, when major alterationswere carried out in the course of the restoration by the Kalön Shedrawa.

The pagoda-style roof was completely destroyed in 1967. In 1987, thanks to a sub-stantial Government subvention, Samye was again restored to its pre-Cultural Revolu-tion form.

Figure 1: Samye’s original appearance, as shown in an early mural paintingFigure 2: Detail of a mural showing Samye following Demo’s restorationFigure 3: Samye at the time of Shedra

3. Sekhar Guthog in Lhobrak

The construction of Sekhar Guthog is attributed to [the famous twelfth-century poet andsaint] Milarepa. This palace is very similar in design to other palaces that are still to beseen in the Lhobrag area. During the fifteenth century Pawo Tsuglag Trengwa built theassembly hall of Sang-ngag-ling and added many images to the topmost storey, therebychanging somewhat its original appearance. In the seventeenth century, during the timeof the Fifth Dalai Lama, the appearance underwent a substantial change following theaddition of a gilded roof.

4. The Great Assembly-hall of Drepung monastery

The hall is said to be the largest of its kind anywhere in the Eastern Hemisphere, with 192pillars. It was built by Ne’u Dzong in the time of Sonam Gyatso [the Third Dalai Lama].Later, in the time of Kesang Gyatso [Seventh Dalai Lama, eighteenth century], Pholane[the effective ruler of Tibet] extended the assembly hall and altered its original form.

5. The Songtsen Temple in Chongye, Lhokha

The temple that stands atop the tomb of Songtsen Gampo [d. AD 649] seems originally tohave been the living-quarters of the tomb’s guardian, but over the course of time it be-came a commemorative temple for the deceased emperor. It faces west, and there areonly four pillars. A twelve-pillared assembly hall was built adjacent to it in the time of theFifth Dalai Lama. The construction of houses to the south and west of the original templehas rendered it invisible from these angles.

6. The Great Temple of Sakya

The Great temple of Sakya was first built around 1268 by Drogön Chögyal as a sin-gle-storey square construction. Later on, in the time of the Sakya ruler Wön Wangchen, anew temple was built to the north, giving the edifice its present form. In 1947, a wealthytrader named Bomdawa sponsored the construction of a number of stone-walled tem-ples within the great hall, and by installing a mezzanine, the creation of the new two-storey constructions resulted in very major changes to the interior design. This is thegreatest of all the modifications to be wrought in the case of any ancient Tibetan monu-ment, and the result is a disaster. Nowadays the building that most closely resembles theoriginal form of the Great Temple of Sakya is the Tragyema temple of Riwoche Dzong inChamdo [Eastern Tibet].

In short [under certain circumstances] it is possible to know how ancient buildingslooked a thousand years ago. However, of all the early Tibetan buildings that have notsuccumbed to natural disasters there is not one that has not undergone subsequent artifi-cial modification and alteration. There are a great many other cases that could have beendescribed beyond the examples cited above. Even though buildings such as the Jokhangand the Potala may have gained in splendour and beauty thanks to their embellishment,the alterations that were made to the interior of the Great Sakya Temple are nothing lessthan a crime against architecture, a real act of violence.

Careful decisions have to be made as to whether alterations represent an improve-ment or a defacement. Nowadays, when any restoration is carried out on temples, monksare delighted to see an old temple demolished and newly rebuilt, and laypeople too areperfectly happy to knock down their own houses – houses that may be several centuriesold – and reconstruct them.

Our excellent ancestral craftsmanship and building skills should be praised and val-ued and should receive the fame they deserves. Alterations have been made to manybuildings of great historical value by a number of well-intentioned people. However, thecomplete modification of the original form of these buildings is something I would re-gard as a cause of regret.

Knee-joint bone games in Tibet, Mongolia, and beyond:a study in comparison

Eric D. Mortensen

In the Tibetan world, games played with the knee-joint bones from goats or sheep (andoccasionally yak) are still common and widespread. Children play more than 30 differenttypes of games with the bones, with countless variations. This paper is an attempt tooutline the basic Tibetan types of bone games, with an eye to the patterns of geographicmorphology of the games. Variants of these “knucklebones” games are prevalent in theMongolian cultural sphere, and, in fact, versions of the game are well known in westernand northern Europe.

In the paper, I will discuss the findings from my fieldwork in Mongolia and Tuva in2000, in comparison with my fieldwork on Tibetan children’s games in North India andTibet beginning in 1991, and continued in 1995, 1997, and 2002. I will also outline thesmall academic body of literature on such bone games, and offer some preliminary con-clusions as to the likely historical diffusion of the practice of these games in Tibet. I willthen explain some of the Tibetan versions of the bone games in detail. In conclusion, Iwill offer evidence of an emerging model of similar diffusion patterns for divinatoryanimal bone ritual materials, and question the viability of comparing bone games to ei-ther scapulamancy or to (cubic six-sided) dice. Included in this inquiry will be questionsof the divinatory aspect of some children’s games, the distinction between Indic and (pre-dominantly) Mongolian dice, and the extent to which the games have been vanishing inTibet throughout the last half-century.

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Bod rgya’i rig gnas kyi khyad par dang sgra sgyur skor glengba (The difference between Tibetan and Chinese culture and

its translation)

Muya Doujie Jiancou

This presentation, comprising some 8000 words, will discuss Chinese- Tibetan and Ti-betan- Chinese translation, and methods for translation. The approach is based on a dis-cussion of the characteristics of these languages as well as on features of the societies andtheir religions.

The paper will first compare these two concerned cultures; and then will go on todiscuss some previous translations; the conclusion will discuss the kinds of methods thatcan be used in order to preserve the cultural characteristics of the respective languages.

An American translator has said that excellence in translation demands proficiencyin the two cultures even more than in the corresponding languages. He further states thatdifficulty in translation is related to culture rather than to language. However, translatorshave often considered translation as a mere interpretation of languages, and have ig-nored cultural aspects.

Regarding Tibetan and Chinese cultures, there are both similarities and differences.One of the most significant differences is that the Chinese culture is base on Confucius,while Tibetan culture is based on Buddhism. The paper therefore emphasizes the impor-tance of Chinese and Tibetan culture as the basis for translation between the two lan-guages.

The politics of a refugee problem: a study of Tibetan refugeesettlements in Mysore District, India

Subramanya Nagarajarao

This paper explores the dynamics of Tibetan refugee settlements in South India and ex-amines the process of existence of the refugees in the Indian social, cultural and politicalcontext. Daily life in the settlements is seen in relation to the broader Tibetan issue.

The study was conducted in four settlements in Mysore district, Karnataka state:Lugsung Samdupling, Tibetan Dickey Larsoe (TDL), Rabgayling and Dhondenling. Thesesettlements were the first to be established in India in the aftermath of the displacementof Tibetans after 1959.

Although not the political center of the Tibetan refugees, the area around Mysorehosts around 45 000 refugees and several of the most important religious institutions inexile. Up until this study very little research has been done about these settlements, partlydue to the restrictive position of the Indian authorities. No systematic comparison be-tween settlements has been available so far.

The study draws on local and regional (and central) sources of primary and second-ary data. Apart from fieldwork carried out in the settlements, primary data includes in-terviews with (local and central) key informants, top functionaries of the Central TibetanAdministration (CTA), as well as Indian state and central government functionaries.

Secondary data includes documents from the office of the Tibetan Chief Representa-tive in Bangalore, which is responsible for the overall administration of the settlementsand scattered communities in Karnataka. Other documents were obtained from the Set-tlement offices, and the Office of the Indian Administrator of the Tibetan refugee settle-ments of Mysore district under the Karnataka state government. Some rare photos of thesettlements in the formative stages were also found in this office. Documents were col-lected from the regional offices of the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC), Tibetan Women’sAssociation (TWA), Tibetan Freedom Movement (TFM) and the editor of the Voice ofTibet as well as from many private collections of Tibetans. Other sources of secondarydata were the Libraries of the University of Mysore, the UNHCR Chair on Refugee Lawat the National Law School of India University, the British Council, USIS Chennai and theMythic Society, Bangalore. Many of the Tibetan documents also originate from CTA pub-lications.

When the settlements were established the economic sustenance structures were al-most totally based on agriculture. Today agricultural production is no longer enough tosupport the community and there is an increasing need for secondary income generating

activities. There has been a perceptible increase in the number of young, educated Tibet-ans trained to enter the informal job and professional sector in India. Also, there has beena notable decline in the participation of the youth in the freedom struggle. Now often anactivity emerging from the monastic institutions, the struggle shows a tendency to be-come ritualistic, formal and symbolic, while ordinary people are primarily concernedwith the economic security of the family.

The relationship that has evolved between the Tibetans in the settlements and thesurrounding Indian community can be aptly described as cordial. Although the Tibetanshave not really integrated in the surrounding Indian society, the two communities havebeen getting on comparatively well. On the other hand, Tibetan invitations extended tolocal neighbors at the celebration of the Dalai Lama’s birthday, the Tibetan new year(Losar), the occasional organizing of so called Blood Donation Camps by the TYC onlocal festivals like Rajyothsava (State Reorganization Day), and the singing of an occa-sional song in public are often symbolic and formal. Inter-marriages between Tibetansand local people are still extremely rare. While there is no apparent resistance towardsTibetans working in the informal sector or in business, large-scale involvement or partici-pation in the local socio-economic structure is still absent. A contrary trend is the handfulof Indian youth that has been employed in the carpet weaving and incense making enter-prises at the settlements. In many cases they have learned to speak Tibetan language withtheir colleagues and employers.

The larger Tibetan issue and exile institutions have been transplanted in the settle-ments along with the attendant dynamics right up to the democratisation efforts of theTibetan exile administration. But there is a discernible gap in the implementation of theintended policies due to various factors like, for instance, the treatment of the democrati-zation as an instruction from Dharamsala (a “democracy from above”) rather than as avibrant political dynamic and an opportunity of broad-based political participation. Thepaper concludes that the process of existence in the settlements goes on in the past, aswell as in the present and the future: The interplay of past pride, present perceptions andfuture hopes and aspirations is making a transition from a collective to a more pronouncedindividualistic approach apparent among the Tibetans living in the settlements.

Chinese and other models of development in Tibet: subsidies,infrastructure, urbanization and the search for sustainability

Namgyal

This paper studies and analyses impacts of China’s development efforts in the TibetanPlateau region over the past five decades and identifies and recommends alternatives topresent development model. China is so diverse in terms of geography, culture and eth-nicity. The geography and culture of the Tibetan Plateau are exceptional, and yet themodel for development in the Tibetan Plateau region since the late 50s has been based onthe lowland Chinese experiences and features. This lowland China model for develop-ment in the Tibetan Plateau results in the present chronic dependency on support andsubsidies from Beijing and other provinces; and dismal performance in the socio-eco-nomic outcomes exacerbating the rural-urban divide. This dependency is not sustainableand healthy in the long term.

The rural and urban divide is by no means a uniquely Chinese or Tibetan experience,it is as much a part of the modernization worldwide. However, the divide between theTibetan rural sector and the urban Chinese sector is more glaring and a result of neglectof rural sector and the role of indigenous knowledge through the state’s developmentpolicies and plans.

China is now at a very early stage of another massive program, West China Develop-ment Strategy, to develop its western region. It is wise to pay attention to an ancientChinese proverb: “To know the road ahead, ask those coming back.” Present develop-ment policies in the Tibetan Plateau region rely on state subsidies and support to fuelnon-productive and unsustainable infrastructure development and urbanization projectsin the Tibetan Plateau region.

Since the 1950s, in the pursuit of modernization and regional economic develop-ment, there has been a tendency on the part of the State planners to blame Tibet’s back-wardness on its geography and the “extremely poor quality of human resources”. YetChinese immigrants into the Tibetan Plateau are viewed as asset rather than being viewedas an economic pressure on a fragile environment and its human carrying capacity. In

Poverty of Plenty – a comparative economic study of the two poorest regions of China,Guizhou and Tibet Autonomous Region in the late 80s, the two Chinese economists alsonote that the large Chinese population would invigorate the economies of backward re-gions... since they would “bring new learning and culture.” However, this has not hap-pened if available Chinese statistics particularly on education and literacy are anyindication.

The paper discusses the fact that the differences in the economic system, concepts ofresources, land and social organization of the Tibetan Plateau would mean different pathsfor achieving the goals of economic development. It discusses the relevance of traditionalTibetan economic and environmental relations, and indigenous Tibetan agricultural andpastoral practices in Tibet’s development policies, and the need for incorporating theindigenous knowledge into present development model. The paper also mentions thegrowing evidence that population explosion has occurred on the Tibetan Plateau, whichin turns puts pressure on the carrying capacity of the land to sustain the growingpopulation.

The paper identifies the clear lack of rural development strategy as a major factor forthe failure of development efforts in the region. Although the Tibetan Plateau is charac-terized by physical, economic and cultural uniqueness which are viewed as constraints,there are natural and comparative advantages offered by the very nature of the Plateau’snatural and social conditions. The Tibetan farmers and herders have maintained sustain-able livelihoods on the fragile ecology over thousand years, and the first right step is toinvolve and listen to the very people that the state is attempting to develop. Just acrossthe Himalayas, Nepal and Bhutan have much experience of with different developmentalternatives such as community-based development, social forestry, participatory ruraldevelopment, eco-tourism and gender sensitive development. Their experience gives awealth of information and guidance on approaching development work in land lockedmountainous regions with fragile ecology.

The paper concludes with recommendations for an alternative development modelbased on appropriate and relevant infrastructure development so as to ensure real ben-efits to the local inhabitants and ensure sustainable development practices. Change indevelopment thought and implementation is necessary. Empowerment of the local popu-lation is the key issue to reduce regional disparities. How should China empower thebackward regions? Purely income subsidies are not recommended, except for those liv-ing in absolute poverty. In addition to appropriate and relevant infrastructure develop-ment, the focus should be on enhancing the long-term development capabilities of back-ward regions through investment in human capital and tapping potentials in rural devel-opment through appropriate policy and institutional support.

The lost wall-paintings of the mGon khang of lCang sgangkha near Thimpu

Helmut F. Neumann

Wall paintings in Bhutanese temples and dzongs mostly date from the last few centuries.There is one exception: the wall paintings of the mGon khang of the lCang sGang khanear Thimpu. They are painted in a very early style.

Only a few black and white photos of some of these deities were published so far byI. Lauf (1972) and by M. Aris (1979). These authors, who were fully aware of the fact thatthe lCang sGang kha paintings were the earliest wall-paintings in Bhutan, date them tothe periods “end of 13th to 14th century” and “perhaps first half 14th century” respec-tively. In the more than two decades that have elapsed since these two publications werewritten, significant progress has been made in the history of Tibetan painting. On thisbasis, the lCang sGang kha wall-paintings must be dated about a century earlier. In thispaper the lCang sGang kha wall-paintings will be compared to other early wall-paint-ings, particularly those of Shalu and Grathang (on the basis of colour photographs takenby the author in all three temples).

Iconographically the lCang sGang kha wall-paintings represent navagrahas, nagasand nakŸaktras. They remind us of the iconographic program of Chapel 1 and 2 of thedGong khang of Shalu, which also consists of navagrahas, nagas and nakŸaktras, in addi-tion to mah›devas and dikp›las, thus inviting to speculate that they might originallyhave served a similar religious function. This paper derives additional relevance fromthe fact, that these earliest Bhutanese wall-paintings have been overpainted some yearsago in the course of renovation of the dGong khang and have therefore to be regarded aslost (Françoise Pommaret, personal communication). They deserve to be recorded in apublication especially devoted to them.

The use of technology in representing cultural geography inTibetan studies: GIS, XML and Flash

David NewmanDavid Germano

The present paper will discuss technical issues surrounding the use of GIS technologiesas a means of integrating a variety of data sets to create an integrated GIS model for thecollaborative publication of place studies on Tibet on the Internet. We will focus on thecreation of an XML DTD for a gazetteer and how we have utilized it for Tibetan places,including issues of how to deal with variant toponyms, the relationship between contem-porary and historical toponyms and geographical regions, the relationship between ad-ministrative and ethno-linguistic regions and so forth. In addition, we will more brieflydiscuss the problem of relating such textual resources on Tibetan places to GIS-baseddigital maps of Tibet that show broad statistical data. The specific technical model illus-trated will be using Flash to display XML data sets, but the focus will be on how thisprovides for a comprehensive solution to the documentation of Tibetan places.

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Visualizing the arhats

Braham Norwick

Years ago, not many after 1950, a set of watercolors of the 16 Arhats, painted by a Tibetanartist, Tenzing Yongdue Ronge, was obtained in Delhi. That gave an incentive to findother earlier pictures. It was especially interesting to seek and determine an original sourceof the imagery of those watercolors. Since the topic of control and variations of hieraticimagery has become of more interest, it seems appropriate to note in detail how differentrepresentations and traditions of the Arhats has been over many centuries. The Arhatshave been pictured and named by Buddhist artists in accordance with what they hadbeen told, had read, and had seen. The number of Arhats has varied from 16 to 18 andeven to 500 and 1,000. But the Tibetan tradition, though it once seemed about to accept18, has now apparently settled back to 16. The names, and the succession or order inwhich they are listed has also varied. The pictured attributes, surroundings, postures,mudras, while described in the texts, somehow differ considerably. A large and variedcollection of identified Arhat portraits, namings and transliterations of names in variousscripts and media, will be illustrated and explained.

Women’s studies in Tibetan Buddhism (bTsun ma and ani yidgon pa : “Tibetan Buddhist nuns and nunneries”)

Nyima Lhamo

This paper is based on first-hand field research conducted during the last four years atTibetan Buddhist nunneries throughout the five Tibetan-inhabited provinces of China(Sichuan, Qinghai, Yunnan, Gansu and the Tibet Autonomous Region). Due to extremegeographical isolation and strict traditional rules, few outsiders have had the opportu-nity to visit Tibetan nunneries and gain a real understanding of conditions there. Theauthor, a Tibetan academic at Sichuan University, devoted many months of her time to anin-depth study of more than 30 nunneries across greater Tibet. Her findings constitute animportant contribution to Tibetan studies worldwide.

The paper first explores the historic and cultural background to the formation ofnunneries, dating back to the transmission of Buddhism from India to Tibet in the eighthcentury. According to folk legend, the first Tibetan nun was Princess Yeshe Tsoje, whorenounced her riches for a life of austerity in the snowbound Himalayas and becameTibet’s first female tantric master. Over the centuries, countless girls and women chose totake the robes; some to escape the hardships of life as a wife and mother, some longingfor an education, others simply through profound faith in Buddhism. While nunneriesconsistently lagged far behind monasteries in social and economic status, a handful offemale tulkus “reincarnations of great masters” were recognized and revered both insideand outside the nunneries. The political vicissitudes of the 20th century led to the closureof all monasteries and nunneries from 1959 to the early 1980s, but the liberalization of thepast twenty years has brought rapid development, as old nuns return and new nunsflock to join the rebuilt nunneries.

The author goes on to explain the institutional structure and management of nun-neries, and the progression of a nun from novice to genye. The scope of their studiesvaries, depending on the sect to which the nunnery belongs and the qualifications ofresident teachers, who are nearly always male tulkus or high monks. It usually includesthe study and memorizing of scriptures, the history of Buddhism, life story and teach-ings of the Buddha, and the precepts to which all nuns and monks must adhere. Besidestheir studies, nuns are also expected to participate in domestic work and labour at thenunnery. During Buddhist festivals, large-scale ceremonies are held, sometimes lastingseveral days or even weeks.

The paper includes a detailed study of the financial status of nuns and nunneries.Unlike monasteries, which are usually located near towns and are held in high publicesteem, nunneries receive little regular support from the lay community. They are rarelyasked to hold ceremonies and recite scriptures for families or groups of lay people, one of

the chief sources of income for monks. Also unlike monasteries, nunneries are also notallowed to own land, cattle or businesses. The vast majority of nuns are provided for bytheir families, and their standard of living varies accordingly. Families also make dona-tions to the nunnery itself, according to their means, upon the admission of a novice andtwice a year thereafter. The nunnery’s communal income is supplemented by the almsgathered by nuns during two traditional periods each year. Living conditions are ex-tremely poor in most nunneries.

Why do nuns take the robes? By way of background, the author first examines thestatus of women in Tibetan society. The majority of nuns come from rural farming ornomad families and would otherwise face a life of backbreaking work both inside andoutside the home, plus the perils of childbirth with no access to medical care. To this day,most still have no hope of receiving an education outside the nunnery, since they live toofar from government-run schools. Some are sent by their parents to the nunnery, butmost take the decision themselves. The author has personally interviewed many nunsand drawn up detailed statistical analyses of their demographic, economic and socialbackground. Case studies of individual nuns¡¯ life stories are available to give colour tothe study.

The paper contrasts the difference between the lives of monks and nuns, monaster-ies and nunneries, in terms of historic and present conditions. It concludes that socialinjustice to Tibetan women does exist within the Tibetan Buddhist religious field. Withthe exception of a few female masters, the social and economic position of the vast major-ity of nuns is lamentably low. The author suggests ways of improving the conditions ofBuddhist nuns in the Tibetan region.

Prajñåkaragupta on par›th›num›na

Motoi Ono

The concept “par›th›num›na” is an invention of Dign›ga. It is, however, not clear whyDign›ga had to divide inference into two categories, i.e., the sv›rth›num›na and thepar›th›num›na, because the latter is essentially a verbal expression that Buddhist logi-cians can never recognize as valid cognition. We could assume that with this conceptDign›ga tried to distinguish logical and dialectical problems, and above all intended toprovide a proper section for explaining his most favourite invention, “hetucakra”.PraŸastap›da as well as Jaina’s logicians accepted the concept, while Kum›rila criticizedthis.

In the Buddhist logical school, Dharmakırti and his followers accepted the categori-zation of inference. Tibetan Buddhist scholars also held it. Nevertheless, the tendency notto make much of the concept “par›th›num›na “ seems to have appeared even inDharmakırti’s thought. He actually neglected the theory of the hetucakra, so that in hissystem the par›th›num›na only means a section which deals with the thesis and fallaciousreasons. ln short, the necessity of maintaining the concept “par›th›num›na “ became un-clear in Dharmakırti’s system.

It is probably Prajñ›karagupta who first theoretically reconsidered the concept“par›th›num›na ’. In his commentary on the par›th›num›na section of the Pram›˚av›rttika,he reflected on the concept. He tried to show that the par›thanum›na is essentially notdifferent from the sv›rth›num›na and the concept is at least not contradictory toDhannakırti’s system. The purpose of this paper is to elucidate Prajnakaragupta’s recon-sideration and point out its importance by interpreting his text and Yam›ri’s commen-tary, which is extant only in Tibetan translation.

De’u dmar dge bshes’s method of compounding colors

Shunzo Onoda

Continuing to my paper of last IATS meeting, I will discuss on the eighth chapter of De’udmar dge bshes’s Kun gsal tshon gyi las rim which focuses on the theories of color com-positions. In this chapter 159 secondary colors are introduced. Some of them give usquite interesting points. For example, we haven’t had very much information about “sbyarljang (compounded green)”, but in this chapter, we find the following account:

bab lar ram bsres sbyar ljang snyeng/ dngos dang ljang ser ljang nag gsum/(Orpiment-yellow and indigo-blue makes a compounded green which can be dividedinto three: true (compounded green), green-yellow and dark-green.)

This method seems to be corresponding to the way of compositional technique byMi pham rgya mtsho (1846–1912) and also to the method by Rong tha Blo bzang rgyamtsho (1863–1917).

De’u dmar dge bshes also gives information about 3 kinds of na ros (pink), 2 ofmchin kha (liver color), 3 of mon kha (mauve) and others in this chapter. \

A newly rediscovered manuscript edition of theMañjuŸrınamasa giti

Giacomella Orofino

During the restoration works of the ’Khor chags (Kho char/ Kha char) monastery, under-taken in 2000 by the Italian Ngo A.S.I.A, a large number of manuscript texts of greatinterest were discovered in a hollow space, between two walls of the XIII cent bKra shisbrtsegs pa’i gtsug lag khang.

The buried volumes, most of them fragmentary copies, might represent an excep-tional find for the history of the second phase of propagation of the Buddhist doctrines inWestern Tibet, as well as for the history of the formation of the Tibetan Buddhist canon.Among the volumes, I have identified a manuscript, annotated edition of theMañjuŸrınamasa˙giti (MNS), a text that, as is well known, has been of crucial importancein the religious history of Tibet since the VIII century. Moreover, the cult of the BodhisattvaManjusri holds a particular significance in the history of the‘Khor chags monastic settle-ment, if we consider that, according to the legend recorded in the Kho char dkar chags, theadjoining temple, the Yid bzhin lhun grub gtsug lag khang, was purposely built by the Guge dynasty in 996 to house the famous silver “talking” statue of the Bodhisattva MañjuŸrı.

Through the paleographical and philological analysis of this manuscript edition ofthe MNS I hope to contribute to the study of the development of the religious and philo-sophical thought in the Tibetan middle ages.

Role of amchi and onpo in Ladakhi society; past, present, andfuture

Padma Gurmet

“Ladakh” popularly known as little Tibet in the west has been the custodian of Tibetanart and culture for centuries. Five major and five minor Tibetan arts and sciences havebeen popularly practiced in Ladakh since ages. Being historically, culturally and geo-graphically close to each other Ladakh and Tibet has always been in touch throughoutthe history. Until Chinese occupation of Tibet, it used to be the higher study center forLadakhi students. Besides religion Amchi (Tibetan- sMan, English- medicine) and Onpo(Tibetan- rTsis, English- astrology/astronomy) studies used to be the favorite subjects ofthe students due to its high social and religious acceptance. There are still some Tibet-trained Amchis and Onpos are practicing in Ladakh.

Amchi (Practitioner of Tibetan medicine) and Onpo (Practitioner of Tibetan Astrol-ogy) have been a major part of day-to-day social and spiritual life of Ladakhi society.Every major village and hamlet has been having an Amchi and Onpo of their own sinceages. They were well respected in the society as skutak (higher class) and their place insocial gatherings is always after the lama (monk). The villagers used to offer crops duringharvesting time and free labor every year to the Amchi and Onpo family for their services.It was therefore being an Amchi or Onpo has been matter of great dignity in Ladakhisociety. It takes several years to become a skillful Amchi or Onpo, which includes hardtheoretical and practical trainings. In Ladakh generally Amchi and Onpos are trainedthrough rGudpa (lineage) system in families. After finishing their training the new Amchihas to give an exam in front of entire community in presence of few expert Amchis in aceremony called rtsa-mkrid. Good knowledge of Buddhism and Onpo (Astrology) is alsovery important requirement for a qualified Amchi.

The services of Amchi medicine have always been significant for the people of Ladakh.Before the 1960s Amchi used to be the only health care facility for the people and evenafter the introduction of modern medicine with all government support it cannot replaceAmchi system in many parts of Ladakh till now. Amchis have not only social respect butalso spiritual respect as the representatives of Sangyas-sManla (Medicine Buddha) andtheir services for ailing beings are priceless. Besides treating the patients as doctor of thevillage Amchis and Onpos are most learned and resourceful persons of the village andmany times they are village headmen (Goba). The relation between Amchi and patients isalways cordial, according to Ladakhi tradition Amchi never ask for cost for their medi-cine and services, whatever the patient wish or afford they can offer and even most of thetime it goes without any price.

The role of an Onpo in Ladakhi society starts with the birth of new baby and itsservice will be required throughout life till the cremation of the body. It is considerednecessary to visit an Onpo when the child is a new born to prepare the complete lifeprediction of the baby (Skai-skar), which states the major difficulties and disease in life,marital status, number of children, financial status, time and mode of death etc. Everymajor event in Ladakhi life and society like sowing, harvesting, marriage, entering a newhouse, religious ceremonies and so on, is fixed with the consultation of an Onpo.

Till now the role of an Amchi and Onpo is very active in Ladakh, but with time andmodernity things are rapidly changing with some positive and negative effects. The tra-ditional Amchi practice is replacing with formal Amchi clinics and Institutional trainings.The renowned village Amchis prefer to practice in urban areas with formal clinics, thepersonal relation between Amchi and patient is gradually losing and Amchis started charg-ing for their medicine and services. The training of Onpo can be also obtained from for-mal Institutions. The traditional Onpos are now preparing calendars with elaborate paint-ings and pocket diary with astrological predictions.

The biggest setback for the survival of these traditions in the coming generations isthe lack of interest in young educated people in absences of good Government job oppor-tunities. Most of the ancient Amchi and Onpo families have already lost their family tradi-tion and are only left with the family names. However little efforts have been taken bythe Amchi leaders and some Amchis have been given some Govt. support. Unfortunately,it is not enough for survival of this tradition unless it gets proper support from nationaland international communities. This paper will focus on above issues in light of author’sexperiences and discussion with Ladakhi Amchis and Onpos

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The development of monastery tourism in Zungchu County

Padma tsho

“Tourism first if the West is to be developed.” This idea has turned out to be the people’scommon consensus in western part of China and is being put into action around Tibetanareas in Sichuan Province. Now tourism departments as well as local Tibetans are eagerto explore the tourism resources in Tibetan culture.

Located in the famous travel routes in Rngba Tibetan District, Zungchu County iswell known for its Gsermtsho scenic resorts, a world culture heritage site. The Bon reli-gious district called Lcangla chus is situated between the Gsertsho and Sdedgu touristtracks and seven main Bon religion monasteries are gathered there.

For the past few years, some monasteries have made an attempt to develop the tour-ism business but that has aroused the dispute from local society and therefore muchattention has been drawn by the government.

Through a survey in the field, this thesis, a composition of both pictures and literarydiscussion, has now been worked out. In it the present situations and the future pros-pects of tourism in several monasteries have been analyzed and the feasible tourism modesof Bon religion in Zungchu County are offered and suggested.

The main aspects of the thesis are:

First, the form of tourism in Zungchu monastery is based on a contract model. I providea survey of local monasteries in detail.

Second, the main conflicts are the following:

1. The convention in traditional monastery has been broken down by the conflict be-tween modernity and tradition.

2. The conflict between commodity economy and traditional folk culture has deepenedthe influence of market economy on the monastery.

3. The economic conflict between monasteries and contractors has made the former alimelight concerning tourism.

Third: the main causes of the conflicts

1. The contract mode of tourism economy in a monastery is much against the idea ofreligion as traditionally being a non-commercial kind of culture.

2. Traditionally speaking, the notion of monastery tourism could hardly make any senseto local monks and therefore it is impossible for them to promote tourism by them-selves.

Fourth: some examples of monastery tourism modes.

In Zungchu County, we have already gained some experience from the tourism de-velopment in several great monasteries and this has set up a typical mode for futuremonastery tourism.

Therefore, based on the experience we gained in Zungchu County, we should fur-ther learn other experience of tourism development in order to shape a representativetourist mode which not only reconciles modernity and tradition but also conforms to thereligious and cultural spirits.

Here are some main modes of monastery tourism.

1. Blabrang monastery mode, a specialized one.2. Skughbum monastery mode.3. Diversification mode.

In the 21st century, when the western part of China is going to be widely developed,the western tourism to prosper and the monasteries in Zungchu County open to the tour-ism business, we should try our best to reconcile the conflicts between modernity andtradition so as to make possible a smooth tourism development. By doing so, we will notonly present the national culture treasures but reach a balance between economic devel-opment and culture preservation.

As a result, it would manifest much of the cultural and practical meanings if a soundand reasonable mode of monastery tourism is successfully constructed.

Report on the identification of Vinaya manuscripts from Tabo

Jampa L. Panglung

Among the manuscripts preserved in the ancient monastery of Tabo (Spiti) there is anumber of texts pertaining to the Vinaya section of the Tibetan Canon. These consist ingreat part of single sheets, hitherto only roughly identified. For the catalogue of the so-called “Kanjur of Tabo” in progress, these Vinaya-texts will be identified and comparedwith the printed Kanjur versions. At present a number of single sheets from theVinayavibhaºga section have been identified. The results of an investigation into its writ-ing, orthography and textual tradition will be presented. A short review of the total of thefragmentary Vinaya of Tabo is intended to contribute to our knowledge of the differentVinaya sections represented in the “Kanjur of Tabo”.

A discussion of Ke ru Lha khang: cultural support andinterdisciplinary research in Central Tibet

Pasang Wangdu

This paper addresses some questions concerning Ke ru Lha khang, one of the earliesttemples in Central Tibet, from different points of view. This temple, not far from bSamyas, dates back to the 11th century and currently keeps a large collection of early manu-scripts. Since 1990 I have visited this temple several times. When I visited the place to-gether with Prof Deborah Klimburg-Salter, art-historian, and Prof Christina Sherrer-Schaub, codicologist, we came to the conclusion that this temple was not identical withthe 8th century’s Kwa chu temple, as sometimes claimed. In my paper I will discuss thisissue in detail.

Furthermore I will present the project that I started there together with the localmonastic community. While in Ke ru I had noticed that some of the folios presented veryearly forms of Tibetan writing and were in a rather disordered state. I therefore initiateda simple project for their preservation and cataloguing with the support of the TibetanAcademy of Social Sciences, the Austrian anthropological project “Tradition and Moder-nity in Tibet” of the FWF and the New Generations Foundation from the USA. In mypaper I will outline this project, present its current results and its future perspectives.

Finally on the basis of this case study, which involved an interplay of art-history,philology, history and anthropology, I will explore benefits and difficulties of an interdis-ciplinary approach to research on and support of Tibetan culture

Culture specific diet in birth and child care practices amongexile Tibetans in contemporary Dharamsala

Nupur Pathak

The study explores the concept of culture specific diet in Tibetan health care practices toexhibit different interpretations and its importance in contemporary world. Tibetans pro-fess a variety of beliefs in health care practices. A sample of 92 Tibetan women of childbearing age group and above were interviewed from different socio economic strata atDharamsala (India) between January-June 2002 following random sampling method, in-depth interview schedule. Findings suggest despite exposure to modern media, Tibetan& Allopathic medical facilities 58% Tibetan women opted for home delivery. Tsampa isconsidered as ‘hot’ food in the traditional Tibetan medical system. A strong cultural be-lief underlies its common application together with warm butter on the naval area toquicken the process of delivery. The application of tsampa in birth practices among exileTibetans, as first feed to the new born babies and its importance in health care practices isgoverned by traditional beliefs as were practised in Tibet. It is also introduced to babieswith an intent to prevent any imbalance in normal harmonic state of bodily elements.Encouragement from elders, and the belief in and application of Tibetan notion of ‘hot’and ‘cold’ food appear to contribute to a successful preservation of the Tibetan humoralsystem in contemporary Tibetan health culture.

I argue that the preferential use of tsampa acts as a kind of placebo substance in Ti-betan health care practice and is part of the social importance to actively uphold its exist-ence and perseverance of Tibetan cultural tradition in exile.

In the hollow of the taiga: sacred Buddhist landscapes in theDarxad Depression of Northern Mongolia

Morten A. Pedersen

Based on 17 months of doctoral fieldwork among Darxad hunters and pastoralists in theDarxad Depression of Northern Mongolia, my central proposition in this paper is thatthis environment constitutes a total cognitive form from within which Darxad social lifeis imagined. The crux of my argument is that the highly explicit contrast between steppeand taiga zones in the Darxad Depression is perceived in the form of an asymmetricalopposition between a homogeneous centre and a heterogeneous margin, and that thisopposition between a “singular centre” and a “multiple margin” is replicated across arange of different aspects of Darxad social life. Notably, the Darxads perceive themselvesto consist of two different “sides”, a Buddhist “yellow side” (shar tal) and a shamanic“black side” (xar tal), and these two aspects of Darxad personhood are homologous to theasymmetrical environmental contrast in question. Following Gell, the taiga thus emergesas an external objectification of the Darxads’ “black side”, and the steppe as an external“objectification” of the Darxads’ “yellow side”. Darxad shamans, for example, appear asasymmetrical eversions of prominent Darxad elders. Evidently, both kinds of leaders arepersonifications of what all the Darxads supposedly contain “inside”, but if the promi-nent elder man personifies the Darxad’s “yellow side” by embodying the absolute centrein the form of a person, then the shaman rather personifies the Darxad’s “black side” inthe form of the multiple taiga as instantiated within.

The salience of the aforementioned environmental contrast undoubtedly is relatedto the fact that the Mongolian Buddhist church never managed to eliminate the shaman-ist religion from the Darxad Depression. To be true, the ecclesiastical office (shabi yamen)of the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu clearly sought to render the Darxad steppe zone into amandala-like whole by virtue of a variety of politico-religious interventions, such as thestrategic construction of monasteries in this environment. But the point is that this pre-revolutionary Buddhist “domestication” project only had the effect of pushing the Darxadshamans and their domains of activity towards the taiga zone. For instance, most shamanicspirits (ongon) are understood to have their abodes in the taiga zone, where, on the otherhand, the steppe zone is dominated by Buddhicised spiritual entities. It is, then, unques-tionable that the Darxad concept of the “yellow side” is related to the pre-revolutionaryestablishment of the Buddhist church within the Xotgor. Yet, according the Darxads’ ownunderstanding, the situation back then was a different one. It was not just that the Darxadsasked to be “protected” by the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu. It was also that the MongolianBuddhist church was attracted to the Darxads and to their landscape. Indeed, from thepoint of view of certain Darxad narratives, the Buddhist church did not bring in anythingnew to their land; the church only brought out something that was already there. TheDarxad and their land were not made “yellow” by the Buddhist church, for they were

“yellow” already. Rather, the Darxads’ “yellowness” only needed to be extracted by some-one who could sense this attraction, and who had the capacity to make it visible. Invari-ably, in the narratives I have heard, this “someone” was the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu.

In memory of Blo gros chos mtsho: feminine and local politicsin modern Kham

Peng Wenbin

There has been, recently, growing interest in Tibetan gender discourses and their socio-spatial practices. Yet, issues of femininity and local politics have not received adequateattention in modern Kham studies, whose enunciations will deepen our understandingof the essential fluidity of Sino-Tibetan frontiers.

This paper locates modern Kham politics at the individual level. It discusses Blo groschos mtsho’s marital relationship to the Han Chinese geographer-cum- ethnologist, RenNaiqiang and its political ramifications in Kham during the Republican era. By readingBlo gros’ political propositions at the National Assembly in 1947, her personal memoir,and Ren Naiqiang’s recollections after her death in 1949, I explore Blos gros’ participationsin “women’s work” of Xikang (Sikang) and in minorities’ constitutional representationsin Republican China. I also discuss her contributions to Ren’s political and scholarly workin Kham and her narrations of tragic involvements of the Rgya re family of Nyagrong inlocal, provincial and national politics.

As a Tibetan woman from an influential Khampa family, and wife of a famous Chi-nese bureaucratic scholar, Blo gros’ personal and political career sheds much light oncomplexities of Tibetan gender issues, mediated by local/national politics, ethnic rela-tionships and intercultural appropriations. An inquiry of this kind of hybridization alsonecessitates a critical intervention in the Chinese or Tibetan historiography emphasizing“purity” of its historical and heroic figures in legitimizing a coherent nationalist ideology.

Insisting on agreement: Tibetan law and its development inLadakh

Fernanda Pirie

Most studies of the legal realm in Tibet have focussed on the law codes which were de-veloped in the various Tibetan polities from the 14th century onwards (Meiserzahl; Schuh;French). The practice of law is everywhere highly influenced by its political context andthese codes were primarily instruments of governmental control, albeit ideologicallyfounded on the Buddhist moral laws which were used to legitimise these regimes= power.For the anthropologist, however, an analysis of the legal realm can be of much widerinterest. Local forms of dispute resolution shed considerable light on social structures,political organisation and the contested relationships between religion and politics, be-tween cosmological practices and secular morality.

The Ladakhi kingdom of the 10th to the 19th centuries established a system of gov-ernment that was less elaborate than that of the Dalai Lamas in central Tibet, with verylight administrative control in the villages. There is little evidence of elaborate judicialprocedures or the use of law codes. The region=s subsequent incorporation into the stateof Kashmir, now part of India, has seen the introduction of courts and laws based onwestern models. These are, however, largely avoided by the Ladakhi people who con-tinue to solve most conflict within their villages and local communities, even in the townsrelying on mediation rather than adjudication, and placing a strong emphasis on thesymbolic restoration of order. Ladakh, therefore, offers the anthropologist an opportu-nity to study contemporary and local legal practices, forms of conflict resolution ratherthan centrally imposed control.

I describe how the village=s legal practices are characterised by a deep disapprovalof all forms of anger and conflict. Disputes are regarded as problems for the community,requiring the intervention of families, neighbours, the headman and, ultimately, the wholevillage meeting. Resolving a dispute requires agreement between the protagonists, al-though the collectivity of villagers can impose punishments and sometimes exert consid-erable pressure on individuals to accept a compromise. Above all, order must be ceremo-nially restored. The legal culture of the Ladakhi village is, thus, characterised by an em-phasis on the need to restore order over and above the protection of individual rights.Disputes are regarded as disturbances to the social order rather than clashes of individualinterests.

Similar practices of and attitudes to dispute resolution have, in fact, been found invastly different situations elsewhere in the Tibetan region: in 20th century Lhasa wherelaw officers would refer cases back for local mediation and refuse to adjudicate on un-clear issues of fact; in 20th century Sakya where local mediation was again the preferred

form of dispute resolution; even in the provisions of the legal codes themselves. In allthese cases the Tibetan authorities demonstrated an unwillingness authoritatively to de-termine the solution to a dispute or to adjudicate on questions of right and wrong. As inthe Ladakhi villages, they were effectively refusing to impose order on the parties, some-thing which could only be found in local agreement.

While central and eastern Tibet have been subsumed into the TAR, Ladakh has beenintroduced to democratic political structures as part of the Indian nation state. Adminis-trative control remains light, however, and this has allowed the development of a central-ised mediation service by the regional political party. Consciously applying “traditional”methods of conflict resolution, as found in the villages, with a similar emphasis on me-diation and agreement above adjudication, and appealing to the pervasive concern withorder, this offers a real alternative to the State’s courts. I will describe how the practicesad procedures mirror those of the villages and the way in which authority is founded onan appeal to a sense of community boundaries, albeit that this notion has been strategi-cally extended to incorporate a sense of regional unity. While the Tibetan government inexile has established political and judicial structures expressly based on western demo-cratic models, Ladakh has seen the development of legal structures based on local prac-tices which are no less characteristically Tibetan.

The circulation of Tibetan works of art: some remarks on theItalian national law and the international market

Massimiliano A. Polichetti

The illicit trade in art and cultural artifacts has increased dramatically in recent years.This includes theft of individual works of art, illegal export of objects protected by inter-national laws, and pillaging of archaeological sites. Art theft is therefore a global problemrequiring cooperation at all levels of law enforcement. Coming closer to the topic of thispaper, Tibetan antiques have become extremely valuable objects on the international artmarket. At the last IX IATS held in Leiden (2000), scholars adopted a resolution regardingthe dangerous and damaging traffic in Tibetan art. Many collectors argued that they aresaving Tibetan culture by buying artefacts that are at risk of destruction in Tibet, howeverit was desumed that the high prices paid by collectors stimulates the continuing thefts.The legal issues surrounding the trade in these works are complex. Chinese law dictatesthat no object more than 180 years old, or deemed important to cultural heritage, may betaken out of the country. But a piece can be exported if the Chinese Cultural Affairs Bu-reau determines that it is neither a prohibited antique nor a cultural relic. This is howmost legitimate dealers operate, but government officials can be unfortunately receptiveto compromises. The Chinese government, pushed by world opinion, has in recent yearstried to reduce the issue, but the trade has merely been diverted to underground chan-nels. Museum collections of Tibetan art are furthermore reported to be growing rapidlythrough purchases and donations, with not many questions being asked about prov-enance of the objects acquired. Since they might be lost if returned to occupied Tibet, theUnited Nations’ treaties that require the repatriation of stolen cultural treasure have beenconsidered inapplicable to them. Notwithstanding, in April 1998 the FBI returned a statuethat had been stolen in 1993 from TAR. On this ground, the paper will present an over-view of the main international Laws and Conventions (the 1970 UNESCO Convention,the Museum of the University of Philadelphia Declaration of 1970, the Code of Profes-sional Ethics of the International Council of Museums, the 1995 UNIDROIT Convention,the 1996 Treasure Act for England and Wales, the European Council Regulation on theexport of cultural goods, the Cambridge Resolution, and so on) along with a survey ofthe Italian Law, that is the most ancient juridical frame on this issue (the first

Superintendent for the Rome’s Antiquities was Raffaello Sanzio): the 1939 Law n. 1089,the 1998 organic arrangement of this fundamental act, the 1998 Law n. 88 and othersamong the foremost; mentions will also be made with regards to the Italian Ministry forCulture and its institutional activities, rooted in the Italian Constitution, of acquisition ofTibetan and Himalayan single items and collections as well, direct preservation of worksof arts, organization of seminars. A presentation also will be made of the Italian ArmyDepartment (Carabinieri) with direct operative competence on this matter and its inter-national links. Helping what once was Tibet to maintain and preserve his cultural patri-mony is decidedly complex and not susceptible to easy answers. Assuming that the inter-national trade in antiquities cannot be stopped merely by regulations prohibiting theirexportation, and given that it is unlikely that Chinese government could smother theincentive to send antiquities out of the country clandestinely, a more wide approach isnecessary. The real goal should be to establish some degree of control over what leavesthe Himalayan countries and to get archaeology and history of art students into thatareas to work on the many sites.

Estate and rituals in central Bhutan: the example of O rgyanchos gling

Françoise Pommaret

The O rgyan chos gling estate in the sTang valley of Bumthang (Central Bhutan) is asso-ciated with the great Tibetan masters Klong chen rab byams (1308–1363) and rDo rjegling pa (1346–1405).

In the 19th century, the estate became powerful and prosperous because of one of thefamily members, mTsho skyes rdo rje. He was governor (dPon slob) of Trongsa dzong(Krong gsar rdzong) and the de facto leader of Bhutan. Moreover, marriages between thislineage coming from rDo rje glingpa and the lineage of Padma gling pa (1450–1521), alsofrom Bumthang, enhanced the religious prestige of the family.

Today O rgyan chos gling is still privately owned by the same family. This familybelongs to what is known in Bhutan as chos rgyud gdung rgyud, which means they areholders of both a religious and a noble lineage.

This position in traditional Bhutanese society carries with it a certain number of du-ties as well as rights, which represent in fact the two sides of an exchange process. This isbrought to light during the annual bskang gso festival held in the manor.

This paper examines the social and ritual significance of the festival, focusing onwhat it reveals in the context of a traditional society where social class – although dilutedby modernization – is still an operating concept, especially when it is involved in a reli-gious event.

Œdipus AEgyptiacus: Ippolito Desideri on the sins of theSixth Dalai Lama

R. Trent Pomplun

I propose to trace the influence of Renaissance and Baroque ideas of Egypt on IppolitoDesideri’s characterization of the sixth Dalai Lama Blo-bzang rin-chen tshangs-dbyangsrgya-mtsho (1683–1706). Scholars have long known that the Jesuit missionary was famil-iar with works such as Athanasius Kircher’s China illustrata, since he himself criticizesthe work for perpetuating false myths about the Dalai Lama’s character and office. Schol-ars have been less attentive, however, to way that Desideri used such works positively toconstruct his own myth of Tibet. After showing how the Italian missionary subtly por-trays Tibetan religion as a genealogical descendent of Egyptian idolatry, I shall offer sometentative conclusions about Desideri’s sources and their implications for future studies ofthe history of European fascination with Tibet. My presentation will proceed in threesections: (1) a brief description of the role of the sixth Dalai Lama in the political arena inwhich the young Jesuit missionary wrote his refutation of reincarnation; (2) a discussionof Desideri’s dependence on classical sources for his notions of reincarnation and an ex-planation of the frequent allusions to Egypt in the Notizie istoriche; and (3) a final argu-ment that Desideri meant his allusions to Egypt to further his own political and economicagenda. I thus hope to show that the Jesuit missionary described the sixth Dalai Lama interms redolent of the cursed mysteries of Egyptian in order to frighten readers into sup-porting him in his battle against the Capuchin fathers for the legal rights to the Tibetanmission.

Few characters in the Notizie istoriche are so roundly criticized as the sixth Dalai Lama.While the Jesuit missionary praised the moral and intellectual virtues of ordinary Tibet-ans, he seems to have harbored a particular dislike for the sixth Dalai Lama. For the Jesuitmissionary, the sixth Dalai Lama was a symbol of the doctrine of reincarnation that hebelieved to be the chief impediment to the conversion of Tibetans to Catholicism. Theimmensity of Desideri’s refutation of reincarnation, however, bespeaks a vehemence thatgoes beyond a mere dispute between Buddhist and Christian scholastics. Having fled thesack of Lhasa in December 1717, the young missionary blamed the political use of rein-

carnation for the atrocities during the Dzungar invasion and the Manchu takeover in1720. The theological and philosophical motives for the missionary’s refutation of thedoctrine, however, are more complex – and less obviously apparent. I should like to dem-onstrate that their roots can be found in Renaissance literature about Egypt. When Desideridescribes the Bsam-yas oracle reading the “hieroglyphics” that form in the sky or the“obelisks” that dot the Tibetan landscape, he betrays a common Renaissance belief thatall pagan religions have their origins in the “idolatry” of the Egyptians. This associationis furthered by his description of Tibetans as “Pythagoreans,” an allusion to Xenophanes’attribution of the doctrine of transmigration to Pythagoras and the often-citedæand oftenparodiedætestimony that Pythagoras remembered four of his previous incarnations. Thisallusion would have quickly pricked his readers’ ears, for Pythagoras was still widelybelieved to have been the disciple of the mythical harbinger of Egyptian wisdom HermesTrismegistus. By identifying Tibetan doctrine of reincarnation with the Egyptian wisdomof Hermes, Desideri thus took advantage of the Roman fascination for all things Egyp-tian in order to wage his own battle for the rights to the Tibetan mission. In the Jesuit’saccount then, Lha-bzang Khan’s war with the Dzungars becomes a tragedy set in motionby the Tibetans’ devotion to the sixth Dalai Lama and the “sad error of metempsychosis.”In this way, the Jesuit could call attention to his own skills as a student of Tibetan lan-guage and scholasticismæskills that his Capuchin rivals lackedæwhile contrasting thesins of the sixth Dalai Lama with the natural virtues of Tibetans. The manuscript ofDesideri’s refutation of reincarnation itself could then play the role of witness in Desideri’slegal battle to the Tibetan mission, becoming the sole key that might turn the Tibetansfrom Egyptian necromancy using the very scholasticism they used to support the officeof the Dalai Lama.

Narrative composition in the ambulatory of the cella in the’Du-khang in Tabo

Renate Ponweiser

This 11th century narration, which is 42 cm high and 15,3 meters long, is set in a Tibetanenvironment. This is clearly depicted by the architecture and the people who are wearingtypical West Tibetan dresses, heavy, loose and certainly woollens.

At first sight the protagonist in the frieze in the Ambulatory looks like the hero in theSudhana-frieze in the ’Du-khang. But as we know, Sudhana’s path towards his goal ofultimate realisation is finished at the end of the west wall in the ’Du-khang with his finalmeeting with Samantabhadra; therefore the Ambulatory painting cannot be a continua-tion.

Well known scholars who visited Tabo, such as A.H. Francke in 1909, David L.Snellgrove 1957, Giuseppe Tucci 1933, M.N. Deshpande 1965, S.L. Nagar 1990, S. Khosa,A.K. Singh., M. Chaturvedi et al 1964, O.C. Handa 1994 and Th. J. Pritzker 1996 did notwrite any word about this cycle in the Ambulatory. Deshpande identified 1973 one AvadanaStory and Peter van Ham and Aglaya Stirn described 1997 in “Vergessene GötterTibets”…(p.90) is a narrative frieze with the legend of Sudhana. Some other scholarsthought that this painting might represent latakas. But I do not believe in these interpre-tations.

The pictorial narrative in India developed in a context where the basic philosophicalconcepts and methods were familiar. As the pictorial language developed, it drew onother visual models and folk stories became an independent visual tradition, differingfrom region to region and suited to the needs of the Tibetan community in India. Theformative phase of Tibetan Vajrayana Buddhism in the Indo-Tibetan borderlands duringthe 10th and 11th centuries borrowed different literary sources and thus makes the iden-tification of the narrative paintings in the Cella’s Ambulatory so difficult.

To find a way to decipher this composition, it was not only necessary to compare itwith the contents of canonical sources which are pictorially evident in Tabo and to usethe manuscript fragments of the library of Tabo, it was also necessary to try to explain thepaintings by means of the historical context and the inscriptions in the temple of Tabo.

From Tibetan medicine to amchi medicine: the struggle forrecognition

Laurent Pordié

The legally recognised indigenous medical systems of India fall under the auspices ofIndian Systems of Medicine & Homeopathy (ISM). This autonomous governmental bodyprovides economic support and infrastructure to the included medical practices, namelyAyurveda, Siddha, Unani, Yoga, Naturopathy and Homeopathy. The amchi’s medical sys-tem of Ladakh is therefore today officially illegal. Paradoxically, in spite of its non-inclu-sion in the ISM, there are governmentally assigned practitioners and other fund alloca-tions, both by central and regional governments, for institutionalised educational struc-tures, training workshops and medicines supply. This situation is locally understood as a‘partial recognition’ but does not meet the contemporary expectations of the amchi. Theyare seeking integration within the ISM and therefore the right to claim a legal status,which is intimately correlated to a social redefinition of the medical practice.

This communication will therefore explore the process and challenges of legal recog-nition for what is today generally considered in India as ‘a folk medicine practiced by theHimalayan scheduled tribes’ or as a local ‘version’ of the scholastic Tibetan medicine(gso-ba rig-pa). It will shed light on the ways that the Ladakhi amchi community presentsitself and negotiates its medical and social identities with the national authorities. Ethno-graphical accounts of several encounters between both parts and the analysis of localdiscourses and written documents on the subject will illustrate the position of the Ladakhminority in the nation-state.

Furthermore, this paper will reveal the political stakes and the social challenges of amedical community today fully active in its own renewal. The amchi of Ladakh define aspace for their medicine within the Tibetan medicines, considering the various social, iden-tity, political and medical expressions of gso-ba rig-pa. They intend to affirm the singular-ity of both the sociocultural and medical aspects of their practice, whilst keeping a some-what close identification with other localisations of this medical system. This will lead usto examine the relationship of amchi medicine (for Ladakh) with other medicines (e.g.Tibetan-medicine-of-the-Tibetans-in-exile and Ayurveda). It will provide some insightsin the construction of amchi medicine not only medically and institutionally but also eth-nically, politically and socially.

In spite of the efforts occasionally made by single individuals, the struggle to achievelegal recognition in Ladakh shows a very rare case of action shared by the entire amchicommunity. Each individual envisions the personal benefits s/he could get from it and isnot reluctant to work in coordination, although it is usually not the case for most of theother contemporary issues regarding their medical system (i.e. intellectual property rights,

amchi associations, development activities). A central reason is that the neo-traditionalamchi elite sees recognition as the first priority for their medical system and stays confi-dent in leading the contemporary negotiations in India. The amchi of Ladakh thereforerepresent not only their region but also this medical system for the amchi of the otherHimalayan areas of India, including those of the exiled Tibetans. The struggle for recog-nition actually expresses a collective medical identity in Ladakh and its eventual achieve-ment is seen to represent the crystallisation of this identity. It also gives a means to theLadakhi amchi to transcend their tensions with and their complex of inferiority towardthe exiled Tibetan amchi and to gain accordingly in social status. The Ladakhi amchi com-munity tries today to achieve what the Tibetan had earlier refused. They aim to make gso-ba rig-pa an Indian system of medicine, despite its historical geographical emergence.Official recognition appears to be a political instrument, which could serve the amchiboth within and outside Ladakh, and the solution to root socially Tibetan medicine in theIndian land.

The Ladakhi amchi have banned the term ‘Tibetan Medicine’ from their official corre-spondences and discourses in English, which is the most official and socially markedmedium of communication with the national authorities. It is replaced by ‘amchi medi-cine’ and very recently, occasionally by Sowa Rigpa (gso-ba rig-pa). This semantic ma-nipulation, emphasised by the local elite, tends to reinforce both the medical and socialidentities of the practice in Ladakh. The anthropological exploration of the contemporaryconceptual shift from Tibetan medicine to amchi medicine in the case of legal recognitionwill highlight, on a variety of levels, central issues of gso-ba rig-pa in Ladakh.

Amye Sgoldong: the hero of the rGyalrong Tibetans

Marielle Prins

The rGyalrong Tibetans live at the far eastern border of the Tibetan cultural area in thewest of Sichuan Province, in the People’s Republic of China (hereafter PRC). They arepart of the Tibetan nationality as defined by the present administration of the PRC.

Scholars have long thought that the rGyalrong speak an archaic dialect of Tibetan.Though the classification of rGyalrong is still an issue of debate especially among schol-ars in the PRC, it is becoming more generally accepted among linguists that rGyalrong isactually a distinct language belonging to the Qiangic branch of the Tibeto-Burman family.

It was also assumed that the rGyalrong Tibetans transmit their culture orally, that is,that they have no tradition of writing. However, recently a collection of texts, writtenbefore 1950, has come to light which shows that the rGyalrong did write. They usedTibetan script to write their own language, covering a wide range of subjects – anythingfrom folk tales to religious instruction to wedding speeches. The texts are from a varietyof places throughout the rGyalrong area and reflect dialectal differences.

A number of the texts is concerned with the person and cult of Amye Sgoldong, alegendary warrior hero rather similar to King Gesar. In a sample of one hundred texts,eleven are related to Amye Sgoldong, more than ten percent of the total. These texts repre-sent a large variety of genres. There are general histories about Amye Sgoldong; there is atext giving instructions for the celebration of the Amye festival; there are speeches of praiseand worship to be chanted or proclaimed at places of worship outside of the home or at thehearth, there is even an opera, complete with instructions for the actors and musicians.

Obviously, Amye Sgoldong took a large place in the consciousness of the rGyalrongTibetans and in their cultural expressions. But who was he, and why was he so importantto the rGyalrong? And are there, in what seems a uniquely rGyalrong tradition, any linkswith the larger Tibetan ethnicity?

In this paper I will give an overview of the story of Amye Sgoldong, based on thetranslation of one of the rGyalrong texts. The text provides insight in how the rGyalrong,while maintaining distinctive aspects of their culture, strengthen their identity as part ofthe Tibetan world through linking rGyalrong persons and events with traditional Tibetanhistory, religion and worldview.

I will also trace the relevance of Amye Sgoldong in present day life, based on inter-views and personal impressions of the Amye Sgoldong festival as presently celebrated inthe rGyalrong area.

Finally, I will discuss the possible sources (historical or otherwise) of the person ofAmye Sgoldong, based on sources other than the translated text, and see if there is anysupportive evidence for a link with the Gesar epic.

Tibetan public health: a historical perspective

Audrey Prost

The paper investigates the roots and contemporary developments with regard to the dis-tribution of medical facilities and the training of practitioners in Tibet. It examines sourceson the training of doctors and their presence in the main Tibetan monasteries followingthe establishment of the Chagpori institute, as well as the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s en-counter with foreign ideas about public health. The paper then turns to contemporaryconflicting notions of public health, juxtaposing the understanding of health constructedby TAR policy measures for public health with exile measures to establish a public healthnetwork. Through this I point at the existence of a ‘native’ Tibetan perception of publichealth and seek to trace its developments to modern exiles practices.

Juni, zari, and asu puchauni: Why do the ethnically TibetanHumli-Khyampas of far western Nepal use socio-cultural

Hindu concepts?

Hanna Rauber

The Humli-Khyampas are a group of nomadic traders who bartered Tibetan and Indiansalt for rice in far western Nepal for many generations. After the 1990s, their traditionaltrade came to a standstill because of Chinese policies. The research material on whichthis paper is based stems from my field research carried out in 1976–1977 when the Humli-Khyampas were still walking with their sheep and goats from the Indian border villagesup to the Tibetan trade marts in Purang to buy or barter Tibetan salt. Living part of theireconomic cycle in the hilly region among Hindus meant that they also worshipped Hindugods when problems arose. Despite being proud of not being settled villagers and notbeing Hindu, they adopted a few distinctive Nepalese cultural concepts, i.e., juni, zari,and asu puchauni. Why?

The first part of the paper deals with the ethnographic account: juni stands for thewealth a woman receives in her old age after her husband has died and the household ispartitioned; zari is the compensation money a woman’s previous husband’s family de-mands from this woman’s new husband’s family after an elopement; asu puchauni meansthe compensation a son receives after his father died and his mother remarries into an-other household. The second part focuses on the interpretation: (1) Are these new cus-toms or do equivalent ones exist in western Tibetan societies? If yes, why did the Humli-Khyampas replace the Tibetan terms by Nepali ones? (2) What does it mean for Humli-Khyampa women? Is this to their material and/or social profit or loss?

Who are the Kinnauris? the Indo-Tibetan encounter inquestion

Isabelle Riaboff

The District of Kinnaur (found in Himachal Pradesh, along the Chinese [TAR] border) isvery interesting when considering the Indo-Tibetan interface. Kinnaur constitutes a cul-tural march where the Indic and the Tibetan worlds interweave in diverse ways. Broadlyspeaking, the further east a village, the more Tibetanised its culture: the easternmost partof Kinnaur is Tibetan-speaking, whereas its western and central parts speak various Tibeto-Burmese dialects known as Kinnauri.

The present paper addresses the numerous ethnonyms which are in use in threelocalities, namely Kalpa (in the centre of the District), Kanam (further east), and Dubling(a Tibetan-speaking village, close to the Tibetan border). These three villages are treatedas case studies, where the criteria of ethnic divide are examined in terms of what is rel-evant in the people’s eyes. One of the findings of these case studies is that the images thatpeople have (both self-image and the image of others) play on similar themes. For exam-ple, all over Kinnaur (be it Kinnauri-speaking or Tibetan-speaking), the Tibetan culture isregarded in a depreciating manner, in such a way that each community considers itsdirect easterly neighbours as Tibetans (Nyam / Khawa / Bod pa) and in so doing, deniesits own Tibetanness.

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Gling rje ge sar rgyal po’i sgrung gi sa bkra bcu gnyis dang sabkra de dag gi rnam bshad ces pa’i nang don gnad bsdus

(Twelve Gesar maps and their explanation)

Rinchen Dorje (Ren Qing Dao Ji)

The present study includes two chapters, the maps and the explanation of the maps.

The maps are drawn according to modern maps in which east locates on the rightside and north locates on the upper part of a map. Besides the directions in the maps,important names for rivers and places are drawn in different sizes of letters and draw-ings. If a name has been changed, the old name will be given in parenthesis. Besidesgiving the names of rivers, places and mountains, I also put animal figures according tothe Gesar story. For example, rich grassland in Ling; sand-dunes in Hor; bamboo forest inMon; male and female yaks (‘bri g.yag) of Ling; demonic (bdud) camels; soul-mules ofJang; tigers of Mon. I have retained the characteristics of the castle according to the de-scription in the Gesar story.

Ten versions of Gesar story have twelve maps:

1. Map of Lhaling.2. Two maps for the birth of Gesar include map of Trungling and map of Masa.3. Map of Den place.4. Map of horse racing.5. Map of Mashetrak.6. Map of spyi bsang (fumigation).7. Map of the subjugation of devils.8. Two maps of Hor-Ling war, one in first volume, and another map in the second

volume of the story.9. Map of Jang-Ling war.10. Map of Mon-Ling war.

In the present study, the section of explanations of maps includes introduction ofdifferent editions of the story, citations from the story, study on the citations and specificexplanations of the maps (rkang ‘grel).

In the section of introduction to the different editions of the story, the editions, pub-lishing dates of the sources used in this study will be introduced. Additionally, differentnames but same contents of editions will be introduced.

The section of citations from the story refers to the citations from various editions ofthe story. In order to make it easier for the readers, the thin underlines indicate the namesof rivers and places; the bolds implies the figures on the maps; the italics indicate thedistances between places and how much time it takes; thick underlines indicate my doubts.While I cited from the story, I numbered the citations accordingly, but I used abbrevia-tions for the personal names.

I did study on the citations according to my own fieldwork. In this section, the thinunderlines indicate the events, which I thought important. I placed the actual study ofthe citations in the section two.

The section of rkang ‘grel would give explanation of the editions and citations; infor-mation about the places which I have put in the maps and have ruins for them can beseen nowadays. Additionally, I compared the different names for places in differenteditions.

Twelve explanations of the maps can be found in the ten versions of the story.

1. The explanation of the Lhaling map.2. The explanations of the maps of Gesar birth include Trungling and Masa.3. The explanation of the map of Den place.4. The explanation of the map of horse racing.5. The explanation of the map of Mashetrak.6. The explanation of the map Cisang.7. The explanation of the map of conquering devils.8. The explanation of two maps of Hor-Ling war, one in first volume, and another map

in the second volume of the story.9. The explanation of the map of Jang-Ling war.10. The explanation of the map of Mon-Ling war.

Finally I would like to share some experiences of doing such study and some sugges-tions for future study.

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Reb gong sa khul gyi stong ’jal ba’i yul khrims kyi lo rgyus’pho ’gyur

(Penalties for breaking regional rules in Rebkong)

Rinchen Drolma

There are many local rules in Rebkong. However, this present study is concerned specifi-cally with stong ‘jal (penalties for breaking rules) before and immediately after the Lib-eration with reference to historical cases.

1. Historical Background

Before the Liberation, Rebkong was under the rule of a feudal system, with an adminis-trative structure embracing Tongpon, Nangso, Gyapon and Cukpon. This structure em-ployed a combination of religious and civil law, to rule twelve tribes in Rebkong. Manyregional rules were promulgated in accordance with various conflicts (gyod gzhi). Addi-tionally, the present study will introduce the social situation after the Liberation and lawson regional autonomy.

2. Analyses of penalties with reference to historical cases

There are three kinds of penalties for breaking rules: gshin stong, punishments for homi-cide; gson stong, fines for harming others; mo stong, fines for breaking marriage agree-ment.

1. Punishments for homicide vary according to the circumstances of the crime: whetherthe killing was intentional or not, whether the victim was from inside or outsideone’s tribe, whether the victim was from the Rebkong area, and whether the crimewas perpetrated between individuals or groups. Sentences also vary according tothe social status of the victim: whether the deceased was a man or a woman, a monkor a leader (bla dpon) or an ordinary person, a child, an adult or an elderly person.

2. In cases of bodily harm not involving homicide the offender was required to pay afine, called (gson stong). The amount of the fine varies according to the severity of the

injury, and whether the action was intentional or accidental. Furthermore, a personwho raised his knife toward another would be required to pay a fine, commonlyknown as rmas pa khrag gi zhal lce.

3. The so-called mo stong refers to a fine which was paid by a woman for changing herspouse. This fine includes payment of beer (chang) and a kha btags. When a woman orher family broke a marriage agreement, it might happen that the abandoned hus-band would cut her hair or nose, or tear her mouth, but such measures could often beforestalled if the payment of chang and the kha btags were made to the spouse inadvance with an apology.

The present study - based on the sources, historical documents and the present situ-ation – analyses penalties for breaking local rules in Rebkong. Moreover, based on anexamination of historical Tibetan laws, the laws practised in Tibetan areas after the lib-eration, as well as the findings of other scholars in this area, this paper will analyse theinfluence of written law on local law, and local people’s attitudes towards local rules andthe laws of regional autonomy.

New discoveries in Alashan concerning the secret life ofTsangyang Gyatso (Tshangs-dbyangs rgya-mtsho)

Enrica Rispoli

My presentation concerns my visit, on September 2002, at Alashan and the monasteryfounded by Tsanyang Gyatso, once the Sixth Dalai Lama, during his long stay and teach-ing activity in Inner Mongolia. I had been working at the figure and personality of theSixth Dalai Lama in the socio political context of his period since several years, actuallysince I started to translate his Secret Biography divulged by Ngawang Lhundrub Dargyein 1757. It has been published in Italian in 1999, but I hope to have soon an English ver-sion of it for its wider diffusion between scholars.

At the beginning, my research has been done only on bibliographic sources, than Istarted to make direct surveys on places in order to get some verifications. Once on thearea I could discover a number of circumstances, even small, which lead me to reviewsome aspects on whose basis were funded parts of the story of Tsanyang Gyatso’s disap-pearing. It has been the case with his arriving next to the Kokonor while on his way toBeijing which allows to assess how the place he stopped and from where he could haveescaped would rather correspond to the nowadays town called Gong He Xian which atthat time could just be a sort of post station next to the only water point of the region(south east of the mountain range around the Kokonor).

My research brought me both to design the figure and personality of Tsanyang Gyatso,the reasons of his forced removal from Lhasa and to demonstrate the authenticity of thestory as counted by the Secret Biography, a text which takes than an historical value.

At Alashan it had been possible to verify how it is still extremely vivid the devotiontowards Tsanyang Gyatso, after almost 300 years, about what even Kozlow, the Russiangeographer-scientist had spoken in his survey done on 1906. Kozlow was a naturalisticscientist not an historian, so that even Prof. Aris quoting his research just puts it at themargin of his study.

Surely it is extremely fascinating for the researcher to arrive at the monastery of hisfounder, to stop at his stupa and to speak with his last reincarnation, and also to have theopportunity to find texts and data which would not be possible to find abroad.

The survey in Inner Mongolia shown also that the Dalai Lama’s personality as it isremind in Alashan Monastery is quite coincident with the one pointed out in these yearsof studying. It is thus confirmed the hypothesis of his escaping and the real reason of hisexile, being he a man with a strong personality and a wish to reform the state rather thanbeing a rotten and viscous man.

It is also been verified that the Secret Biography of the Sixth Dalai Lama had beendivulged together with the construction of his stupa, both circumstances which happenedonly few months after the death of the Seventh Dalai Lama, ten years later the death ofthe Sixth Dalai Lama. I believe there had been a sort of agreement between the author ofthe Secret Biography and the Seventh Dalai Lama to divulge the text and build up theStupa for Tsanyang Gyatso only after the death of the Seventh Dalai Lama himself.

Besides that it is also worth to point out that the language used to write the text, bothin poems and in prose as it was habit for the literary genre, appears to contain severalmessages, even more esoteric, that my translation did not point out. This circumstancenow verified casts new light on the whole story. The Secret Biography thus assumes adifferent meaning, it becomes like a celebrating message in the occasion of the Stupaerection. Usually secret biographies are texts written to celebrate rinpoches and their mer-its on religious basis. In this case it seems that the text could even contain strong mes-sages for someone else. This also could be matter of a specific later study.

Finally, thanks to this survey it was possible to verify that in the concerned area ofInner Mongolia, lamaism as a religion, despite the destruction of 1896 and the CulturalRevolution, continues nowadays to have its own autonomy and expression capacity, evenhaving to coexist with show-business and culture.

The Jurassic Park big advertisement panel with its gigantic plastic pumped up ani-mals welcoming at the entrance of the park of the monastery, for the joy of the childrenand the tourists, are somehow reminding us that the show-business is cohabiting thesacred area of the monastery. Would that be a sort of compromise, here for TsanyangGyatso, in order to let him to continues to be reminded in the third millennium?

History within stories: historical events as narrated incontemporary historical fiction writing

Françoise Robin

Since the emergence of modern Tibetan literature in 1980, literary scene of the Land ofSnows has yielded roughly twenty medium- to full-length novels, among which a seem-ingly new genre, i.e. historical fiction (lo rgyus kyi gtam rgyud). Set in the past, such novelssometimes focus on the life and times of great Tibetan characters, and it is the case forthree of them in particular : Thon mi Sambhotha (7th c.), the King of Tsong kha (11th c.)and Sa skya Pandita (13th c.). All were published in A mdo (Qinghai and Gansu prov-inces) and written by A mdo writers either in 1998 and 1999. My paper aims at analysingthe literary background of those novels – how to link this new genre with traditionalchronicles and biographies -, the social reasons for the almost simultaneous emergence ofthose three novels, and the meaning and intent of such works within today’s Tibetanhistorical and political context – i.e., to what extent do such writings contribute to the re-writing and reappropriation of one’s history. My analysis will be based upon interviewswith authors and readers, and comparison with other similar cases in world literature.

Tradition and fashion in Tibetan society

Veronika Ronge

My paper will be about “Tradition or Fashion”. Arts and crafts had always an eminentplace in Tibetan society as do the traditional regional costumes. Until the introduction ofmass-fabricated materials’ accessories and jewellery, these items were created by talented,gifted and skilled craftsmen and –women following regional traditions and values,whereby they tried to find a balance of style and function, the latter defining form andcontent. The aim being to achieve high quality. Today artefacts as well as costumes are –at certain occasions – alienated from their original function and turned into seeminglypure decoration. Good crafted items are expensive and therefore cheaper, mass-produced,less exquisite pieces are accepted in increasing quantities thereby loosing style and dig-nity. For the past 15 years it has been possible to observe an interesting phenomenon –mostly in certain areas of Eastern Tibet – where traditional costumes and accessorieshave undergone fast changes, presumably inspired by local patriotism, TV coverage etc.Complementing these changes, the different participating groups are competing in new“disciplines”, encouraged by an official focus on nationalities/ minorities.

The compilation of the Nyingma spoken teachings canon(bka’ ma) at Smin-grol Gling Monastery during the 17th and

18th centuries

Jann Ronis

The era of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s rule in central Tibet was a time of far-reaching changesin the religious and social life of Tibet. The transformations that took place in the Nyingmaschool during this time represent some of the most dramatic of these developments. Inthis paper I will look at the social and religious situation in the 17th and early 18th centu-ries surrounding the compilation of the Nyingma Spoken Teachings canon (bka’ ma), ahistorical event that represents the new conditions enjoyed by the Nyingma and set inmotion new trends in Nyingma scholasticism that are to this day enlivening the tradition.

The term Spoken Teachings as a class of writings goes back to at least the 12th cen-tury and has its origin’s in intra-sectarian conflicts in Nyingma over the increasinglypopular Treasures (gter ma). The Spoken Teachings canon contains exegetical treatisesand ritual manuals on topics that span the entire 9-vehicle doxography of the Ancients.The bulk of the material, however, is devoted to works on the classic Spoken Teachingstriad of the Sutra which Gathers all Intentions, Magical Net, and Mind-class Tantras (mdo sgyusems gsum). The canon contains translations from Indic originals, texts composed by In-dian masters who visited Tibet, and texts composed by Tibetans (which make up themajority of the canon). There have been five major redactions of the canon, with the mostrecent one currently being prepared for eventual distribution in a digital format. Despiteits ancient pedigree, the dominant view in the Nyingma tradition is that the canon ofSpoken Teachings has its origins in the work of Lo-chen Dharma-sri (1654–1717) and’Gyur-med Rdo rje (1646–1714), two brothers from Smin-grol Gling monastery in centralTibet that were active in the Fifth Dalai Lama’s milieu.

These two lamas were very involved in the propagation and preservation of Nyingmaritual, contemplative, and artistic traditions. A prime example of this is their efforts tocollect, edit and compose works of the Spoken Teachings genre. They were also prolific inrevealing Treasures and building monasteries. This raises interesting issues such as therelationship in Nyingma between large monastic communities and the study of the Spo-ken Teachings vis-à-vis the Treasures. As is noted in the introductory synopsis of thispanel, it was during the time period under consideration that most of the major Nyingmamonasteries were founded. Smin-grol Gling being the earliest of these, the role of theSpoken Teachings in its academic curriculum during this time period may speak to largerissues faced by all large Nyingma monasteries when selecting texts for their seminariesfrom the diverse range of literature that constitutes their tradition. In this paper I will alsocover the reasons why the Spoken Teachings canon was seemingly never published atSmin-grol Gling; it is generally held that the first printing of the canon took place in the

middle of the 19th century at Rdzogs-chen Monastery in Khams. It may have been that acompleted set of woodblocks of the canon – or the production of them – were destroyedduring the early eighteenth century occupation of Lhasa by the Dzungar Mongols. Theeconomic factors that did or did enable the publishing of the canon will also be discussed,including a comparison with the economics of the other major periods of canon forma-tion in Tibet both before and after this time period.

The resources available for such a study are plentiful. Lo-chen Dharma Shri wrotemany biographies of himself and ’Gyur-med Rdo-rje, and the compilation of his owncollected works is well documented in two works. ’Gyur-med Rdo-rje’s resume of teach-ings received (gsan yig) will also be an invaluable resource, as will that of the Fifth DalaiLama. There are many Tibetan histories that date from this time period, including a rarehistory of Smin-grol Gling monastery preserved by the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center.I am also in close personal contact with the two text collectors of the last two redactions ofthe Spoken Teachings canon and will be meeting with them in Tibet summer 2003 to askquestions about the history of the canon during this era. The oral histories they sharewith me will be documented in my paper, and will contribute to its accuracy and value. Astudy of this canon will be an important contribution to Tibetan studies that will shedlight on decisive developments in religion and society that occurred during the time ofFifth Dalai Lama.

mKha’ ’gro dbang mo’i rnam thar: the Biography of the gTer-ston-ma bDe-chen Chos-kyi dBang-mo

Donatella Rossi

Volume 48 of the Bonpo brTen ’gyur recently republished under the supervision of sMon-rgyal lHa-sras Rinpoche and sPrul-sku bsTan-pa’i Nyi-ma and acquired by IsIAO (IstitutoItaliano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, ex IsMEO) contains a text with no initial title but withmarginal title mKha’ ’gro dbang mo’i rnam thar, (folios 800–1182). This appears to be thehagiography of bDe-chen Chos-kyi dBang-mo, whose birth is placed by the sMan-ri Ab-bot Nyi-ma bsTan-’dzin (1813–1875) in the Earth-Dragon Year, i.e., 1868, in Nyag-rong-shod (dKar-mdzes/Sichuan). bDe-chen Chos-kyi dBang-mo was a student of the famousBon teacher Shar-rdza bKra-shis rGyal-mtshan (1859–1934). She is credited with the dis-covery in the Earth-Horse Year (1918) of a text containing sixteen hagiographies of fe-male saints, including those of Mandarava and Ye-shes mTsho-rgyal, apparently the onlyBonpo gter ma revealed or discovered by a woman in recent times. bDe-chen Chos-kyidBang-mo’s discovery is mentioned by Shar-rdza bKra-shis rGyal-mtshan, in his Legsbshad mdzod, as mKha’ ’gro’ bka’ thang. The text has been the object of a preliminary studyby this writer (Eighth Seminar of the IATS, Bloomington, Indiana, 1998). bDe-chen Chos-kyi dBang-mo is also credited with the compilation of a liturgical text on the practice ofgCod (Yum chen kye ma ’od mtsho’i zab gsang gcod kyi gdams pa las phran dang bcas pa’i gsungpod, Tshering Wangyal, TBMC, Dolanji, 1974). The contribution will consist of a report onthe study and analysis, based upon an interdisciplinary approach, of the mKha’ ’gro dbangmo’i rnam thar, a text that can be considered as significant under many respects within theframework of the Tibetan literary genre represented by biographies of holy figures.

The scale of place: from Asia to Meru Nyingba

Will Rourk

A place is best described in relation to the space in which it occupies. This space exists onmany different levels when a place is described in the context of its environment. Witheach place comes a body of information that can be scaled from a very localised level tothe global and eventually universal level. The scaling of information about a place can bedescribed graphically from world map to building plan. A map can serve as a diagram ofgraphical information about a place in which relationships are presented visually. Richdigital media provides a medium for expanding the experience of place by providinginteractive content that engages the user in a variety of forms.

This presentation will attempt to contextualize the concept of a place and illustratethe scale at which information about a place can be experienced through rich media tech-nologies with respect to interdisciplinary and collaborative studies of Tibetan places.Particular focus involves the mapping of the neighborhoods of Lhasa and an innovativemodel for integrating ethnohistorical studies, maps and rich visualizations.

It is difficult to focus on a place as a singular static entity when by nature every placeis embedded within a complex array of larger environments which determines its fullsignificance. The room of a building cannot be completely isolated when it is necessary torelate the approach to a room through a door or hallway or some other part of the con-structed whole. Likewise the edifice itself also has a relationship to the location uponwhich it rests whether it is an open field or densely populated neighborhood. There aremany different levels at which a place may be described and as the scale broadens sodoes the information about a place. This project attempts to present the information aboutplaces through the use of digital maps. The focus is on the Barkor as a neighborhoodcomposed of individual buildings and places. To relate the Barkor as place within placesa hierarchy has been developed to define the different levels of environmental scale. Thishierarchy spans from the broadest view at the global level, to the continental, country,province, city, neighborhood, eventually to the building level and then rooms within abuilding. Within the Barkor special attention has been paid to the Meru Nyingba monas-

tic complex. Meru Nyingbu is a built microcosm within itself incorporating a main tem-ple as well as surrounding residential galleries about a courtyard. It is a place that is notas overwhelming in scale and complexity as the Jokhang temple, and it is typical in lay-out and form of many other monastic complexes in Tibet. Much field data has been gath-ered about this place to make Meru Nyingba a justifiable case study in representing thescale of place.

The medium of digital media offers many ways to present the complex experience ofa place in context of its environment No longer do concepts need to be represented bystatic two-dimensional images and diagrams. Images come to life in the digital mediumthrough interactivity, animation and multidimensional technologies. Digital maps arethe base layer for conveying information. These are constructed from GIS data usingArcView GIS software. To make this data universally attainable the map data is con-verted to vector graphics and imported into Flash. Flash is chosen as the most capablemedium for presenting the data on the web due to the ubiquity of its plugin and itsinherent flexibility and dynamic ability. A map of the Barkor neighborhood was con-structed in this manner presenting the outlines of its buildings. Each building outline is abutton that accesses data from a MySQL database backend via PHP commands. An XMLdocument created from the database also feeds information back into Flash to define thegraphics and provide visual information. A cycle of information pours through the graphi-cal interface updated by backend.

A case study of Meru Nyingba is accessed from the Barkor map presenting a varietyof media by which the monastic complex is experienced. A 3D model was constructed ofMeru Nyingba from architectural drawings generously donated by the Tibet HeritageFund. This model helped generate a variety of presentation media. A slideshow is pro-vided of 3D renderings exploring the various architectural views of Meru Nyingba in-cluding elevations, sections and exploded views. A 3D animated movie clip shows anaerial approach to a section representation of the main entrance with views of the majormani wheels. A non-linear user-guided exploration of the spatial composition of the MeruNyingba gompa can be experienced in a VRML model presentation. 3D icons are pro-vided within the model that access movie clips of interior and exterior spaces as well asprovide access to QuickTime VR objects describing artefacts typical of a Tibetan gompa,and panoramas of the place and its position within the Barkor. Architectural views of aplace help to place focus on the construction and composition of a building. 3D technolo-gies can take the viewer on an experiential tour of the space and shape an understandingof the temporal nature of a place and its surroundings.

This project is a work in progress and continues to be developed. It is the future goalthat the techniques and pedagogy of this project will be able to be applied to other similarprojects in a generic tool as the current prototype becomes more refined. It is also a goalthat this project can be useful to other projects of similar nature in ultimately creating ageneric tool for presenting places within their spaces.

‘Tibetan Buddhism’ vs. ‘Buddhism in Tibet’: the case of Tsongkha pa’s intellectual achievement and the question of the

Indian in relation to the Indic in Tibet

D. Seyfort Ruegg

At various times and by different observers the activity of Tsong kha pa Blo bzang gragspa ( 1357–1419) has been characterized as that of either a reformer or a conservative, ofeither a radical (if not maverick) innovator or of a faithful expositor and continuator. As athinker in the line of dBu ma / Madhyamaka thought, Tsong kha pa has himself elo-quently and movingly recorded the intellectual and spiritual struggles he went through,and how he came to feel dissatisfied with certain interpretations current in Tibet. Yet he isknown also as the disciple of the great Sa skya scholar Red mda’ ba; and in his biography/ hagiography he is represented as a faithful disciple of several other bla mas. What arewe to make of these apparently conflicting characterizations of him? And does being a‘conservative’ necessarily exclude being a radical thinker, an innovator?

Much more generally, there arises the question as to whether ‘Tibetan Buddhism’and ‘Buddhism in Tibet’ are really two entirely distinct, and possibly opposed, things?Or do they turn out to be complementary rather than antithetical in many a chapter in thehistory of Tibetan thought?

Such questions are of basic importance for Tibetan civilization, and the answers to begiven them are crucial to Tibetology. For Tibetan civilization comprises a component –the Indian one – which is recognizably, and avowedly, of historically Indian origin on theone side, and on the other side a further component – the Indic one – where Tibetans havecreatively developed their thinking with originality, following a style which is typologi-cally inspired and infused by Indian thought without being actually attested from avail-able Indian sources.

The co-existence of a quite ‘conservative’ – and historically Indian – strand whichcame to be thoroughly integrated, and enculturated, in Tibet and an ‘innovative’ Indiccomponent – typologically continuing Indian thought in a creative and quite Tibetanfashion – seems also to inform some of the writing of Tsong kha pa, just as it does somuch else in Tibetan culture.

Spirit causation and illness in Tibetan medicine

Geoffrey Samuel

A number of passages in the rGyud bzhi, the Tibetan medical classic, deal in some detailwith spirit causation of illness, including several chapters of the Man ngag rgyud andsections of the Pulse and Urine Analysis texts in the Phyi ma’i rgyud. These have re-ceived some attention from scholars, but there has been little discussion about the rela-tionship, if any, between these passages and current Tibetan concepts and practices relat-ing to the spirit-causation of illness.

This paper discusses the author’s observations of several cases of spirit-related ill-ness which occurred in a Tibetan medical practice in north India, and attempts to under-stand their relationship, if any, to the textual material and to the wider body of Tibetanideas and practices regarding spirits and deities in everyday life.

Rise and fall of the great statesman: Desi Sangye Gyatso ofTibet

Pradeep Kumar Sanyal

An important phase of Tibetan political history runs through 17th century, its repercus-sions reflected in the first half of l8th century and afterwards. The 5th Dalai Lama’s rulewhich evolved as an institution of authority on its own was through the contributions offour outstanding personalities like Desi Sonam Choephel, Gushi Khan, the 5th Dalai Lamahimself and lastly Desi Sangye Gyatso, who raised the institution to a new height.

The great fifth revered as Gyalba Ngapa attained for Tibet the position of supremacyin relation to neighbours, particularly Mongolia and China, in the field of spiritual andpolitical influence and authority. Desi Sangye Gyatso who was an witness and was in-volved with the authority justly carried out the policies and programs of Dalai Lamaeven after his death in 1682. He was an intelligent and energetic young man with highaspiration to wield great authority attached to the person and institution of Dalai Lama.A scholar and man of letters, he had five great literary works to his credit. Apart fromgovernmental, he attained for Gelugpa sect, a centrally administered body to consolidateboth spiritual and secular powers, together.

After Dalai Lama’s death to overcome the vacuum period i.e. search of incarnationand minority Desi devised “ the rule in absentia”. To perpetuate the Dalai Lama’s author-ity in person and his image he, according to prevalent custom, kept the death news asecret. Formally it was announced that the Dalai Lama had gone on a retreat hence noaudience is possible except of Desi, who can obtain his orders. Thus the administrationrolled on the name and authority of the Dalai Lama’s person. More so presence of theDalai Lama’s stature was only match to quell the Manchu design.

In China, Emperor Shun Hsi (d.1661) had developed a working relationship with thefifth Dalai Lama and was content with that. His son, K’ang Hsi, enthroned in l666, pur-sued the same relationship. But he was faced with the rebellion from three feudatoriesHe sought Dalai Lama’s help as he had good relationship with two of the feudatories.But it proved misnomer. Wu San Kuei, prince of Yunan, openly revolted in 1674. whichcontinued for years. Later the Emperor was surprised to receive a letter from the DalaiLama to pardon Wu San Kuei, which was not expected from a person of Dalai Lama’sstatus. Actually it was from Desi.

In Mongolia. after Gushi Khan’s death, Qoshot’s power was on the wane. Jungarsunder the leadership of Gaden Thaiji were mobilizing Mongol tribal powers. Gaden whowas educated from Lhasa sought and got blessings from the Dalai Lama for his unitingeffort. Gaden’s initial success within Mongolia and advance toward China prompted

Desi to side with Gaden’s fortune to overcome Manchu intervention in Tibet. But it provedto be a miscalculation for which Tibet had to pay dearly in future. Finally, Gaden wasdefeated in 1696 at the battle of Jao modo.

Desi’s reign was faultless and he completed “Phodrang Marpo” a nine-storey build-ing on Potala in 1693. There he entombed Dalai Lama’s remains. Gradually in and out ofTibet suspicion was growing about Dalai Lama’s death. More so to the emperor, when hereceived a letter in the name of Dalai Lama suggesting him to hand over, Tu-sei-Tu Khan,his refuge to Gaden. Emperor sought the news of death, but Desi avoided a direct an-swer. From here Chinese policy towards Tibet changes.

Desi’s problems were not over. His secret search and initiation of child Dalai Lama assixth by the Panchen Lama proved wrong in the sense that the boy grew to age as differ-ent in nature and characters as a Dalai Lama should be. He was boisterous and had aliking for free life. He even relinquished his Getsul vows. A section of officials, lay andmonks suspected his spirituality, which sided with Chinese court on this issue.

Gaden’s defeat caused vacuums of power in Mongolia and Desi’s acts and DalaiLama’s non-presence, prompted Gushi Khan’s descendants who were till then aloof torecapture their lost position as ruler of Tibet. One of his grandsons Lazang Khan removedhis brother from the throne of Ko-ko-nor. Then he marched towards Tibet. Desi not tolose his authority and having enmity to Lazang Khan, contrary to counsel given by headsof great monasteries, stood against him.

In 1697. Desi officially announced and also communicated death-news to the Em-peror. The emperor was offended and tried to convince Mongol tribes that Desi hid thenews to usurp the power to rule. Consequently. in 1703 Desi resigned but installed hisson Ngawang Rinchen as regent to rule from behind the curtain, which he did up to 1705.Lazang Khan ultimately captured Lhasa but freed Sangye Gyatso on seeking pardon. Yeta tragic end awaited when Lazang Khan’s wife, Tseban-Gyalmo, whom Desi intended tomarry, had enmity and hatred to him, caused him to death on 6th September 1605 at Tod-lun valley.

Thus ends the long spell of (nearly twenty-five years) reign of a ‘Silent Hero’ of Ti-betan history whose experiment of the ‘rule in absentia’ is unique. His statecraft wasunparalleled and gave no respite to the emperor for fifteen long years. Some uncalled-fordevelopments robbed him of the credit of great statesmanship. Yet. Tibetans rememberhim as man of letters, a great statesman and sustainer of the institution of Dalai Lama.

Ritual, festival, and authority under the Fifth Dalai Lama

Kurtis R. Schaeffer

Sangye Gyatso’s literary activities during the mid–1690s were almost entirely concernedwith the Fifth Dalai Lama’s life, death, and legacy. Between 1693 and 1701 the Regentdevoted more than seven thousand printed pages to extolling the greatness of his master,the Ganden Government, and the Gandenpa School. Two of Sangye Gyatso’s writingsfrom this period serve well as entry points to the larger project of assessing his role in thedevelopment of Tibetan and Buddhist culture after the founding of the Ganden Govern-ment in 1642. In Tales for the New Year Sangye Gyatso argues that the New Year is anappropriate time to commemorate the Dalai Lama. In the Lhasa Circumambulation Survey,he prescribes fixed routes for circumambulating the Fifth Dalai Lama’s stupa, the Potala,and even Lhasa itself. The primary effect of these and related writings was to establishthe legitimate authority of the Ganden Government’s rule over Tibet. The principle meansemployed by Sangye Gyatso to accomplish this were the memorialization of the FifthDalai Lama and the re-formation of classical Buddhist traditions of practice and myth ina new Tibetan context. In these two works we thus see Sangye Gyatso explicitly combin-ing established traditions claiming venerable authority with new rites and ceremonies,all in the service of his new government. The present paper details how the Regent wentabout this task.

Recent research on the Dunhuang tantric manuscripts and itsimplications for our understanding of early Tibetan

Buddhism

Sam van Schaik

The manuscripts found in the walled-up cave in Dunhuang, most of which date from themid-eighth to mid-ninth centuries CE, are the primary source of information about thenature of Tibetan Buddhism in this early period, when Buddhism was first being intro-duced to Tibet.

In a collaborative project involving SOAS and The British Library, the Stein Collec-tion of Tibetan Dunhuang manuscripts kept at the British Library is being cataloguedthoroughly for the first time since the First World War. In the intervening decades, thefield of Tibetan Studies has of course advanced a great deal, and in particular we knowmuch more about the tantric aspect of Tibetan Buddhism.

In this paper I give a report on the results of the research carried out by the project’stwo cataloguers – Jacob Dalton and Sam van Schaik – over the last year, and discuss inparticular the implications of this research on our understanding of the tantric texts andpractices which were introduced into Tibet in the early period of transmission.

The main points of discussion are: (i) the relationship between the Dunhuang textsand the canonical collection of early tantric material known as the rNying ma rgyud ’bum,(ii) the early attempts at the categorization of Buddhist literature in this early period, andwhat the significance of the tantric categories of mahaayoga, anuyoga and atiyoga mighthave been, and (iii) the relationship between tantric discourse and Tibetan Chan in theearly period and the possibility of Chan’s influence on the later Tibetan tradition.

Tibet: an archaeology of the written

Cristina Scherrer-Schaub

The introduction of Buddhism to Tibet is often associated with the appearance of theTibetan writing, modelled after a derived form of a so far – although hypotheses havebeen advanced – unidentified “Indian” form of br›hmı. Tradition equally maintains thatthe “invention” of the written forced itself upon Sro∫ btsan sGam po in order to enact thefirst Code of Law.

Relatively early these two motives, the writing appearing to promulgate legislationand script created for the sake of translating the religious texts, are juxtaposed and quitesoon intermingled.

A third narrative motive, the legend of the book “that come down from Heaven” atthe epoch of lHa Tho tho ri, when nobody could read nor write, comes to legitimate theprocess of the religious institution, taking the form of an indigenous “theme withvariations”.

These motives will be questioned and confronted with the rdo riº epigraphical recordsand other documents from Dunhuang, central Asia and northwestern India.

Yig bskur rnam gzhag nye mkhor brjod pa dByangs can rgyudmangs: A 19th Century Letter-writer by Kong sprul Blo gros

mtha’ yas (1813–99)

Hanna-Christine Schneider

Kong sprul Blo gros mtha’ yas’ manual of official and semi-official written correspond-ence, contained in vol. “Ta” of his collected works is a typical example of this literarygenre reflecting the main characteristics of Tibetan 19th century letter-writer theory.

In my opinion, the “dByangs can rgyud mangs” is distinctive in two aspects:

Kong sprul’s model letters address, among others, an illustrous circle of recipientsnot easily or explicitely to be found in other letter-writers, such as the rGyal dbangKarmapa, the ’Brug pa Rin po che, the dPa’ bo sprul sku, the hierarchs of the Sa skyaschool, the abbots of the Ngor lineage, the Bla chen of Dzam thang, the king and princesof sDe dge (Derge), the female members of the noble families of sDe dge, the king ofrGyal rong &cc., the author’s (and letter-writer student’s) focus of interest hereby clearlybeing directed towards the different strata of Eastern Tibet’s both secular and religioussocieties.

Secondly, the “dByangs can rgyud mangs” very aptly reflects Kong sprul’s own clearand eloquent literary style.

My presentation thus seeks to communicate three main topics: (a) A general outlineof the main threads of 19th ct. Tibetan letter-writer theory – (b) Kong spruls literary [let-ter-writer] style – and (c) the circle of recipients and the characteristics [the individualinscriptiones, formulae & cc.] of their corresponding model letters.

Cultural constructions of health, illness and identity amongTibetan nomads in the TAR

Mona Schrempf

This paper will begin to investigate the relations between urban and rural contexts inTibetan medicine in the TAR. Based on case studies with local medical practitioners andtheir patients it will focus on narratives of illness and healing found among nomads ofNagchukha. These ‘nomadic’ narratives of both professionals and patients will then becompared with those found in urban centralised Tibetan medical clinics. The focus onnarratives wil1 be used to examine socio-cultural constructions of health, illness and iden-tity embedded in everyday life. How is local medica1 knowledge produced and trans-mitted? Is there a Tibetan ‘nomadic’ epistemology of health different from the knownurban one, and if so, how is it different and why? In which ways do socio-economicfactors and local identity influence health?

Signifiers of modernity in contemporary Lhasa

Ronald Schwartz

A conspicuous feature of the cultural landscape of contemporary Lhasa is the variety ofindicators of modernity. These take the form of television ads and billboards, radio andtelevision programs, popular music, and sites where modern pleasures and entertain-ment are provided such as restaurants, discos and Tibetan “nangma.” Signifiers of a “cos-mopolitan” modernity exist alongside a still dominant official version of Chinese/Ti-betan society that highlights economic progress and national goals. Tibetans in turn at-tempt to align elements of traditional culture with their own perceptions of modern life.As Lhasa Tibetans negotiate their way through this layered cultural landscape a numberof contradictory practices emerge which simultaneously serve to affirm the value of mo-dernity while preserving a sense of Tibetan agency and identity. Nangma, for instance,which originated as a response to Chinese karaoke and disco, mixes traditional Tibetanmusic and dance, Chinese and Western popular music (and, in the last couple of years,Hindi popular music and dance). The audience is almost exclusively Tibetan. Nangma isa pastiche of modern popular musical culture through which Tibetans can demonstratetheir cultural competence. Television is a ubiquitous feature of life in Lhasa – watched inprivate homes, as well as in restaurants, bars, and shops. Programming is available inboth Tibetan and Chinese, but many Tibetans who are bilingual prefer the Chinese chan-nels not just for the greater variety, but because the material has not been “selected” fortranslation. As an “official” outlet Lhasa Tibetan-language broadcasting attempts to har-ness Tibetan modernity to its own aims. The paper will examine these and other practicessurrounding signifiers of modernity in the Tibetan urban cultural landscape. The analy-sis will be based on conversations with Tibetans in a number of sites where signifiers ofmodernity intersect Tibetan lives.

Historical seals and documents related to Tibetan history andpublished in the PRC

Peter Schwieger

In my paper I want to focus on some historical seals and documents concerning Tibetwhich came to our notice through publications in the People’s Republic of China. Amongthem are extraordinary pieces for the study of Tibetan history. Nevertheless, often theseseals and documents were merely published as pictures without adding an edition of thetext or a careful translation or more detailed explanations. Therefore I would like to putthose materials into the framework of our general knowledge of Tibetan history and intothe context of diplomatics and sigillography. The seals and documents in question coverTibetan history since the Yuan-Sa-skya period. They originally were selected for publica-tion to shed light on the Chinese-Tibetan relationship and especially to prove the controlof the so-called Central government over Tibetan administrative and religious affairs. Inmy paper I do not intend to interpret them against whatever ideological background butas fine examples of documents of legal and administrative import and as official sourcesof Tibetan history.

Kanwal Krishna’s portraiture of Tibetan aristocracy

Tsering Shakya

Kanwal Krishna (1910–1993) is chiefly known Tibetan circles as one of the travel compan-ions of the savant Gendun Chonphel dge -‘dun chos-phel. In 1938 Kanwal companied In-dian scholar Rahula Sankratayan and Gendun Chonphel on their research trips to West-ern Tibet. In 1940 Kanwal was a member of a British delegation headed by Sir Basil Gouldto Lhasa representing the British government at the enthronement ceremony (gser khrimnga’ gsol) of the 14th Dalai Lama. While in Lhasa Kanwal painted portraits of leadingfigures of Tibet at the time, including an oil painting of the Dalai Lama aged five.

My presentation will include thirty watercolour slides of Kanwal’s portraits of Ti-betan aristocrats in Lhasa in the 1940s, including members of the 14th Dalai Lama’s fam-ily and the regent Reting Rinpoche, and paintings of the enthronement ceremony. Thesepainting are a unique representation of Tibet and its history. I will also present an insightinto the responses of the Tibetan sitters to the process – Kanwal asked each of the sittersto place their signature and seal (tham ga) on the finished painting, entreating them toadd comments about the finished work.

Tibetan pilgrims in Jalandhar

Lobsang Shastri

According to the buddhist tantric geography, Jalandhar is considered to be one of the 24viras of Chakrasamvara tantra. In ancient times, Jalandhar used to cover a wide area inthe northern part of India. It had two capitals- Jalandhar and Nagarkota or Kangra. In theMahabharata, the place was known as Trigarta and in later period it was known asNagarkota or Kangra. In Tibetan literature it was known as Rna ba’i rgyan or Nags kyirgyan. Presently it is well known as Kangra.

Traditionally Tibetan pilgrims who visited Ugyen -Swat also visited Jalandhar. Rgyalba rgod tshang pa Mgon po rdo rje(1189–1258), Grub thob u-rgyan pa Rin chen dpal(1229–1309), Stag tshang ras pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho (16th cen), ’Phrul zhig Ngagdbang tshe ring (1717–1794) etc visited Jalandhar and described in their respective biog-raphy the sacred importance of the place, geographical description and social condition.This place was considered to be one of the viras of Chakrasamvara. In the Indian litera-ture however, this isn’t confirmed. It is said to be the abode of goddess Devi. The name ofDevi is Maiye or Mata which is a common appellation of all female goddesses. However,in one of the Hindi version of pilgrimage guide book on the Kangra temple, it is men-tioned as the place of wrathful Tara – known as Vajratara or Vajreshwari. This temple isvery famous in the Kangra valley and is one of nine Devi temple in Northern India. Thecontrary views regarding this temple will be studied in the following article.

In 1940, Prof. Tucci wrote on Tibetan pilgrims in Swat valley. He consulted the biog-raphy of Rgyal ba rgod tshang pa Mgon po rdo rje (1189–1258), Grub thob u-rgyan pa Rinchen dpal (1229–1309), and Stag tshang ras pa Ngag dbang rgya mtsho (16th cen). Sincethen 63 years have passed. In my paper, I will try to explore the text not used by Tucci andin writings published thereafter. For instance we now have the biography of Bde ba rgyamtsho, Dzong khul Ngag dbang tshe ring, 8th Khams sprul, different version of Rgodtshang pa’s biography, Dge ’dun chos ’phel, Khyung sprul rin po che, Shugs gseb rjebtsun, Skyes rabs Jalandhara of 16th Karmapa, ’Dzam gling rgyas bshad of Btsan po andSum pa, Religious histories of Chakrasamvara, Rang rig ras pa’i mgur ’bum, Sham ba la’ilam yig, and Sham ba la’i lam yig of Bkra shis ljongs rdo rdzong. On the basis of abovetexts, I will try to explore the activities of Tibetan pilgrims, sacred importance of theplace, geographical description, and social condtion of period.

Dalai Lama XIII in Mongolia: Russian perspective

Tatiana Shaumian

On the l4th November 1904, the Dalai Lama accompanied by Agvan Dorjieff, five highranking lamas, eight lamas to hold divine services, a personal physician, the keeper ofthe Dalai Lama’s seal, an interpreter and thirty bodyguards entered Urga. The manyoriginal documents from the Foreign Policy Archives of the Russian Empire and the Na-tional Archives of India, including correspondence between the Russian Czar and DalaiLama XIII, reports and letters from Russian diplomatic representatives and agents fromLondon, Calcutta, Peking and Urga, gives us an opportunity to deal with the little-knownpages in the history of Tibet and Russian-Tibetan relations.

The very fact of the arrival of the religious leader of the lamaists at the capital ofMongolia, part of the domain of the Ch’ing China, situated near the Russian borders,attracted the attention of the Peking authorities and Russian diplomacy, particularly inthe context of very disturbed situation in the Far East brought by the Russo-Japanesewar.

In the opinion of the Russian diplomats, in the existing situation, the Russian gov-ernment should bide its time, paying due respect to the Dalai Lama as the head of theBuddhist religion. The Russian diplomacy feared the possibility of the situation worsen-ing in the Far East, and therefore wanted to avoid any movement vis-a-vis the DalaiLama. At the same time, they also wanted to retain the possibility of utilizing the futureservices of the High Priest. A change in attitude towards him might follow a change atthe Russo-Japanese front.

The Chinese authorities both in Peking and in Urga were extremely displeased withthe appearance of the Dalai Lama in Mongolia, situated close to the Russian border. Theyrealized that the Dalai Lama’s sojourn in Urga would strengthen the Russo-Tibetan bonds,would intensify the inflow of Lamaist pilgrims from Siberia and weaken the control ofthe Chinese Imperial government over Tibet and the Dalai Lama. They also realized thatdue to difficult situation in the Far East, it was doubtful that at the moment Russia wouldlead an active campaign in the Dalai Lama’s defence.

China’s demand that the Dalai Lama be sent out of Mongolia coincided with theinterests of the Mongolian religious leader Khutukhta who received the news of the ar-rival of the High Priest in Urga with displeasure because it meant a lowering of its ownprestige: thousands of pilgrims went to worship the Dalai Lama resulting in the curtail-ment of the Khutukhta’s income. The Mongolian and the Chinese authorities in Urga didnot show due respect to the Dalai Lama as the head of the Buddhists.

The demand of the Mongolian and Chinese authorities that the Dalai Lama moves toSining received a distinctly negative response from the Dalai Lama since Sining was farfrom the religious centres of the Lamaists and had no communications with Russia. ShouldChina insist on the move using military strength, the Dalai Lama would have to rely onRussia for help.

The rumours spread in Mongolia that the Dalai Lama was going to Russia were sup-ported by the arrival to Urga to meet the Dalai lama of Bandt Bhambo Lama Iroluev, headof the Trans-Baikal and Siberian Lamaists. The Russian diplomacy was afraid that theBuryat Lamas would be guided by religious considerations alone – without taking intoaccount the diplomatic and military position of Russia in the Far East, which required themaintenance of friendly relations with China The question regarding the Dalai Lamashould be decided from the Russian point of view and in conformity with the Russianobjectives in the Far East.

The Russian diplomats considered it necessary for the interests of Russia in the FarEast to restrict to some degree the activities of Dorjieff, Iroltuev, and other Lamaists whootherwise might unnecessarily harm the interests of both Russia and the Dalai Lama.

The Chinese government, in its turn, wanted to get rid, as soon as possible, of theDalai Lama in Mongolia and send him to Tibet. The Russian diplomacy having learnedthe British government’s attitude in the course of the negotiation regarding the questionof relations with the High Priest and his future, changed their view on that question,fearing that the Dalai Lama’s return to Tibet might aggravate the relations with GreatBritain and break off the negotiations. The Dalai Lama was informed that the Imperialgovernment had received information from reliable sources that the British disapprovedof his return to Lhasa and that there was a possibility of an outbreak of unrest in thecountry which the British will undoubtedly not fail to utilize to revive their interventionin Tibet. The trend of affairs makes it necessary for Dalai Lama to delay his journey toLhasa.

As advised by the Russian diplomatic representatives, the Dalai Lama left forGumbum, which was an important focal point on the main highway connecting the roadsfrom Kashgar, Urga, and Peking. The departure of the Dalai Lama to Gumbum was theonly possible step, given the desire of the Chinese government to be completely subject-ing the Dalai Lama to its influence and expediting his return to Lhasa. In this situationthe Russian diplomacy should have suspended their relations with the Dalai Lama in theMongolia

The Russian diplomacy relinquished regular contacts with the Dalai Lama for thesake of concluding an agreement with Britain on other Asiatic problems, and planned togain advantage in Mongolia where the Dalai Lama’s authority was strongly entrenchednotwithstanding his having lost temporal power in Tibet. Russia was interested in theDalai Lama’s stay in Gumbum, as it, being located outside Tibet, was situated sufficiently

close to Mongolia to enable Russia to utilize the High Priest’s influence there, and therewas at the same time no fear of his complicating matters with Great Britain.

Developments in Tibet changed the original plans and intentions of the High Priest.Since the beginning of 1904, the Manchurian authorities had pursued the policy of ex-pansion, plunder and mass repression in Tibet.

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Pasture fights, arbitration, and ethno-narration: Aspects ofethnic relations between the Mongols and Tibetans in

Qinghai and Gansu Provinces

Shinjilt

“Conflict” is one of the traditional themes of ethnology; a large number of scholars havebeen studying “ethnic conflict”, in particular. Most scholars hold the view that “ethnicgroups [are] for conflicts, not conflicts for ethnic groups”. However, they have neglectedthe severity of the issue when a “conflict” slides into an “ethnic conflict”, especially fromthe point of view of those concerned. When a conflict happens among different ethnicgroups in the same nation, things get even more complex. Scholars who have been over-looking this issue tend to discuss “ethnic conflicts” under the rubric of the dichotomy of“nation vs. ethnic minorities”. Since the publication of Anderson’s “Imagined Communi-ties”, discourses like Imagination or Creation or Invention etc. have become fashionableto represent ethnicity. However, in real world, “ethnic conflicts” have not lessened butintensified. If an appeal to ethnic solidarity is a matter of life and death, ethnic categorytakes on real meaning and it should be understood as primordial. Imagination lendspower to people in real conflict. In this respect, there seems to be some disparity betweenscholars’ understanding of ethnicity and that of the people concerned. It is important totake the emic view seriously.

Both Mongols and Tibetans are ethnic groups in China, each having splendid tradi-tions and cultures. There have been mutual influences for a long time. Much has beensaid about their intertwined histories and religions but there has been little study on theircontemporary social relationship, especially after they became ethnic minorities withinChina. Far from segregated, the interaction between two ethnic groups is still ongoing,particularly in Qinghai Province.

The Mongols in Henan Mongolian Autonomous County of Huangnan Tibetan Au-tonomous Prefecture of Qinghai Province Rma lho’i sog po = “ the Mongols in the Southof the Yellow River ” in the Tibetan, hereafter Henanmengqi account for 91 percent of allthe Autonomous County population. However, their “Tibetanization” has been

longstanding in culture and language. In the 1950’s, one of Henanmengqi’s four bannerswas officially identified as Tibetan. Since the 1980’s, local Mongols have been carryingout the Mongolian language education, and have attained stronger conscious ethnic iden-tity as Mongols. In the first half of the 1980s, many Tibetans changed their identity intoMongolian, these new Mongols constituting 30% of the Mongol population. In recentyears, Mongols have been embroiled in severe pasture fights with neighboring Tibetans.

This paper intends to analyze the “ethnic conflicts” between the Mongols inHenanmengqi and neighboring Tibetans for pasture. My study centers around the narra-tions of the people concerned, and interpret why and how they narrate about and under-stand ethnicity in pasture fights. Firstly, I take a brief look at the history of the pasturefights between Henanmengqi and their neighboring regions since the 1950’s. Then I fo-cus on the pasture fights which took place in the latter half of the 1990’s between a Ti-betan tribe of Rma chu County of Gansu Province and a tribe of Henanmengqi, who hadchanged their ethnic identity from Tibetan to Mongolian. At this point, I also investigatethe effects of arbitrations by communal authorities such as Buddhist lamas and stateofficials i.e. the local government administrators. We can know how ethnic category be-comes an important factor when people narrate about the fight processes or judge on thefairness of the arbitrations. On the basis of the above discussion, I want to bring to lighthow the reality of an “ethnic conflict” is formed for the people concerned, and providesome ethnographic information based on a thorough fieldwork investigation in Qinghaiand Gansu in order to understand some aspects of social relationships between the Mon-gol and Tibetan today.

Negotiating identity across the border: comparative conceptsof ethnicity in Nepal and Tibet

Sara Shneiderman

Historically, ‘ethnicity’ has been a key concept for anthropological studies in Nepal, yetthe term is rarely used in the parallel scholarly literature on Tibet. Given the shared bor-der between the two national entities and the presence of numerous ‘ethnic groups’ thatstraddle it, a closer examination of the ways in ‘ethnicity’ has or has not been deployed ineach context by scholars, governments, and indigenous people themselves poses ques-tions about the construction of the ethnicity concept itself in cross-border situations. Fur-thermore, a detailed inquiry into the construction of ‘peripheral’ Himalayan ethnic iden-tities sheds light on concepts of otherness emanating from the ‘center’, whether that beLhasa, Kathmandu, Thimphu or Gangtok.

This paper explores these broad issues through a detailed ethnographic discussionof the construction of ethnicity among the Thangmi, a Tibeto-Burman speaking ethnicgroup who reside primarily in the Dolakha and Sindhupalcok districts of Nepal, but whoalso have communities immediately across the border in Tibet. I will discuss how theThangmi, who have remained absent from most ethnographic and national discourses,negotiate their cross-border position between the Nepali and Tibetan/Chinese state ap-paratuses, as well as between Hindu and Buddhist religious ideologies. At the same time,Tibetan attitudes towards the Thangmi, as well as other borderland groups such as theMon pa and Lho pa, all of whom have names meaning ‘barbarian’ or ‘border people’ inTibetan, offer a key insight into Tibet notions of ‘otherness’. Each of these complex sub-jective perspectives illuminate the constructed nature of ethnicity in Nepal and Tibet,and suggest new ways of reworking the concept for truly cross-border studies.

Ala and ngakpa [sngags-pa] in Nyemo (Central Tibet):reflections on some non-monastic religious specialists and

their designations

Nicolas Sihlé

The aim of this talk is to achieve a more precise understanding of certain categories ofTibetan, non-monastic priests, and in particular to show that, in certain contexts, termsthat seem to refer to a religious specialization may in fact operate at a different level. Iwill present some non-monastic priests of the Nyemo area in Central Tibet, and theirritual activity, and focus on the seemingly somewhat inconsistent terminology used lo-cally to refer to them. Both the laity and the priests themselves use the very common termngakpa [sngags-pa] (“tantrist”) and the less widespread designation *ala to refer to verysimilar specialists (Buddhist or Bonpo in the first case, always Bonpo in the second); oneparticular lineage is actually called by both names. The people seem to be talking abouttwo different types of religious specialists, or two different functions, and certain recurrentdistinctions in the ritual specializations and other attributes associatiated with those priestsin local discourse seem to confirm this impression. However, local definitions are farfrom being consistent, and the facts are that specialists of both names carry out globallythe same ritual activities. It seems that (apart from the sociologically not very relevantquestion of religious affiliation) the two designations are to be distinguished essentiallyin terms of connotations (and their contextual relevance), not signification, and that, ulti-mately, searching for two distinct classes of non-monastic priests in Nyemo may be amistaken enterprise.

Old Lhasa changing: how are official private initiativesaffecting the historical environment and traditional

morphology of Old Lhasa, Tibet?

Amund Sinding-Larsen

The paper focuses on my current studies of transformation of typological morphology oftraditional Lhasa townscape, with perspectives towards understanding processes of in-tervention, managing tourism, and meshing the management of cultural resources withother efforts of planning and urban development.

The principal question is “Why does old Lhasa change?” Leading on from this, it isnatural to ask “How does old Lhasa change and what are main reasons for urban trans-formation in Lhasa”.

In order to highlight the current context of Lhasa, I will relate parallel and conflictingissues of two World Heritage towns – the other being the 16th C mining town of Røros,located in the midst of the mountainous region of Norway.

1. Introduction – Macrolevel

• Traditional/historical town in Asia – pockmarked urban ‘chequerboard’ of areas indevelopment and areas in decline; zones of overcrowding, cultural/socioeconomicplight and environmental degradation compete with areas in intensive commercialdevelopment.

• Fragmenting historical/ traditional centre losing traditional functions and culturalidentity, their lifelines for a sustainable future.

• Urban development needs to reflects historic-cultural context and earlierdevelopment.

• Urban conservation is meaningless when isolated from overall development activityin society, and integrating heritage resources with developmental processes requiressociety to have a relevant knowledge of its resources – including those of culturalheritage.

• Living historic urban environments have different needs – need tools that reflect thecontext.

• Can a historic environment accommodate pressures of urban development and eco-nomic activity (tourism) without losing the integrity of its cultural resources.

• Urban conservation aiming at development with adequate safeguarding of built cul-tural heritage presupposes intimate collaboration between local community and au-thorities.

Study Level – Lhasa

• Lhasa demography, economy and cultural base – today different from that of 30 yearsago – modernity, socio-economic and cultural-political interventions, internationalinfluence and gradual opening up.

• Old Lhasa population – 25,000 to 80,000 in 40 years. • Urban area – from 1,5 km2 to 100 km2 in 40 years. • Lhasa population – about 30,000 persons in 1950 and today about 450,000. • Traditional-historical buildings and structures are demolished and replaced with

larger new construction allowed also to fill urban space that was earlier not built on. • World Heritage designation of the Potala Palace (1994), Jokhang Temple Monastery

and Barkor (1999) and Norbulingka (2000) sites and buffer zones has highlighted theneeds for an integrated resource management and urban development of the tradi-tional-new townscape.

• Urban development is allowed inside the traditional-historical townscape, with newand in part inappropriate development allowed inside the WH-designated areas.

Study Level – Røros

The historic town of Røros, inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1980, istoday extremely important to the regional tourism industry. This exposes the entire builtand social fabric to considerable pressures, including those of economy and physical de-velopment. Central questions are asked today as to how Røros can remain an ‘authentic’historic environment.

2. Issues

Then and largely Now with reference to the major dynamics of Demography and ethnic-ity, governance responsibilities and interests, old and new order, fragmenting culture,new priorities. Unlocking a past, liberating history? Poverty of urban spaces? Urban de-velopment versus cultural resources – also WH. Hierarchies, zones and borders, seen orperceived. Local, national and international concerns.

3. Fieldwork

A case-corridor is selected starting with the Jokhang-Barkor ‘doughnut’ going to-wards the north-west into the ‘new town’. How to access information, establish relevantdialogue with authorities? Information reliability and validity, stakeholders and roles?

Selected cases

Shatra Mansion, Pomdatsang Mansion, Tromsikhang Palace, Meru Nyingba Dratsang,Shide Dratsang, Tsomonling Dratsang, Meru Dratsang, Bonsho Mansion, Jamyang Court-yards, and the Shasarsu Lam and Barkor neighbourhoods are then discussed in terms ofcriteria such as

• public–private processes – process shortcut, bottom-top-bottom, • public–private processes – processes respected • tenure and use patterns, rights • living conditions

Some bronze figurines from Kinnaur Himalayas inscribed inthe name of Nagaraja-the ordained prince of Guge, Western

Tibet

Ajay Kumar Singh

This paper presents six well-preserved Buddhist bronzes inscribed with the name LhaNa ga ra dza (Nagaraja) on pedestal in old Tibetan script, out of them three are discussedin details. The images under discussion were discovered by the author at two remotetemples in the frontier district Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh, India, which has been de-scribed as different territory of mNgaris skor gsum under the name Khun nu in old Ti-betan texts. Under the project operative from 1992 to 1996, the author documented morethan 700 bronzes, still unpublished except few, from Kinnaur (the upper Sutlej valley). Ina general sense, majority of images belong to the Indo-Tibetan art style and date fromseventh to fifteenth century. In this corpus many of the bronzes bear Tibetan inscriptionsof historical importance registering names of the donors and patrons, even some recordsname of the artists (Singh 1994:110).

In the history of Buddhism in Western Tibet (mNga’ ris) Nagaraja (988–1026 AD), theordained younger prince, is mentioned as an enthusiastic benefactor of Buddhism whoalike his father, the ordained king Lha bla ma Ye shes ’od (Srong nge), devoted his wholelife for promotion of Buddhism in western Tibet. He was younger one of the two sons ofthe king Ye shes ’od, namely Khri-lde-mgon-btsan and Lha Khor-btsan who after ordina-tion respectively received Indianised names Debaraja and Nagaraja. Nagaraja, on beingfully ordained at the age of 29, received another name Nagaprabha (Vitali 1996: 241).

Nagaraja’s father king Ye she ’od (950–1040 AD), known as a great patron of Bud-dhism, devoted his life for re-establishment of Buddhism in western Tibet and labouredhard to bring cultural renaissance in the land of snow. During his reign twenty-one youngboys of western Tibet were sent into Kashmir for education in Buddhism. Only two sur-vived and returned Guge, Lotsava Rin chen bzang po (958–1055 AD) was one who led avigorous move of translating Sanskrit texts into Tibetan and temple building in the threeprovinces of Western Tibet (Francke 1972: I, 50–52; Tucci 1988: II, 10–12). He commis-sioned many Kashmiri artists, at first thirty-two artists directly from Kha che (Kashmir)in 1001 AD (Vitali 1996: 273 and note 409), for the construction and decoration of theBuddhist temples under direct patronage of king Ye shes ’od. Several major early tem-ples in the western Tibetan provinces are attributed to have been constructed by Rinchen bzang po; some still survive and preserve the artistic heritage of the period e.g.Tholing, Alchi, Tabo, etc. bearing clear evidence of the craftsmanship of Kashmiri artists(Tucci 1988: II, 3).

During the first quarter of eleventh century Debaraja and Nagaraja provided non-stop support in the task of temple building and embellishing them with artwork. TheTibetan text “mNga’ ris rgyal rabs” records important evidence in this regard, Nagarajaestablished dPe pa chos sde and dbu sde; and placed in the premises several statues ofBuddhist deities cast in silver, gold and brass. Further this account clearly records thatthe statues were executed in Kha che (Kashmir) style (Vitali 1996: 272–73). During theperiod of second diffusion his missionary activities to promote Buddhism and its culturewere not limited within the kingdom of Guge, rather he was instrumental in a larger areaincluding the Garhwal Himalayas (Uttaranchal, India formerly northern part of UttarPradesh,) bordering Western Tibet. There he built a Buddhist monastery at Barhat inUttarkashi (Garhwal), and commissioned a bronze image of Buddha, which still survivesand worshiped as Dattatreya, a form of Brahmanic god Vishnu. The image bearing an oldTibetan inscription refers the donor’s name as Nagaraja (Rahul Sankrityana 1990: 236).Most important evidence referring to the Nagaraja’s passion for the artwork of high aes-thetic quality is the well-known standing image of Sh@kyamuni in Kashmiri style, whichis currently at the Cleveland Museum of Art (Pal 1975: Pl. 26). Hence there are substantialreasons to believe that Nagaraja being a promoter and lover of art commissioned skilledartist from bordering Indian states or imported the images from art workshops in neigh-bouring areas.

The images under discussion are often called bronzes but the term, strictly applica-ble only to the alloy of copper and tin, is conventional. From an early period the metal forcasting the statuary in Kashmir, Swat, Western Himalayas, Western Tibet and Tibet hasmost commonly been used is copper alloy with high zinc percentage. The method em-ployed for casting is lost wax method (cire-perdue), most popular throughout the ancientworld. The images are cast in solid except the pedestals, which keep hollow for holdingnecessary sacred fillings.

Description of the Icons

Bodhisattva Padmap›˚i(Height 34 cm.)

The image represents a graceful deity of proportionate physiognomy standing in a subtleand well-equipoise triple flexion on a lotus cushion resting on a square pedestal which isinscribed on front reading, “Lha na ga ra dza”. The god is shown holding a lotus stalk inthe left hand and making gesture of munificence (d›na) by the right. His sweet face withnaive and serene expression presents a typical facial formula featuring in medievalKashmiri sculptures, which shows oval face, cubby cheeks with protruding chin, cres-cent eyebrows with dreamy almond eyes, prominent nose and small mouth bearing spir-itual smile on sensuous lips. The modelling of chest, shoulder, and abdominal muscles isremarkably meticulous; especially flare of the belly adds sensuous verve to the figure.We know this has been a characteristic feature of the medieval art of Kashmir. The deityis wearing a garland (Vanamal›) reaching down below the knees and lower garment dhotı

in a stylish manner. The Bodhisattva wears the antelope skin on his left shoulder. Besidesa sash and a sacred cord (Upavıta) provided to him, a miniature image of Amit›bha in thehair bun over the skull ascertains his identification as Bodhisattva Padmap›˚i (Getty1978: 64). The deity is shown standing against a flame-etched mandorla, the lower partbeing a properly mandorla (prabh›man˜al) while the upper one is flaming nimbus(prabh›vali) toped with a combined moon and sun pattern; the base of which is ornamentedwith flowing ribbons as in the case of Buddhist stupas. This image of Bodhisattva, stylis-tically, is in close analogy of the brass statue of Sugatisandaròana Lokeshavara, S. P. S.Museum, Srinagar (Schroeder 1981: fig 18A) dated to the 980–1003 AD, the reign of queenDidda , Kashmir.

∂@kyamuni Buddha(Height 30 cm.)

The image presents ∂@kyamuni Buddha standing on a lotus cushion in the posture ofcomfort- the subtle triple flexion. He is depicted wearing a dhotƒ and samgh@Yi of softand fine fabric which reveals his well modelled bodily form which can be compared withtwo images of ∂@kyamuni Buddha of Kashmiri origin dating to the eleventh century(Schroeder 1981: Pls. 23B and 23C). His right hand is raised in abhaya mudra (gesture ofprotection/assurance) and the left holds the seam of his upper garment. This seems mostcommon form of Buddah’s iconic representation from the earliest period (Kushana) de-picted at Mathura, Gandhara and Sarnath. Of course belonging to a different stylisticprovenance, the iconic formula of the image seems to have preserved the unique blend-ing of physical beauty and spirituality that was achieved by the Gupta artists, becameIndian standard and eventually adapted by the Kashmiri successors. His facial typepresents a close similarity with that of Padmap›˚i (plate 1). Silver in his eyes and copperon his lips add extra beauty to the image, which can be ascribed as Kashmiri feature (Pal1975: 30). The figure is set against a flame-etched aureole combined with a nimbus, ofwhich the top is damaged. The hairs of deity appear as combed without curls, a featurefound very seldom in some bronzes from Western Himalayas and Western Tibet (Schroeder1981: Pl. 32E).

Kum›ra MañjuŸrı / Mañju Kum›ra:(Height 27 cm.)

The image displays fine workmanship alike two previous examples, it seems that thedeity represent esoteric form, of which identification is difficult. Considering the tigernail worn in necklace and the peacock as vehicle, the deity gives indication towards thesyncretism of Hindu god of war K›rtıkeya (also called Kumar- the eternal youth) andBuddhist god of wisdom MañjuŸrı, who is described in the Buddhist text ›ryamañjuŸrıMïlkalpa. He is represented very rare, until now no image showing this aspect of MañjuŸrıhas been noticed from Kashmir and Western Tibet or Tibet. Nevertheless, graphic mani-festation of Kum›ra MañjuŸrı is found in cave of Yu Kang near Shenshi, China (Mukherjee1989: 69). The god is shown in youthful valour, standing in the posture of ease (trıbhanga)

on a lotus pedestal and has one face and four arms. By rear hands he holds a Kamandalu inthe left and a Khakkhara with six rings in the right, a symbol of Bodhisattva Kíitigarbha(Getty 1978: 102), whose images are too rare. The right front hand depicts d›na mudr›(gesture of charity) and the left holds a stalk of utpala (lotus) with vitarka mudr›. His vehi-cle peacock is rendered in a stylish way docking with long neck towards the face of thedeity. His three pointed diadem, different from the classical Kashmiri prototypes but re-sembling to that of Vaiku˚?han›tha (late 8th and early 9th century), Hari Rai temple,Chamba which became popular from ninth century onwards in the art of northern Kash-mir or Western Tibet and Himalayas (Postel 1985: 90 and Fig. 116), is marked with avertical vajra. However, his identification is still uncertain since the attributes held by thedeity do not corroborate with the textual prescription.

The eyes of the god are almond shapes filled with silver electrum and the summa-rised full lips gleaming with pink of copper. The anatomy of the deity is well modelledand proportionate like athlete with special features like gentle flare of the belly, muscularchest and abdomen with broad shoulders, this all presents a close analogy with the paintedfigures at Mangnang (Tucci 1973: Pl. 115), Alchi and Tabo (Singh 1985: Figs. 55 and 81)and the bronzes ascribed to the Kashmiri origin (Schroeder 1981:). As in the previousexamples (Plates 1 and 2), the deity is provided a mandorla combined with a pointednimbus ensuing flames.

Discussion

The genesis and development of artistic culture in the western Tibetan world is a veryintricate subject since the metamorphosed art style presents a unique blending of variousstrands from Indian side as well as from other side of the Himalayas. In the making of theartistic expression the role of Kashmir, that too in a wider geo-political and cultural per-spective, is evident but that of the Central Asian states can not be undermined; for in-stance the murals of Alchi presents a fascinating case of stylistic complex fusion (Singh1985: 48–70). In case of western Tibet, which remained in very intimate contacts withIndia from time immemorial, Indian influence from adjoining states was inevitable. Manyarchaeological remains have survived to prove that since Kushan period Kashmir, as apolitically powerful outpost, remained instrumental in the spread of Buddhism and itsart in the remote parts of the Western Himalayas and even beyond in Central Asia(Cunningham 1970: 317–57). During the Karakota and Utpala period (600–856), Kashmiremerged as a strong political and cultural power, besides controlling the political affairsin the whole region, it played a decisive role in the formation of artistic expression of theWestern Himalayas and later enormously influenced Western Tibet. Neophyte rulers ofthe new western Tibetan dynasty in the tenth and eleventh century gave impetus to therevival of Buddhism. During this period cultural contact of Western Tibet with northernIndia especially Kashmir turned very strong and laid solid base for the extension of itsartistic expression into the Tibetan world and later helped in designing a native style(Tucci 1972: 177–83). Nothing is known about the state of indigenous art prior to thesecond spread of Buddhism. Hence, we have to rely on the available sources which af-

firm that early phase of Western Tibetan art was prototype of Kashmir, and most prob-ably it was Avantipura art school of the ninth century which alike the Gupta art stylepermeated into the far north Himalayas (Roerich 1966: 109).

While using the term Kashmir, we should bear in our mind that it is denominator ofthe medieval Kashmir not in a restricted sense of present political state. The quantity ofbronzes known to have reported from Western Tibet and attributed to Kashmir suggeststhat there must have been many art workshops running in the peripheral region to ap-propriately meet the demand of metal images or cult icons in Western Tibet. These mayhave been located in higher northern part far from Jhelum valley, in Gilgit, Ladakh,Chamba (Chenab valley) and Kulu regions. On comparing with the medieval Kashmirisculptures those found from Pandrethan, Parihaspora, Ushkur, Avantipura, Verinag etc.located in the Jhelum valley, the bronzes reported from the Western Tibetan sites andattributed to Kashmir display a slight diversion within the greater framework of theKashmiri school. Medieval Kashmiri art expression, perhaps, is most unique one in theIndian art history, exotic in character and eclectic in nature assimilated various elementsof artistic traditions of the east and west. A microscopic analysis of the style reveals asynthesis of Gupta, Gandharan (Graeco-Roman), Sasanian, Central Asian, Chinese andByzantine traditions (Goetz 1955: 68). Still the Sassanid Persian and Khotanese influenceis more distinctly perceptible in the art expression of the northern Kashmir mainly in themurals of early temples of Western Tibet e.g. Mang nang, Alchi, Tabo, Nako etc. and alsoin bronzes (Singh 1985: 28–41).

Conclusion

The images, on the basis of their stylistic analogy with the known work displayed indifferent museums all over the world, can be attributed to the Kashmiri art style of the 10th and 11 th centuries which prevailed in the region of Western Tibet and northern Kash-mir. The aesthetic formula and rendering of stylistic details in the bronzes help the specu-lation about a sub-style in the far northern periphery of Kashmir, the higher regions ofriver Indus and Chandra-Bhaga (Chenab) lying in between Kashmir and Western Tibet.Although no archaeological or material evidence is available to locate any such work-shop in the region but the possibility can not be denied since literary references indicatethe Kashmiri artists and metal caster were active in the region and got commissions bythe neophyte rulers and nobility of western Tibetan provinces. The images seem to havecome from the personal collection of Nagaraja or were cast on his behalf for some tem-ples. Hence it would be appropriate to date them more precisely to the first quarter of theeleventh century, although the style differs from that of the Cleveland statue which is anexcellent work inspired by the great master. The images, bearing the inscription of Nagarajaknown in very limited number, probably not more than ten, display slight variation instyle from each other, because having been executed by different individual hands.

Bibliography

Cinningham, Sir A. 1970, Ladakh-Physical, Statistical & Historical (Reprint), New DelhiFrancke A. H. 1972, Antiquities of Indian Tibet (reprint), New DelhiGetty, Alice, 1978, Gods of Northern Buddhism (Reprint), New DelhiGoetz.H, Medieval Sculptures of Kashmir, Marg vol. VIII, no.2, 1955, Bombay – – – Manjushree in China, Buddhist Iconography, New DelhiMukherjee, B. N. 1989, An Illustration of Iconographic Contact Between Kartikeya and New DelhiPal. P. 1975, Bronzes of Kashmir, New DelhiPostel, M., 1985, Antiquities of Himachal, BombayRoerich. G. 1966, Tibet (Medieval Buddhist Art), Marg vol. IX, no.2, BombaySankrityayan, Rahul, 1990, Kinnar Desh Mein(3 rd edition in Hindi), New DelhiSchroeder, U. V., 1981 , Indo Tibetan Bronzes, Hong KongSingh, A. K. 1994,An Inscribed Bronze Padmap@$i from Kinnaur, Acta Orientalia, 55, Denmark – – – 1985, Trans Himalayan Wall Painting, New DelhiTucci, G. 1973, Transhimalay, GenevaTucci, G. 1988, RIN CHEN BZANG PO (english version of IndoTibetica II, Rome,1932)Vitali, Roberto, 1996, The Kingdom of Gu ge Pu hrang, Dharmsala

Indo-Tibetan trading and transhumance of Bhotia tribe ofUttaranchal Himalaya

A.P. Singh

Bhotia, a scheduled tribe of India, resides in Garhwal and Kumaon divisions of UttaranchalState of India.This was declared as a scheduled tribe in 1967 and is divided into eightendogamous groups, namely, Marchha, Tolchha, Jadh, Byangsi, Chandangsi, Derma,Johari, and Shaukiya.The present research paper examines the trading and transhumanceof these Bhotia-groups with Tibet across the Indian border.It is concluded in the paperthat after the Sino-Indian war of 1962 and consequent closure of Indo-Tibetan border,much changes with regard to socio-economic profiles of Bhotia have come up still incor-porating the Tibetan impact.

The organisation of political space and histories ofgovernance in Inner Asia: comparing Mongolia and Tibet

David Sneath

This paper explores common themes in the conceptualisation and organisation of politi-cal space in Tibetan and Mongolian history at two levels. Firstly, at the local level, thereare striking parallels between the notions of territory and social order that are expressedin rituals such as the Tibetan lha-rtse/la-rtse and Mongolian oboo rites. Secondly, the his-tory of the administrative architecture of Inner Asian polities reveals common trends inthe conceptualisation of political space, which may also have been reflected in ritual.

At the local level the comparison of ‘mountain cults’ of Mongolia and Tibet revealsarresting similarities in the ways in which territory is conceived and human relationswith the environment managed. The lha-rtse/la-rtse and Mongolian oboo rituals both pro-pitiate spirit masters/owners or deities of a local territory, and were generally consideredessentially secular traditions, although they came to be generally supported and sancti-fied by the monastic establishment in Mongolia. In the Tibetan case the local entitiesconcerned might be gzhi-bdag, yul-lha or sa-bdag. The equivalent Mongolian local spiritswere gazaryn ezed (masters of the land) and classed as sa-bdag by the monastic establish-ment. Here too rites for mountains were of particular significance. In both traditions theceremonies are conducted at a cairn marked with numerous flags, are traditionally at-tended by adult males and are followed by horse races and archery contests. In bothcases these practices had important political aspects. In Qing times the Mongolian ritesexpressed the administrative divisions and subdivisions of the state (Sneath 2000: 235–50) and reflected the relations of political subjects to district authorities. In the Tibetancase Karmay 1998:423–50 argues that the concept of gzhi-bdag / yul-lha local deities re-flects the territorial divisions of the polity of the early Tibetan clanic society, and mayhave originally resembled the muster of warriors by local leaders. This paper exploresparallels between the two traditions, drawing on original ethnography of oboo ritual fromInner and Outer Mongolia.

Just as ritual practices express comparable local conceptions of political space, at thelevel of state administration there are a number of parallels in the ways in which thecentre and constituent parts of the polity are constituted and oriented. The Tibetan statemade use of administrative distinctions between eastern, western and central ‘horns’since the time of Srong btsan sgam po’s 7th Century empire if not before. Polities of theMongolian steppe display parallel distinctions, some of them extremely ancient. The ad-ministrative space of the Xiongnu empire of the 3rd century BC was described in the Hanshu as the ‘four horns and six horns’. Since that time steppe polities have persistantlyutilised similar idioms of spacial orientation and distribution, such as the tölis and tardush(eastern and western wings) of the 6th century Turkish empire. The ston-sde ’thousand-

districts’ were fundamental administrative units of Srong btsan sgam po’s state (Urayand Uebach 1994:913). These were grouped into the ‘four horns’ ru-bzhi of Tibet: the gyon-ru (left horn), gyas-ru (right horn) and dbu-ru (central horn). The ru-lag ’additional horn’was added in the 8th century ’Dus Srong period. Such administrative units of one thou-sand also appear to be an Inner Asian politico-military form of very long standing. SimaQian in the Shi ji records that the Xiongnu were administered in units of one thousand.The myriad (minggan) was the basic administrative unit of the Jurchens of the 12th cen-tury Jin empire (P.K. Crossley1997:27), as was the myangan unit of Chinggis Khan’s 13thcentury Mongol state. The administrative divisions the early Mongol state resembledSrong btsan sgam po’s more closely than either the Xiongnu, or Jurchen in that thousandunits were grouped into a ‘right hand’ (western) a ‘left hand’ (eastern) and a ‘middle’units of ten thousand (tumen). These administrative forms are clearly different from theChinese junxian tradition, as can be seen from the study of areas in which one systemreplaced the other – such as 8th century Dunhuang (Takeuchi 1994:856).

Comparisons of this sort provide some insights into the ways in which idioms, no-tions and rituals of territorial organisation have been widely borrowed and adapted bythe statebuilding elites in Inner Asia since very early times.

A study of Khyung Sprul and his monastery Gur gyam

Sonam Chogyal

My paper focuses on Gur gyam Monastery in Mnga’ ris, i.e.western Tibet and on the lifeof its founder, Khyung sprul Rinpoche (1897–1957). The primary source for my work isthe two-volume biography of Khyung sprul, composed by his disciple Dpal ldan tshulkhrims and published in India in 1957. I have also done fieldwork in Mnga’ ris in 1998,interviewing disciples of Khung sprul as well as local administrators. I have also studiedletters exchanged between Khyung sprul and local officials at the time, and a translationof two such letters are included in my thesis in order to demonstrate the official relation-ship between a monastery and the government in old Tibet.

Khyung sprul travelled widely and he went on pilgrimage to holy Buddhist sites inIndia twice, in1922 and in 1925 respectively. The reason for his later travels to India in1946 and 1948 was to print Bon scripture. Khyung sprul’s activities outside Tibet havebeen studied by Per Kvaerne in an article from 1998. I have therefore focused on theconstruction of the monastery and Khyung sprul’s activities in Tibet. In the mean time, Ihave studied how the monastery obtained land, animals, forest, and servants as dona-tions from the government, from ordinary people, from noble families and even fromforeign countries. I have also focused on the policies of the regional and the central gov-ernment towards the establishment of this monastery, which belong to Bon religion.

Khyung sprul was born into a wealthy family and his father was minister of the Kingof Hor, in the Nag chu area, to the north of Lhasa. Khyung sprul was educated by manylearned masters of the Bonpo tradition, as well as by many masters of various Buddhisttraditions in Tibet. After he finished his religious studies at the Sman ri monastery inGtsang, Khyung sprul was a wandering lama, preaching Bon wherever he came. Aftermany years of staying in remote area, he felt the need for a permanent residence. In 1936,he built his own monastery in Mnga’ ris.

Khyung sprul was well known in western Tibet as a religious master, local mediatorand astrologer, he was even widely sought as a healer with magical abilities in Tibet andthe district of Kinnur in northern India. He came to dedicate his life to restoring the Bontradition which had disappeared in western Tibet, and he built monasteries in sacredplaces in order to help people avert conflicts, disease and to promote peace and harmonyfor the region.

Gur gyam was built and run entirely according to the traditional ways that havebeen practised for nearly a thousand years in Tibet. During its construction, many offi-cials of the local government as well as many religious masters from other religious schoolsgave their support to the monastery. Although it functioned for only two decades, the

treasures, the precious scriptures, and the religious objects that were preserved in themonastery at the time could compete with many other older monasteries in Tibet. Unfor-tunately, Gur gyam monastery was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution.

The restoration of Bon and Buddhist monasteries in western Tibet started again inthe early1980s. Not long after the reestablishment of Gur gyam in 1987, all the religiousactivities such as performing rituals, staying in retreat and doing pilgrimages were ac-tively revitalized. At present, the monastery is small compared what it used to be andthere are only six monks, and Gur gyam monastery is the only Bonpo institutions inwestern Tibet. The monks who live and maintain the monastery come from far beyondthe region where the monastery is located. The process of rebuilding the monastery isstill going on and it attracts many Bonpo believers and scholars as well as tourists again.

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Trends in integration of Bhutanese Society

Sonam Kinga

Before the late King, His Majesty Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1928–72), laid the foundation ofmodern education system in the 1950s, only monastic education was available. Writingsand scholarship on Bhutan by Bhutanese authors have largely been limited to a few genreslike hagiographies of Buddhist saints and lama, history, religious treatise and poetry. Al-most all of them were written in Chokey, classical Tibetan. Hence, they have a strong Bud-dhist content. Aspects of popular literature articulating non-clerical values found expres-sion only through oral medium, which has resulted in a strong oral tradition among vari-ous communities in the country. For long, non-Bhutanese authors wrote almost every lit-erature on Bhutan available in English. Only recently has Bhutanese authors adopted Eng-lish as medium of writing. This however, does not indicate total decline or disappearanceof indigenous scholarship in Dzongkha, the national language and Chokey. The first amongnon-Bhutanese authors writing on Bhutan in English were political missionaries of BritishIndia beginning with George Bogle in 1774 and continuing till the first half of 20th centurywith British Political Officers of Sikkim who directly dealt with Bhutan. On their missions,the British emissaries kept records of the life and activities of ordinary people. These as-pects of life were not the areas of traditional scholarship. The second group of scholars wasmostly Indians but there are some western writers as well. Subsequent to India’s Inde-pendence in 1947, and the launching of development programmes in Bhutan in 1960–61with financial support of the Indian government, many Indians visited Bhutan in variouscapacities as technical advisors, expatriates, teachers and others. In their writings, we finda continuation of the interest on non-clerical aspects of Bhutanese life. A common approachamong them has been to provide a general introduction or write about the country’s geog-raphy, people and lifestyle. And all of them, consciously or otherwise followed their pred-ecessors in dividing the country into specific geographic zones inhabited by people to whomthey ascribed specific ethnolinguistic characteristics. Many statements such as the follow-ing are very common in their works: Dzongkha is the ‘language of the home’ in westernBhutan. The different dialects spoken in eastern Bhutan generally fall into two broad lin-guistic categories – the Bumthang or the Tashigang dialect. The Nepali Bhutanese whomake up the vast majority of the population in southern Bhutan come from a wide varietyof communities in Nepal, most of which have their language or dialect’. Except for peopleof Nepali origin who came in the beginning of the last century, this conventional classifica-tion must have been valid for most part of the country’s history. But it is no longer applica-ble to modern Bhutanese society, which has seen progressive trends at integration of vari-ous ethno-linguistic groups. Such rigid classification has completely excluded local migra-tions, population movement and settlements that have occurred over the years either asresults of epidemic outbreak, local migration, resettlement programme, land purchase andsettlement and inter-ethnic marriages. These factors have gradually brought about changesin the demographic landscape of the country.

The purpose of this paper is to study the gradual development of this rigid conven-tional classification of ethno-linguistic group into an unchallenged fact over the years,and then provide preliminary evidences of the trends in social integration in recent dec-ades. I will consider the position of different non-Bhutanese authors on this issue. Somewriters have produced maps to illustrate the cultural and linguistic divisions they wroteabout. I will analyse these maps, and then discuss the confusion pertaining to usage ofgeographic terms by writers for directions like ‘east and west’ in their works in referringto administrative or linguistic units. Finally I will enumerate some social processes thatserve as preliminary evidences of the gradual disappearance of boundaries among dif-ferent ethno-linguistic groups drawn by the writers. These processes are generated bysocio-economic development, modernization, education and other factors.

The Skyor-mo-lung seminar in Medieval Tibet

Per Sørensen

The sKyor-mo-lung chos sde located in sTod-lung bDe-chen xian south-west of Lhasa closeto the confluence of sTod-lung-chu and sKyid-chu river was a famous Vinaya institutionand seminar established in 1169 A.D. associated with the bKa’-gdams-pa tradition. Itsabbatial seat was over several centuries occupied by a nephew lineage of the mNga’-rissBal-ti (~ Val-ti) clan. As a center of erudition, scholasticism and hermeneutics, in theperiod up to the close of the 15th century, it counted among the six main-seats (gdan sa) oferudition in Central Tibet, which were reckoned both as centres of hermeneutics (bshadgrva) as much as centres of spiritual attainment (sgrub grva), which under the triad dGa’sKyor Zul and the triad bDe gSang Gung in all comprised

dGa’-ba-gdong sKyor-mo-lung and Zul-phubDe-ba-can gSang-phu and Gung-thang

Zul-phu and dGa’-ba-gdong were over the years associated with sKyor-mo-lung andcan be regarded as branch settlements of the latter. bDe-ba-can and Chos-’khor-glingrespectively were erected as dependencies on the initiative of the gSang-phu throne-hold-ers. In the 15th century sKyor-mo-lung was turned into a dGe-lugs institution and thuswas incorporated into the latter’s monastic network. The paper describes the history andvicissitudes of this once influential seat.

Territoriality and fragmented political control on the Gansu-Tibetan frontier: a local history of Chone and Thewu,

1880–1940

Wim van Spengen

If territoriality is the persistent attachment to a specific territory and fragmentation standsfor the tendency of political power to break up under a variety of pressures, the subjectmatter of this proposed history of the Chone and Thewu frontier lands may well havebeen sufficiently indicated. A frontier region, by definition, is a marchland, a border areain which effective territorial control by a central authority is limited. On the southernGansu-Tibetan border the central authority of both China and the central Tibetan politywas at least tenuous for the period under discussion (1880–1940), and the local principal-ity of Chone and its monastic counterpart may be said to have wielded little effectivepolitical power in its more outlying areas too. In particular the Thewu in their secludedriver valleys beyond the Min Shan escaped princely control and were virtually a lawunto themselves. But there was little law to speak of, and infighting between clans andvillages were the order of the day.

Although the history of northeastern Tibet, mainly on the basis of Tibetan and Chi-nese sources, is increasingly in the process of being unraveled, I propose here to highlightthe contribution the older European travel literature (both published and unpublished)can make to this attempt at historical interpretation. After all, travelers, missionaries, andpolitical agents had a chance to see and hear things, which, when put in their propercontext, provide us with an additional perspective on the frontier history under review.The southern Gansu-Tibetan border region in particular deserves further elaboration, asthe local history of Chone and Thewu is less well known than the historical vicissitudesof the neighbouring monastic centres of Kumbum and Labrang.

Political power in the Chone princely territory, or rather the lack of it, made for veryunsettled frontier conditions for the greater part of the period, and the main thrust of thiscontribution is to show how interlocking spheres of political power at different scalelevels, interacted to produce a unique historical situation. First of all, there were the Thewu,the inhabitants of the Tao, but more so the deeply eroded Peishui river valley. By the endof the 19th century historical circumstances had produced an impoverished and utterlyunruly population, more or less kept in check by the prince of Chone. Conspicuous localThewu robbery and occasionally wholesale Thewu raids plagued Chone well into the1920s. Secondly, there was the Tibetan prince of Chone who had to fight Chinese politicalencroachment on his territory, intermittently giving way to periods of political vacuum,as for instance in the years after the Chinese Revolution of 1911. These periods of lessercentral Chinese control, however, brought the danger of roaming warlords like the WhiteWolf who terrorized the Tao river valley in May 1914. Thirdly, there were the Christian

missionaries who from about 1895 had settled in the upper Tao valley near Taochou andlater Chone, and from there tried to establish a foothold in the trans – Min Shan Thewustrongholds. Fourthly, there were the Mohammedan Chinese of the neighbouring dis-tricts of Taochow, Minchow, and Hochow, who staged two bloody rebellions against theChinese, the reverberations of which were felt all along the Gansu-Tibetan border. Fi-nally there was the fluctuating but persisting, and over time increasing, Chinese politicalpressure, at first through the prince of Chone, but later more directly through the viceroyof Gansu at Lanchow. Ultimately, the prince of Chone was removed from power in the1930s.

A formerly de facto Tibetan territory, through a period of fragmented political con-trol, itself the product of a complex interlocking set of power relations at different scalelevels in a transitional frontier area, had slowly ended up in Chinese hands. It is thestated purpose of this paper to trace more in detail the rich local history of Chone andThewu, which may finally contribute to a better understanding of the structural dynam-ics of Sino-Tibetan frontier history at large.

Zhao Erfeng reconsidered

Elliot Sperling

Much time has passed since I looked at the late-Qing campaigns of Zhao Erfeng in Khams.Those campaigns, in which Zhao attempted to pacify a very restive region, was particu-larly significant in creating a situation in which the nature of relations between the Ti-betan government and the Republic of China, as well as the Sino-Tibetan boundary issueremained unresolved. Over the course of the last two decades several important worksbearing on Zhao’s activities in Khams have appeared in both Chinese and Tibetan, suchas the biography of Brag-dkar Blo-bzang dpal-ldan (written in 1911). This paper willexplore these sources so as to revise our image of Zhao and take greater account of theperceptions he generated among Tibetans.

About the human propensity to “visual metaphors”: theDarsan of lHa-bTsun Nam mkha’ ’Jigs-med in Tholung

monastery, ’Bras ljongs (Sikkim, India), 2003

Brigitte Steinmann

“Lha btsun Nam mkha’ ’Jigs-med (Lhatsun Chenpo), the founder of the rdzogs-chen sect inSikkim (…), was born in a Southern province of Tibet called Jarpa, in the village calledLha-yul zhi-rab. He was born of the celestial race. His father was one Cho-skyong mgon-po,his mother’s name was Yig-dbang buga. He was born in the me-bya year (1597 AD), andreceived his instructions under the saints Bsod-nams dbang-po, Rig-’dzin ’Ja’-tshon snying-po and the learned Padma-legs-grub” (…)

Thus starts the story of the most revered saint of Sikkim, Lhatsun Chenpo, as it isretold in the ’Bras-ljongs rgyal-rabs or “History of the Kingdom of Sikkim”, composed bythe 9th Chögyal, Thutob Namgyal and Maharani Yeshe Dolma (1860–1914). It is said alsothat Lha btsun Nam mkha’ ’Jigs-med, who started from Kongbu in Tibet, reached Yoksum(West-Sikkim), with 35 followers, where it is well-known that he consecrated the firstchögyal of ’Bras ljongs in the 17th century. This place should have a sacred destiny, bybecoming the core of the Buddhist Tibetan kingdom of Sikkim, which declined and fellwith its annexation to India in 1974.

Nowadays, many pilgrims (Northerners, Easterners, Southerners, Westerners, andamong them, Bhotias and Lepchas), converge every three years to Tholung monastery inDzongu (reserved and restricted area of India), in order to see again the prestigious fig-ure of the Saint, whose iconography is richly and abundantly displayed all over Sikkim,through many ancient or more modern monasteries.

This paper intends to retrace the living myth of the saint, through the experience ofhis “darsan” in Tholung (April 2003), and further, to re-scrutinize the “metaphoric ma-nia” of a very human habit : “visualizing”, for believing.

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/<ë+-,0<-…ë:-0Ê 

Sonam Drolma (Suonan Zhuoma)   

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#<ß0-¸¥-/Z¨<-ý-Ië0-7+Ü7Ü-,$-+ë,-#,+-/Z¨<-<ß-‚9-/7ëÊ            

“Eat it up or throw it to the dogs?” dGe ’dun chos ’phel (1903–1951), Ma gcig lab sgron (1055–1153) and Pha dam pa sangs

rgyas (d.1117). On the disposal of corpses of “holy beings” inTiebtan Buddhism: the last nine hundred years

Heather Stoddard

From archeological and historical evidence an important rupture or transformation inTibetan funerary rites appears to have taken place sometime between the “Fragmenta-tion of Tibet”, Bod gsil-bu’i dus skabs (ca. 842–978), and the initial period of the “LatterDiffusion”, Phyi-dar (late 10th- early 12th c.). The ancient practice of burial in individualor collective tombs and tumuli, for people from all walks of life, known from hundreds ofsites all over the Tibetan plateau from paleolithic times onwards, disappears. In its place,diverse means of disposal of the body come into practice, described according to theelements: earth, water, fire and air, with the last two predominating, respectively, forreligious masters and ordinary people.

This transformation indicates a radical shift in patterns of belief and attitudes to-wards life and death and the human body, associated with Buddhism and its fundamen-tal tenets of the composite nature and the impermanence of all phenomena. While fireburial is consistent with Indian practice, air burial, which comes to dominate Tibetansociety right down to the present day, is not known in other Buddhist societies, and maybe most closely associated with Zoroastrian rites, prevelant in Sogdiana at a time whenthe Tibetan empire was at its greatest expansion. Mummification is another importantpractice also used for religious hierarchs.

This paper explores various factors that might have contributed to the diversifica-tion of funeral rites in Tibet over the last thousand years, with precise examples takenfrom literary and oral sources, and from empirical evidence, particularly with regard tosome of the most well known religious masters.

rGyud smad grwa tshang in India: the new ‘emanation’ of aremarkable Tibetan monastery

Axel K. Stroem

rGyud smad grwa tshang is in many respects different from other Tibetan monasteries(except its ‘twin monastery’, rGyud stod grwa tshang). It is a sgrub grwa, an institutiondedicated to Tantric practice, but it is also one of the highest seats of learning of the dGelugs pa order. As such, it is not an independent institution, but closely affiliated withgDan sa gSum (the ‘Three Seats’: Se ra, ’Bras-spungs and dGa´ldan) and headed by sen-ior scholars from these monasteries. All students of the Three Seats who have attainedthe dge bshes lha rams pa degree are obliged to spend at least a year at either rGyudsmad or rGyud stod, and the incumbents of the highest offices of the dGe lugs order arechosen from among the former abbots of these two monasteries. The permanent inmatesof the monastery form, however, an unusually egalitarian community, in which all prop-erty and income is common and equally shared.

The new ‘emanation’ of rGyud smad grwa tshang, located in southern Karnataka,perpetuates – among the reestablished Tibetan monasteries even to a remarkable extent –the traditions of its ‘former incarnation’ in Lhasa (which is presently undergoing physi-cal rehabilitation, if not spiritual revival). It is, however, also a local monastery which hasto serve the Tibetan settlement of which it forms the center, and the institution also has tosatisfy new educational needs of its resident monks.

I will in this paper attempt to describe and analyse the monastery’s present mode oforganisation and assess the degree to which the institution manages to fulfill all itsobjectives.

The singing of seventeenth-century mgur in Amdo today: Acontinuing tradition

Victoria Sujata

I seek to expand our understanding of the genre of mgur by investigating further thenotion that mgur have generally been sung to folk song melodies. In order to do so, Ianalyze the ongoing tradition of singing the Mgur ’bum (Collected Songs of Spiritual Reali-zation) of Skal ldan rgya mtsho (1607–1677), the cultural hero of Amdo who to this day isrevered as the first in one of the most important reincarnation lineages of Reb gong.

Oral tradition claims that the present style of singing his mgur dates back to one ofhis direct disciples. Still today monks and lay soloists sing them in rituals, which is unu-sual because the singing of most other siddhas’ mgur has died out. Even more unusual isthe general standardization of their performance today. To my knowledge, this is the firstmusical analysis in Western literature of any collection of mgur sung in a consistent way.

My previous textual analysis of stylistic features in the Mgur ’bum led me to concludethat Skal ldan rgya mtsho’s mgur were more influenced by folk songs than by classicalverse. Most of his meters are found in folk songs, which indicates that be may have sunghis mgur with folk melodies. My present analysis further supports this theory by show-ing that the melodic and rhythmic style are like those of folk songs sung in Eastern Tibet,and hence may well resemble how Skal ldan rgya mtsho sang his songs.

Since to my knowledge I am the only Westerner who has heard his songs, I willillustrate my points with examples from my CD containing some of my recordings fromAmdo.

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Sumpa Rinchen Tashi                                       

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Old Tibetan Buddhist texts from post-Tibetan Empire period(mid–9 c. to late 10 c.)

Tsuguhito Takeuchi

In my paper given at the 8th IATS (Bloomington, 1998) and its revised version read atthe’Turfan Revisited’ symposium (Berlin, 2002), I proposed 57 Old Tibetan texts belong-ing to the post-Tibetan Empire period. In that paper, however, I touched only a littleabout Buddhist texts. Recently, having extensively checked and rechecked possible can-didates among the Buddhist texts, I have come to realize that several groups of Buddhisttexts, e.g., those with the site number ‘Ch.73.III.’ in the Stein Collection, can all be as-cribed to that period. Of these, certain number of texts definitely belong to the 10th cen-tury. Consequently, the number of Old Tibetan Buddhist texts written during the time ofGui-yi-jun will increase drastically. This will certainly lead us to reconsider and remodelour concept of Tibetan Buddhism among non-Tibetans in Hexi and Dunhuang from themid–9th to the late 10th centuries onward until the sebsequent Tangut period.

Sikkim’s Namgyal Institute of Tibetology: its origins andcurrent activities

Tashi Densapa

The intention of this paper is to re-introduce the Namgyal Institute of Tibetology (NIT) tothe world of Tibetan Studies today: its origins, purposes, activities, resources and publi-cations. It hopes to invite scholars from the international community to make use of theInstitute’s facilities, carry out research in Sikkim on any aspect of Tibetology, Sikkimesehistory or the languages and cultures of Sikkim’s numerous ethnic communities, andcontribute to the NIT’s Bulletin of Tibetology

Since its establishment in 1958, the NIT has sponsored and promoted research on thereligion, history, language, art and culture of the people of the Tibetan cultural area whichincludes Sikkim. The NIT’s library holds one of the largest collection of Tibetan works inthe world outside Tibet and a museum of Tibetan iconography and religious art. It haspublished the Bulletin of Tibetology since 1964 and numerous books over the years.

The site on which the institute was established was donated by the late Chogyal(king) of Sikkim Sir Tashi Namgyal in memory of his departed son Paljor Namgyal. Thefoundation stone of the institute was laid by the 14th Dalai Lama on the 10th of February1957 and the institute was declared open by the late Prime Minister of India PanditJawaharlal Nehru on the 1st of October 1958. The building of the institute is an imposingmonument and a splendid example of Sikkimese architecture.

When the Institute was founded in 1958, Sikkim was still an independent Buddhistkingdom and the Institute, its scholars and library had an important role to play inSikkimese society. This role became even greater following the Chinese take over of Tibetin 1959 and the settlement of eminent Tibetan rinpoches and scholars in Sikkim. Thesame was true for the rest of the world and Tibetology soon gained worldwide recogni-tion and greatly progressed as an academic discipline. However, following the end of theBuddhist monarchy in 1975, the winds of change swept rapidly through Sikkim and thesubject of Tibetology gradually lost the importance it once enjoyed. The NIT now wishes

to regain its prominent position, this time as an important research centre in the EasternHimalayas.

In the summer of 2002, as the newly appointed Director of the institute, I undertookto expand the NIT, restructure its research wing and open its doors to international col-laboration. This is being done through the creation of new research programs, monthlylecture series, seminars, language classes, fellowship programs, publications and collabo-ration with foreign scholars. It is hoped that the institute will actively promote Tibetanand Sikkimese studies, and become a dynamic research centre. In order to help me achievethis, I have appointed Tashi Tsering (Amnye Machen Institute, Dharamsala) as part-timeConsultant and Anna Balikci Denjongpa (PhD London) as Research-Coordinator.

From its publication department, the NIT has undertaken to translate and publish itsrare manuscripts, histories of Sikkim and sacred guide-books in order to make them avail-able to a larger public. Among its new research programs, the NIT’s Research Officershave undertaken a project to document the social history of Sikkim’s 60-odd monasteriesin order to publish an illustrated book on the subject. A second project proposes to locate,digitalize and document old and rare photographs of Sikkim, both in India and abroad.The aim is to create a digital image bank at the NIT and organize a permanent photo-graphic exhibition .The NIT is also establishing a visual anthropology project in order toproduce an enduring digital record of Sikkim’s vanishing indigenous and Buddhistcultures.

An international inter-disciplinary seminar on Sikkim will be held at the institutetowards the end of 2003 in honour of famous Sikkimese scholars in Tibetan studies. It ishoped that the seminar will generate interest in Sikkimese studies and facilitate the es-tablishment of an international association for Sikkimese studies based at the institute.

The NIT will soon undergo a general expansion of its infrastructure and facilities.The construction of a new building which will house a library, study rooms, a conferencehall, studios and an administrative wing is to begin before the end of the year. The presenthostel will be renovated to accommodate visiting scholars wishing to carry out researchat the institute.

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Tashi Palden   

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A preliminary note on two branches of the lha sras btsan pogenealogy in Central Khams

Tashi Tsering

Documents in Tibetan on the scions (either authentic or legendary) of the lha sras btsanpo genealogy in the areas of eastern Bhutan and Mon Rta wang have been published inthe recent past by the late Dr. Michael Aris (1979 and 1984, including English transla-tions) and Drag shos bstan ’dzin rdo rje from Dga’ gling in eastern Bhutan (1984). Like-wise, the descendant of the lha sra btsan po who migrated to Tsong kha in A mdo duringthe 11th century has been discussed in the works by the late A lags Dmu dge bsam gtan(1984) and by Bianca Horlemann (1998, plus her subsequent Ph.D. dissertation), as wellas in a number of articles that appeared in several journals. On the Tsong kha’i rgyal pothere is even a semi-historical monograph by Tshe brtan rdo rje (1998). To the best of myknowledge, not much has been published in the modern studies concerning two branchlineages of the lha sras btsan po that respectively migrated to the area of Ngom nearChab mdo in Central Khams and a nearby territory during different periods. Here I at-tempt to put together some fragmented accounts in order to bring this tradition to theattention of the scholars, check its reliability and articulate a tentative genealogical outline.

Development and implementation of Tibetan collationalgorithm

Tashi TseringW.N. Martin

There are four fundamental issues for a language to be processed or supported in a com-puter system: encoding, font design, input method, and collation algorithm. Without acollation algorithm, a computer cannot collate the strings of a language, and hence thelanguage cannot be processed in a computer thoroughly. For those languages that useLatin letters, a collation algorithm is not an issue. However, for those complex languages– languages which have a more complex writing structure – a collation algorithm couldbe very complicated. Some languages in the world are still not supported in major oper-ating systems such as Microsoft Windows. Part of the reason for this is that problemssurrounding the collation issue for these languages have yet to be solved, and conse-quently, the computer systems are unable to thoroughly support the languages. Tibetanis one such complex language. It has many of the same problems in the design and imple-mentation of a collation algorithm possessed by some other complex languages. Althougha popular opinion of the past was that it was not possible to devise a sufficiently robustalgorithm for the collation of Tibetan strings in a computer, in this paper, we will presenta Tibetan collation algorithm deduced and designed from traditional rules for sortingTibetan syllables. In addition, we will discuss the implementation issues of the algorithm,Java source code for the implementation of the Tibetan algorithm already having beenopened to the public

<http://www.cs.virginia.edu/~tt3e/files/Research.html>.

A demonstration of sorting Tibetan words for a sample dictionary using this algo-rithm will be presented as well.

Specification for design and implementation of open typefonts for Tibetan script

Tashi TseringW.N. Martin

OpenType is the most powerful and popular font format today. It is a new cross-platformfont file format developed jointly by Adobe, Apple, and Microsoft. OpenType allowsusers move font files back and forth between platforms, and hence the same OpenTypefont files will work on Macintosh and Windows computers, and (with FreeType – anopen source font engine) under UNIX and Linux. A superset of the existing TrueType andType 1 (PostScript) formats, OpenType provides greater language support than any pre-vious font format containing not only the standard font layout data, but glyph process-ing information (instructions) such as glyph substitution and positioning as well, ena-bling the full support of complex scripts (such as Tibetan) which require character reor-dering and/or glyph processing to display, print or edit. OpenType fonts use the interna-tional Unicode encoding standard, which is becoming more widely adopted in industry,which assigns a unique code number for characters that represent most of the scripts inthe world. Currently, the OpenType font format is the only way to thoroughly supportthose scripts in a computer system. It is believed that the Tibetan Unicode character set incombination with OpenType technology will offer a long-term solution to a number ofTibetan data processing problems. In this paper, we will (1) provide a brief introductionto Unicode and OpenType technology; (2) address encoding issues in the Tibetan scriptrelevant to designing various OpenType fonts; (3) survey OpenType features for the Ti-betan script; (4) describe the Tibetan syllable and stack processing rules for applicationsbased on Unicode and OpenType technology; and (5) discuss the various other issuesconnected with the Unicode Tibetan character set and OpenType font design for Tibetanscripts.

The rNal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don manuscript of the“Gondhla Kanjur”

Helmut Tauscher

The “Gondhla Kanjur” is a set of 35 volumes of partly illuminated manuscripts kept inprivate possession at Gondhla, Lahaul, Himachal Pradesh. It contains the greater partthe text included in the mDo section of the Tibetan canon. However, there are no Sherphyin and only a few rGyud texts. These parts of the collection are said to be kept at anunknown place in the western Himalayas and still have to be discovered. According topalaeographic, orthographic and art-historical evidence it can be tentatively dated to thelate 13/ early 14 century. Some historical information provided by colophons unfortu-nately do not, at the present stage of our knowledge, allow a more precise dating.

A few texts preserved at Gondhla have, however, never been included into any ca-nonical collection known of. Among them there is the rNal ’byor chen po/por/pos bsgompa’i don, a text that seems to have gained some relevance in the course of the so-calleddebate of bSam yas/Lhasa. It comprises 40 fols., and essentially it is an anthology ofquotations from 80 – so the texts says, but in fact it lists 82 – sÒtras in answer to 88 ques-tions that are obviously considered to be relevant for the “practice of mah›yoga”, subse-quent to the initial and crucial question: “How is the perfection of insight, which is ho-mogeneous by nature and unitary, differentiated?”

Up to now this text has been extant only in fragments: 12 fols. of a manuscript fromDunhuang (PT 818 and ST 705) and fragments from two manuscripts, consisting of 9 and3 fols., from Tabo. The Dunhuang material has been studied by Lalou, Imaeda andOkimoto, the Tabo material has only recently be presented by Otokawa in Tabo Studies II:Manuscripts, Texts, Inscriptions, and the Arts, Ed. C.Scherrer-Schaub and E.Steinkellner,Roma 1999.

Now, with the entire text available, some open points can be clarified. One of them isthe title itself: rNal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don is given at the end of the various chapters,at the beginning and the end of the text it is referred to as mDo sde brgyad (b)cu khungs, a

phrase that occurs several times also within the text. As a text with this title is attributedto Hwa shang Mah›y›na by Bu ston, it has been generally accepted to denote an anthol-ogy of sÒtras which served as the source of the quotations in the rNal ’byor chen po bsgompa’i don. On the basis of the Gondhla MS, however, the two names have obviously to betaken as alternative titles, and according to PT 996, where sPug Ye shes dbyangs (771–850) is given as the author, Bu ston’s attribution of this text to Hwa shang seems to bemistaken.

The aims of the present paper are preliminary presentations of the “Gondhla Kanjur”in general and of the rNal ’byor chen po bsgom pa’i don in particular, as well as a compari-son of the Gondhla MS with the fragments of Tabo and Dunhuang.

The ‘Twelve Tamangs’ and the ‘Eighteen Great Clans oflDong Chenpo’

Gabriele Tautscher

The aim of the paper is to discuss the origins in the formation and coneceptualization ofsocio-political (Tamang) clan units at the periphery of the Tibetan world and within thesphere of the Nepali state. One central issue herein are the references to the ancient Ti-betan clannames and to the Tibetan kingdom found in the genelogies of the clans (gdunrabs) and in the Tamang Buddhist cosmogonic texts (rus chen bco brgyad). The other themeare the varying interpretations of Tamang origin and history stated in the written andoral accounts, as well as those expressed by the recent Tamang indigenous movement.

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Bod kyi rlung rta’i rgyan ris dang de’i khyad chos skor mdotsam gleng ba

(The patterns on rlung rta and their implications)

Tempa Rabten

Rlung rta (hereafter lungta) feature widely in Tibetan society and Tibetan cultural areas.However, the present study mainly concentrates on the patterns on lungta and their de-velopment. The paper is divided into three parts, as follows:

1. The patterns on lungta developed after the spread of the Bon religion in Tibet. Thisreligion has more than three thousand years history, something that can be confirmedby documents of the Bon religion. The patterns on lungta reflect the spiritual life ofTibetans, since Tibetans put lungta on the mountain peaks and roofs of houses inorder to achieve auspicious results. However, in the chapter I shall discuss somepatterns on lungta that reflect the influence of the Bon religion. Moreover, I shall offera definition of the term lungta.

2. After Songtsan Gampo married the Chinese and Nepalese princesses and built Bud-dhist temples in Tibet, the Buddhist culture influenced the lungta and its motifs. Ishall give more information about the nature of this Buddhist influence.

I shall discuss the later development of lungta and its patterns after the Second Diffu-sion. At the same time, I shall discuss variations in style that have come about as a resultof the work of different artists.

Tibetan landshape: an unusual geomantic document

David Templeman

Recently an unusual Tibetan document came into my hands. It appears to be ‘villagelama’ business, dealing as it does with geomancy, but there are aspects of it which seemto be of some special interest. The document was hand written in the early 20th centurybut appears to contain material from a much earlier date. It sets out a series of 53 shapeswhich land may be seen to adopt. The factors controlling the outline of the shapes aremountains and hills, ridges, paths, fields, rivers and forests, among others. The docu-ment sketches the shapes so defined and locates the sites within those shapes which maybe used for the building of tombs, stupas,temples and other structures. It also suggestswhich locations are more auspicious than others. The reader will immediately be remindedof certain aspects of Chinese Feng-shui which, in the form of landscape geomancy isgenerally believed to have evolved in the 9th cent. My contention is that although thedocument under consideration does display certain aspects of late T’ang geomantic knowl-edge, there are aspects of it which may have developed from a somewhat earlier Tibetanstrata of knowledge about the importance of the shape of land for tomb construction.

Tibetan medicine in the 21st Century: clinical trial of Tibetanmedicine in the treatment of newly diagnosed Non-Insulin

Dependent Diabetes Mellitus (NIDDM)

Tenzin Namdul

Tibetan medicine can be traced back for about 2500 years. It started from a basic knowl-edge of people and their diet. As time passed, Tibetan medicine explored and integratedwith the various traditional medical systems from surrounding regions. These were theIndian Ayurvedic system, the Greek system, the Chinese system and the Unani system.In the 7th century, King Songtsen Gampo (617–650 AD) invited physicians from India,china and Persia to Tibet in order to share and add to Tibetan medical knowledge. In the8th century, during the reign of King Trisong Deutsen (742–798 AD), the first formal,recorded international medical conference was held at Samye in Tibet. After the confer-ence, Yuthok Yonten Gompo, the Elder (708–833 AD), synthesises the essence of the vari-ous Asian medical systems and wrote gGyud-bzhi. This is the Four Tantra; the fundamen-tal classical text of Tibetan medicine. It is still today a classical text. Throughout the sec-ond millenium, Tibetan medicine produced many eminent scholars and physicians, andflourished.

In 1916, H.H. the 13th Dalai Lama established Men-Tsee-Khang (Tibetan Medical &Astrological Institute) at Lhasa in Tibet. In 1959, with the invasion of Tibet by China,Men-Tsee-Khang was closed temporarily. Many staff and students as well as village basedTibetan physicians were arrested and imprisoned. In the following years, the Chineseauthorities destroyed many Tibetan medical scriptures, paintings and traditional medi-cines.

On March 23, 1961, in order to revive and promote Tibetan culture, H.H. the 14thDalai Lama re-established Men-Tsee-Khang at Dharamsala, India. Ever since this newbeginning, Men-Tsee-Khang has worked to fulfill its original objectives: to preserve andpromote Traditional Tibetan Medicine and Astro. science, and to provide an Alternativeform of healthcare. Till date, it has successfully trained more than 200 Tibetan physicians.

With the increase in manpower, Men-Tsee-Khang has been able to take initiativesand expand. It has opened a medical & astro. college, a research & development depart-ment, a materia medica department, a documentation & publication department, a herbalproduct research department, and pharmaceutical department. Men-Tsee-Khang has beenworking closely with Western medical practitioners in India and from all over the world.Initiating mutual interaction and referring patients to each other has been one of theMen-Tsee-Khang’s priority. Such interactions and dialogues are creating a greater aware-ness of the strengths and weaknesses of each of our systems.

Tibetan Medicine has shown positive effects on many chronic diseases such as asthma,rheumatic arthritis, diabetes, cardiovascular diseases, neuron problem and also somemental illness conditions. However, as Tibetan medicine and for that matter other tradi-tional medical systems have become subjects of both popular and professional attention,there has, at the same time, been an understandable increase in levels of professionalskepticism. Men-Tsee-Khang has accepted this concern and instituted a series of system-atic research studies to prove the efficacy of Tibetan medical treatments. These researchstudies use the statistical assessment techniques, which are accepted worldwide. TibetanMedicine, as explained, has been carefully documented and recorded in papers and books for over 2500 years. These range from the Four Tantra to Clear Mirror, a detailed descrip-tion, with illustration, of Himalayan and Tibetan Medicinal plants and herbs. However,the number of publications on clinical research are few and those available are not statis-tically conclusive.

In April 1997 we started conducting a multi centric, randomised control trail on 200newly diagnosed type II Diabetes Mellitus patients in collaboration with All India Insti-tute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), New Delhi. These were randomised into two groups: atreatment group and a control group. The patients were evaluated; their detailed histo-ries taken and full examinations given to them. Technically, plasma glucose, glycatedhemoglobin (GHb), serum creatinine and serum lipids were measured at the start of thestudy, after 12 weeks and again, finally after 24 weeks. At the end of the 24th week, thetreatment group was compared to the control group. The treatment group showed a greaterdecrease in plasma fasting glucose (23.4±20.0% Vs 6.4±27.7%). The decrease in postprandial plasma glucose was also significant, both at 12 weeks and at 24 weeks. Therewas greater improvement in glycated hemoglobin (GHb) in patient receiving Tibetanmedicine (21.4±30.1% Vs 6.7±29.3%). From this study, we have been able to concludethat Tibetan medicine is significantly beneficial in lowering blood glucose and glycatedhemoglobin in newly diagnosed or untreated patients with type II Diabetes Mellitus. Thestudy has been recognised and accepted in the form of a letter to the editor of the DiabetesCare Journal, based in the USA. Men-Tsee-Khang released the detailed study paper inDecember 2000.

Men-Tsee-Khang is continuously working with its international colleagues on pro-grammes of assessment and measurements to demonstrate the validity of the benefits oftraditional Tibetan medicine. Further study on diabetes Mellitus and other projects are in

progress. Tibetan Medicine is continuing its long and respected tradition of contributingits extraordinary science of healing to the world’s knowledge.

New materials on Tibetan Buddhist iconography

Andrey Terentyev

The subject of this paper (which was actually accepted by IATS seminar in Japan, but Iwas unable to come and read it there or elsewhere) is two new Tibetan pantheons com-prising more than 500 images.

The first relates to the Kalachakra system. It is a set of the dbu-lha – book illustra-tions of a rare woodblock edition of the Tibetan text of the Kalachakra-Tantra (Toh. 362).The 160 illustrations are of the size 100 x 85 mm and are interspersed throughout the text.All illustrations have Tibetan captions. The first images are of Buddha Shakyamuni andShri Kalachakra followed by a series of Shambhala kings. Then come selected deities ofall circles of the Kalachakra mandala.

Although the full Kalachakra mandala was created recently at Namgyal Monasteryin Dharamsala and published, our 160 woodblock illustrations are still interesting as amuch older traditional sample of Kalachakra pantheon.

The second pantheon contains 364 painted miniatures of tsagli type, made in usualTibetan technique on canvas. Symbols and deities of the Nyingma school are depicted inthe miniatures. On the back side of each illustration the following data is given: (1) lettersymbol, (2) number, (3) caption, (4) second number, (5) second caption – all in the umescript.

The letter symbols (1) are “E” and “VAM”. They divide the entire pantheon into twoparts.

The numerical signs (2) and (4) relate to the divisions of the pantheon and determinethe internal position of the images.

Caption (3) gives the titles of the sections of the pantheon, for example, “rigs-’dzinzhal-lung”, “dman rnying-ma’i skor”, “bka’-brgyad zhi-khro rnams rim” etc.

Caption (5) largely confines itself to the name of the depicted character. However,sometimes it also gives additional information.

As the systemized iconographic materials of the Nyingma school are rare, the St.-Petersburg’s Nyingma Pantheon is an interesting source to study.

Householders and monks: a study of treasure discoverers incontemporary Kham

Antonio Terrone

Recent events in eastern Tibet have dragged attention on a phenomenon that has arousedcuriosity among Tibet scholars and provoked indignation among local authorities. Lastdecade has seen the rise of large religious monastic-like compounds, called “gar” (sgar),and at the same time the rejuvenation of an ancient activity seldom studied in its contem-porary manifestation, the tradition of treasures (gter ma). I think these two phenomenaare not isolated, but intimately linked. The leaders of at least four of the largest presentlyactive sgar-s are themselves treasure discoverers (gter ston) and tend to adhere to a mo-nastic lifestyle. However at the same time another figure of treasure revealer, more iso-lated, less publicly involved, and less popular, coexist with the more famed ones. Theyare lay Tantric specialists (sngags pa) who prefer to live in remote areas or on mountainpeaks, with a small entourage of close disciples or even alone. Developing healing char-ismatic powers, visionary experiences, and revelation of mental treasure teachings theyare often on the move to monasteries, nunneries, and retreat centres to transmit teach-ings, mass empowerments, and meditation instructions.

In this essay I will describe the social cultural phenomenon of treasure tradition inpresent areas of Kham as represented by both trends briefly mentioned above. I will alsoattempt to provide analysis of the symbolic processes enacted by the phenomenon inboth the manifestations.

Survey of Ro-dpag, an important Buddhist site in the upperSutlej basin, Kinnaur district, Himachal Pradesh

Laxman S. Thakur

The upper Sutlej basin in Kinnaur district of Himachal Pradesh was explored earlier bymany scholars such as Alexander Gerard, A. H. Francke, G. Tucci and Rahul Sankrityayan.None of them carried out a village to village survey in the region thus many sites ofhistorical and archaeological significance remained unexplored to date. The present pa-per discusses the results of archaeological explorations carried out by the author from1988 to 2003. One of the most important Buddhist sites explored in the upper Sutlej basinwas Ropa (Ro-dpag). The archaeological data of immense historical significance havebeen found in the lo-tsa-ba‚s lHa-khang. Massive wooden and clay Buddhas andBodhisattavas, wall paintings and Tibetan inscriptions have been studied in detail takinginto consideration the expansion of the ‘second diffusion’ of Buddhism in western Tibet.The possibility of the existence of Buddhism in the region prior to the introduction ofphyi-dar is also examined.

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Bar do’i sems can dang kho lun sems can bar gyi ‘brel ba ladpyad pa (The similarities between intermediate beings and

cloned beings)

Thubten Phuntshog (Tudeng Pengcuo)

1. Soul wind and consciousness

There are conditions for developing bodies and a wind for soul to rely, which is togethercalled “soul wind” (srog rlung), when bodies of sentient beings, particularly human be-ings, take shape. This soul wind is generated by a combination of parental cells and fur-ther development and maturity of the cells. One week after the combination of parentalcells, the soul wind is generated; after the second week, all the sub-soul winds generate,the different parts of body gradually develop. After the body takes shape and is born, thefive main winds (rtsa ba’i rlung lnga) and five subsidiary winds (yan lag rlung lnga) makethe body function. These winds become the main basis for being alive and will disappearthrough nine bodily orifices when the body collapses; the body is then a corpse, and thesoul wind is referred to as an intermediate consciousness (bar do’i rnam shes).

Consciousness does not exist by itself, but coexists with the soul wind. The aware-ness is called ye shes (transcendental wisdom). How the combination of consciousnessand winds functions in the world can be seen from the Non-separate existence of conscious-ness and winds of Karma Mi bskyur rdo rje, and also can be read in the Gsang ‘dus.

2. The intermediate beings

As we have mentioned above, when the body collapses, five elements and all kinds ofwinds will disappear, and finally the soul winds will also disappear with the conscious-ness through nine holes. Before incarnating into another being, the consciousness or thebeing is called the “intermediate consciousness”. (See Chos spyod rab gsal pp. 76 wheremore detailed informationis given on how Buddhists understand intermediateconsciousness.)

3. Acquiring consciousness (rnam shes ’jug tshul)

There are four forms in which the sentient beings of the six realms can incarnate: 1) vi-viparous beings, such as human beings, who are the result of parental cells; 2) oviparousbeings, such as snakes, that are produced from eggs; beings of warmth and humidity,such as small insects, that are born from these conditions; embodiment, such as gods andintermediate consciousness, that are the invisible sources.

4. Consciousness among cloned beings

The acquisition of consciousness by cloned beings is very similar to that of the intermedi-ate beings in Buddhism. According to Tibetan medicine and Buddhism, the intermediatebeing or intermediate consciousness is the basis for the consciousness of the soul wind inour body. After departing the body, the consciousness, the base for the soul wind, be-comes an intermediate being. The combination of the cells of one sentient being and an-other are the precondition for the production of another sentient being. I therefore sug-gest that the acquisition of consciousness by cloned beings lies within the purview of thistheory.

The Lotsawa vocation: scholarship and translation in Tibetand in today’s academy

Robert Thurman

First, I will look at the massive, centuries-long Tibetan work of study and translation ofIndic literatures of arts and sciences from Sanskritic languages, which relied on the ef-forts of scholar/practitioner/translators called “Lotsawa” – literally “world-eye,” or myfavorite, “public eye.” Examining the principles, practices, and historical contexts of theseLotsawas, I focus on a number of key decisions and their ramifications: e. g. 1) use oforiginal languages in titles and mantras, and its non-use in names; 2) use of variant targetlanguage terms used for same word in original language in different contexts; 3) use ofsame target language term for different originals, and so on; 4) attempts at standardiza-tion, use of neologisms, etc. I will compare this translation process in broad terms withthose used in translating Buddhist texts into Chinese, and perhaps with the practices ofTibetan scholars translating Tibetan works into Mongolian. Finally, I will look at the com-parable principles, practices, and contexts of translation work into English in the acad-emy today, focusing on examples of key terms: e. g. ’dgra bcom pa, bcom ldan das, las, nyonmongs, rang bzhin, rang ngo, rang mtshan, rdzogs rim, rdzogs chen.

Cultural aspect of relations between Russia and Tibet in the19th and early 20th centuries

Eugenia Tikhonova

In the beginning of the 21st century, on the threshold of the new century’s culture, it isquite natural to observe the development of interest towards culture’s origins, to theperiod of the very beginning of interregional and interethnic contacts. The question ofinteraction between different cultures represents a part of a universal problem of rela-tions between peoples having different views upon the universe, the mankind’s placeand role, the ways of economic development and State organization.

During the last centuries Russia and Tibet maintained close spiritual and culturallinks. Catherine II proclaimed Buddhism (the main religious tradition of Tibet) one ofRussia’s official religions. Since the 17-th century Buddhism has been professed by thepeoples of Buryatia, Kalmykia and Tuva as well as of Chita and Irkutsk regions. The basicvalues of Buddhism are a part of the indigenous Russian culture and constitute Russia’sspiritual heritage side by side with Orthodox Christianity and Islam.

Studies of Tibetan language began in Russia more than 200 years ago, although be-fore the early 18-th century those researches were limited to personal curiosity. A moresignificant interest to Tibetan writing arose only in the third decade of 18-th century.While evaluating works of Russian scientists in the sphere of Tibet culture in the 18-thcentury, one should not forget that studies of Tibetan language in Europe only began atthat time and knowledge of Tibet by European Orientalists was extremely limited. Undersuch circumstances it is necessary to mention the merits of the Russian Academy of Sci-ences which maintained in European science interest to Tibetan language and culturepreparing the coming of the period of their intensive studies.

Substantial scientific studies of Tibetan language and culture began in Russia in 1829when the rivalry between Russia and Britain in Asia started to grow which made Russianpoliticians turn more frequently their eyes on the East. The oriental policy became strate-gically important for Russian policy as a whole. This period coincided with the begin-ning of activities of Jacob Schmidt who enriched science through translation and publica-tion of different Tibetan and Mongol texts and compiled a dictionary and grammar ofTibetan language. At the same time Russian Orientalist Vassiliev, who made an enor-mous contribution to Russian and world Tibet studies, started his researches. He studiedTibetan language on his own and was sent, as a member of Russian spiritual mission, toBeijing where he spent 10 years collecting data for his researches. In China he started towork on “The Lexicon of Buddhist Terminology” and on articles dedicated to TibetanBuddhism. Vassiliev wrote multiple books on Tibetan language and history as well asworks on Tibetan literature and peoples who influenced history of Tibet.

In that period of time a number of expeditions to Tibet were organized. A primaryattention should be paid to the results of the expeditions conducted by NikolayPrzhevalsky, Mikhail Pevtsov, Vsevolod Roborovsky, Piotr Kozlov, Gombozhab Tsibikov,Baradiin. Apart from political goals they pursued studies of geography, ethnographyand culture of peoples of Central Asia and Tibet. There was also a significant growth ofinterest to Tibetan language literature and culture in Russian scientific and political cir-cles, the time for a new group of researchers came. Oldenburg was the initiator and propa-gandist of Tibet studies.

On Oldenburg’s initiative the Academy of Sciences launched in 1897 the publicationof “Bibliotheca Buddhica” dedicated to literary monuments of late Buddhism in differentlanguages. This and other works of Oldenburg brought him fame of one of the best spe-cialist in Buddhist culture in general and in culture of Tibetan Buddhism in particular.

Being aware of the important political and scientific consequences of staying in Rus-sia of the Tibetan mission, Oldenburg maintained close contacts with representatives ofDalai Lama and rendered them assistance including efforts aimed at establishing of theTibetan Mission in Saint Petersburg. Besides, he managed to make a classification of allthe books on Tibet studies which had been published before.

In the end of the 19-th century the leader of Tibet Dalai Lama XIV addressed to Rus-sia searching for patronage and protection from Britain’s colonial expansion, since Chinafailed to guarantee its territorial inviolability. In 1900 and 1901 its first counselor Buryatlama Agvan Dorzhiev conducted negotiations with the tsarist government which resultedin an open, although short-timed, rapprochement between Russia and Tibet. Russia re-sponded to Dalai Lama’s appeal and promised to render him diplomatic support andcertain military assistance.

As a response to lord Kerzon’s military expedition to Tibet in 1903, Russian militaryheadquarters had plans to organize a Russian military and diplomatic mission to Tibetled by famous traveler Piotr Kozlov.

Right up to the beginning of the World War I Saint Petersburg maintained contactswith Dalai Lama, mainly through efforts of Agvan Dorzhiev who acted as his unofficialrepresentative in Russia and made an important contribution to development of culturallinks between the two countries. Dorzhiev was also famous as a serious and profoundresearcher of religious, historical, national and ethnographic traditions of Tibet and Mon-golia.

Cultural contacts achieved their apogee in that period (Tibetan medical treatise“Zhudshi” was translated into Russian, Buryat doctor Badmaev began researches andactive practice of Tibetan medicine, a Tibetan Buddhist shrine was opened in SaintPetersburg etc).

Thus, together with Russia’s growing political activity in Central Asia and its rivalrywith Britain for influence in the region, the 19-th century witnessed the growth of interestto Tibet in Russian scientific and political circles as well as an active penetration of orien-tal ideas into the Russian society. Though the idea of establishment of a Russian protec-torate over Tibet did not meet support, cultural interaction between Russia and Tibet wasobvious.

A catalogue of the thangka collections of the Tarap Valley

Francis V. Tiso

The presenter organized a research team in the summer of 2000 to photograph, analyzeiconography, and catalogue the thangka collections of the lha khangs and gompas of theTarap Valley, Lower Dolpo, Nepal. Over seventy scroll paintings from the Ribum Gompa,Gakar Gompa (Labrang and Lhakhang), Jampa Gompa, Mekhyim Gompa, ShipchokGompa, and Chuktso Gompa collections were photographed and catalogued. Several ofthese works may in fact be very old. According to local historiography (the Gakar GompaLo rgyus), one of the paintings (Sangye Tongu in the Gakr Gompa Lhakhang) is 900 yearsold. A very fragile mandala thangka showing saints of the bKa’ brgyud Order could befrom the thirteenth century.

In our monograph on the paintings, we sought to relate current anthropological datato traditional histories of the Tarap Valley. Basing ourselves on a study of the styles ofWestern Tibetan and other “border” and regional styles, we also responded to questionsposed by David Jackson about the provenance of several thangkas in Western collections.

Our research provides a survey of Buddhist Vajrayana and Bon po collections in thevalley. We attempted to identify most of the deities and historic figues in the paintings. Inaddition, our informants provided the identity of known historic artists, including suchstill-active painters as Lama Ngawang Chopel. The monograph is to be published by theLumbini International Research Institute, which funded the project.

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On an inscription in the gSum brtsegs temple at WanlaLadakh

Kurt Tropper

The three-storeyed temple at Wanla has been the object of several recent studies examin-ing its art, architecture and history. While some of them have drawn on a lengthy inscrip-tion located immediately to the left of the niche at the South-Eastern side of the temple,the complete text of this epigraphic document hasn’t been edited, translated and studiesyet. In the summer of 2002 I was able to record the inscription in detail and on the basis ofthis documentation a diplomatic edition and an annotated translation is presently beingprepared. In my paper I will give a summary of the inscription’s contents and discuss afew selected passages.

Why did the Hoshut Mongols occupy Tibet in the first half ofthe 17th century?

Tsengel

In my paper I will explore the question of why the Hoshut Mongols occupied the Koknuurarea and Tibet in the first half of the 17th century. Historians have been attributing to therequest of the Tibetan dGe lugs pa Buddhists headed by the 5th Dalai Lama Ngag dbangblo bzang rgya mtsho the reason for the migration of the Hoshut tribe of the Oirats andtheir occupation of Tibet in the 1640s under their able leader Gushi Khan. But an exami-nation of the situations of the Oirats, the historical circumstances of the Mongols at large,and those of Central Asia would make it apparent that the dGe lugs pa Buddhists werenot the sole agents for the occupation; the answer has also to be sought in the politicaland social dynamics internal to the Oirats. In this paper, I will critically examine Mongo-lian and Tibetan source materials, with particular attention to the characteristics of thepolitical and social organization of the Oirats. In addition to introducing new sourcematerials, I shall venture my own opinion and provide a new explanation for the reasonwhy the Hoshuts occupied Tibet. In particular, I will make the following arguments:

The earliest records of the invitation of the Oirats to Kokonuur and Tibet by theTibetan clergy headed by the 5th Dalai Lama could be found in Ko‘knuuriin tu’uke (His-tory of Koknuur, T: mtsho sngon lo rgyus tshangs glu gsar snyan zhes bya ba bzhugs so) andBurhan shashinii tu’uke (History of Buddhism, T: Dpag bsam ljon bzang) both written by theMongol lama Sumba-kambu-Ishibaljur (Sum pa mkhan po Ye shes dpal ’byor). All laterwritings referred to these two documents. However, a careful reading would reveal thatIshibaljur was not always faithful to historical truth, for he, as a Gelugpa monk, deliber-ately linked every historical event to Gelugpa Buddhism.

The materials written in Tod Mongolian script, between 1637–1642 cast a differentlight on these events. According to these historical sources, a confederate Oirat armyconsisting of Durbet, Torgut and Hoit tribes, entered Koknuur and Tibet. This is not thefirst, nor the last time that the Oirats invaded Tibet. The confederate Oirat army annihi-lated the existing groups of the Halh, Yungsyebu and Tumed Mongol tribes who wereworshipping rival Buddhist sects. Eventually they managed to defeat the king of Tsangand establish the dGe lugs pa rule in 1642. However, according to the Biography of the 5thDalai Lama, the 5th Dalai Lama at first opposed Gushi Khan’s entry into Tibet.

Judging by all these evidences, it is clear that the Oirats did not come to Koknuurand Tibet simply at the invitation of the Tibetan Gelugpa clergy headed by the 5th DalaiLama. Then why did the Oirats come to Koknuur and Tibet? In my view, it had to do witha number of factors that were internal to the Oirats, and their “inheritance” system inparticular. This is testified by the concrete activities carried out during the Oirats’ inva-

sion of Koknuur and Tibet and by the way in which they organized their rule over theregion, lasting some 80 years.

Finally, I do not support the view that the rise and the fall of the nomadic societiesshould be attributed to external relations. Rather, I propose that the inheritance system,foundational to the nomadic social organization, should be highlighted in seeking an-swers to the questions raised by the expansive activities of the Oirat Mongols.

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Mongolian-Tibetan authors and contemporary Tibetanliterature

Tsering Dhondup

The paper will examine the writings of contemporary authors who are ethnicallyMongolians but write only in Tibetan. The relationship between the Mongols and Tibet-ans can be traced back many centuries when the Mongolians adopted Tibetan Buddhismas their state religion. As a consequence, many Mongolians came to study in Tibetanmonasteries and later became great masters of Buddhism. Thus, throughout the historymany Mongolians were fluent in Tibetan.

Henan or rMa lho is a Mongolian autonomous county located in Qinghai province.The people from Henan gradually assimilated into Tibetan culture and nowadays mostof the inhabitants from this county speak only Tibetan. The paper will show thisassimiliation by looking at the works of Jangbu, Deckyi Dolma and Tsering Dhondup.They were all born in Henan and are considered as ethinically Mongolian. However,their writings deal only with Tibetan subjects. The paper will examine why so manywriters emerged from this county and how they identity themselves within the Tibetan,Chinese and Mongolian community.

Jangbu was born in 1963 and graduated from the North-west Nationalities Univer-sity (Xibei minzu xueyuan) in Lanzhou in 1988. Like most of the students from Henan, hewas enrolled in the Tibetan language department. After some travelling across Tibetanareas, he finally settled down in Lhasa and became a member of the Tibet AutonomousRegion (TAR) Writers’ Association (Xizang zizhiqu zuojia shehui). Since then, he has beenthe editor of the Tibetan literary journal Bod kyi rtsom rig sgyul rtsal (Tibetan Literatureand Art) and works also as a researcher and consultant for various enterprises.

Jangbu published his first poem, “Return”, in the Tibetan version of Qinghai Daily in1980. Since then he has published his works in various journals and four anthologies ofhis works are in print. He has also won numerous prizes for his poems and short stories,including the first prize for poetry for the Tibetan Literature Prize of the Five Provinces in

1985, first prize for “Decade of Literary Achievement”, a prize awarded in 1992 by theliterary journal sBrang char (Light Rain), first prize for TAR short story competition of1994 and a prize in the “TAR Decade of Literary Achievement Prize” in 1995.

Tsering Dhondup was born in 1961 and graduated from the Huangnan PrefectureTeacher’s Training School in 1982. The same year, he published his first work and hassince then written numerous short stories and novellas. He has received numerous liter-ary prizes, including the Tibetan Literature Prize of the Five Provinces (Wuzhengqu zangzuwenxue chuangzuo) in 1985. Two full-length novels, Mes-po (Ancestors) and sMug pa (Fog),were published in 2002 in Xining, Qinghai province.

Deckyi Dolma was born in 1967 and graduated from the North-west NationalitiesUniversity (Xibei minzu xueyuan) in Lanzhou in 1990. She has published numerous po-ems and her first anthology of poems was published in 2002 by Tianma Book Company,Xining, Qinghai province. She is one of the few women poets who regularly publishesher works.

The works of Tsering Dhondup and Jangbu are included in anthologies of Tibetanliterature as well as in a few Mongolian anthologies. Tsering Dhondup was told that ashort story of his had been translated into Mongolian but did not receive much attentionfrom the Mongolian readership. The explanation for this rejection was that his worksrevolve entirely around a Tibetan lifestyle and was therefore too remote for the Mongo-lian speaking readership. This is hardly surprising since most of the people in Henanhave adopted the Tibetan culture as their own.

Tibetan literature faces many challenges such as ethnically Tibetans writing in Chi-nese or ethnically Mongolians writing in Tibetan. Likewise, it is known that in the Ti-betan communites abroad, many Tibetans write in English. How do we define Tibetanliterature and does ethnicity play an importance when defining literature?

Ra Nyi monastery in Mnga’ ris

Tsering Gyalpo

Ra Nyi Monastery, which is located in prefecture of Mnga’ ris, Rtsa Mda’ county, GtiGyag town and Ra Nyi village. It is built in 11th century, by the great translator Rin ChenBzang Po, during the 15th century who became ’brug Pa Bka’ Rgyu sect until great fifthDa Lai La Ma, this means since the end of 17th century, up to the middle of 20th century,that donated by Dge Lung Pa school.

The shape of Ra Nngi Monastery very similar with Mtho Ling Brgya Sa temple, whichis typical form of Mandala, and the huge wall, the color full of mural painting, the char-acteristic statues, the rarity inner support like Tangka and text book etcetera.

In this village with Monastery, still kept unique ancient religion ceremony, such iskilt two sheep offer to God, offer to mountain, offer to holy river and so on. In the mean-time, the oracle how to performing and very special costume of this areas, which are stillkeeping Guge kingdoms times dress and folk song of Shon and so on.

Primary study on the early history of the Nenying Monastery

Tsering Norbu

gNas snying, literally means “the essence of place’’, is located on the southern bank of theupper part of the Myang River near Gyantse in Tsang District. At the present time, it isunder the jurisdiction of the Khangmar Dzong, yet under the control of Gyantse Dzongin old Tibet. According to the historical records, the whole place where the Nenying mon-astery is situated was called ‘’skyegs’’ and belonged to the territory of the ’Gos clan dur-ing the Tibetan Kingdom.

Nenying monastery was first established during the King Khri-gtsug-lde-btsan’s rule.It was founded by rGya ’Jam-dpal-gsang-ba, one of the twenty-five disciples ofPadmasambhava, in the favour and support of the minister ’Gos, and its original name isknown as ‘’rgyags grong’’. In the beginning of the second diffusion, Nenying was devel-oped into a monastic teaching centre along with the establishment of monastic communi-ties (tsho) by the ‘’men of dbus gtsang’’ after their return from Kham. In the later histori-cal development, Nenying was turned into an eclectic Buddhist teaching centre. First ofall, due to the fact that Yol Drangsong, the ‘’three brothers of Yol family’’ and close disci-ples of Atisha, took over the abbotship, the Nenying monastery was not only expandedbut also became an important Kadampa centre. Then, Lato Konchokhar, one of the closedisciples of the founder of Shangpa Kagyu Khyungpo Nejor, became the abbot and broughtShangpa Kagyupa teachings to the monastery. In the 15th century, Nenying monasterywas converted to Gelugpa tradition in the course of the successful patron and priest rela-tionship between the King of Gyantse and Khedrupje. Later on, with the success of de-veloping teachings of the Gelugpa tradition and gaining political power of Tibet, Nenyingbecame a significant Gelugpa centre. In the 17th century, Sangye Gyatsho, the regent ofTibet, gave a brief account of Nenying monastery in his famous book of the census of theGelugpa monasteries named ‘’dGa’ ldan chos ’byung Vidhurya ser po’’.

In the process of historical development, it is also undeniable that Nenying monas-tery had experienced a great deal of tragic and sufferings from wars in different periodsof time in the history. In accord with relevant dates, it was firstly damaged during thefirst Mongol’s invasion in the 12th century, and once again seriously destroyed by theBritish intruders in 1904.

By and Large, Nenying monastery is one of the most famous Buddhist teaching cen-tres in the river valley of Myang and has played an important rule in both preaching andprevailing Buddhism in Tibet in general and in the Myang area in particular, and it hasbeen enjoying a great reputation of being ‘’bhodagaya’’ of the Myang river valley. In spiteof the significance of the monastery, there was only a few scholars touch in this monas-tery, for instance, Kathog Situ and Giuseppe Tucci, and what they provided is the

information relevant to situation of the monastery in their time. In this point, it is essen-tial and necessary to carry out a more specific study in order to provide a vivid earlyperiod of the monastery. Thus, this paper will try to give a clear picture of the early his-tory of the monastery based on the fragmentary information obtained from both histori-cal records and field studies.

A brief introduction to Tibetan kha-btags (ceremonialscarves)

Phuntso Tsering

China is a country with lots of ethnic groups and every ethnic group has its own uniquecultural and traditional customs for greeting friends from different cultures and foreigncounties. For instance, kha-btags have been used as a tool to express one’s sincerity forboth happy and sad circumstances in Tibetan culture. People and friends from other eth-nic groups and foreign countries are very pleased with this custom and it is being devel-oped popularly. It is, I think, important to understand how the kha-btags tradition hasbeen developed in Tibetan culture contact. This paper will illustrate my understandingof this particular tradition.

1. How the kha-btags tradition has become widespread and popular in Tibet

• To understand the definition of the term “kha-btags” • Where is the origin of kha-btags tradition whether it adapted from other cultures or it

is an indigenous one. • Difference between Mongolian kha-btags and Tibetan kha-btags.

2. Why should Tibetan kha-btags be white color only?

3. The tradition of offering kha-btags

offering kha-btags for VIPs (Lamas, Officials, …)offering kha-btags for relatives and friends;Superior offers kha-btags to inferior

Discussion on Ya-Tar and Ma-Tar

My conclusion is that the tradition of the kha-btags is a part of our indigenous cultureand it has been developed since its origin in the form of GarDak, and gradually devel-oped Pel-Tar, Supshe, Chinyi, A’dra, A’ni and Nangzuel.

The ‘spirit-mediums’ (lha pa) of Rebkong in Dhomay

Tshering Tenzin

The paper is primarily based on my personal interest and research into the history, beliefsand ritual practices of all the practicing ‘Spirit-Mediums’ of Rebkong area in light of thechanges taking place in their socio-cultural, economic and political context. For over tenyears I have had first hand acquaintance of this unique phenomena in my local village ofChangkya in Rebkong County. My subsequent research covers the ‘Spirit-Mediums’ ofRebkong, an area that is widely considered the cradle of ‘Spirit-Mediums’ in Amdo region.

The presentation focuses on the following main areas of investigation:

Myth and facts surrounding the origin of ‘Spirit-Mediums’ in Tibet; a brief accountof how a predominantly ’Bon’ religious practice and rites evolved into a Buddhist reli-gious practice and rite.

First of all, the predominantly conservative society holding on to ancient beliefs andthe relative lack of external influence, control and check on ‘Tibetan psyche’ and beliefs isseen as fertile ground for the prevalence of ‘Spirit-Mediums’ prior to the Cultural Revo-lution and; the evolving religious and social status of the ‘Spirit-Mediums’, public per-ception and attitude towards ‘Spirit-Mediums’, and their impact on Tibetan social andindividual psyche and world-view under social conditions of near poverty.

Secondly, the paper considers how people lost faith and regard for the ‘Spirit-Medi-ums’ during the Cultural Revolution when all ‘olds’ were targeted for destruction andstringent restrictions imposed on Tibetan people’s religious faith and practice; how the‘Spirit-Mediums’ lost their socio-religious status and role in arbitrating social affairs; howthey were forced to lead a life of mendicants; how some devout and fervent believersamong the people continued to revere and consult and support them, and what were theconsequences of the forcible displacement of the role and function of the ‘Spirit-Medi-ums’ on the wider Tibetan society.

Thirdly, the paper considers the position, role, functions and real influence of the‘Spirit-Mediums’ in Rebkong commensurate with the changes taking place locally andglobally in terms of ideas, attitudes, material and spiritual progress during the last twentyyears or so since the end of the Cultural Revolution when a modicum of religious free-dom was restored to the present times when there is absolute religious freedom.

The paper also discusses how ‘Spirit-Mediums’ are discovered and initiated, howthey operate to mediate with the other worldly beings, their special costumes, chants and‘mudras’ during the ritual of ‘possession and trance’; how they discriminate between

possession by the desired ‘deity’ or ‘spirit’ and how they thwart attempted possession byunscrupulous and evil spirits’. In particular, mention is made of the adaptations to cer-tain rites that ‘Spirit-Mediums’ had to make following conflicts and contradictions oftheir traditional beliefs with ‘modern’ rational beliefs and concepts.

Finally, the paper takes up the issue of the future role and status of the ‘Spirit-Medi-ums’ and posits that given the reality of the mass illiteracy and contemporary social andcultural situation of the Tibetan people, the phenomena of ‘Spirit-Medium’ practice andritual should be reviewed dispassionately on the basis of their relative benefit and harmand accord them a status that is due to an ancient and integral part of Tibetan religioustradition and practice rather than condemning them outright or using them as conven-ient scapegoats for advancing one’s own petty beliefs or ulterior motives.

The history of the educational system of sNang zhigmonastery

Tsering Thar

The sNang zhig monastery of rNga khog in Amdo is the largest Bonpo monastery in theTibetan cultural area. Its education system presents the highest level of monastic educa-tion in Bonpo tradition. This paper will talk about the education system of the sNangzhig monastery.

1. General history of the educational system in the Bonpo tradition and its evolution

From the beginning, the traditional Bonpo education was carried out by the hereditaryteachers (gdung rgyud bla ma) and so continued for the thousands of years of their earlyhistory. During that period, since Bonpos did not have any places for giving or receivingteachings, Bonpo teachings were spread from father to son with the lineages being keptwithin the families. From the beginning of the existence of gSas khang, the first gatheringplace of Bonpos in Tibet, Bonpo people started to gather and receive some public teach-ings. Thus the way of transmitting Bonpo teachings was enlarged. But until the laterdevelopment of Bon religion in Tibet, gSas khang existed mostly as a temple and its func-tion was very limited.

Characteristic of that later second development was the discovery of numerous Bonpogter ma texts and the foundation of several monasteries. Especially at the Wensakha mon-astery, where the adherents were a mixture of both laity and monks, the monastic studiesachieved a new level of development. In the 14th century, Wensakha monastery was de-stroyed by a flood. After that Menri monastery continued the Wensakha traditions butbecame exclusively monastic. This development influenced the general development ofBonpo monasteries for the following centuries. As time went on, it was sNang zhig whoadvanced monastic studies in the Bon religion to their highest level, There was also sig-nificant adherence to monastic traditions in rTogs ldan, sTeng chen, and in recent timesthe Shar rdza hermitage.

2. General history of sNang zhig monastery

In the eleventh century, Zhu sgom ’phrul zhig, a Bonpo master from Zhu family in cen-tral Tibet, came to Amdo to spread the Bon religion. His activities were undertaken inAmye Machen area. At the beginning of the twelfth century, Do ’phags Yon tan rgyalmtshan (b. 1088), a disciple of Zhu sgom ’phrul zhig, established the first Bonpo monas-tery in rNga ba, at the south eastern edge of the Amye Machen range. In the 14th centuryit also became the first Bonpo monastery to be converted into Buddhism by TshakhoNgag dbang grags pa (b. 1410).

After Do ’phags Yon tan rgyal mtshan founded the first rNga ba monastery, he thenmoved to Khri gdan nor bu yang rtse in the middle part of rNga ba. There he opened ahermitage in 1168 which was later enlarged by his eldest son, Nyi ma ’dzin, to becomethe sNang zhig monastery. The foundation of that hermitage which later became sNangzhig was a symbol of the beginning of the spread of Bon in rNga ba area as a officialreligion. It was the principal Bon monastery for the whole of the rNga ba area. A fewyears later, another monastery, Cog lo, was founded in rNga ba by ’Dul ba rgyal mtshan,the middle son of Do ’phags Yon tan rgyal mtshan.. From the beginning, this latter mon-astery was a branch monastery of sNang zhig. An uncertain number of generations later,Bon blon bla ma, a lineal descendant of Nyi ma ’dzin, opened another hermitage about 4km west of the sNang zhig which also became a monastery in later time called rTogsldan. Because of this extensive activity, all of the people of rNga ba gradually became Bonfollowers.

In the 19th century, Brag dgon pa dKon mchog bstan pa rab rgyas of Labrang, afamous historian of Buddhist monasteries in Amdo, said “this place (rNga ba) was full ofBonpos at that time” meaning the 14th century which was when Buddhism started tospread and build monasteries in rNga ba. Up until then and for more than two centuries,Bon was the only religion in rNga ba. In 1920, sNang zhig Nam mkha’ blo gros (1891–1945) invited abbot Shes rab grags pa, of gYung drung gling monastery in central Tibet,to sNang zhig monastery to initiate the inclusion of philosophic debate into their curricu-lum. Thereafter, sNang zhig monastery started to have its own dge bshes degree and laterbecame the largest monastic university in the Bonpo tradition.

3. Description of the present education system and its use of texts

Bonpo people have long considered that Tantra and rDzogs chen are the main teachingsof Bon religion. However, because of the influence of Buddhist scholasticism, Menri andgYung drung gling monasteries began to adopt more and more methods of philosophicdebate and set up the system of dge bshes study mainly in the Sutra tradition. Zla ba rgyalmtshan, who founded gYung drung gling monastery had been Sa skya monastery tolearn Buddhist sutra and earned the title of dge bshes rab ’byams pa at the age of 25. Thisgreatly affected the development and use of philosophic debate later at gYung drunggling. At that time debate was in vogue among monasteries of all traditions, especially

the dGe lugs pa, and so it also stimulated Bonpo monasteries to develop their own dgebshes studies. With gYung drung gling as a center of philosophic debate and dge bshesstudies for the Bonpo in Tibet, Sutra became much important than Tantra or rDzogs chenand other Bonpo monasteries began to emulate gYung drung gling. Not only because ofthe success of the system of dge bshes studies of gYung drung gling, but also because Zlaba rgyal mtshan was a descendant of sNang zhig clan, sNang zhig monastery graduallyadopted the method of philosophic debate and its own tradition of dge bshes studies. Theeducational system and the system of promotion for dge bshes degrees in sNang zhigmonastery was founded by Shes rab grags pa in the beginning of the twentieth century.Similar to the system of gYung drung gling monastery in central Tibet, Shes rab grags paestablished a system of thirteen different subjects to be studied which are:

1. Kha dog ’gab ma2. Kha dog gong ma or bsdus chung ’dzin gvra3. bsDus ’bring4. bsDus chen5. Blo rig6. rTags rigs7. gZhung gsar or sa lam8. gZhung gong ma9. Phar phyin10. rDo rim ’og ma or ’dul ba11. rDo rim gong ma or dbu ma12. rDo rim bar ma13. rDzogs chen

This system had been continued until the middle of the twentieth century whensNang zhig monastery was destroyed during the middle of the 20th century. After morethan three decades in ruins, sNang zhig monastery began to rebuild and re-establishtheir system of education as well. The number of subjects and the texts are almost thesame as before. However since this system is very much related to gYung drung gling,and even remotely to Sa skya monastery, it concentrated very much on the philosophicstudies of Sutra instead of Tantra and rDzogs chen which had previously been consid-ered to be at the core of Bon religion.

In Dolanji, Menri monastery has also established a system of dge bshes studies underthe guidance of abbot Sangye Tenzin and Lopon Tenzin Namdag. However, they concen-trated very much on Tantra and rDzogs chen instead of Sutra and this has become a veryimportant characteristic of that monastery. Since several monks from sNang zhig have beenDolanji for further studies, they have started to teach in sNang zhig following the system ofDolanji, so now the educational system of Dolanji is strongly influencing the sNang zhigmonastery. The present program of dge bshes studies in sNang zhig monastery has alreadyadded many texts which have been used in the curriculum at Dolanji. Their program there-fore now concentrates more on study of Tantra and rDzong chen.than Sutra

4. Conclusion

Across the panorama of Tibetan history there have been many cross fertilizing influences.In this case, we can see that the development of dge bshes studies at sNang zhig wasaffected by many factors including prevailing influences of the times. This trend contin-ues to this day with a shift in the current sNang zhig curriculum as the result of contactwith Dolanji and this also represents a return to the roots of traditional Bonpo religion.

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Bod rigs dmangs khrod kyi gter sgrub cho ga dang de las’phos pa’i khor yug srung skyong gi ’du shes

(The concept of protecting the environment spreads from gtersgrub rituals in Tibet)

Tseten Dorje (Tsedan Duoji)

1. The definition and origin of treasure

In this presentation I would like to discuss the gter sgrub ritual, which is commonly per-formed in Tibetan society. The treasure in question consists mainly of five grains, goldand other jewels, which are hidden in lakes, forests, and mountains in order to bring longlife and abundant harvests to human beings and protection to nature. The procedure ofhiding treasure includes collecting materials, reciting prayers, performing ritual prac-tices, and involves special locations, time arrangement and classification of the treasure.This tradition may have originated thousands years ago, and is still practised by Tibetans.

2. Topics related to treasure

There are three main aspects to these treasure-rituals:

1. The types of associated ritual activities.2. The places in which the treasure should be concealed3. Containers and contents.

3. The procedure of hiding treasure

1. The purposes of hiding treasure should be for the well being of sentient beings.2. The practice of hiding treasure includes the procedure of praying and selection of

locations.3. The principal purpose of hiding treasure is that it should destroy all the results of

bad actions and ignorance, and bring about auspicious circumstances in the future.

4. Environmental protection

This section discusses the relationship between the gter sgrub ritual and the natural envi-ronment.

The growth of Tibetan studies in China

Tsewang Gyurmy

The tradition of Tibetan Studies in Tibet has a history of more than a thousand years.There are enormous records and collections on the culture of Tibet. Today, the termTibetology has become practically a household word, while the subject itself is coming tooccupy an increasingly important place in the humanities. Tibet is the homeland of Ti-betan Studies and scholars of the Tibet Autonomous Region of China have made an out-standing achievement in this field.

The Formation of Modern Tibetan Studies and Its Development

The fortunes of Tibetan Studies are related with the development of the state, especiallywith the transformation of Tibetan society. Over the last forty years, the nation has paidgreat attention and given support to the perpetuation and development of the remark-able culture of Tibet. We have achieved a great deal in the way of collecting and classify-ing the rich cultural heritage of Tibet, and have obtained important materials for studiesin fields such as history, linguistics, education, medicine, astrology, arts, sociology, eth-nography. In the meantime, many historical sites have been restored and more than tenthousand volumes of historical documents and archives have been collected and sorted.Chinese scholars, including Tibetan scholars, attend seminars held both at home andabroad, and there are more and more scholars from China visiting foreign institutes forcollaborative projects, presenting lectures and conducting reviews. In a word, the under-taking of the modern Tibetan Studies has entered into a new stage of its development inTibet. In my paper, I introduce the latest research outcome of Tibetan Studies in the TibetAutonomous Region. The paper is divided into four parts as follows:

1, The fruit of studies in history, art and culture2, The outstanding achievement in the field of archaeology3, The protection of rare literature and archival material4, The preservation of the Gesar Epic in Tibet

/ë+-8Ü#-"ë-,-:-8ë+-ý7Ü-a+-&ë<-7#7-5Ü# 

2é-+/$-T-0ëÊ 

Tsewang Lhamo  

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Bod yig kho nar yod pa’i khyad chos ‘ga’ zhig(Some unique characteristics of written Tibetan)

Tsewang Lhamo

1. The basics of written Tibetan

Written Tibetan is alphabetical, with thirty consonants and four vowels. Thus there are120 combinations of consonants with vowels which, in addition to the 30 consonantswithout vowel signs gives a total of 180, to which prefixes and suffixes may be added.But of the 180 which may all take suffixes, not all can have prefixes. The question ofgender (masculine, feminine and neuter) is also discussed.

2. Phonetic characteristics of written Tibetan in relation to orthography

Written Tibetan has unique characteristics with respect to the way in which spelling re-lates to pronunciation. Mgo-can and ‘dogs-can may be pronounced, a feature that is notfound in other written languages. Written Tibetan was based on the Tibetan language asit was spoken at the time. The evidence can be found in modern Tibetan dialects: forexample, Mgo-can and ‘dogs-can are still pronounced in Gyarong dialect with slight changes.Therefore, it is clear that written Tibetan was founded based on the Tibetan language, butnot based on Lantsa and Wartu. According to Gedun Chopel, Zhalu Lochen was the firstscholar who suggests that written Tibetan was founded by using Lañwaas model. Theevidence is irrefutable, and for the most part theories to the contrary have little scientificbasis.

Contemporary Tibetan art

Tashi Tsewang

The most publishing and studying on Tibetan art focused on the traditional Tibetan artand which is considered as “authentic” artistic of the region. Contemporary Tibetan art isnot understood very well by the outside world. However, Tibetan artists have been influ-enced by the external influence and have created quite a large number of non-traditionalarts. Especially, in the early 20th century Tibetan artists embraced Western artistic influ-ence in Tibet. Some Tibetan intellectuals and artists had the opportunity of establishingcontact with foreigners and absorbed their visual art technique such as photography andrealistic style painting from the outside world. Non-traditional Tibetan paintings andartists astarted to emerge in Tibet in the 1930s. Among them Gendun Choephel (1903–1951) and Amdo Chamba (1916–2001) who played a pioneering role.

Han Chinese artists have come to Tibet since the 1950s. They used different media,such as woodcut print, wash ink, oil, etc. Their works mainly were in the socialist realiststyle of the 1960s and 1970s, which came t dominate Tibetan artists at that time.

During the Cultural Revolution, some young Tibetans, such as Cham Sang, Abu,Wandor, Tsering Dorji studied int eh art schools in Beijing, and other parts of China Whenthey came back to Tibet they worked as art designers, illustrators or poster artists – “ri-modmag-mi” (fine-art soldiers). Amdo Chamba and some Tibetan thangka painters like TanbaRabten, Yeshi Sherab became poster artists during that time as well.

At that time some secondary schools had fine art courses in Lhasa and the teachersusually taught calligraphy and simple sketching to the students, which were useful formaking billboards and posters.

In 1978, The Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the CCPwas convened. It changed the policies of the CCP from its “Class Struggle” to the “Eco-nomic Reform and Open Door Policy”. These changes had far-reaching consequences forall Tibetan ethnic areas and the TAR.Some monasteries and temples were reopened andlost manuscripts were reprinted. Some Western and other foreign art and artists weregradually introduced to China. From the late 1970s, some books about western art andartists were available in the Lhasa bookshops.

Since the middle 1980s, Tibetan artists used different media and experimented withdifferent styles, influenced by modern art. At the same time, some former thangka paint-ers started to teach traditional Tibetan painting to students. Tenpa Rabten, the Monrischool thangka painter, came back to Lhasa from a farm in Lhoka, and set up a privateschool in Lhasa.

In 1981 the Tibet Artists Association (TAA) was established, and in 1997 the LhasaArtists Association was established (LAA). In 1985 Tibet University was opened, whichincluded an Art Department. The Art Department has three major areas of study: finearts, music and dance.

In 1980, art and artists in the TAR and other Tibetan ethnic areas have tended todiverse: except traditional Tibetan painters, some other Tibetan artists have done variedexperimental art. Some artists base their works on traditional Tibetan thangka techniques,but incorporate elements of realism, surrealism in drawing, chiaroscuro and perspective.The themes are contemporary or non-religious. Some other artists were inspired by themodern western paintings, and they used Tibetan traditional motifs and a free arrange-ment of composition and colour. These artists are interested in making new synthesisedpainting.

The Realism style of painting is an important part of contemporary Tibetan painting.Generally there are three different types of realistic art in the TAR and Tibetan ethnicareas. Realism no longer appears to be orthodox style as during the 1960s and 1970s, butrather as another artistic alternative language, which artists employ to express their feel-ings and thoughts.

As we have noted, socialist realism dominated in the 1960s and 1970s in the TAR,and Tibetan ethnic areas, some artists continue to produce socialist realism paintings andstreet billboards for specific occasions in the TAR and other ethnic Tibetan areas.

In the TAR and other ethnic Tibetan areas, Tibetan artists and non-Tibetan artists,traditional and non-traditional art, serious and non-serious art continue to coexisit. Thus,hybridity and diversity have become key elements of contemporary Tibetan art.

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Gling sgrung gi ’thab jus skor zhig gleng ba(An analysis of military strategy in the Gesar epic)

Tsewang Thar

All the stories of Gesar are connected with wars, where both Ling and his enemies useddiverse strategies in order to conquer the enemies. This study will focus on several strat-egies, such as Shan ’og gri ’dzin, beheading poisonous snakes (dug sbrul mgo gcod), andchanging goats into dogs (ra pho khyi sgyur). I will discuss the definitions, meanings, char-acteristics, usages, advantages and disadvantages of these mentioned strategies, basedon the different war theories in the world and Tibetan historical documents, such as his-tory, legs bshad folklore, etc.

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Nyag rong Mgon po rnam rgyal, a leader of the serf rebellionor a military expansionist in 19th century Khams? Thehistoriographical construction of a hero and a villain

Yudru Tsomu

In the mid–19th century Nyag rong Mgon po rnam rgyal, a local chief in Khams, rose tobe a prominent regional power by annexing large areas of the neighboring territory withsheer military force. He became so powerful that he was able to champion an independ-ent Khams kingdom and to contest the authorities of both China and Central Tibet. Con-sequently, the contemporary evaluations of him and his military expansion are rathernegative, denouncing him as a sinister rebel and a ruthless devil who disturbed the peaceand order of the region. The relative evaluation and moral judgement of individual his-torical figures, however, have always been subject to the influence of particular perspec-tive of the historians. Historical reports are inescapably subject to the theoretical, politicaland ideological circumstances surrounding the time and place in which they are written.The evaluation of Mgon po rnam rgyal provides a particularly interesting case becausequite disparate views concerning him and the territorial expansion he championed haveemerged in subsequent historiographical constructions.

This paper explores the factors leading to diverse evaluations of Mgon po rnam rgyalthat have emerged over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Based onavailable primary and secondary sources in Tibetan, Chinese and English, this study isdivided into four parts. The first part is a general introduction, focusing on the impor-tance of the study and providing background information about the incident.

The second part examines the issues from diverse Chinese perspectives, ranging fromthe official Qing stance, to views drawn from Republican period sources, and reports aswell as studies from the People’s Republic of China. Confucian historians have tradition-ally praised harmonious social relations, vilified rebellion, and emphasized the merits ofthe reigning dynasty for which they were in service. It comes as no surprise that Confu-cian historians from both the Qing and Republican periods considered Mgon po rnamrgyal a disturber of the peace and a bandit. By contrast, historians influenced by post-

liberation Marxist ideology, with its emphasis on class struggle and a tendency to glorifyany resistance to the late “feudal dynasty”, were the first to praise him as the leader of aserf uprising. This is evident in the report of a field investigation carried out in his homeregion in late 1950’s. But Marxist historians are inconsistent. Though some later histori-ans take a similar approach in interpreting the issue, others, also based on the class analy-sis, consider his activities as exemplifying “contradiction within the governing class,”and condemn him for being a feudal lord engaging in territorial expansion and the ex-ploitation of serfs.

The third part provides an overview of various Tibetan perceptions. As mentionedabove, Mgon po rnam rgyal, in the mind of the contemporary central Tibetans and fellowKhamspas in the neighboring regions, has always been a much hated and feared enemyfor his anti-religion stance and his military conquest of most of Khams. By contrast, Chi-nese investigators report that local people from his home region portrayed him as a chiv-alrous leader of the serf uprising against the serf owners, who performed various deedsto alleviate the sufferings of the poor serfs. Some Chinese historians attempted to dismissthis favorable account of a “reactionary” feudal lord by denying its veracity. However,this to some extent indicates that Mgon po rnam rgyal might have enjoyed some supportand respect by the local people because of his popular policies. As in the case of theChinese perspectives in the PRC, the local Tibetans in his home region are also divided intheir standpoints of the issue. While a 1985 article by a prominent local Rinpoche, presentshim as an ambitious military expansionist disturbing the stability and peace of the re-gion, we also find him lauded as the leader of the serf uprising in the Gazetteer of Nyagrong County published in 1992. In addition, compared with historians subject to the Marxistideology, a 1985 study of the issue by a Tibetan historian in exile presents a relativelybalanced picture of him without either demonizing or glorifying him. What particularlymerits our attention in this study is the argument that “with his death Tibet lost the lastwall that might have stopped expansionist Chinese designs.” As this study was mainlybased on the author’s interviews with the descendants of Mgon po rnasm rgyal and ac-counts of the incident by the contemporary local Lamas, questions emerge regardingwhether or not this study reveals the underlying local perspective, which may have beenobscured in official accounts.

In conclusion, since each of the above-mentioned accounts of the activities of Mgonpo rnam rgyal renders some illumination from its own perspective, this exploration at-tempts to provide a more balanced assessment by offering a presentation of the manyfacets involved. The historiographical construction of historical figures is rather complexand ambivalent. This study provides an opportunity to consider various pressures thathave bearing on that complexity, including the role of the historian’s ideological focus,the biases of official documents, and the influence of contemporary politics and academicconcerns.

Gelugpa and Qing Empires: an alliance of ideologies

Nikolai Tsyrempilov

One of the basic misinterpretations regarding the history of the Qing Empire is when thispolitical regime is solely referred to as a dynasty [Alternative way of expressing this idea:The history of the Qing Empire is misinterpreted by referring to this political regime as amere dynasty.] By understanding the phenomenon of the Qing Empire as a result of theefforts of myriad forces and tendencies with contributions from various national andstate formations opens up a number of perspective directions in this field. One such pros-pect is bringing to light and analyzing the prevailing political tendencies in Central Asia,which promoted or impeded the process of establishing Qing domination. This issuearoused discussion among experts in Mongolian history, yet it is practically ignored bytibetologists. The problem was clearly formulated in one of the works of Melvin Goldstein,who stressed the point that “religion” (and the religious segment) was not the homoge-neous entity it is typically implied to be, even within the Gelugpa sect”. He argued hispoint by illustrating several cases where the government of the Dalai Lama and the great-est Yellow Hat monasteries collided in the 19th–20th century. It seems the issue of inter-nal contradiction within the Yellow Hat church appears most vividly when correlatedwith the general political situation in 17th century inner Asia, especially in light of Qingexpansionism.

The history of Gelugpa internal controversy begins with the establishment of theDalai Lama institution. The concept of reincarnation possessed a number of advantagesover other institutions of authority. By the end of the 16th century, it had attracted vari-ous Mongol khans to personally establish a special kind of relationship with the DalaiLama through the revival of the patron-priest concept, already elaborated on during theearly Yuan. This resulted in the rise of the Dalai Lama institution, which in turn causedasymmetry in the hierarchical structure of Gelug because the Dalai Lamas, unlike theKarmapas, never officially headed the sect they come from. The Fifth Dalai Lama’s ac-tions aimed at sacralizing the institution and consolidating authority strained his rela-tions with the Gelugpa monastic hierarchy. This contradiction, in my opinion, had itsroot not just in an adherence of the Great Fifth to Nyingmapa School, but in the fact that“he attempted to build a state with a broader power base, state which he presented as there-establishment of the early Tibetan empire. His rule was to be supported by the Ge-luktradition, but would also include groups affiliated with other religious traditions”. I thinkI wouldn’t be so much wide of the truth suggesting, that the majority of Gelugpa follow-ers considered their tradition as a true and most adequate transmission of Buddha Doc-trine and hence regarded its political predominance as a triumph of Buddhist religion.Moreover, a certain number of Tsonkapa followers thought of interests of the school morehighly than of Tibetan national interests and, therefore, could consider a policy of rap-prochement to other Buddhist sects pursuing by the Dalai Lama V, if not as betrayal of

Yellow church interests, but at least as an unfavorable for their own school tendency. Theefforts for creation of a national state seems to have caused a reaction from side of somerepresentatives of the high Gelugpa hierarchy that was expressed in harsh conflicts fixedin some Tibetan historical sources. I emphasize, that it was not a reaction to the instituteof Dalai Lamas in general, but a reaction to strengthening of this institute and to its devia-tion from sect-orientation with the purpose of creation of more representative govern-ment. In this case Gelugpa would lose its authority monopoly, or this monopoly wouldbe threatened. Some Yellow-sect monks might regard such tendency as adverse, and thatseems to have made them opposed to the Fifth Dalai Lama. It seems that the expansion ofthe Qing empire intensified this tension. After their unsuccessful attempts to affect Mon-gols through the Dalai Lama, Qing emperors were compelled to invent many-sided policyfor neutralization of Dalai Lamas spiritual authority over Mongols and taking controlover this influential institute. I suggest that in their efforts Manchu, rather unexpectedly,received a backing of separate representatives of the high Yellow-sect hierarchy. Someunknown earlier facts discovered in one of the biographies of Jamyan-Zhadba I, an au-thoritative representative and, most likely, the leader of Lhabzang-Qing-oriented part ofGelugpa clergy seem to have confirmed the last suggestion. Jamyang-Zhadba’s positionprobably reflected the viewpoint of many other monks and can be understood as a careof interests of Gelugpa as a dominating sect, which to the beginning of the 18th c. hasalready stepped over boundaries of the national states, becoming a phenomenon of inter-national significance. Fear of the perspective of missing the exclusive position occupiedin the empire by Gelugpa strengthened sectarian tendencies within its clergy. There arecited some episodes recorded in the biography of the Second lCang-skya Khutukhtu,displaying political orthodoxy of Gelugpa hierarchy in Peking. It is noted, that the lCang-skya Khutukhtu institute had been used by the Qing emperors in purpose of reducingnationalist tendencies in Inner Mongolia down to 30s of the 20th century. It is importantto remember, that at the same time Yellow-hats used the emperors too. In other words theinterests of the Qing and Gelugpa agreed: expansion and strengthening of the empiremeant also spreading of the Yellow sect.

‘Your border is my centre’: re-examining the Thakali of Nepal

Mark Turin

The Thakali people of Nepal have long been of interest to anthropologists and scholars ofthe Himalayas. For their relatively small population size (13,000 according to the NepalPopulation Census of 2001), the sheer volume of published work on this ethnic group isremarkable. By 1985, the Thakali were the most studied people in Nepal in relation totheir number, and the subject of 50 published works by 15 trained anthropologists.

Within this substantial corpus of literature, however, opinions on the Thakali varywidely. Some scholars choose to highlight their role in the trans-Himalaya salt-grain tradewith Tibet and India, while others focus on their mass exodus from Mustang, a district inwhich they claim to be autochthonous, to more fertile pastures for international business,such as Hong Kong, Japan and California. In the last 40 years, Thakalis have been por-trayed as pragmatic social agents adjusting to the pressures of increasingly globalisedeconomics as well as adept cultural manipulators who make use of powerful inventedtraditions to fit with the social expectations of the time.

In this paper, I take a fresh look at the position of the Thakali both in Nepal andfurther afield. Based on over twelve years of association with the ethnic group, supportedby long term fieldwork in Mustang district and other regions of Nepal where Thakalisare numerous, I reassess earlier anthropological judgements on the group as a whole. Inparticular, I discuss the involvement of the Thakali in janajati activism, the political move-ment for and by the indigenous ethnic groups of Nepal. Furthermore, I recast the Thakalias a truly trans-Himalayan ethnic group who have found themselves, in different histori-cal epochs, straddling the liminal borderlands between the Tibetosphere to the north andthe Indosphere to the south. In short, from the Thakali perspective, one groups’s periph-ery is another group’s centre.

Tibetan officials and the eighth-century south-eastern part ofthe Empire

Helga Uebach

In the early eighth century the Tibetan had succeeded in expanding their empire towardsthe south-east. Information on the subject from Old Tibetan texts is scarce, and Tibetanactivities concerning the domination of the White and Black Mvya and lJang-yul remainsomewhat vague. The names of the Tibetan officials involved in the process in great partare known only from Chinese sources. Recently, however, new evidence in Tibetan hasturned up. Therefore an attempt will be made to identify the Tibetan officials active inthis area. The information gained contributes to our understanding of Tibetan policy con-cerning the south-east border of their empire and to shed light on the administration ofthe area under Tibetan domination.

Jo mo Kun mkhar: a pilgrimage to the abode of Ama Jo mo,the yul lha of the ’Brog pa of Eastern Bhutan

Ugyen Pelgen

Known to the rest of the Bhutanese population as the Brokpas (’brog pa), the yak herdingsemi-nomads of Me rag and Sag steng in Eastern Bhutan (Trashigang district) occupy aspecial place in Bhutan. Literally the “Fire Burnt Valley” Me rag and the “Plain of Bam-boos” Sag steng, has been the home of these semi-nomads of Tibeto-Burman stock, sincetheir displacement from Tsona, of Tibet at a date which is still not identified but thisdisplacement is attested in their myth of origin.

Living close to the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, the Brokpas have for centuriesendured the harsh life in the wilderness tending to yak and sheep for their livelihood.With settlements situated 3500 meters above sea level, agriculture is virtually impossibleand non-existent, besides a few turnips. Bartering of yak meat, cheese, butter yak, tailsand products of matted hair with their Tshangla counterparts (Eastern Bhutanese neigh-bours who engage in agriculture) for maize and paddy help sustain their living and addto their staple diet of cheese and milk.

Their uniqueness is reflected not only in their outlook appearances and their dress(which is made of yak and sheep hair and covered on top with animal skin) but also intheir language and social norms. Polygyny and polyandry in the forms of fraternal andsororal marriage are accepted norms that keep the family property and units together.

The Brokpas have a profound sense of the intrinsic worth of their way of life anddistinct identity. They maintain a homogenous socio-cultural entity with utmost concernfor their tribal polity. Despite being strong adherents of the dGe lugs pa school of Bud-dhism – an oddity in itself in Bhutan – the earlier forms of original nature worship andanimal sacrifice still feature in their way of life, and they refer to these practices as Bon.Their daily religious practice is made up of associated rituals such as fumigation (bsang),erecting prayer flags, consulting local shamans (*Phramin) as well Buddhist priests.

The highlight of their religious calendar is the pilgrimage around Jomo Kuengkhar(Jo mo Kun mkhar) abode of their territorial deity, the yul lha Ama Jo mo sMan btsun Rema ti. Therefore their territorial deity is a woman, a fact which is quite rare in the Tibetanworld. Ama Jomo is revered as their leader who saved them from the impossible task ofbringing down a mountain in order to build their king’s palace and she secretly led themto their present habitat of Me rag and Sag steng.

This festival that lasts from the 1st day to the 30th day of the 7th month of theBhutanese calendar is a festival with a pilgrimage to her mountain abode.

However, she is also worshipped by the neighbouring Tshangla population and gsolkha are offered to her, seeking her help and protection.

Therefore, I intend to present a paper focussing on the worship of the deity Ama Jomo sMan brtsun Re ma ti as well the festival in form of pilgrimage that is made to her andthat I could witness in 2002.

The Fifth Dalai Lama’s “Secret Visionary Autobiography”and Manchu Prince Yunli (1697–1738)

Vladimir Uspensky

The.” Secret Visionary Autobiography” (Tib. rNam thar rgya can; henceforth SVA) is acollection of about sixty-five texts which contain descriptions of the mystical experiencesof the Fifth Dalai Lama (1617–1682) and instructions on ritual practices based on theseexperiences. In order to facilitate the correct performance of these rituals it is accompa-nied with a volume of illustrations. It is only in recent years that the SVA has become asubject of scholarly studies.

An ardent propagator of the SVA was Prince Yunli (1697–1738), the seventeenth sonof the Emperor Kangxi (reigned 1662–1722) of the Manchu Qing dynasty. He receivedmany Tibetan Buddhist tantric initiations and had several Tibetan religious names, ofwhich he preferred Buddha-guru-rtsal. He possessed a big personal library of Tibetanand Mongolian books, parts of which are found today not only in China but also in Euro-pean collections.

In the Library of the St. Petersburg State University there is kept a complete Mongo-lian translation of the first twenty-five chapters of the SVA (i.e., the “Autobiography”proper). Also in this library is found and instructional text in Mongolian on a longevityritual. It was composed by Yunli himself on the basis of the sixteenth chapter of the SVA.Some Mongolian texts from the collection of Yunli relating to-the SVA are found in theCambridge University Library.

It became known only quite recently that forty Tibetan texts on the SVA from thecollection of Prince Yunli are presently kept in the Copenhagen Royal Library. These areritual instructions based on the SVA. These texts relating to the SVA which were collectedby Prince Yunli are of utmost importance for the further study of this extraordinary col-lection.

La “remise en vie” (“revival ”) de la culture Bhotia au Sikkim:un point de vue sur la sécularisation de la société

Mélanie Vandenhelsken

Le Sikkim forme une enclave entre le Bhoutan à l’Est et le Népal à l’Ouest, qui rejoint lafrontière du Tibet autonome au Nord. Il est un État fédéré de l’Union Indienne depuis1975. Jusqu’à cette date, et depuis le XVIIe siècle, il était un royaume conduit par un «roidirigeant selon les principes de la Loi bouddhique» (chos-rgyal en tibétain).

La frange de la population du Sikkim qui se réclame d’ancêtres tibétains, et à laquelleappartient la famille royale, est habituellement désignée par le terme générique “bhotia”(elle se préfère toutefois l’ethnonyme tibétain de lho-rigs, “le groupe du Sud”, qui affirmeson origine tibétaine).

À leur arrivée au Sikkim, les Bhotia dominèrent les différentes populations de languetibéto-birmane (Lepcha, Limbu, Magar) qui y vivaient déjà. À la suite de la colonisationbritannique du royaume au XIXe siècle et de l’intégration du royaume à l’Inde ils sontdevenus numériquement minoritaires. L’essentiel de la population est aujourd’hui deconfession hindouiste, et la lingua franca du Sikkim est le népali.

Dans la région du chef-lieu du district Ouest du Sikkim, Gyalshing, une associationde “remise en vie de la culture Bhotia” (“revival”) a récemment vu le jour. C’est ici que setrouve le monastère royal de Pemayangtse, qui fut construit auprès de la deuxième capitaledu royaume, Rabdentse, avant que la capitale ne soit installée à Gangtok où elle se trouveencore aujourd’hui. La première association crée à Gyalshing emprunta son nom à l’unedes nombreuses associations de Gangtok: “Tribal Youth Association”. Elle fut fondée parde jeunes Bhotia de clans nobles. Ses membres ont notamment pour but de développerles activités religieuses du monastère de Pemayangtse. En 1999, les mêmes personnesfondèrent une deuxième association portant cette fois un nom tibétain: “‘bras-ljongs rigs-byung rgyal-rabs srung-skyob tshogs-po” c’est-à-dire “L’assemblée de préservation del’histoire politique des descendants de Denjong”. ’bras-ljongs, littéralement “la vallée duriz”, est le nom tibétain du Sikkim qui désigne à la fois le royaume et le lieu saint que lepays constitue aux yeux des Bhotia.

Une étude des activités de cette association révèle une conception de la sociétéparticulière à ses membres. Ces derniers se sont notamment impliqués dans lerétablissement de la cérémonie de dpang-lha gsol, “La demande aux divinités témoins”.Cette cérémonie est dite célébrer le serment d’amitié mythique que scellèrent l’ancêtretibétain des Bhotia et un chef Lepcha, un événement considéré comme un précédent àl’installation de la royauté Bhotia sur le territoire des Lepcha. La cérémonie de dpang-lha

gsol est l’occasion de danses rituelles masquées (’cham) au cours desquelles les principalesdivinités-montagnes protectrices du Sikkim sont représentées.

Quelques années après la constitution du Sikkim en État de l’Inde, le fils du dernierroi Bhotia décida de mettre fin à la pratique de dpang-lha gsol dans la chapelle royale deGangtok, comme il était d’usage. Là, la cérémonie se déroulait en présence du chos-rgyal.Après plusieurs années d’interruption, les membres de la Tribal Youth Association et leslamas de Pemayangtse s’organisèrent pour rétablir dpang-lha gsol à Pemayangtse contrel’avis du prince. Ce dernier exprima son désaccord en refusant de fournir les chevaux dutroupeau royal qui représentaient les montures des divinités-montagnes, et en remettanten question l’efficacité spirituelle des lamas de Pemayangtse dans la presse.

Les membres de l’association firent le choix de pratiquer les danses de laïcs effectuéeslors de la cérémonie (et appelées dpang-bstod, “prise à témoin”) qui mettent en scène lesguerriers de l’armée des divinités-montagnes. La plupart d’entre eux avaient cependantprononcé des vœux de religieux dans l’enfance, ce qui leur permettait de pratiquer lesdanses religieuses de dpang-lha gsol plutôt que celles de laïcs. Bien qu’ils aient prononcéces vœux, ces jeunes hommes ont aussi fait le choix de mener une vie de laïc, commebeaucoup d’enfants de donateurs de Pemayangtse.

Leur manière de s’impliquer dans l’organisation de dpang-lha gsol dévoile une certaineconception des relations entre le domaine spirituel et le domaine temporel: ce serait dessphères imbriquées et interdépendantes. Cette conception des relations entre le domainespirituel et le domaine temporel s’oppose à celle en vigueur dans la société indiennedepuis la fin de la colonisation qui, si elle donne une place à la religion, vise à “privatiser”la sphère du religieux. Avec le rétablissement de dpang-lha gsol, c’est non seulement unevision du pouvoir royal comme étant légitime grâce aux religieux qui est affirmée, maisaussi une vision de la société comme devant permettre à la sphère religieuse de seperpétuer.

Notes on a dkar chag� of the monastery of Sa skya

Federica Venturi

The main source of the paper I propose to present at the Tenth Seminar of the Interna-tional Association of Tibetan Studies is a dkar chag of the monastery of Sa skya entitledgDan sa chen po dpal ldan Sa skya’i gtsug lag khang dang rten gsum gyi dkar chag. This guide-book was brought to Italy by Giuseppe Tucci after his visit to Sa skya in 1939 and wassubsequently used by him as one of the sources for his Tibetan Painted Scrolls.

As well as being an extremely useful source for reconstructing the architectural andartistic aspects of the monastery of Sa skya, the guide book also contains interesting andcurious anecdotes about holy personages of the ’Khon lineage and holy receptacles keptin the monastery. In particular, this dkar chag presents a picture of the conditions of themonastery of Sa skya after the renovation work made by snags chang Kun dga’ rin chen(1517–1584) and points out the differences in the appearance of the monastery before andafter its restoration.

It is thanks to these notations that it is possible to pinpoint with more exactness thetemporal frame in which the guidebook was written, and thus to provide insight into theissue of its authorship. This paper will then illustrate the particular passages of the dkarchag which provide internal evidence for a different evaluation of the authorship and theperiod of writing of this text than has heretofore been posited, and in so doing will sug-gest some corrections to apparent discrepancies in the XVIth and XVIIth century lineageof the Sa skya pa.

Tibet’s challenging place in contemporary literary studies

Steven J. Venturino

Literary critics inevitably situate works of Tibetan literature on maps already informed,not only by popular opinion and official policies, but by motivated interpretations ofglobal trends in literary theory. The pigeonholes that stand to contain scholarly discus-sions of Tibetan literature, I would argue, principally include those formed by existingdebates on third-world literature, minority literature, postmodernism, andpostcolonialism. In my paper, I offer a critical examination of these contexts for readingTibetan literature and the ways in which Tibetan literature both supports and challengesthese perspectives.

While I argue that works of Tibetan literature are productively approached by way ofexisting critical theories – which have generally been developed without regard for Tibetanliterature – the unique aspects of Tibetan works should lead us to re-evaluate and revisethese approaches, particularly with regard to their implicit assumptions of national iden-tity and their insufficient attention to the history of non-Western colonialism. Tibetan litera-ture’s presence is growing on the world stage, but as an increasing number of critics ac-knowledge this body of work – particularly in English and through English translation –the challenges facing existing debates in literary theory begin to multiply.

At present, scholarly study of Tibetan literature is largely conducted by Tibet spe-cialists in a variety of disciplines, including anthropology, religious studies, sociology,and Asian studies. The International Association for Tibetan Studies has, over the pastdecade, devoted increasing attention to the importance of studying contemporary Ti-betan literature. Seminar panels and publications sponsored by the IATS, as well as vol-umes produced by affiliated organizations and IATS members, have led to significantcross-fertilization of disciplinary approaches and an appreciable expansion of the scopeof traditional Tibetological concerns. However, the same cannot be said of literary stud-ies as such, where Tibetan literature remains acutely underexplored, in part because ofthe relative dearth of accessible texts, and in part because of the difficult institutionaldecisions – demanded of Western and Chinese critics alike – involving Tibet’s status withinChina.

Yet I believe we are at a turning point of sorts, and by addressing the issue of Tibet’splace in literary studies, I hope to show that while the field of Tibetan studies continuesto be influenced by other disciplines, Tibetan studies also serves to influence other disci-plines. This is particularly true with regard to theories of minority literature, postmodernistliterature and postcolonial writing, which have yet to meaningfully acknowledge Tibet’shistory, politics, and literature as elements of debate and discussion of a globally informedliterary criticism.

Indic principles in Tibetan Buddhist hermeneutics

Pieter C. Verhagen

As one of the results of an ongoing research project on linguistic and language-relatedconcepts and principles underlying Indo-Tibetan Buddhist hermeneutics, the presentpaper will offer a case study of a pivotal document in this connection, the Mkhas-pa-rnams-’jug-pa’i-sgo, written by an eminent early exponent of Tibetan scholasticism, thefamous Sa-skya-pa erudite Sa-skya Pandita Kun-dga’-rgyal-mtshan (1182–1251).

In this paper I will discuss some of the salient traits of this treatise, focussing on thesecond of its three chapters, which addresses the topic of ‘exposition’ (Tib. ’chad-pa), therebysupplementing the major study on this text so far, Prof. Jackson’s The Entrance Gate for theWise (Section III), Vienna 1987, which is primarily devoted to its third chapter on ‘debate’(rtsod-pa).

The structure of the second chapter is based on the fivefold classification of herme-neutical or didactical categories found in the Vyakhyayukti by Vasubandhu. This pentadwill be briefly reviewed in the present paper, and certain details in Sa-skya Pandita’sexposé on these topics will be highlighted.

One point of note is that Sa-skya Pandita devotes special attention to difficultieswhich Tibetan scholars may encounter in their exegesis and promulgation of the Bud-dha-Word, for example, various types of problems which may arise in the consultation ofthe Sanskrit originals of canonical scriptures and in their translation into Tibetan.

Lineage holders of bsnyung gnas (“fasting”) and the cult ofsPyan ras gzigs (10th–12th century)

Roberto Vitali

bsNyung gnas is a system that was transmitted to Tibet in the 11th century as part of thereligious movement focused on sPyan ras gzigs which was popular during bstan pa phyidar. The transmission of bsnyung gnas had several features typical of bstan pa phyi dar:the Indian origin; sngags gsar ma; Bal po as a land through which it was diffused to Tibet;the individual, rather than collective, endeavour of Tibetan masters to establish it on theplateau; its early Tibetan exponents being part of the scholastic network of the time; thefoundations of temples; and the involvement of great Indian masters and even of impor-tant yon bdag-s. Highly Tantric in India, more monastic and sdom pa-oriented in Tibet,bsnyung gnas was never to evolve into one of the established religious schools whichtook shape during the 11th and 12th centuries, nonetheless continued to be practised inthe subsequent periods.

I will devote my attention to the biographies and the related gdung rabs material inorder to trace the late 10th century lineage holders of bsnyung gnas from India whotransmitted it to Tibetan masters. The significance of a few of the latter has not been fullyacknowledged because the evidence concerning them is fragmented in the literature dueto their belonging to other religious systems. I will try to show that different biographiesof some of them provide different records of their activity and religious inclinations. Col-lating these biographies helps to assess these masters with a more all-round perspective.

I plan briefly to deal with: dge slong ma dPal mo, the incestuous daughter of a kingof Kashmir; her disciples Ye she bzang po and Zla ba gzhon nu; dPe nya ba, a proponentof bsnyung gnas from the heart of the Kathmandu Valley; Byangs sems Zla ba rgyal mtshanand Ba ri lo tsa ba who each introduced different aspects of the cult.

Gift from the Tsar: the photos of Tsybikof and Norzunov

Sjoerd-Jan de Vries

In the library of the Ethnographical Museum in Leiden (The Netherlands) I discovered avery interesting album with photographs, illustrating many of the religious monumentsin Central Tibet. This album was a gift of the Imperial Geographical Society in St.Petersburg to the Dutch Royal Geographical Society and was received in 1905.

Important although is the fact that the photos were made in 1901 and are thereforethe earliest known photos of Lhasa. They were made by two Buryat monks, Tsybikof andNorzunov, who travelled for a year as pilgrims through Central Tibet, with a camera thatwas given by the Geographical Society. The 50 photos in this album are in excellent con-dition and depict the capital Lhasa, the great monasteries Sera, Ganden and Drepung.Furthermore there are photos of Gyantse and the earliest monastery Samye.

One thing is the importance of these photographs, as the earliest known of Lhasa. Iwant to explore how and why this album was presented to the Dutch Geographical Soci-ety; there seem to be other examples in Berlin and Paris. And, the most intriguing ques-tion is how two Russian subjects, armed with a camera, could travel through this sensi-tive area of Central Tibet, in the middle of the ‘Great Game’.

Tibetan information technology in perspective: traditionalbelles-lettres and new media

Christopher E. Walker

Seen broadly, the history of information technology (I.T.) in Tibet spans the earliest formsof Tibetan scripts to the current online collections of texts and multimedia. Given thisexpansive duration of communication tools, specific Tibetan practices and culturalunderstandings surrounding I.T. have grown in unison. Although most current socialtheory theorizes the impact of new media on traditional communities, we might fruit-fully ask how Tibetan reading and writing practices can impact newer Tibetan languagemedia, such as on-line databases and chat forums. The challenge now for developers ofTibetan electronic media is to pursue a methodology incorporating not only literary con-tent, but traditional practices that Tibetans will both recognize and esteem. To this end,this paper provides an ethnography of older, lay education in Lhasa related to collectiveand individual reading, memorization, and calligraphy. Based on interviews with elderand distinguished lay scholars in Lhasa, this presentation aims to describe a public ofbelles-lettres which functioned, most notably, within the leisure classes. How mightvaunted traditions and notions surrounding Tibetan publication and discourse find re-newed existence and recognition in the digital age? Is an assimilation of such Tibetanpractices desirable, let alone feasible, within current Internet databases and hypermedialibraries? An anthropology of Tibetan information technology should attempt to providesome grounded data from which a discussion of such issues can proceed.

An introduction to the newly discovered Tubo Inscribed-Steles

Wang Yao

Inscribed stone steles of the Tubo period play a very important part in the study of Ti-betan history (including the history of Tibetan language and script, political history, reli-gious history and cultural history). In the last century, Professor Li Fanggui, Mr. Richardsonand I all collected and published separately rubbings from stone inscriptions and pub-lished discussions on certain issues.

Over the past few years some newly found stone steles have been made known.Here I’ll make a brief introduction of them.

1) The stele found at Lijiang, Yunnan

It was probably made in 756–757, and it was erected at Gezi Village on the Jinsha River.There are five lines of Tibetan words on it and decorated with line-carved patterns of thesun, the moon, lions, and deities. I have made a translation was published on the aca-demic journal Tang Studies, pp. 421–427, Vol. 7 (2001). (See photos). The content of thestele inscription is about “vjang-sa-dam betraying the Tang to pledge its allegiance toTubo.” This may serve as a proof to the records in the Dunhuang Version Tubo HistoricalDocuments and the Old Tang Annals and New Tang Annals.

2) The cliff inscription found at Bido (vbis-mdo) Stone Buddha Cave at Jyekundo, Amdo (skyes-dgu-mdo, Amdo)

The ten lines of Tibetan words on the stele were inscribed in 806, in the Dog Year ofTibetan calendar during the region of Tesnpo Khri-lde Srong-btsan. The content is aboutthe sculpture of Vairochanna and the eight great Bodhisattvas. It prays for blessing andlongevity of Tsenpo Khri-lde Srong-btsan and his ministers (See photos).

3) The inscription on Avalokiteshvara stele found at Purang, Ngari (spu-sreng, mngav-ris)

Tibetan words are carved on both sides. Twenty-four lines of words on the left side, nine-teen lines on the right side. It was carved in the autumn of a Horse Year. It should be in ahorse year during the period before the Od-sung (vod-srung) family having settled downin Ngari (See photos).

A multivalent religious icon: the Jo bo Shakyamuni statue inLhasa, Tibet

Cameron David Warner

This paper is on the history and present worship of the Jo bo Shakyamuni statue in the Rasa ’Phrul snang gtsug lag khang (Jo khang) in Lhasa. The present statue in Lhasa is themost important Buddhist icon of Tibet. It is intimately connected with Tibetan self-iden-tity and nationalism, as well as being an important object of pilgrimage for all Tibetans.Despite its importance, it has been hardly mentioned in secondary literature on Tibet.Since the beginning of Tibetan historiography, until the present, the history and worshipof the statue has been complicated and controversial. Early sources tell us the statue wasthe focus of anti-Buddhist fervor during the dynastic period, and its symbolism has beenappropriated by Communists seeking to deepen their authority over religion ever sincethe end of the Cultural Revolution. Complicating things further, the present statue islikely the latest in a series of replicas.

In my opinion, the future of Tibetan Studies lies in a multidisciplinary approach tounderstanding our object of study which implicitly accepts the notion that the produc-tion of knowledge is a subjective endeavor. Therefore, I employ multiple analytical toolsin order to present my reader different ways of seeing the importance of the Jo boShakyamuni for the development of Tibetan self-identity. The paper begins with a closereading of passages that I have translated from the Sba bzhed, as well as from Per Sorensen’stranslation of the Rgyal rabs gsal ba’i me long by Bla ma dam pa Bsod nams rgyal mtshan.Unlike Sorensen, Hugh Richardson and others, I am not interested in proving or disprov-ing the historical accuracy of early Tibetan historiography. Rather, I use Jo bo passages inorder understand how and why the statue became so important to Buddhists in Tibet. Itis my opinion that either during the Dynastic Period, during the 1717 Jungar Invasion ofLhasa, and possibly the havoc during the Cultural Revolution, the statue was repeatedlydamaged and or completely destroyed and rebuilt. I use the destruction and reconstruc-tion of the statue as a bridge to discussing the Jo bo from an art historical point of viewespecially concerning material reproduction and simulation. I also add some of my ownobservations and information from interviews with Lhasa Tibetans during the summersof 2001 and 2003. Lastly, through demonstrating the Ra sa ’Phrul snang gtsug lag khangcan be seen as a living museum controlled by the Communists authorities as means ofcontrolling religion, I segue into the final part of the paper which is concerned with thefight between Tibetan nationalists and Communists who are both attempting to appro-priate the statue and its house for their own political agendas.

Throughout the secondary literature, the notion that the Jo bo Shakyamun i is thepalladium, the sancta sanctorum of Tibet is universally accepted, and yet no one has takenthe time to write either a descriptive history of the statue, nor an interpretive analysis of

its significance for Tibetans. Obviously, just writing a history of the Jo bo Shakyamuniwould be a large project in and of itself, let alone moving into an interpretive analysis. Onthe other hand, both projects are inherently dependent on each other due to the norma-tive style of Tibetan Buddhist historiography. Therefore, it is my intention that presentingJo bo Shakyamuni in a multidisciplinary fashion the will elicit comments and helpfulsuggestions from my peers for a larger project in the future.

Alternative translations of Sanskrit sources in the writings ofrJe Tsong-kha-pa: a survey and analysis of the criteria for

preference

Christian K. Wedemeyer

With the work of assembling the Tibetan translations of Indian Buddhist literature intothe great collections of bKa’-’gyur (containing sÒtra-s and tantra-s) and bsTan-’gyur (Ÿ›stra-s), Bu-ston Rin-chen-grub (1290–1364) initiated a process which ultimately led to the stand-ardization and univocality of canonical reference works in the latter half of the secondmillennium. Those translations selected for inclusion in the canonical collections assumedthereby a privileged status and soon eclipsed those other translations which had notbeen so selected. This process was accelerated considerably by the later adoption of thepractice of block printing, which allowed the mass reproduction – and thus wider andeasier availability – of the standard collections. As a result, almost none of the excludedtranslations have come down to us today.

However, during the lifetime of rJe Tsong-kha-pa bLo-bzang Grags-pa (1357–1419) –a half-century after the time of Bu-ston, yet over two centuries before the widespreadadoption of block-printing – a variety of translations were still available and tantalizingtraces of these “alternative” texts are to be found in his surviving works. Often, thesecitations are among the only surviving evidence of these texts. In his writings on theGuhyasam›ja Tantra, for example, Tsong-kha-pa makes frequent reference to such alter-native translations, often expressing a preference in his exegesis for one or the other overthe “standard” translations of ⁄raddh›karavarman and Lo-chen Rin-chen bZang-po. Inhis interlinear commentary (mchan ’grel) on Candrakırti’s Pradıpoddyotana, his work onthe Pañcakrama system of N›g›rjuna and firyadeva (rim lnga gsal sgron), and his smallercommentaries on the explanatory Tantras (vy›khy›-tantra, bshad rgyud) of the Guhyasam›ja,he often cites a preference for one Tibetan version over another, legitimating his owninterpretation in light of the variant readings.

In this paper, I undertake to independently evaluate some of these alternative pas-sages against the “standard” translations, in light of the surviving Sanskrit texts of these

works. Attention will especially be paid to the criteria which may have been in play in thepreference of one translation over another. Are they, in fact, prefererable considered froma philological perspective? To what extent were his choices based on the authority of theSanskritic tradition and to what extent on that of indigenous Tibetan exegesis? As Tsong-kha-pa does not himself explicitly outline his reasoning – he does not, as it were, “showhis work” – it is only from context that we can attempt to determine his thought proc-esses. This paper represents an essay in that direction.

A brief study of Tibetan Buddhist style woodcuts illustratedin Chinese Buddhist books during the Ming Dynasty

(1368–1644)

Xiong Wenbin

The Tibetan Buddhist woodcut occupies an important place in the history of Chinese artof woodcuts. Because of several reasons, only a few art historians have devoted theirattention to the research of these woodcuts. Among them, French scholar Heather Stoddardis one of the important scholars. In 1975, she published her important work Early Sino-Tibetan Art and studied systematically two groups of Tibetan Buddhist woodcuts. One isillustrations of Tibetan bKav-vgyur printed in 1410 during Emperor Yongle reign, andanother is illustrations of ZHU FO PU SA MIAO XIANG MING HAO JING ZHOU printedin 1431 during Emperor Xuande reign. However, most of other Tibetan Buddhist wood-cuts of the Ming Dynasty have not brought art historian’s attention because these worksare scattered in all kinds of Chinese Buddhist books and are difficult to find. Recently,Collections of Chinese Ancient Woodcuts, edited by Zhou Xinhui and Published byXueyuan Press in 1998, collected more than 30 Tibetan Buddhist woodcuts from the Chi-nese Buddhist books of Ming Dynasty. This book provides a best way for us to continueto understand and research these woodcuts and artistic exchange between Tibet and theinterior of China although it does not conduct any research into them. My topic here isfocusing on these woodcuts by discussing their dates, donors, styles and artists.

1. On the dates of woodcuts

Most of these woodcuts in Chinese Buddhist books with Tibetan Buddhist style haveinscriptions of date. According to Collections of Chinese Ancient Woodcuts, these wood-cuts were created and printed during the reign of Emperor Hongwu, Emperor Yongle,Emperor Xuande, Emperor Zhengtong, Emperor Chenghua, Emperor Zhengde, EmperorJiajing, Emperor Longqing and Emperor Wanli, respectively. The earliest one is illustra-tion of Qi FO SUO SHUO SHEN ZHOU JING and its date is 24th year of Emperor Hongwureign (1391) the latest one is the illustration of LUN GU JIN FO DAO LUN HENG SHI LUand it was printed in the period of Emperor Wanli reign (1573–1619). Among them, mostwoodcuts were cut and printed during the reigns of Emperor Yongle, Xuande and Wanli,which were coincident with the creation of bronzes with Tibetan Buddhist style in royalcourt of Ming Dynasty. All these woodcuts clearly reflect not only the development of theTibetan Buddhist art in interior of China, but also the history of large-scale exchangebetween Tibetan and Chinese arts through the whole Ming Dynasty.

2. On donors

The majority of these woodcuts have not the name of donors and only one-third of in-scriptions mentioned their donators’ name. According to these inscriptions, donators canbe classified into two parts briefly in line with their status. The first part of donators arethose who came from government institutes or royal court with official status, mainlyincluding Neifu, department of administrating the royal affairs of court), Senglusi, de-partment of administrating affairs of Buddhist monks and nuns), Empress and eunuch.For example, the illustration of FO SHUO MO LI ZHI TIAN PU SA JING printed in the1st year of Yongle reign (1403) was donated by the most famous eunuch and navigatorZhenghe. The illustration of NIAN FO WANG SHENG XI FANG GONG JU printed inthe 14th year of Yongle reign (1416) was donated by Senglusi. The illustration of YU ZHIJIN GANG BAN RUO BO LUO MI JING JI ZHU printed in the 21st year of Yongle reign(1423) was donated by Neihu. The illustration of FO SHUO CHANG SHOU JIA ZUI HUZHU TONG ZI TUO LUO NI JING printed in the 2nd year of Jijing reign (1523) wasdonated by Empress Xingguo. Among these donators, Neihu played an important role indonating these woodcuts. Many of these woodcuts were cut and printed by the order ofemperors. The other donors were lay Buddhists. For example, the illustration of GUANSHI YIN PU SA PU MEN PIN printed in the 7th year of Zhengde (1512) was donated bya Buddhist named Zhushi. In general, official institutes and royal family made a greatcontribution to these woodcuts. This situation is similar to the creation of bronzes duringthis period.

3. On the style and artists

Generally speaking, these woodcuts take on their remarkable characteristics in style al-though their style source can be traced to the woodcut of Yuan Dynasty (1279–1368), suchas the illustrations of Chinese Tripitaka Qishazang. Comparing to woodcuts of YuanDynasty, these woodcuts in Chinese Buddhist books of Ming Dynasty with Tibetan Bud-dhist style have stronger Chinese artistic style. Furthermore, in case of these woodcuts ofMing Dynasty themselves, there also exist some differences in style. In another word,works those were created in earlier time of Ming Dynasty have a stronger similarity withthose of Yuan Dynasty. Meanwhile, works those were created after Xuande period have astrong Chinese style. From the period of Zhengtong on, the Chinese style not only getsstronger and stronger but also becomes the domain style of these woodcuts. In the laterwoodcuts, except for some decorative patters such as halo, throne, its decoration and afew attendant Bodhisattvas, there are not any Tibetan Buddhist art elements. In addition,inscriptions of these woodcuts lack of names of artists. Judging by inscription of donatorsand style of woodcuts, these artists were not only familiar with Tibetan Buddhist arttradition, but also good at Chinese Buddhist art tradition. To some degree, many of themcould be Chinese and they had some close links with royal court.

4. Conclusion

The large-scale political, economic, cultural and religious exchanges between Tibetand interior of China in Ming Dynasty had a great influence on the development of Ti-betan Buddhist art in the interior of China. Under these circumstances, Tibetan and Chi-nese Buddhist arts mixed together and formed a new school with remarkable character-istics of Chinese art. This new school had an important influence on Tibetan Buddhist artcreation in both Tibet and the interior of China.

Constitutional change in the Land of the Thunder Dragon:remarks on the draft constitution.

Richard W. Whitecross

This paper represents an initial examination of the draft constitution of Bhutan and thesurrounding debate in the National Assembly. The Constitutional Drafting committee,under the Chief Justice of Bhutan has prepared and submitted for debate by the NationalAssembly a draft constitution for Bhutan (Kuensel 14th December 2002). As the first for-mal written constitution of the country, the document is of major significance. This papertraces the recent development of the draft constitution and public opinion as expressed,for example, by the readers of Kuensel, the national newspaper. In particular, it considersthe role of the judiciary and its members as part of the drafting committee and the futurerole of the Supreme Court of Bhutan in the administration of the Constitution.

The importance of law and the legitimacy accorded to acts of the National Assemblyof Bhutan is a major feature of contemporary Bhutan and based on fieldwork to be car-ried out (before the conference), I intend to attend the National Assembly to follow thedebates on the draft constitution. In presenting the National Assembly debates, I intendto draw on private interviews with a range of officials and private citizens to build up abroader, more textured understanding of how ordinary Bhutanese view the debates andtheir own interpretations of the draft constitution and its implications for them. The draftconstitution introduces for the first time many new issues and rights to Bhutan and thedebates merit close attention and consideration. The main features of the draft constitu-tion will be described and briefly placed in context, before turning to examine in turn, thedebates of the National Assembly, the reporting of the debates on television and in thenewspaper, and the general reaction of Bhutanese interviewed during the period of theNational Assembly and afterwards.

This paper develops previous work on the political structures of Bhutan (Mathou1998, 1999, 2000) and develops the analysis of the material by locating it with the Bhutanesejudiciary and the legal institutions which have been created since the 1950s (Whitecross2002). However, rather than focusing on the constitution as representing a radical breakwith past lineages of authority and notions of government and state, the paper will at-tempt to trace, where evident, earlier indigenous concepts of power and authority (nota-bly with reference to the system of government instituted by the Zhabdrung NgawangNamgyal. Here, it is anticipated that the paper will compliment the work of Dr Cüpperson the eighteenth century law code.

In addition to locating the draft constitution in terms of its historical antecedents andits recent political and legal history, the paper will emphasis local level understandingsconcerning the draft constitution and its practical effects on the political structure of Bhu-

tan. Since the royal kasho of June 1998, the framework of the Bhutanese political systemhas undergone significant changes which culminated in a major move towards decen-tralisation of authority in 2002. Based on interviews with a range of Bhutanese, both inofficial positions and private individuals, I will examine the means by which the changesare disseminated to the ordinary Bhutanese. The members of the National Assembly whowill debate the draft constitution play a central role in the dissemination of informationabout the draft constitution and will be responsible for informing other low level officialsabout it. The newspaper, Kuensel, will similarly be important for providing informationabout the new constitution. Yet, it is important to examine what these sources say andhow it is interpreted by the ordinary Bhutanese. How for example will the right of assem-bly be understood? What about concerns already voiced about the impact of politicalparties based on ethnic lines? How will cultural and religious pluralism be implemented,and how will this affect current educational materials as well as the official promotion ofdriglam namzha?

The paper therefore draws on textual analysis of the draft constitution, participantobservation of the National Assembly proceedings, interviews with officials and discus-sions with private individuals. The forthcoming debates will be among the most signifi-cant in the history of the National Assembly as a legislative body. Furthermore, the roleof the Bhutanese judiciary, and indeed of various bodies, including the Central MonkBody, reflects a major development in the process of Bhutanese statecraft. The paper willserve to reflect these changes and emphasis the continued maturity of the Bhutanesestate as it seeks to involve its citizens in the decision-making process.

Ban-de skya-min ser-min: Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho’scomplex, confused and confusing relationship with sde-sridsangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho as portrayed in the Tsangs-dbyangs

rGya-mtsho’i mGu-glu

Simon Wickham-Smith

There is almost nothing in the life and work of Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho, the SixthDalai Lama, of which we can be certain. The events surrounding his death are so hazythat scholars are still not sure, either that he did indeed die in 1706, or that the “secret”biography, written in the 1740s by the Mongolian monk Dar-rgyas Nom-un Qan, is in factan elaborate hoax; at the other end of his life, moreover, the account of his first eighteenyears, written by sDe-srid Sangs-rgyas rGya-mtsho, is a work of such hagiography thatit’s impossible to tell what is true and what is blinkered devotion. Even the provenance ofhis most famous work, the mgu-glu, is uncertain maybe they are his songs, more likelythe text is a mélange of popular song, fabrications and secondhand recensions.

Even though the Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho’i mGu-glu presents us with a corpus ofsongs which, in reality, may very well not be by Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho, nonethe-less, so strongly is the text associated with this most fantastical of real-life characters, thatwe have at least to read it in parallel with the biographical “facts” of the young man’s life,looking for connections, indications and subtexts – for pointers, on the one hand, to-wards the external world of history and society and political intrigue inhabited by theDalai Lama as temporal and spiritual leader, and, on the other hand, towards thepsychospiritual, emotional and intellectual world inhabited by the poet, the Nying-matantricist, the maverick popular hero Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho.

We do, however, know a great deal about his regent, the flawed diamond Sangs-rgyas rGya-mtsho. His writings reveal a brilliant mind with a profound breadth of learn-ing – but we also have the thang-ka of him as Manjushri, we have his many mistresses (inseries and in parallel) and we have his inability to decide whether he is a layman or amonk. As spiritual disciple and political deputy of the Great Fifth, his loyalty and devo-tion is clear; as regent to the Sixth, however, his selflessness is less obvious and he lacksclarity. His machinations lead eventually to his own death and the subsequent demise ofhis beloved, wayward charge.

My intention in this paper is to investigate the relationship between Tsangs-dbyangsrGya-mtsho and his regent as presented (ostensibly by the Sixth) in the Tsangs-dbyangsrGya-mtsho’i

mGu-glu. In many ways, it shows us the relationship between a father and his son:after all, the younger man was raised largely by the older and it could be argued that thesde-srid acted towards the teenage Dalai Lama as a powerful, controlling and devotedparent, endlessly exasperated by behavior which he considered inappropriate or peril-ous, trying (inexpertly) to define boundaries – and, finally, propelled by a genuine senseof love and loyalty, seeking to protect and form the young man’s brilliant yet defiantcharacter.

The text itself presents us with a number of poems about the lover and his beloved,and it is these which will form the backbone of my analysis. Several scholars, notablyXiao Diyan, interpret these as relating – at least in part – to the relationship between thesDe-srid and the Dalai Lama and, while this is clearly not the only way in which they canbe understood, it’s nonetheless an approach which allows us to examine this relationshipin some depth.

What I hope most of all to achieve with this paper is to examine the effect ofmythopoësis, both on the text and on the characters themselves. After all, as I have said,Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho exists in a very uncertain set of circumstances and, throughhis position in the canon of Tibetan literature and folk myth, he has transcended his iden-tity as the Sixth Dalai Lama; Sangs-rgyas rGya-mtsho managed to forge for himself asupramundane identity, he mythologised himself as a Tibetan version of Henry VIII –scholar, theologian, politician, sportsman and stud.

As for the text, simply the fact that we cannot be sure whether any or all of thesepoems is truly by Tsangs-dbyangs rGya-mtsho is enough to mythologise them: they be-come incantatory, more than the sum of their words; as with folksong throughout theworld – and lovesongs in particular they take us beyond the confines of our own exist-ence, beyond the world of the poet, into the realm of eloquent parrots, secret trysts andthe unwritten language of the heart. In looking at the ways in which the Sixth Dalai Lama(re)presented his Regent, his (substitute) father, I hope to show how the poems havethemselves created versions of both men which, whether they be truthful or not, help ussomehow to analyse their relationship and thereby better understand the literary, histori-cal and political context in which their relationship takes place.

Buddhist, Bonpo or ‘Nameless’? Healing in Humla(NW Nepal) and the Kailash-Khyunglung connection

Mariette Wiebenga

This paper is based on explorations into West Tibet in 1998 and 2002, and ethnographicresearch in the Himalayan borderlands of Humla, NW Nepal, in the period in between.The Nyinba, a small Tibetan-speaking community inhabiting a mountain valley on a sidestream of the Upper Karnali, had links to West Tibet since time immemorial, as evidentfrom their origin myths, ancestor worship, incantations and healing practices. They havemanaged to maintain these links over centuries through trade and pilgrimage, thoughreshaping them time and again in response to fundamental socio-political change in theregion.

In this paper, scenes from Nyinba healing practices will form the entry to examinefirst, the roles of dhami, dangri and lamas in changing social and political contexts; sec-ond, the links of their practices with West Tibet, notably Kailash and Khyunglung; andthird, some epistemological questions related to the ‘(re-) imagining of history’.

The first point concerns matters of ethnographic interest, such as how Nyinba heal-ers and their clients (used to) negotiate positions through ritual practices, how villagerituals (used to) reinforce their ‘Tibetan-ness’ in a mainly Hindu country, and how thesethings change in face of recent developments (including the Maoist revolt). The secondpoint, concerning the ‘Kailash-Khyunglung connection’, pertains to sacred geography,power places and related religious history. This point, finally, raises epistemological ques-tions as to what extent ethnographic research and oral history, in combination with studyof textual sources and ancient sites, may contribute to ‘imagining history’ (in this casepre-Buddhist, or early Buddhist and Bon history).

Craftsmen, Gifts, and Ritual: The Economics andOrganization of Production of a Gold-Ink Kanjur Set under

the Fourth Dagyab Lama, in Degyab, Kham, East Tibet in 1719

Edwina Williams

The most significant craft production in traditional Tibet was the production of majorworks of religious art. But little is known about the economics and organization of pro-duction of such works. How were the necessary funds acquired? What craftsmen wereneeded and where did they come from? How was work organized? How long did majorprojects take to complete? How were craftsmen compensated? What rituals were per-formed?

Answers to many of these questions are to be found in the Biography of the FourthDagyab Lama of Dagyab, Kham, East Tibet. The Biography is in manuscript form, writ-ten in Kham-bris script. J worked with Nima Dorjee Ragnubs on translation into Englishof this portion of the document.

In 1719 the Fourth Dagyab Lama commissioned production of a Kanjur set writtenin gold ink. Such gold-ink books were the highest level of book production in Tibet. De-tails about every aspect of production are included in the account,

Completion of the set would create great merit and enhance the Lama’s status, butrequired significant amounts of funds, labor, and time. Several kinds of craftsmen wereneeded, to produce not only the books, but the covers, art, and a shrine to house thecompleted set. A large work force labored for almost three months. These included 186calligraphers, 24 proofreaders, and S chanters. Artists and wood-carvers worked on thebook covers and shrine. Supporting workers included the paper-makers, gold-grinders,and cooks. Each phase of the project, when completed, required rituals, celebrations, andthe giving of gifts appropriate to each level of worker.

This paper will discuss every aspect of economics and organization used to producethe Kanjur set The economics of production will also be placed within the larger contextof gift-exchange within Tibet.

Mushrooms, flowers and herbs: income opportunities forrural communities in Kham

Daniel Winkler

Tibetans have been harvesting herbs, mushrooms and animal parts as a source of incomefor centuries. Most of the materials were collected for sale for the Chinese medicine mar-ket. However, the impact of globalization is affecting the most remote places in Tibet, ierare wildflowers being harvested and sold on the international market by Chinese com-panies through the internet.

The herb and mushroom trade is constantly growing. Local Tibetans profit consider-ably from open access to these resources. However, unsustainable use is undermininglong term benefits. Households don’t receive the necessary support to organize them-selves in order to achieve a more powerful position in selling their harvest and receive notraining that would guarantee high quality of products and ensure sustainable harvestrates. Substantial profit remains with a few middlemen and companies in the Chineselowlands.

One of the most important ‘plants’ is Yartsa Gunbu (dbyar rtswa dgun ’bu), caterpil-lar fungus (Cordyceps sinensis), which parasites on a butterfly larvae in grasslands. Since1988 matsutake mushroom (Tricholoma matsutake) has been harvested, generating sub-stantial income for rural households in Kham. In Dechen, unsustainable harvest tech-niques have reduced the output substantially in recent years.

Tibetan communities benefit substantially from assistance in how to manage theirresources sustainably. Also households benefit from support in developing and diversi-fying natural resource based income opportunities, which also help to protect the envi-ronment. Introduction of sustainable harvesting techniques, efficient solar drying, andclean storage of mushrooms and herbs, as well as support in packaging and marketingare important factors. In addition, cultivation of medicinal, aromatic and horticulturalplants would transfer knowledge, generate new sustainable income sources for rural com-munities, and reduce pressure on wild populations.

The contents of the rDzogs chen murals of the klu khang inLhasa

Jakob Winkler

On a little island in the lake behind the Potala we find a three-story temple. Its locationand function are expressed in its formal name: rDzong rgyab kyi klu khang, which literallymeans the “Nâga House Behind The Fortress”. Following the construction of the Potalain the second half of the 17th century, a lake was created following the extraction of buildingmaterial. To pacify the disturbed nâgas the Fifth Dalai Lama, Blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–82) promised to satisfy them by building a temple as a place for regular pûjâs. It is saidthat he used the small artificial island in the lake for retreat. Later a temple dedicated tothe nâgas was built on this island.

In its present condition, in the klu khang we find marvelous murals with unique de-pictions of the Great Perfection tradition (rDzogs chen) in the top floor. The parts I havebeen able to identify so far are based on Padma gling pa ’s (1445–1521) gter ma calledrDzogs chen kun bzang dgongs pa kun ’dus. I will examine the arrangement of the illus-trations and their relationship to the literary sources by collating them with the inscrip-tions in the murals.

Zhao Erfeng: a hero of Kham

Jun Xu

Zhao Erfeng was born from Han-Eight Banners, and began to be official by purchase. Asone of aids and staffs of Xi liang who is the High Commissioner of Sichuan, he came toSichuan in Guangxu 29 (1903). Guangxu 31(1905), the Assistant High Commissioner toTibet, Feng Quan was killed in Batang, Zhao was appointed to be a Commissioner ofLubian to deal with problems arising from Batang, then he came to Kham and began hisadministration in Kham. From Guangxu 31(1905) to Xuantong 3(1911) he administratedKham for about seven years and he stayed in Kham was about four years (June Guangxu31 – July Guangxu 32 and August Guangxu 34 –June Xuantong 3). During the sevenyears he was appointed to be the High Commissioner of ChuanBian (Kham), High Com-missioner of ChuanBian (Kham) and Sichuan, High Commissioner of Tibet (Amban) andChuanBian, High Commissioner of ChuanBian, High Commissioner of Sichuan respec-tively. And was confer the First Class of Commissioner by Imperial order, the rank ofMinister, the Rank of Military officer Balutu.

During the seven years, Zhao Erfeng did many things to administer Kham: reformedthe hereditary local headsman system into a mobile official one (Gaituguiliu) and want toset up a new province. Established administrative management of economic develop-ment and cultural assimilation. All that he did in Kham was stupendous both to Countryand to Local Khampa people. To Qing Central Government, the administrating in Khamwas so important that resisted British affecting from southwest Border and reclaimed itsrights of Tibet successfully. To Kham local people, Zhao’s arrangement of economic de-velopment and cultural assimilation gave them a deep influence, though not all of it isgood. ”As mighty waves beating a thousands year sleeping stagnant water, all old thingsbecame new ones” and people yearn for him only in ten years.

It’s not my purpose to figure Zhao Erfeng as a hero of Kham and to advocate him.Even it seems not so suitable to put the issues of Zhao er feng into the panel of Hero ofKham, because it is so sensitive to talk with Khampa especially with Batang people aboutZhao Erfeng, not to say that Zhao Erfeng is a hero of Kham. But to some extend, ZhaoErfeng was a “Hero”.

One hundred years past, both Khampa and Scholars should overtake the sensibilityand look back the special era’s special region, see through what had happened on earthin Kham during the reign of Zhao Erfeng. Some scholars paid more attention to it andwrote some papers in these years (Sperling 1976, Lawrence Epstein 1997, Wim Van Spengen2002, William Coleman 2002). But nobody focused on Zhao Erfeng himself and his ad-ministration in Kham. That’s the reason that I write this paper.

This paper provides an in-depth analysis of Zhao Erfeng’s much-disputed adminis-tration in Kham. It looks in detail at how Zhao Erfeng designed and set up an administra-tive management to consolidate the Qing government’s hold on the southwest borderarea and promote its prescribed policies and plans. It gives a comprehensive descriptionof how he reformed the hereditary local headsman system into a mobile official one andestablished administrative management of economic development and cultural assimi-lation. Even promoting production and education was just subject to his political aim.But it suggests that the first inklings of modern political and economic culture were al-ready appearing in the administration in Kham, influenced by the wider trends of thetime. It makes clear the effects and features of the administration in Kham at that timefrom the perspectives both of the Qing government and of local people.

This paper presents an objective, comprehensive and scientific discussion of the ad-ministration in Kham in the late Qing Dynasty, largely based on original files and foreignsources and research.

The temple of Mani Lhakhang

Gabrielle Yablonsky

The tiny temple of Mani Lhakhang, named after the huge mani wheel dominating itsinterior, is known only to a few Western scholars. Located in bDe-chen County, in theobscure village of Rigs-lnga and nestled between the Pa-lam and Glang-sgo mountainsto the east and south, respectively, the temple may have lain on an important old traderoute to Samye Monastery. Little is known of the temple’s ancient history by villagerswho still support the temple, or by the present married Gelugpa lama-caretaker trainedat Ganden Monastery, though local stories state that the temple is at least 1000 years old.In recent times the temple was briefly owned (in the 1940s) by a noble family whosepower declined; and subsequently (until 1959) it was under the jurisdiction of GandenMonastery. The back wall of the temple was completely rebuilt during the 1930s; and,due to damage suffered during the Cultural Revolution, additional repairs were made inthe 1980s to a chamber adjoining the main room. However, the beautiful paintings on theremaining three walls of the main room are quite well preserved and depict groupings ofimages reflective of the Nyingmapa Sect, except for the right entrance wall which por-trays Atisha and his two main disciples. All of the paintings, however, may date from thesame period (perhaps from the 17th century, according to Tibetan art historians), a seem-ing sectarian contradiction which this article hopes to resolve, among other problemsconnected with the imagery displayed in the paintings.

Dancing to the beat of modernity: the rise and developmentof Tibetan pop music

T. Yangdon Dhondup

Present-day Tibet is going through a transition marked by contradictions and dilemmas.This paper aims to portray some aspects of the changes that have taken place in culturalproduction in Tibet from the mid-eighties onwards, focusing on the production of popu-lar music in Tibet. In particular, I am focusing on the transition from the past to the present,from revolutionary songs to romantic ballads, and on the challenges that such a passageentails, reflecting the socio-political changes in Tibet during the 1980s. In my paper Ihope to chronicle the cultural scene of this aspect of culture production and to show howthe people involved in this cultural scene struggle for Tibet’s modernisation.

Tseten Dolma was the first Tibetan woman who represented Tibet in the musicalworld throughout China. Between 1950 and 1980 in China, her name became synony-mous with Tibet. Although the lyrics of her songs were mainly eulogies for the Commu-nist Party or for Mao Zedong, her songs are widely loved and sung by Tibetans. ZaiBeijing de jinshan shang (On Top of the Golden Mountain in Beijing), probably her mostfamous song, is not only known by Tibetans, but even Chinese audiences can sing alongwith her. Tseten Dolma was, however, a state-sponsored artist and her lyrics and back-ground conformed to Beijing’s idea of ‘minority’ representation.

A sudden change of wind came when Dadron appeared on the music scene in theearly 1980s. Dadon’s songs freed popular culture from the Party’s control and her lyricsstunned the public with their freshness and with their references to Tibet as the nativeland. The rhythms and the lyrics had changed and she brought Tibetan music to anotherlevel – Tibetan pop music was born and Dadron became the first genuine Tibetan pop-star known throughout the Tibetan areas. Her popularity, however, brought new ten-sions between the state-sponsored artist and the independent artist involved in the pro-duction of popular culture. Unfortunately, her career did not last long as she escaped intoexile. It is clear, however, that she prepared the stage for other artists and soon otherTibetan singers, mostly women, tried to live up to Dadron’s image. Dechen Drolma, asinger from Amdo, is considered the nearest to her but it is clear that her audience doesnot match the one that followed Dadron. After Dadron, artists from Kham and Amdoovertook the musical production taking place in central Tibet. This meant that popularculture was disintegrating at the centre and was revived from the periphery. The samephenomenon can be seen in the field of literature, and the eighties saw a powerful groupof writers emerging from east Tibet.

Even nowadays, the cultural agenda is set by the periphery. Among the most well-known is Yadong, a former truck driver from Ganze, whose songs such as Qingzang gaoyuan

(The Tibetan Plateau) or Shenying (Divine Eagle) have become popular with millions oflisteners in Tibet and China.

Changes became visible in the musical scene by the late eighties. Modern technologyfacilitated the making of music videos and Tibetan artists favoured singing songs in Chi-nese in order to reach a wider audience. The music videos depicting colourful Tibetanfestivals or picturesque Tibetan scenery became popular. The fusion of an image of anunspoilt Tibet with contemporary songs shows the attempt to mould the traditional withthe modern. The makers of the videos seem to struggle as to how to portray Tibet and itschanging face in the wake of an ever-increasing social transformation.

The latest music videos emerging from Tibet with Tibetans in traditional dress danc-ing to the beat of disco music, and the publication of Zhogs dung’s infamous article raiseinteresting questions about the modernising process in Tibet. Is it desirable to wage anattack on traditional culture in order to modernise Tibet or does modernisation enhanceTibetan culture? What effect does the new capitalism visible in China have on Tibetanculture and how does this change Tibetans’ perceptions of themselves and their culture?

The spread of the Gesar in modern Tibetan society

Yang En-hong

With the changing of social and cultural development, King Gesar, the well-known Ti-betan Epic has been handed down for about a thousand years, and still maintained by anumber of singers. As a living oral tradition, it has transformed from oral singings towritten texts gradually. Based on recent years’ investigation in Tibetan region, this articlewill primarily embark upon on the spot observation of spreading situation of epic KingGesar in today’s Tibetan and Qinghai Plateau.

It is a striking phenomenon that the epic singers become less and less, in which, thetraditional singing form was substituted by a new performance namely Tibetan OperaGesar. Concurrently, as a new cultural choice, a couple of Cultural Center dealing withepic King Gesar funded by monasteries, from where common people share and benefit alots of traditional education, cultural edification and artistic appreciation.

Researchers and scholars have double responsibilities for preserving Tibetan cul-tural heritage and for helping the local communities to rich their cultural and spirituallife, in particular, in modern environment of information flow and technology expansionfrom local to global (as well as from global to local).

Studying early Tibetan medical manuscripts

Yang ga Trarong

Several important old Tibetan medical manuscripts, which were written in the eight-century, have recently been discovered in archives, old libraries, and private collectionsin Tibet. Traditional medical histories indicate that many Tibetan scholars believed thatsuch manuscripts were authored by the Buddha, or by Indian, Chinese or Persian schol-ars, and that they were later translated into Tibetan. But close study of those manuscriptsmakes it hard to believe that they really were translated from another language. In thispaper I will try to explore who really were the authors of some of these recently discov-ered manuscripts, and when they were written. I will also try to explore their relationshipwith rGyud bzhi.

Finally, I also would like to discuss how different political views and religious beliefsinfluenced the formation of Tibetan medicine during this early period. The manuscriptssources for this paper include sMan dpyad zla ba’i rgyal po; Bi ji’i po ti kha ser; gSang tigsgron me; sGrol me’i sngo ’bum; and bSe sgrom smug po.

Notes on the evolution of the Burmese phonological system

Rudolf A. Yanson

At present we know the phonological systems of the two extreme periods of the develop-ment of Burmese – Old (OBur, xii-xiiith c.) and Modern (MBur). Intermediate stages ofthe evolution of the system have not hitherto been given much attention. The problem isintriguing because since the old period Burmese orthography has almost not changed,and in the inscriptional heritage of the Burmese there are no illiterate samples whichcould contribute to obtaining convincing conclusions.

The key for establishing the periodization of the evolution of the initials lies in theanalysis of the peculiarities of OBur syllables with velar initials followed by high frontvowels. In the course of time such syllables acquired medial y in their orthographic form.This minor orthographic reform tells us that the original complex palatalized initials, i.e.those which originally contained medial y and were represented already in OBur, had bythe time of this reform evolved into simple palatals without changing their graphic form.The described processes of palatalization triggered the rephonologization of the originalsimple palatal initials c and ch, represented as such in OBur, which evolved as s and sh, inwhich phonetic form they are represented in MBur, preserving their original graphic formunchanged.

We may infer also that the merging of medial r with y and subsequent evolution ofthe complex palatalized initials into simple palatals took place simultaneously with theevolution of velar initials followed by front vowels into simple palatals.

It appears that the system of initials as represented in MBur was formed already bythe end of the XVth century. As for the rhymes, minor orthographic changes that havetaken place since the OBur period do not contain any hints on when the essential soundshifts, especially in the system of closed rhymes, occurred. Yet it is possible to come to theimportant conclusion that the vowels in closed rhymes evolved to their present phoneticvalue before the final consonants underwent overall merger, and not vice versa as mightbe expected. This becomes evident from the analysis of the origins of the alternation ofthe sequences in some MBur words.

Cabbage, carrots, and the cultivation of Tibetan modernity:the history of Lubu, Hebalin and the state farms

Emily Yeh

State development discourse in the TAR promotes vegetable agriculture as a key compo-nent of a modern, urban, and thus civilized landscape. Officials often claim, for example,that only barley grew in Tibet, until “PLA units…introduced and successfully cultivatedscores of varieties of…vegetables…including tomatoes and green peppers.” In fact, Ti-betans in Lhasa’s Lubu and Hebalin neighborhoods cultivated tomatoes, green peppers,and many other kinds of vegetables before 1951. However, official narratives erase theirvegetable-growing skills and histories, instead attributing the introduction of vegetablesto Tibet to modern science, the agents of which were the revolutionary workers of the 7–1 and 8–1 state farms.

In this paper, I examine several aspects of the histories of Lubu, Hebalin, and the 7–1 and 8–1 state farms, and use them to address “modern Tibetan history” in three ways.First, my attention to farming, ordinary workers, and memory goes against the grain ofelite-centered conventions of Tibetan “history.” Second, I examine how the state farmscontributed to the production of Tibetan modernity, through early workers’ sense of pridein helping to “construct” modern Tibet. Furthermore, many workers later became influ-ential in surprising ways – one, for example, starred in Serf, a film about Tibet’s “feudalpast” that was shown for years throughout China. Third, I address the question of ethnic-ity and the category “Tibetan.” Here I examine the history of Lubu and Hebalin familiesas Tibetanized descendants of Han and Hui soldiers; as well as ethnic tensions experi-enced by Tibetan women who joined the 7–1 and 8–1 state farms in the 1951–59 period.

Chinese code switching in modern Lhasa Tibetan

Kalsang Yeshe

There has been a long tradition of Tibetan studies both in the East and in the West. As asubject of research, the Tibetan language, particularly the topic of code switching in Ti-betan, has however been neglected by both Western and Eastern scholars. The generalaim of this paper is to do an investigation of Chinese code switching and loanwords inmodern Lhasa Tibetan. More specifically I shall focus on modern Lhasa Tibetan and ana-lyse the frequency, domains and typology of code switching and loanwords in naturallyoccurring conversations.

Tibetan has widened its vocabulary by borrowing words from other languages fromas early as between 4,000 to 2,000 B.C (Michael Walter and Christopher I. Beckwith 1997:1037–1044). Some of the loanwords are recorded in Tibetan written materials, while mostloanwords perhaps merely existed orally and disappeared with the changes of circum-stances.

The data presented in this paper were collected during my fieldwork in Lhasa be-tween August and December 2000. These conversations possess the following character-istics:

1. There is a clear distinction of matrix language (main language) and embedded lan-guage (supplementary language). Tibetan language is always used as the matrix lan-guage while Chinese is always employed as the embedded language in the conver-sations.

2. These conversations occurred naturally in terms of lexicon choice.

In terms of code switching and types of code switching, many research findings havebeen published in the West (Li Wei 2000; Suzanne Romaine 2000; Myers-Scotton 1995,1997; Heller 1988). The typology of code switching suggested by Myers-Scotton (1995,1997) is employed in this paper, where code switching is employed as umbrella-term tocover intersentential code switching and intrasentential code switching. The conversa-tions are analysed one by one. The settings of conversations and information about thespeakers are given at the starting point for each conversation. The code switching andloanwords are discussed in terms of frequency, domains and types of loan processes.

Analysing the conversations, I found that occurrence of Chinese code switchingamounted to 13.6% of the total words employed in the conversations, but occurrence ofChinese code switching in each individual conversation varies. The highest occurrenceof Chinese code switching was to 42.1% (conversation 3), while the lowest occurrence ofChinese code switching only was 3% (conversation 1) of the words used in the concerned

conversation. Regarding the typology of Chinese code switching in the conversations,the majority of the code switching occurs in intrasentential code switching as I foundonly seven intersentential code switching occurring in six conversations.

In addition to the 13.6% of Chinese code switching, there were thirty-two Chineseloanwords, covering 5.7% of the total words employed in the conversations. The loanwordsmainly fall under the domains of culture and modern sciences.

Based on the limited conversational sources, I found that the locations do not alwaysdetermine the occurrence of Chinese code switching although Myers-Scotton suggeststhis. I would suggest that the location itself does not determine the occurrence of codeswitching, but location may determine it when the topic of a conversation related to thelocation. Furthermore, occurrence of Chinese code switching partially depends on thegroups the speakers belong to. The occurrence of code switching is not only determinedby the age of speaker, but is also connected with education level, occupation, work expe-rience and their conversation partner with whom they talk to.

This occurrence and absence of Chinese loanwords in the concerned domains is mostlikely a direct result of the topics of the conversations. The conversations used in thispaper mainly concentrate on the daily topics. Additionally, the occurrence of Chinesecode switching in modern Lhasa Tibetan may be a result of lexicon shortage in both spo-ken Lhasa Tibetan and literary Tibetan in concerned domains such as modern sciences.At the same time, it might be a result of the fact that more Tibetans become efficient inChinese through getting education in inner China or in the Chinese language in the TAR.The increasing use of Chinese originated words, particularly Chinese code switching, inmodern Lhasa Tibetan may be connected with many social factors. However, due to thelimited conversational sources – at least in terms of quantity and diversity of conversa-tions – particularly conversations in marked code switching, it has to be left for anotherpaper.

Contemporary oral histories of the K›lacakratantra

Ronit Yoeli-Tlalim

This paper discusses various ways in which the source of the K?lacakra is being presentedin oral teachings. The paper focuses on two contemporary dGe-lugs masters operating inexile, the 14th Dalai Lama and Kirti Tsenshab Rinpoche and compares their oral presen-tations with a number of textual sources. The paper argues that although oral presenta-tions on the source of the K›lacakratantra

are very closely related to their textual sources, the deviations that do exist betweenthem reflect the process of change which Tibetan Buddhism is presently undergoing inexile.

Teachings on the source of the K›lacakra tradition are recounted by masters conduct-ing the K›lacakra initiation at the beginning of the ceremony. The accounts begin by relat-ing to the source of the K›lacakra teachings, refering to the following questions: Whotaught the K›lacakra? Where? To whom? What was taught? Why? The presentation on theorigin of the teachings is then followed by an account of its dissemination in India andTibet, leading up to the master who is teaching and conducting the initiation.

The exposition of the history of the tradition within the teachings themselves estab-lishes their continuity. The exposition also establishes the authority of the teachings aswell as the authority of the master himself. Establishing the authority of the master isachieved through the analogy of the Buddha with the guru, which is very central both tothe teachings and to the initiation. The centrality of the guru is also what defines the needto state the lineage of the teaching, which usually starts from the Buddha and ends withthe master who is giving the initiation. The lineage, the direct link with the Buddha, inwhichever version it is given, is significant not necessarily in a historical sense, but as itclosely relates to the possibility of enlightenment.

Analysing different oral versions of the source of the K›lacakra vis-à-vis their textualsources and their scholarly counterparts, brings about a concern with the different ap-proaches to what is termed as “history” and what is termed as “myth”. In my paper Irefer to three historiographical categories, each treating the lines between mythical/sa-cred/real in a different way.

The contemporary setting in which the oral presentations of the source of the teach-ing is presented, defines the way in which these accounts are constructed. A specific his-torical version, as De Certeau has argued, is a “product of a place”. In the case of contem-porary Tibetan Buddhist historiography, the epistemic configurations, which define theconstruction of the various contemporary historical versions of the K›lacakra, are basedon Buddhist ideas while being in dialogue with western notions as well. The analysis of

contemporary oral versions of the K›lacakra’s history, therefore, is relevant not only forthe study of the history of the K›lacakra, but also as a reflection on contemporary TibetanBuddhism and the contemporary dialogue it maintains in exile with western ideas andwestern-based scholarship.

In terms of the expositions of history from within the tradition, the way in which thehistory is represented at present is not just a re-statement of what has been written andstated in the past but is also taking into account the time and the place which the teach-ings are given, each master with his own “skill in means.”

In the case of the 14th Dalai Lama, his oral presentations reveal an attempt to makehis teachings relevant to a contemporary audience, both westerners and exiled Tibetans.With these aims in sight, the Dalai Lama has developed his unique interpretations, ad-hering to Buddhist principles whilst transforming issues which may seem problematic towestern-based or western-inclined audience. The oral histories presented by Kirti TsenshabRinpoche, on the other hand, are versions which are closer to their textual sources, yetstill contain his own interpretations. Kirti Tsenshab views the co-existence between “real”and “myth” as not unique to Buddhist historiography, but as existing in a similar way inwestern-based histories. His view implies that he sees no problem in presenting a mix-ture of myth and history to western audiences. The main objective of Kirti Tsenshab’saccount on the source of the K›lacakra teachings is to provide authenticating elements ofit, in order to enhance his students’ motivation for receiving the K›lacakra initiation andlater – practising the K›lacakra teachings.

mKhas grub and rGyal stab on the false association ofDharmakırti’s teachings with the dbu ma (Madhyamaka)

Chizuko Yoshimizu

In their commentaries (i.e. the Rigs pa’i rgya mtsho and the Thar lam gsal byed) onPramaa.navaarttika I 39–42, both mKhas grub dGe legs dpal bzang po and rGyal stab Darma rin chen, the most prominent scholars of the lineage of Tsong kha pa, suggests theexistence of their preceding or contemporary interpreters of Dharmakırti’s philosophicalsystem who claim that Dharmakırti concurs with dbu ma pa (the M›dhyamika) in someessential points. From their brief discussions, it can be assumed that these interpretersassociate Dharmakırti’s theory of the two kinds of reality (bden gnyis, satyadvaya) and hisconcept of an individual existent (dngos po, rang mtshan, vastu/ bh›va, svalak˝a˚a) withthose of the Madhyamaka. The aim of this paper is to clarify this association as well as thecritics thereof by mKhas grub and rGyal stab through examining their arguments andfocuses. The characteristics of their commentaries on the apoha theory of Dharmakırti arealso to be specified.

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gYung drung bon gyi sa dpyad mdo rgyud(Geomancy in the Bon tradition)

Yungdrung Gyaltsen

The living conditions and psychological status of sentient beings, particularly humanbeings, are related to the question of whether the Samig (‘Earth-eyes’) are good or not. Aperson’s harmonious relationship with a place depends on whether the secret lord of theplace has been disturbed or not. For example, when one starts building a house in a placewhere messengers of naga-demons (klu bdud), symbols of earth-lord (sa-bdag) such assnakes and frogs are found, and construction work is continued, there might be two re-sults: a possible good result is that building a house in such a place brings wealth to theowner; the opposite possibility is that disaster might befall the house owners, in the formof impoverishment, ill-health, or the loss of livestock to disease. In order to avoid disas-ters, certain rituals may be performed to propitiate the earth-lord and the klu. Sa ‘Bomwrites that: “if one were not to worship the earth-lords, all sentient beings would havenameless diseases”; “The earth-lords are the most powerful entities in the earth, and ifthey are disturbed the nature of earth will also be disturbed, with the consequence thatunfortunate events - a rise in disease and famine - might occur in the human world”.However, Geomantic works propose three ways to avoid disasters of this nature: 1. Toinvestigate the nature and formation of the earth according to the prescriptions of theMdzod; 2. To investigate a meditation place for peace according to the outer Tantras (gSangsngags phyi rgyud), investigate a meditating place for wrath in accordance with the in-ner Tantras (gSang sngags nang rgyud), and a gNyan sa according to the secret Tantras; 3.To build secret temples and houses according to the suggestions in the tantras, and inves-tigating funerary sites.

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Gender in Tibetan medical iconography and texts

Serinity Young

In ancient and medieval medical texts from around the world the normative patient ismale, unless there is a specific reason to discuss or illustrate a female patient. This holdstrue for the elite medical tradition of Tibet. My paper will focus on recent copies of a well-known set of late seventeenth century paintings that illustrate the Vaidurya sNgon po andwere used to train Tibetan monk-doctors. The paintings were done in the Nepalese altierof Romio Shrestra and are now part of the permanent collection of the American Mu-seum of Natural History in New York City.

I will explore both the presence and absence of the female body in paintings thatrepresent: (1) physical reality, as in two interrelated paintings on anatomy that presentseveral views of the human body as a male body, with one miniscule image of a partiallyclothed woman to illustrate the female orifices; (2) esoteric understandings, as in a paint-ing illustrating the subtle body in male terms; and (3) cultural practices, as in the paintingof rules for sexual intercourse presented entirely from the male perspective and illus-trated by images of acceptable and unacceptable female sexual partners. Furthermore,with one exception, the paintings always depict doctors as male.

A more specific ideology of gender is presented in a painting about fetal develop-ment that also illustrates the reasons one is born female or male, reasons that are relatedto a karmic ideology of gender illustrated in several other paintings, and to concepts ofodd & even, left & right, blood & semen, that are loaded with cultural assumptions aboutthe relative value of the sexes. Significantly, this painting ends with an illustration of abirth scene showing only female attendants – no male doctor is present.

First these images will be examined in relation to the commentary (Vaidurya sNgonpo) and the core text (rGyud bZhi) they illustrate to reveal a scientific discourse of genderthat codifies the secondary status of women.

Second, despite this emphasis on the male body and the male medical expert, thepaintings contain many female deities as healers and protectors of the medical tradition,and the role of these deities will be explored through the biography of the semi-legendaryfirst doctor of Tibet, Yuthog.

Evidentials in Old Tibetan direct speech

Abel Zadoks

This paper is the third in a series on the historical grammar of Tibetan evidentiality,catchily defined by linguists as ‘the linguistic encoding of epistemology’ (Chafe & Nichols1986). For Tibetologists, the issue is perhaps more easily identified with reference to thesystem of auxiliary verbs in e.g. the modern Lhasa dialect. Though already operative inthe earliest datable sources, lexical and grammatical distinctions of this type were neverrecognized in grammars of so-called ‘Classical Tibetan’ because of a bias to grammaticalcategories that survive translation from Sanskrit and/or into European languages, not tomention a general lack of linguistic method (scant attention paid to essential details ofdiachronic and dialectal variation).

At the 9th Seminar of the IATS (2000), I have shown that the use of clause connec-tives such as nas in Old Tibetan narrative relates to the views of the referents involved,much like the modern auxiliaries. A closely connected sequel at the 8th Himalayan Lan-guages Symposium (2002) surveyed the development of evidential and directional auxil-iaries from the 10th to the 15th century. The present paper reconnects to the first andinvestigates the evidence from direct speech in Dunhuang manuscripts. Here the involve-ment and interaction of 1st- and 2nd-person interlocutors shows grammatical concernsscarcely observable in run-of-the-mill 3rd-person narrative, some peculiar to Old Tibetan,others familiar from modern dialects.

Las , byaba’i yul, and the ladon� particles: on the Tibetanunderstanding of the Sanskrit case-relation karman

Bettina Zeisler

For Western scholars, themselves speaking an accusative language, it has always been amatter of fact that the Sanskrit “second case” or the k›raka relation karman has to be un-derstood as the “accusative” case marker or as a case relation corresponding to the syn-tactic category of Direct Object. The application of the term karman in its Tibetan transla-tion as las or byaba’i yul to the directional case marker ladon, used for recipients, goals, andlocations, thus, seems to be a gross error on the part of the Tibetan grammarians, due totheir blind imitation of a prestigious model that simply cannot be applied to an ergativelanguage such as Tibetan. But can we be sure that their understanding of karman wassomething like “Direct Object”? And can we be sure that the ladon is always only a direc-tional marker?

The Sanskrit “second case” does not only indicate the typical Direct Object of transi-tive verbs, but also the direction or destination of verbs of movement and other non-typical “objects”. In fact, most of these “objects” are in need of one of the ladon particles inTibetan. In particular, Tibetan and other Tibeto-Burman languages show quite a few in-transitive verbs with ladon marking on the “object”. Due to the ergative marking of thesubject these verbs have been treated as “transitive” (thadadpa) by the Tibetan grammar-ians as well as by European scholars. While such case marking patterns may alreadysufficiently motivate the identification of the ladon particles with the k›raka relation karman,early grammatical treatises as well as empirical data indicate the possibility of facultativeuse of ladon particles for real Direct Objects in earlier stages of the language.