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    Beyond Epistemology: Qualitative Research and the Constitution of Forms of Life

    Packer, Martin, The Science of Qualitative Research. New York, NY: Cambridge UniversityPress, 2011. 422 pp. ISBN 978-2-521-14881-8 (ppbk).

    Reviewed by: Gregory A. Thompson,Brigham Young University

    Martin Packer's The Science of Qualitative Researchis a work of social theory best

    described as a page turner.Through well-argued prose, Packer develops a compelling narrative

    that includes villains, heroes and other complex characters.

    Rather than rehearse old debates about which epistemology is better, Packer asks: Is

    epistemology enough? His convincing answer is "no." In making his case, Packer moves beyond

    the qualitative/quantitative paradigm wars and exposes the foundational (and flawed)

    assumptions of most qualitative research. In so doing, he offers an entirely new way of seeing

    what social science research can be.

    The book has 15 chapters, in three sections of five chapters each. The book considers three

    major qualitative methods, research interviewing, ethnography, and discourse analysis. The book

    begins with research interviewing. Although Packer is sympathetic with research interviewers

    interest in recovering the subjects voice,Packer points out how research interviewing, through

    the decontextualizing method of coding, actually obscures the subjects voice precisely as it

    strives to represent subjectivity objectively. Packer show how these approaches strive for a

    maximally objective account by minimizing the role of interpretation, which is seen as

    subjective. By not attending to the role of the researcher either in interviewing or in coding, these

    methods lose the responsive and alive nature of the subject's voice as it interacts with others.

    Additionally, as Mischler, Garfinkel, Denzin, and Taylor have shown, these methods involve

    substantial and unacknowledged interpretation that is implicitlyaccomplished by coders. Thus

    Packer concludes that this approach to research interviewing is inherently problematic.

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    In lieu of an approach which seeks to minimize interpretation, Packer proposes an

    approach that takes seriously the act of interpretation as it happens in interaction between

    research, subjects, and the fixed texts produced fromresearch. Here Packer turns to Gadamer

    and his student Iser for a non-objectivist hermeneutic approach that captures this complex

    interaction. Packer argues that this approach opens up exciting possibilities for qualitative

    research as a method not just for understanding subjects and subjectivity, but also for

    understanding "the constitutionof both the subjects and their subjectivity" (p. 120).

    In this engagement with traditional qualitative research we begin to see the outlines of the

    central antagonism that motivates Packer's book

    subject/object dualism. Packers book aims to

    dissolve this dualism in the minds and the practices of his readers.

    The second section of the book turns to the other major mode of qualitative research,

    ethnography. This section first introduces three good guys, Taylor, Giddens, and Geertz, who

    bring in the argument that social practices constitute subjectivity. It is here that Packer reveals

    the villain behind subject object dualism, Immanuel Kant. Here Packer also provides the back

    story of how we got mired in subject/object dualism in the first place.

    His account explores two different approaches to constitution. The first approach, the

    villainous Kantian one, views constitution as a matter of epistemology, in which the mind

    constitutes the world. Packer traces the development of this idea and its discontents through

    Husserl, Schutz, and Berger and Luckmann. Each of these developments of Kant's thinking

    return to a basic ontological distinction between subjectivity and objectivity, between the world

    as experienced and the world as it reallyis. It is this distinction that has bedeviled traditional

    approaches to qualitative research, leaving researchers struggling to locate the "thing-in-itself."

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    constitution of forms of life as it happens in interaction. Nonetheless, despite CDA's problematic

    assumptions, Packer endorses its claim that people sometimes misunderstand their form of life. It

    is to this issue that the third part of the book turns.

    Packer begins with Marxs outline for an emancipatory science, but soon notes that Marx

    overreached in his desire to produce a purely objective account of the whole of society. For a

    more appropriate conception of emancipatory research, Packer turns to a new set of protagonists

    Habermas, Bourdieu, and Foucault. Habermas offers a way of achieving a critical distance from

    the practices of a society through "negotiated impartiality." Here Packer describes Habermas'

    treatment of psychoanalysis in order to demonstrate critique from withina form of life.

    Bourdieus work addsa reflexive turn by noting that the principle virtue of critical inquiry is that

    it objectifies objectification, thus casting the scientist as neither partisan nor absolute but rather

    as critical and reflexive and therefore objective without being objectivist. Foucault, the hero of

    Packers book,is critical because his research demonstrates how to study what establishes and

    constitutes human beings, first as knowing subjects (truth games), second as social and juridical

    subjects (relations of power), and third as ethical subjects (care of the self). In the final chapter,

    Packer describes how qualitative research should investigate these three forms of constitution:

    "Investigation will move from the truth gameof a form of life, the order of its regional ontology,

    explored through fieldwork, to the relations of powerin everyday interaction, fixed and studied

    in detail, and finally to the care of the selfin these forms of life, the ontological complicityof the

    participants, evident in interviews" (p. 385).

    This book is a call to armsa qualitative research manifesto with an emancipatory notion

    of whywe should be doing qualitative research while also imagining radical new possibilities for

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    whatqualitative research can accomplish. By exploring the constitution of subjects and

    subjectivity, it opens up issues central to our work as social scientists and qualitative researchers.

    Reading the book, however, one is left wondering howto do this type of qualitative research. For

    that, I eagerly await the sequel.

    Gregory A. Thompson

    Brigham Young University