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Transcript of Theory of Odor Perception
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A Mnemonic Theory of Odor Perception
Richard J. StevensonMacquarie University
Robert A. BoakesUniversity of Sydney
The psychological basis of odor quality is poorly understood. For pragmatic reasons, descriptions of odor
quality generally rely on profiling odors in terms of what odorants they bring to mind. It is argued here
that this reliance on profiling reflects a basic property of odor perception, namely that odor quality
depends on the implicit memories that an odorant elicits. This is supported by evidence indicating that
odor quality as well as one’s ability to discriminate odors is affected by experience. Developmental
studies and cross-cultural research also point to this conclusion. In this article, these findings are
reviewed and a model that attempts to account for them is proposed. Finally, the model’s consistency
with both neurophysiological and neuropsychological data is examined.
Progress in understanding the perception of stimulus qualities invision and audition has been based on the search for systematic
relationships between the physical attributes of a stimulus and the
subjective experience it produces; that is, on solving the stimulus
problem. Recent developments in molecular biology and neuro-
physiology have resulted in considerable advances in researchers’
knowledge of the olfactory receptor system, which has hitherto
lagged well behind the knowledge of other sensory systems. Nev-
ertheless, as detailed below, major problems remain for any theory
of odor quality based solely on the physical properties of the
stimulus. A solution of the stimulus problem for olfaction appears
to remain remote. A different approach to the analysis of odor
qualities is one that takes into account the effects of past experi-
ence on the way that an individual perceives an odor. In this
article, we review recent experimental evidence on such effects
and present a theory of odor perception that is based on the
assumption that the qualities perceived in an odor reflect the
normally implicit memories that it elicits. Although the subjective
experience induced by an odor clearly consists of more than just its
perceptual qualities (e.g., its hedonic ones), in the absence of any
extant psychological theories of olfaction, models of basic percep-
tual processes are likely to be more useful. Consequently, our
primary focus here remains perceptual.
The Human Olfactory System
The olfactory system is characterized by having two discrete
modes of stimulation (Chifala & Polzella, 1995, Figure 1; Rozin,1982). Chemical stimuli can be transported to the olfactory recep-
tors via the nose through sniffing (orthonasal perception) or via therelease of volatile chemicals in the mouth during eating and
drinking (Pierce & Halpern, 1996). These volatiles then ascend via
the posterior nares of the nasopharynx to stimulate the olfactory
receptors (retronasal perception). Although there are some rela-
tively minor differences between the two modes of stimulation,
mainly resulting from the less efficient flow of air during retrona-
sal perception, crucially both result in binding to the same set of
receptors (Burdach & Doty, 1987; Voirol & Daget, 1986).
It is useful to draw a distinction between taste and smell,
because these terms are commonly confused. Taste is an anatom-
ically discrete sense from smell and is characterized by four types
of sensation (sweet, sour, salty, and bitter [and possibly a fifth,
umami]), which are detected by receptors or ion channels locatedprimarily on the tongue (McLaughlin & Margolskee, 1994). Most
basic tastants like sodium chloride, sucrose, quinine, and citric acid
have no smell, just as many odor stimuli completely lack taste.
This is typically confirmed by placing a substance on the tongue
while the nose is firmly pinched to prevent retronasal olfaction.
Any sensation is then most likely to be taste.
A further distinction is between the olfactory and nasal trigem-
inal systems. The nasal trigeminal system is mediated separately
from the sense of smell and refers to receptors located in the nasal
passage and in all parts of the system that come into contact with
inhaled substances. These receptors have at least two effects on
olfaction (see Green & Lawless, 1991). First, the sensations they
evoke, such as burning, itching, and stinging, are experienced as
part of the spectrum of olfactory sensations (Laska, Distel, &Hudson, 1997). Second, trigeminal irritation appears to reduce the
perceived intensity of pure odors (Cain & Murphy, 1980). This
article is primarily concerned with olfactory stimulation.
The main function of the olfactory receptors is to transduce
chemical stimuli into patterns of neural activity that, after process-
ing, allow the stimulus to be discriminated from thousands of other
odorous stimuli (Hildebrand & Shepherd, 1997). The olfactory
receptors are located on the olfactory mucosa (see Figure 1), which
is arranged in two discrete segments; one of these is accessed
exclusively from the left nostril, and the other is accessed exclu-
sively from the right (Lanza & Clerico, 1995). Each segment is
Richard J. Stevenson, Department of Psychology, Macquarie Univer-
sity, New South Wales, Australia; Robert A. Boakes, Department of
Psychology, University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia.
We thank David Laing, Judi Homewood, Fred Westbrook, Trevor Case,
Judi Wilson, and Julie Fitness for their many helpful comments on earlier
versions of this article.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Richard
J. Stevenson, Department of Psychology, Macquarie University, New
South Wales 2109, Australia. E-mail: [email protected]
Psychological Review Copyright 2003 by the American Psychological Association, Inc.2003, Vol. 110, No. 2, 340 –364 0033-295X/03/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/0033-295X.110.2.340
340
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Haberly, 1998; Malnic et al., 1999; Rubin & Katz, 1999; Sullivan
et al., 1995).
This perspective, which has emerged mainly from molecular
biology and neurophysiology over the last decade, has received
little if any attention from experimental psychologists, and the
implications for psychological accounts of odor quality have re-
mained largely unexplored. In fact, as we discuss below, psycho-logical research on odor-quality perception has been motivated by
the stimulus-problem approach, in which one receptor is equated
with one quality. In light of recent physiological findings it may
come as no surprise that these data provide little support for this
way of thinking.
Odor Quality and the Stimulus Problem
The psychological study of odor quality began with self-reports
of olfactory experience, later coupled with an attempt to identify
common sensory categories across different chemical stimuli (see
Amoore, 1982). This effort stemmed from the hope that such
categorization would lead to the discovery of a limited number of
primary odor sensations. It was then thought that the identification
of corresponding receptor types and the unraveling of the stimulus
problem would follow, just as it had for color perception (Saha-
kian, 1981). In this section we discuss various approaches to the
description of olfactory qualities, starting with a brief historical
background.
Linnaeus (see Amoore, 1982) was the first to attempt a system-
atic classification of olfactory sensation. He categorized plant
odors into seven categories, in an effort largely motivated by his
studies of plant taxonomy rather than of olfactory perception. The
first general classification system was proposed by Rimmel (see
Moncrieff, 1951) and included 18 categories, with a bias toward
categorization based on vegetative origin. A more abstract system
was proposed by Zwaardemaker (see Moncrieff, 1951). This con-tained 9 main categories, each of which was further divided into
two or three subcategories.
Modern attempts to identify odor primaries begin with Hen-
ning’s (1916) odor prism. Each corner of the prism represents a
primary quality, these being, flowery, foul, fruity, spicy, burnt, and
resinous. Henning claimed that odors would either be fully cap-
tured by a principal descriptor or fall on the surface or edges of the
prism if intermediate between categories. This claim produced a
flurry of experimental work that was largely unsupportive. The
general problem was the same as met by all classification systems
(Moncrieff, 1951): Many odors could not be accommodated within
the scheme or, as in this case, located on the surface of the prism
(e.g., Findley, 1924; Hazzard, 1930; MacDonald, 1922). For ex-
ample, in Macdonald’s (1922) study, geraniol was judged to have
three principal qualities, these being flowery, fruity, and resinous,
yet the construction of the prism implies that this odor must have
a further quality, spiciness. Participants’ judgments were not con-
sistent with this prediction.
More recent attempts at defining primary odor qualities have
also met with problems. Amoore (1952) identified terms used by
chemists to describe odors. These were then analyzed to identify
those most commonly used. Seven terms were identified: ethereal,
camphor , minty, floral, musky, putrid , and burnt . Amoore and
Venstrom (1967) found significant correlations between the terms
characterizing particular chemicals and their molecular shape,
suggesting seven or so primary qualities and hence receptors.
However, Amoore’s other approach, the identification of specific
anosmias—analogous to the study of anomalous color vision—
revealed a much larger number of specific anosmias (about 43 at
last count; Amoore, 1982), and this finding is difficult to reconcile
with the earlier conclusion of seven primaries. Overall, attempts to
identify odor primaries must be judged as unsuccessful.A second approach to the analysis of odor quality has arisen
from the needs of professionals (e.g., sensory evaluation panels,
expert tasters, perfumers, flavorists, and wine tasters) for a stan-
dardized descriptive system that captures the differences between
odors and promotes communication between specialists (e.g.,
Brud, 1986). In one such system a target odor is compared with a
set of standard odors, with participants rating the target ’s similarity
to each comparison stimulus (e.g., Brud, 1986; Schultz, 1964).
However, this approach has proved unwieldy and has seen little
general application. Much more popular have been systems in
which a target odor is evaluated in relation to a standard list of
verbal descriptors (e.g., Dravnieks, 1985; Noble et al., 1987).
Harper, Bate-Smith, and Land (1968) pioneered the first system of
this kind by collecting a large number of terms used to describe
odor quality. These were then winnowed down to a set of 44 items,
against which participants evaluate the target odor. Dravnieks
(1985) later extended the number of items in his widely used list
to 146. There is, however, no strict limit on the number of items
that could be included, apart from obvious practical considerations
like participant fatigue. These systems allow an odor to be profiled
quite rapidly, with participants rating each descriptor on degree of
presence (effectively a similarity rating). The profile developed for
a particular odor using this technique shows high test–retest reli-
ability (Dravnieks, 1982).
Three points about descriptive profiling are pertinent here. The
first is that most of these schemes either explicitly or implicitly
involve similarity judgments, in that the participant is effectivelyasked to assess how similar the target is to a particular descriptor
(Lawless, 1999). This point is illustrated by the obvious prediction
that odors that receive similar profiles should also be judged,
globally, as more similar. Precisely such a relationship has been
observed (Dravnieks, Bock, Powers, Tibbetts, & Ford, 1978). The
second point concerns the items to which the odor is compared. In
the vast majority of cases these items are specific odorous objects
or categories of objects (Lawless, 1999). Third, and most impor-
tant of all, each of these rating schemes appears to need a large
number of descriptors to capture adequately, if indeed it does, the
experience of odor quality. This would seem to suggest that there
are no primary odor qualities (for a similar conclusion see Chas-
trette, Elmouaffek, & Sauvegrain, 1988).
Applying Adaptation and Discrimination
to the Stimulus Problem
An alternative approach to the stimulus problem has been to
study olfactory adaptation and discrimination. We turn first to
adaptation, which is a salient property of odor perception (Engen,
1982). Repeated or prolonged exposure produces a marked de-
crease in the perceived intensity of an odor, as measured by a range
of psychophysical techniques (Koster, 1971). This propensity can
be used to study the stimulus problem in the following way. If two
odors smell similar, it is a reasonable presumption that they might
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also share the same receptor types. It follows that taking two
odorants that smell similar and presenting one of them repeatedly
might produce cross-adaptation when the other similar smelling
odor is sniffed (e.g., Cain & Polak, 1992).
The results from such cross-adaptation studies are equivocal.
Although some odor pairs that are qualitatively similar will cross-
adapt (see, e.g., Cain & Polak, 1992; Pierce, Wysocki, Aronov,Webb, & Boden, 1996), others will not (Todrank, Wysocki, &
Beauchamp, 1991). Moreover, many odors that are clearly dis-
criminable and have very different qualities will cross-adapt (Ko-
ster, 1971). In addition, odors that are structurally similar and yet
perceptually distinct may also show cross-adaptation (Pierce,
Zeng, Aronov, Preti, & Wysocki, 1995), and in some cases pre-
exposure to the adapting odor may even act to increase the judged
intensity of the test stimulus (Engen & Bosak, 1969). These
findings argue against the idea of any simple relationship between
perceptual similarity and commonality of receptor types.
The use of discrimination to explore odor quality is based on the
assumption that the ease of discriminating two odors is inversely
related to the degree that they share perceptual qualities (e.g., Jehl,
Royet, & Holley, 1994). From this perspective, odors that share a
common structural feature (if this should be important in causing
odor quality) should be less discriminable than odors that do not
share this feature. Studies using odor discrimination are not only
the most objective (Wise, Olsson, & Cain, 2000) but also the least
explored. This is probably because of the practical costs imposed
by the many comparison trials needed to obtain sufficient data for
meaningful analysis and by the problem that adaptation precludes
the short intertrial intervals that can be used in equivalent studies
of vision or audition.
The effect of chemical structure on discriminability has been
examined in a number of recent studies using both primate and
human participants. The chemical structure of an odorant, most
notably its carbon chain length and its functional groups, has beenfound to affect discriminability in a lawful way, such that odorants
of greater structural similarity are generally less distinguishable
(Laska, Ayabe-Kanamura, Hubener, & Saito, 2000; Laska &
Teubner, 1999; Laska et al., 1999). These results suggest that
various aspects of a chemical’s structure undoubtedly influence
participants’ perception of odor quality. However, there is also
evidence to suggest that such relationships are far from perfect
(e.g., Boelens, 1974; Polak, 1973).
The Role of Learning in Odor-Quality Perception
The guiding principle of psychological inquiry into odor quality
is based on the presumption that sensation results causally from the
features of the stimulus and that with sufficient searching these
features and their sensations will be identified, solving the stimulus
problem. Within such a framework, perception of an odor should
not be greatly influenced by past experience. However, recent
research on the role of learning in odor perception challenges this
assumption and suggests that perception of an odor is far more
sensitive to past experience than is the case for other modalities
(for a similar conclusion based on the animal literature, see Hud-
son, 1999).
One phenomenon that clearly makes this point is taste–smell
synesthesia, whereby olfactory stimulation can give rise to an
experience that properly belongs to the sensory modality of taste.
It has been known for some time that participants will spontane-
ously describe a wide range of odors as smelling sweet; notable
examples are strawberry, vanilla, and caramel (Harper et al.,
1968). It is not clear why this term is used, because sweet normally
refers to a sensation produced by stimulation of taste receptors on
the tongue and nothing corresponding to an olfactory sweet recep-
tor is known to exist. One possibility is that describing odors interms of sweetness, or other taste terms, is a linguistic phenome-
non with sweet used in a metaphorical rather than in a perceptual
way. However, the sweetness-enhancement effect argues against
this possibility. For example, if participants are asked to judge the
sweetness of a sucrose solution flavored by strawberry, they will
judge the mixture to be sweeter than the unflavored sucrose (Frank
& Byram, 1988; Frank, Ducheny, & Mize, 1989). The size of this
effect is directly related to how sweet the odor smells (Stevenson,
Prescott, & Boakes, 1999). This suggests that the perceptual ex-
perience of sweetness produced by something in the mouth is
based on a combination of sensory signals from the mouth, gen-
erated by (a) odorless sweet tastants such as sucrose and (b) signals
produced by retronasal stimulation of olfactory receptors by taste-
less odorants. Sweetness enhancement is not the only effect of this
kind. Sweet odors used to flavor a sour solution can reduce the
perceived sourness of the latter, whereas nonsweet odors can
reduce the perceived sweetness of a sucrose solution (Stevenson et
al., 1999). In addition, the sweet taste of saccharin, but not the
meaty taste of monosodium glutamate, can facilitate threshold
detection of the sweet smelling odor benzaldehyde, apparently via
their shared quality of sweetness (Dalton, Doolittle, Nagata, &
Breslin, 2000).
Many sweet-smelling odors have a history of co-occurrence
with sweet tastes. This has led to the suggestion that the odor
quality sweet may be acquired on the basis of individual experi-
ence (Frank & Byram, 1988; and see Laska et al., 1997, for a
related suggestion for sour ) and, further, that it may be modifiableby varying the co-occurrence of odors and tastes in a laboratory
setting. We have repeatedly obtained such an effect, odor–taste
learning, over a series of experiments (Stevenson, Boakes, &
Prescott, 1998; Stevenson, Boakes, & Wilson, 2000a, 2000b;
Stevenson, Prescott, & Boakes, 1995). These have all used the
same basic procedure. Participants rate a set of odors on a number
of dimensions in two identical sniffing tests, a pre- and a posttest.
In the intervening training phase they are asked to taste —that is,
sip, swirl around the mouth, and then expectorate—a series of fluid
samples. Some samples consist of a sucrose solution to which a
target odor has been added as a flavorant and others may contain
a citric acid solution, tasting moderately sour, or plain water
flavored by adding further target odors. In general we have used
target odors that participants find only vaguely familiar and nor-
mally cannot identify. Lychee and water chestnut have been the
targets used in most of these experiments. The sniffing tests have
usually required linear analog ratings on four scales: liking, inten-
sity, sweetness, and sourness.
Such experiments have consistently produced the same result.
Target odors that have been mixed with sucrose are rated as
sweeter, and less sour, in the posttest than they were in the pretest,
whereas those mixed with citric acid are rated as less sweet, and
more sour, at posttest. There is little change from pre- to posttest
in the ratings for control odors mixed with water during training,
other than a slight increase in intensity (Stevenson et al., 1998).
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of scales. In the subsequent same– different discrimination test
their performance— equivalent to about 88% correct—was signif-
icantly better than that of the two nonexposed control groups at
81% correct. Enhancement of performance in such tests of odor
discrimination can be obtained following prior exposure even
when no task is required of participants. Jehl, Royet, and Holley
(1995) gave different groups 0, 1, 2, or 3 exposures to sets of odors, asking participants to sniff each odor for 4 s and remain
silent. A subsequent same– different test revealed that discrimina-
tion performance increased with prior exposure, mainly reflecting
decreased false-alarm rates, with a d of about 4.0 for the group
given three exposures and d of about 1.6 for the group given no
preexposure.
Although the previous two experiments demonstrate that dis-
crimination improves with experience, they potentially confound
perceptual and memorial processes because of their reliance on
comparison between two temporally discrete stimuli. A further
experiment by Rabin (1988, Experiment 2) argues against this
possibility, because he obtained largely similar results to those
above under conditions in which the task involved simultaneous
presentation of two stimuli in a mixture. In this case participants
were given a target (e.g., A) followed (or preceded) on some trials
by the target mixed with a contaminant (e.g., A X). Participants
then judged same or different as in Rabin’s (1988) Experiment 1.
He found that prior familiarity with both target and contaminant
produced a considerable improvement in discrimination, with
scores equivalent to 58% correct when neither was familiar to
about 87% when both were familiar. Why exposure should benefit
both successive and simultaneous discrimination tasks is not well
understood, and no adequate theoretical explanation currently ex-
ists for any of these effects.
Learning labels for a set of odors can further improve discrim-
inability beyond the effect of mere exposure (which one should
note is a necessary condition for label learning to occur). Rabin(1988, Experiment 1) had another group of participants label the
same seven odors that were profiled by the exposure group. The
label group subsequently performed significantly better than the
exposure group on the same– different task (94% correct, com-
pared with 88% in the exposure group and 81% in the nonexposed
control groups). Although the precise nature of the benefit con-
ferred by label learning is unknown, at least two possibilities can
be canvassed. On most discrimination tests, as noted above, a
delay is present between the presentation (or the perception) of one
stimulus and the presentation (or the perception) of the subsequent
comparison stimulus. Labels may provide an easy verbal short-
hand, allowing the odor’s identity to be stored in working memory
(e.g., see Annett & Leslie, 1996, for the adverse effects of verbal
suppression on an odor-memory task). A second, less prosaic
explanation can also be made, on the basis of the notion that
language shapes perception. This perspective has been more com-
monly adopted when considering individuals who have some form
of special olfactory expertise (e.g., perfumers or wine experts).
Expertise in such individuals is usually characterized by both
perceptual knowledge and an extensive related vocabulary (e.g.,
see Solomon, 1990). Wine experts—the most tested group—are
undoubtedly better at wine discrimination than nonexperts (e.g.,
Hughson & Boakes, 2001; Lawless, 1984). However, these bene-
fits tend to be small when appropriate exposure controls are
present (individuals with large amounts of perceptual experience
but no specialized vocabulary; see Melcher & Schooler, 1996).
Whether this linguistic benefit shown by experts represents a
difference in perceptual experience or simply a better ability to
describe and remember odors in verbal form (as suggested earlier)
is yet to be resolved.
Although label learning and mere exposure may typically en-
hance discriminability, exposure can in certain circumstances re-duce it. Experimental research with both humans and animals
using stimuli other than odors has shown that when two cues have
produced a common outcome they can become less discriminable
(e.g., Honey & Hall, 1989; Katz, 1963). Following James’s (1890)
study, this has been referred to as acquired equivalence in contrast
with acquired distinctiveness (Hall, 1991). The previous section
referred to evidence from experiments on the exchange of odor
qualities indicating that after two odors have been experienced as
a mixture they are judged as more similar (Stevenson, 2001a,
2001b). Because similarity judgments should to some extent be
predictive of discriminability, this finding suggests that experienc-
ing two odors together might make later discrimination between
them more difficult. Following the training procedures in our
previous experiments (A X, B Y), we conducted triangle
tests, which revealed poorer discrimination between elements pre-
viously mixed together (A vs. X, B vs. Y; mean correct trials
77%) than between unmixed pairs (A vs. Y, B vs. X; mean correct
trials 87%; Stevenson, 2001c). More recent experiments, in
which only one odor mixture is experienced (i.e., A X or B
Y) followed by triangle tests involving comparisons of both A
versus X and B versus Y have revealed that the elements of the
preexposed mixture are more difficult to tell apart (mean correct
trials 77%) than non-preexposed stimuli (mean correct trials
89%; Stevenson & Case, in press). Thus, this process appears to be
one of acquired equivalence.
Cross-Cultural Differences in Odor Perception
The research reviewed in the previous two sections has shown
that the way people experience and discriminate between odors
can be significantly affected by relatively brief experiences in a
laboratory setting. This suggests that differences in odor percep-
tion across cultures could be quite large. Cultures differ in their use
of dietary flavorings and staples (Moore, 1970), their exposure to
culturally specific odors (e.g., church incense), and also in their
use of odorants in different contexts (e.g., cleaning agents, per-
fumes, medicinal flavors).
Unfortunately for our purposes, most cross-cultural research on
odors has focused on affective responses (Pangborn, 1975; Rozin,
1978). There appears to be only one published study, Ayabe-
Kanamura et al. (1998), and a conference abstract, Ueno (1993),
that have reported data on the qualities that participants from
different cultures perceive when smelling the same odorant. In
Ayabe-Kanamura et al.’s (1998) study, German and Japanese
participants were asked to smell a range of culturally specific (e.g.,
aniseed for Germans, dried fish for Japanese) and international
odors (e.g., coffee). Judgments of liking revealed, as expected, that
culturally specific odors were more preferred by their respective
groups. More important here are differences between participants’
reports about the qualities of many of the odors. Many German
participants thought that fermented soya beans were reminiscent of
“cheesy smelly feet,” that dried fish smelled of “excrement,” and
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soy sauce of “fresh bread,” but few Japanese thought so (Ayabe-
Kanamura et al., 1998, p. 34). Conversely, aniseed was evaluated
as “disinfectant-like” and Indian ink as “medicinal” by Japanese
participants but quite differently by Germans (Ayabe-Kanamura et
al., 1998, p. 34).
Ueno’s (1993) study compared Japanese and Sherpa (Nepalese)
participants’ perceptions of 20 Japanese food flavors. In this caseparticipants were asked to arrange the bottles containing the odors
into groups on the basis of their similarity. Cluster analysis re-
vealed that fishy odors were characterized in a different way by
Sherpa participants, in that they did not exist as a distinct cluster
as they did for the Japanese. Fish odors are rarely encountered by
Sherpas in their native Nepal.
Apart from supporting the claim that differences in experience
can produce alterations in odor quality, Ueno’s study also indi-
cated a close positive relationship between quality and liking.
Where odors differed markedly in quality between groups (e.g.,
dried fish), they also tended to differ markedly in pleasantness. On
the basis of this finding, the much larger literature relevant to
cross-cultural effects on liking is also consistent with the conclu-
sion that experience affects the perceived quality of an odor as well
as how much it is liked (e.g., Davis & Pangborn, 1985; Schaal et
al., 1997; Wysocki, Pierce, & Gilbert, 1991).
A Mnemonic Theory of Odor Perception
We noted at the start of this article that psychological ap-
proaches to odor-quality perception have been driven by attempts
to solve the stimulus problem, with visual or auditory psychophys-
ics as an implicit model. However, it has now been recognized that
understanding visual and auditory perception, particularly object
recognition (Logothetis & Sheinberg, 1996) and auditory scene
analysis (Bregman, 1990), requires much more than simply solv-ing the stimulus problem. In fact Bregman (1990) argued that
undue emphasis on such a purely psychophysical approach has
probably retarded understanding of auditory perception. Here we
argue that an understanding of odor quality cannot be achieved
without full reference to how we process olfactory information,
because odor-quality perception bears a much closer resemblance
to activities such as scene analysis and object recognition than it
does to psychophysical studies using single frequencies of light
and pure tones. This is because no such equivalent is possible in
olfaction, because all olfactory stimuli result in complex temporal
and spatial patterns of activation on the glomerular layer (e.g.,
Laurent, 1999). The emphasis for a psychological level explana-
tion of odor-quality perception must be the way in which this
pattern of activation is dealt with. This forms the central part of thetheory that we advance in this section.
The mnemonic theory is described first in information-
processing terms from the perspective of its core function (odor-
quality perception; see Figure 2) and then from the perspective of
its implications for related functions (e.g., familiarity, learning,
priming, memory, imagery). A commentary on these assumptions
follows. We then discuss whether the proposed system can be
mapped onto different parts of the central nervous system and the
extent to which the theory provides a better understanding of
abnormalities of odor perception following various kinds of dam-
age to the brain.
Overview
The essence of the mnemonic theory is that the complex output
pattern from the glomeruli forms the model’s input (Number 1 on
Figure 2). This input is then compared in parallel with the contents
of a store composed primarily of previously encountered glomer-
ular patterns (Number 2a on Figure 2). The greater the similarity
between the current input pattern and a stored pattern (an engram),
the greater the activation of that engram. Odor quality is repre-
sented here as the relative activation of these engrams.
Assumption 1 (Tabula Rasa)
Odors, in the main, do not possess any inherent psychologicalproperties beyond their degree of presence (intensity). For the
newborn human infant most odorants produce nothing more than
“a blooming, buzzing confusion,” to borrow James’s (1890, p.
488) phrase. This is in contrast with tastants, which possess both
sensory and hedonic psychological properties that are unambigu-
ously innate. Although this assumption is provocative, evidence
does favor this account, as we make clear later.
Assumption 2 (Input Pattern)
Any stimulus falling within the bounds of detectability (e.g.,
molecular weight), will produce a complex and unique pattern of
Figure 2. Diagrammatic representation of the mnemonic theory of odor
perception.
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stimulation, both spatial and temporal, across the glomeruli. This
will occur irrespective of the stimulus’s molecular simplicity or
complexity or the number of its chemical components. This pattern
forms both the input for the theory (Number 1 on Figure 2) and
provides the basis for the perception of odor intensity.
Assumption 3 (What Is the Pattern Compared With?)
The core element of the theory is a processing module (olfactory
processing module; see Figure 2), in which the input is compared
in parallel with all previous encodings— engrams (Number 2a in
Figure 2). These engrams are primarily composed of prior olfac-
tory input patterns, accumulated through exposure to different
chemicals and mixtures of chemicals. However, as we discuss later
in this article, perceptual information from other senses may also
be encoded in this store.
Assumption 4 (Pattern Matching)
Pattern matching in the olfactory processing module is proba-
bilistic, neither all-or-none nor exclusive. A given olfactory inputmay match and hence activate many engrams to a greater or lesser
extent, and this pattern of activations may vary somewhat between
repeat presentations of the same stimulus. In addition, there is
likely to be some degree of mutual inhibition between engrams so
that if one particular engram is strongly activated, then this will
tend to inhibit activation of other engrams that would provide only
a partial match.
Assumption 5 (Encoding Purely Olfactory Engrams)
When an input pattern (Number 1 in Figure 2) fails to match
strongly with any stored engram, this provides the conditions for
encoding a new olfactory engram. The process of encoding in-
volves the output from the olfactory processor module being fedback to an automatic comparator and encoder (via Numbers 3
and 4 to Number 2b in Figure 2), where it is automatically
compared with the olfactory input. Because the two will not match,
the contents of the comparator are encoded as a new engram and
stored in the processing module.
Assumption 6 (Resistance to Interference)
When an input pattern closely matches an engram in the pro-
cessing module, encoding is prevented. This occurs in the follow-
ing way: The processor output is again fed back (via the same
route as in Assumption 5) to the automatic comparator and encoder
where it is compared with the olfactory input. Because the two will
broadly match, the contents of the comparator are not encoded.
Assumption 7 (Encoding Composite Olfactory/Non-
Olfactory Engrams)
The store component of the olfactory processing module also
contains composite engrams composed of an olfactory and non-
olfactory component(s). Encoding composite engrams calls on a
further feature of the theory. When output from the olfactory
processor is fed back to the automatic comparator and encoder, it
is fed back via two other modules: a controlled associator that is
not relevant here (see Assumption 11) and a sensory integrator that
is relevant (Number 4 in Figure 2). The sensory integrator corre-
lates the arrival of olfactory processor output with other perceptual
events. When two streams of perceptual information are tempo-
rally correlated they are fed back as a packet to the automatic
comparator and encoder (via the controlled associator). The packet
is then compared with the olfactory input in the automatic com-
parator and encoder. When the olfactory component of the packetis familiar and hence similar to the olfactory input, encoding is
retarded. When the olfactory component is unfamiliar, the contents
of the comparator are encoded in the processing module, resulting
in the formation of a composite engram of olfactory and non-
olfactory information.
Assumption 8 (Access Constraints on Engrams in the
Processing Module)
Both purely olfactory and composite engrams may be activated
only when the olfactory part of the engram is reexperienced—that
is, content addressable memory. Hence recall of engrams in the
processing module can occur only via pattern matching from
olfactory input (Numbers 1 and 2a in Figure 2).
Assumption 9 (Feelings of Familiarity)
The familiarity of an odor is a product of the pattern-matching
process (Number 2a in Figure 2). Thus an input pattern that
matches few engrams closely will be judged as less familiar than
an input pattern that has stronger matches.
Assumption 10 (Identification)
The greater the activation of a particular engram in the process-
ing module the greater the likelihood that it will excite an asso-
ciative link or links to semantic or episodic knowledge (Number 5
in Figure 2). These associations can generate either partial (“itsmells like some kind of herb”) or complete (“it’s oregano”)
identification. This process is both variable and fallible. An odor-
ant identified correctly on one occasion may seem highly familiar,
but not identifiable, on the next.
Assumption 11 (Acquiring Associations Between Semantic
and Episodic Knowledge and Olfactory Engrams)
Associations between an engram in the olfactory processing
module and episodic or semantic knowledge may occur when
output from the processor (Number 2 in Figure 2) and the to-be-
associated information are both available to the controlled asso-
ciator (Number 3 in Figure 2). Such associations are effortful,
strengthened through repetition, and prone to interference.
Assumption 12 (Top-Down Influences)
Particular semantic or episodic knowledge may lower the
threshold for activation of individual or sets of related engrams in
the olfactory processing module via previously acquired associa-
tions (link between Numbers 5 and 2 in Figure 2). These may act
to facilitate identification of an odor. If it looks like an orange, and
feels and tastes in the mouth like an orange, its odor is much more
likely to be identified as orange-smelling. Verbal information
alone may play a similar role: If told beforehand “this could smell
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like an orange or a mushroom,” a person will be more prone to
identify orange odor as orange than they might if no such cue had
been provided.
Assumption 13 (Imagery)
The theory suggests that experience of odor quality is possible
only when an input pattern is available to the pattern matcher in the
processing module. Thus the only stimulus sufficient to activate
engrams in the olfactory processing module is a physically present
one, implying that odor imagery is unlikely (excepting perhaps
activation during an epileptic aura or schizophrenic hallucination).
Assumption 14 (Short-Term Storage and Recognition
Memory)
When an engram is activated, activation gradually decays but
lasts longer than both the offset of stimulation and the loss of
perception of the activating stimulus. Two consequences flow
from this. First, it allows for an apparent short-term storage ca-
pacity, as a consequence of the activation of engrams in theprocessing module. Thus facilitated identification of recently ex-
perienced odors is enabled in an analogous manner to that pro-
posed for top-down priming, through lowering the threshold nec-
essary to activate a particular engram (see Assumption 12).
Second, residual activation may ultimately last for a very long
time: days, weeks, or even months. This would by necessity mean
relatively flat forgetting curves (from minutes to months) and
provide a mechanism for olfactory recognition memory (see As-
sumption 12).
Commentary on the Assumptions
Commentary on Assumption 1 (Tabula Rasa)
The theory assumes that odors have no inherent psychological
properties. This implies that neonates, infants, and children prob-
ably perceive odor quality in a different manner from adults and
that their hedonic responses differ as well. Although limited, the
available evidence supports this view. Starting with hedonic re-
sponses, Steiner (1979) suggested that neonates possess an auto-
matic response to certain odors, typified by a facial expression akin
to that demonstrated when neonates sample the bitter tastant qui-
nine (see Steiner, Glaser, Hawilo, & Berridge, 2001). More con-
sidered studies have failed to confirm this view. Although there is
some limited evidence that infants a few hours old do show
dislikes for odors that adults also find unpleasant, the strength of
this response is nowhere near as potent as that shown toward
quinine (Soussignan, Schaal, Marlier, & Jiang, 1997). Because
olfactory exposure in utero is now known to alter preferences in
the neonate, it is difficult to eliminate the possibility that any
observed hedonic response arises simply from this type of expo-
sure (Schaal, Marlier, & Soussignan, 2000).
The hedonic responses of infants and older children to odors
present an equally mixed picture. Although one study has reported
evidence of hedonic differences in children akin to those in adults
(Schmidt & Beauchamp, 1988), doubts surround its methodology
(Engen & Engen, 1997), and in addition, other studies have shown
that such responses in this age group are highly sensitive to
experimental instructions (e.g., Strickland, Jessee, & Filsinger,
1988). For the archetypal foul odor, feces, (Angyal, 1941), it is
difficult to reconcile Rozin’s observation (Rozin & Fallon,
1987)—that young children will readily play with it—with the
notion of an innate dislike for its odor. This view is supported by
two findings. First, Peto (1935) observed that 89 out of 92 children
under 5 years old, demonstrated no sign of dislike or disgust when
tested with putrefying and fecal odors. Second, Moncrieff (1966)found that children were largely indifferent to the fecal-like odor
of skatole.
For odor quality the data are more limited. First, there are no
relevant studies conducted with children less than 5 years old.
Second, studies of older children have examined only the ability to
identify odors. Although identification calls on a variety of cog-
nitive processes, it is known to correlate substantially with dis-
criminative ability (De Wijk & Cain, 1994a, 1994b; Eskenazi,
Cain, Novelly, & Friend, 1983), and one would therefore predict
poorer odor identification in children, as has been observed. Doty,
Shaman, Applebaum, et al. (1984) administered the University of
Pennsylvania Smell Identification Test (UPSIT; Doty, Shaman, &
Dann, 1984) to a large sample of participants (nearly 2,000) of
varying ages. The test involves smelling an odor and identifying
from a list of names the correct one for that stimulus. Children 5 –9
years old performed significantly worse at recognition than did all
the older samples up to the age of 70 years. Only adults aged 80
or more years performed worse. Similar findings have been re-
ported by Cain et al. (1995), De Wijk and Cain (1994a, 1994b),
and Lehrner, Gluck, and Laska (1999). It is important to note that
Cain et al. (1995) did not find any difference between children and
adults in olfactory sensitivity, as measured by a standard olfactory
threshold test. This suggests that differences in sensitivity are
unlikely to be the cause of identification differences. Finally, using
a different technique, Larjola and Von Wright (1976) found that
younger children (mean age 5 years) were significantly worse at
recognizing odorants that they had just smelled than were olderchildren, both immediately and after a 1-month delay. Taken
together, these studies suggest that children probably perceive odor
quality in a different manner from that of adults and that such
differences are eliminated by progressive gains in olfactory
experience.
Commentary on Assumption 2 (Input Pattern)
The concept of a complex spatial and temporal pattern as the
neural representation of an odor is both widely accepted (e.g.,
Buck, 1996, 2000; Haberly, 1998; Laurent, 1999; Malnic et al.,
1999; Sullivan, Ressler, & Buck, 1995) and well supported exper-
imentally. According to this perspective, odors are encoded as acomplex pattern of activation across the 1,000–2,000 glomeruli in
the olfactory bulb. The evidence for this assertion, which is dis-
cussed in more depth in the studies cited above (and see the earlier
section The Human Olfactory System), can be summarized as
follows: (a) There are a large number of olfactory receptors (about
500 –750; Buck & Axel, 1991); (b) each receptor type is very
broadly tuned, responding to a variety of different chemical stimuli
(Malnic et al., 1999); and (c) information from each receptor type
is channeled on to specific glomeruli so that the pattern across all
glomeruli is likely to differ between odors, even if the pattern of
activation for a particular receptor does not (Malnic et al., 1999).
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A further aspect of the input pattern concerns how information
about odor intensity is recovered. We adopted Lansky and Ro-
spars’s (1993) suggestion that intensity information is extracted
very early in olfactory processing. However, such intensity infor-
mation must require further processing to account for effects like
sniff vigor constancy, whereby variations in sniff depth, and thus
amount of odorant delivered to receptors, produce little variation inodor intensity (Teghtsoonian, Teghtsoonian, Berglund, & Ber-
glund, 1978).
A further consideration is whether intensity information follows
the same processing path as quality information. As noted in the
section on the effects of brain injury that follows, it is very clear
that many such conditions spare the ability to perceive differences
in odor intensity (particularly the case of H.M.; but see West &
Doty, 1995) while eliminating the ability to perceive odor quality
(White, 1998). This suggests separate processing streams. How-
ever, one puzzling finding is that factor analysis of different tests
of olfactory function do not typically separate out measures of
sensitivity from those of quality perception, as might be expected
(Doty, Smith, McKeown, & Raj, 1994). One possibility is that
adequate sensitivity is a necessary prerequisite for odor-quality
perception (thus variations in sensitivity will affect odor-quality
perception) but that the absence of odor-quality perception need
not affect sensitivity.
Finally, it is well established that the perceived quality of certain
odorants changes as their concentration is increased (Gross-
Isseroff & Doron, 1989; Moncrieff, 1951). We note in passing that
such findings are easily accommodated within the theory on the
basis of changes in receptor binding, olfactory input, and thus
engrams activated.
Commentary on Assumption 3 (What Is the Pattern
Compared With?)
The theory assumes that there is a dedicated olfactory store (the
olfactory processing module) that receives input directly from the
olfactory bulb (i.e., glomeruli) and that stores previous input.
Evidence for this structure comes from three sources: (a) plausible
neuroanatomical correlates of the olfactory processing module (see
Neuroanatomical Basis of the Theory); (b) the neuropsychological
data, which suggest that memory and perception in olfaction are
indistinguishable (see Neuropsychological Data); and (c) the psy-
chological data, which provide some evidence of a separate olfac-
tory store. This latter assertion, which is considered in this section,
is based on four types of functional dissociation: (a) differences in
resistance to interference, (b) differences between olfactory mem-
ory and both implicit and explicit memory for other types of
stimuli, (c) the unusual difficulty that participants have in naming
odors, and (d) factor analytic studies of cognitive and olfactory
abilities.
Olfactory memory may be especially resistant to interference.
This has been suggested by two types of study: (a) those using a
recognition-memory procedure, which show little forgetting of
olfactory stimuli over long delays (e.g., Engen & Ross, 1973;
Lawless, 1978; Lawless & Cain, 1975), and (b) processes pre-
sumed to reflect engram encoding, namely the resistance to retro-
active interference of odor–taste learning (Stevenson et al., 2000a,
2000b), and odor– odor learning (Stevenson, Case, & Boakes, in
press). These conclusions need to be tempered, because interfer-
ence may take place under certain conditions (see Commentary on
Assumption 6 ), and also other forms of stimuli, such as free-form
shapes and faces, may show similar effects (Lawless, 1978). None-
theless, as a general feature of a sensory system, such findings
appear to set olfaction apart.
A second unusual property stems from the apparent similarity,
but singular difference, between olfactory memory (i.e., the en-gram store in Figure 2) and implicit memory. Implicit memory is
a blanket term describing situations in which prior experience
affects performance without requiring intentional recollection
(Schacter, 1987). Several parallels between implicit and olfactory
memory exist, including effortless and rapid acquisition (DeSchep-
per & Treisman, 1996), resistance to interference (e.g., Graf &
Schacter, 1987), and the integral nature of perception and implicit
memory (e.g., Jacoby, Allan, Collins, & Larwill, 1988). Implicit
memory for stimuli in other modalities is generally unaffected by
aging, by Alzheimer’s disease (e.g., Winograd, Goldstein, Mon-
arch, Peluso, & Goldman, 1999), by Korsakoff ’s syndrome (e.g.,
Benzing & Squire, 1989; Nissen, Willingham, & Hartman, 1989),
or by temporal lobectomy (Gabrieli, Milberg, Keane, & Corkin,
1990). In contrast, olfactory memory is profoundly affected by all
the above conditions, as is explicit memory for stimuli in other
modalities, as discussed below. The implication from this is that,
although olfactory memory shares more features in common with
implicit than explicit memory, it differs in the neuropsychological
conditions that affect it, setting it apart from its closest theoretical
classification.
A third difference concerns the difficulty that adult participants
have in naming even common odors, when other cues are absent
(e.g., Cain, 1979; Desor & Beauchamp, 1974; Larsson, 1997;
Lawless & Engen, 1977). This suggests that odor memory is in
some way different from stores of visual information, for example,
where such difficulties are rare (e.g., Cain et al., 1995). Finally, a
recent factor analytic study of cognitive (e.g., verbal, tonal andsymbol memory, IQ, executive function) and olfactory abilities
(e.g., odor memory and identification; Danthiir, Roberts, Pallier, &
Stankov, 2001), revealed that odor memory was a structurally
independent factor. Taken together, these four sets of observations
support the notion of a psychologically discrete olfactory memory
system, which here forms the engram store of the olfactory pro-
cessing module.
Commentary on Assumption 4 (Pattern Matching)
A key information-processing step in the theory is pattern
matching between the olfactory input from the glomeruli and the
engram store. Support for this notion comes from both neuroana-
tomical data (see Neuroanatomical Basis of the Theory) and ex-
perimental psychology.
Although a matching-type process has been alluded to by sev-
eral authors (see Dodd, 1988; Ohloff et al., 1991; Polak, 1973;
Schild, 1988), its ability to account for the learning data (e.g.,
Stevenson, 2001a, 2001b, 2001c; Stevenson et al., 1998) is what
initially led us to suggest it. In particular, matching a target odor ’s
input with previously encoded engrams typically leads to the type
of finding obtained in our learning studies. For example, smelling
lychee after lychee–sucrose pairings leads to the recovery of a
lychee–sucrose engram by virtue of the engram’s similarity to its
input.
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The matching process is also supported by its ability to account
for a number of other findings. The first is the absence of primary
odor qualities described earlier. Setting aside the fact that multiple
nonspecific receptors have been unambiguously identified (e.g.,
Buck, 2000), the mnemonic theory places no bounds on the type or
number of qualities that may be experienced other than noting that
richness of olfactory experience should increase as a function of exposure to new odors.
A second finding is the role that similarity appears to play in
judgments of odor quality (Lawless, 1999). Exactly such a rela-
tionship would be expected by our theory, in that when a partic-
ipant is asked to compare an odor to a series of quality descriptors
this process is analogous to that of odor perception, excepting that
the former occurs in serial, whereas the latter occurs in parallel. It
is this important difference that we believe separates the experi-
ence of an odor in daily life from that reported by rating qualities
in the laboratory.
A third finding is the consistently imperfect correlation between
quality and chemical structure (e.g., Boelens, 1974; Polak, 1973),
regardless of the type of structural feature chosen for analysis.
Although such findings are a problem for any particular structure-
quality model, they do not pose a problem for matching-based
theories such as the one proposed here. This is because a matching-
based theory can comfortably accommodate any type of feature-
based model (i.e., it is complementary). This follows from the
principle that similarity of glomerular layer input to the theory
(i.e., resulting from similar binding patterns of odorant to recep-
tors) will produce similar patterns of activation in the olfactory
processing module and thus a similar odor-quality percept.
Fourth, the process of pattern matching embraces the notion of
redintegration (Horowitz & Prytulak, 1969), in which a part of a
complex whole can recover its totality. Such effects have been
observed in both rat and human participants. In rats, extensive
lesions of the glomerular layer, including those parts known to bemost active for a target odorant, do not prevent appropriate re-
sponding to odor-stimulus relationships learnt earlier in the exper-
iment (Lu & Slotnick, 1994; Slotnick, Bell, Panhuber, & Laing,
1997). This suggests that even a fragmentary input may be suffi-
cient to recover the whole. In humans, redintegration can best be
demonstrated with odor–taste learning, in that a sniffed odor can
recover an engram that includes the experience of that odor with
sucrose (e.g., Stevenson et al., 1995).
Finally, the very process of pattern matching should make it
difficult to dissect complex odor mixtures into their individual
components (Haberly & Bower, 1989). That is, each input pattern
will largely be treated as a unique stimulus, even when it is a
mixture of several chemicals, as most odors are. In humans,
exactly this phenomenon has been observed. In an extensive series
of investigations, Laing and colleagues (e.g., Laing & Francis,
1989; Livermore & Laing, 1998a, 1998b) have established that
ordinary participants, and even experts such as perfumers and
flavorists, are unable to identify more than two or three compo-
nents in an odor mixture.
Commentary on Assumption 5 (Encoding Purely Olfactory
Engrams)
Two types of evidence suggest that a novel odor is encoded in
a special store and that this encoding modifies subsequent percep-
tion of the odor. The first type comes from the experiments on odor
learning that we reviewed earlier. The second type of evidence
comes from studies showing that the mere act of smelling a novel
odor is sufficient to improve its discriminability from other novel
odors, an observation that until now has had no theoretical basis
(Jehl et al., 1995; Rabin, 1988; Rabin & Cain, 1984). This effect
has been most clearly demonstrated by Rabin (1988), who foundthat preexposing participants to a set of odors enabled them to
discriminate between members of that set significantly better than
non-preexposed controls. Such an outcome can be directly ac-
counted for by the theory. One should recall that when an odor is
first smelled, particularly if it is not that familiar (as in Rabin,
1988), the odor will match few engrams in the olfactory processor,
thus producing far less activation of any individual engram than
will a familiar odor. Three consequences should flow from this.
First, a novel odor will smell of multiple qualities rather than being
primarily characterized by one quality—the consequence of lots of
partial activation of slightly to moderately similar engrams. This
supposition was supported in a recent study by Stevenson, Demp-
sey, and Button (2003), who found that novel odors were describedas having more qualities, of lesser similarity to the target, than
familiar odors. Second, odors that are unfamiliar will also be more
confusable (e.g., Rabin, 1988), as a direct consequence of the first
point. Third, a novel odor, initially producing partial activation of
many engrams, should with further exposure be encoded in the
engram store. Thus, on subsequent encounters, the target odor will
come to activate its own previous encoding, hence limiting its
pattern of reported qualities and enhancing its distinctiveness.
Commentary on Assumption 6 (Resistance to Interference)
The theory proposes that when a familiar odor is encountered,no further encoding of that odor will take place in the olfactory
processing module. (One should note that this does not exclude the
formation of explicit associations between engrams and semantic
or episodic knowledge mediated by the controlled associator). As
we discussed earlier (see Assumption 4), experimental data are
largely in accord with this view. First, odor–taste and odor– odor
learning are resistant to interference (Stevenson et al., 2000a,
2000b; Stevenson et al., in press). Second, odor-recognition mem-
ory has been demonstrated in several studies to be particularly long
lived—and thus presumably resistant to interference (e.g., Engen
& Ross, 1973; Lawless & Cain, 1975; Lawless & Engen, 1977;
Rabin & Cain, 1984).
The theory, however, does allow some interference to occurunder two conditions. First, when an odor is moderately similar to
an existing engram, some encoding of the target will eventuate.
This may explain why odor– odor learning effects are typically
small, on the basis that one member of the pair is often a familiar
odor (e.g., cherry), whereas the other is not (e.g., p-anisaldehyde).
The combination (p-anisaldehyde– cherry) may therefore resemble
the engram of the previously encountered odor (e.g., cherry) and
thus retard— but not prevent—acquisition of the combination (see
Stevenson, 2001c). The second type of interference, also a function
of similarity, can occur during recognition-memory tasks, and this
is discussed separately in Commentary on Assumption 14.
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Commentary on Assumption 7 (Encoding Composite
Olfactory/Non-Olfactory Engrams)
The theory uses two different forms of learning. The first type
of learning is the encoding of information in the automatic com-
parator and encoder into the engram store, which may include both
olfactory (see Assumption 5) and composite olfactory/non-olfactory information. This type of learning, which we have re-
ferred to previously as configural (Stevenson et al., 1995, 1998), is
envisaged to be relatively fast, effortless, long-lasting, and resis-
tant to interference. The second form of learning involves the
formation of associations between the contents of the controlled
associator. This might involve learning that an odor comes from a
particular source, learning information about the odor, or learning
the odor’s name (e.g., Davis, 1977; Rabin, 1988). In this case
learning is relatively slow, effortful, and prone to interference.
Because parsimony would demand one learning system, it is
necessary to justify the need for two. The best justification is to
contrast two forms of learning that are known to involve odors:
odor–taste learning and odor–shock learning. In odor–shock learn-
ing olfactory cues are used to predict the onset of electric shock.
Learning in this paradigm resembles that found in many other
studies of human associative learning, with acquisition occurring
only with conscious awareness of the contingencies and rapid
extinction occurring when participants realize that the odor cue no
longer predicts shock (Marinkovic, Schell, & Dawson, 1989; and
see Van den Burgh et al., 1999, for similar findings and Dawson
& Schell, 1987, for general discussion of the properties of this type
of learning).
Odor–taste learning, as described earlier, appears to possess
very different properties. It involves fast acquisition (Prescott,
1999) with apparently no necessity for participants to be aware of
the experimental contingencies (Stevenson et al., 1998) and in-
volves so vivid a recollection of the taste component that theexperience probably counts as synesthetic (Stevenson et al., 1998).
In addition, such learning demonstrates both latent inhibition under
no-masking conditions (Stevenson & Boakes, in press) and resis-
tance to retroactive interference (Stevenson et al., 2000a, 2000b).
The two separate learning systems used in the theory allow these
differences to be explained. A controlled associator is necessary
for odor shock or related forms of learning, in which contingency
awareness must be achieved prior to any change in behavior (e.g.,
Shanks & St. John, 1994). However, if no association is formed
and information is treated as a configuration (one entity), then
there is no necessity for a controlled associator. It is under these
conditions that the second learning process operates, with infor-
mation being encoded as an engram in the store. The properties
that this process of learning has are unusual because it does not
rely on the formation of associations. Consequently, learning is
relatively fast and effortless, and the resulting engrams are resis-
tant to interference because of the access restrictions that we
described earlier (i.e., content addressable only).
The automatic comparator and encoder can also process
olfactory/non-olfactory engrams, such as that between an odor and
a taste. There is, however, no reason why other forms of sensory
information could not be co-stored in the same way, and presum-
ably such composite engrams would possess similar properties
(see Haberly, 2001, for a similar suggestion). These would include
the following: (a) resistance to interference and thus longevity, and
hence retrieval only via the odorous component of the engram; (b)
vividness, as with the “taste” component of odors; and (c) third,
emotiveness, as with all odor stimuli. Precisely such qualities have
been identified in a series of studies on odor-induced memories
(Chu & Downes, 2000a, 2000b), which have demonstrated their
vividness, longevity (often from childhood), and emotive proper-
ties. It is suggested here that these so-called Proustian memoriesemerge as a consequence of their storage as composite engrams in
the olfactory processing module.
Finally, odors are known to be involved in one type of memory
phenomenon that may be harder to reconcile with the format
adopted here. This concerns using odors as a contextual cue.
Several demonstrations have been made of this effect, whereby
recall is facilitated when the olfactory context present during
learning is reinstated at test (e.g., Cann & Ross, 1989; Pointer &
Bond, 1998). As we have argued, associations between an odor
and a label require some effort to form, yet in these studies odor
was present as an incidental cue— hardly an ideal situation to form
associative links between the odor and the to-be-remembered
information (e.g., words or faces). One explanation of such effectsis given by the encoding-specificity account (Tulving, 1983), in
which all available cues present during learning become part of the
trace, thus the presence of such cues during recall will assist
retrieval. This account presents a problem for the present theory, in
that it assumes storage in a common memory system under con-
ditions in which one would not expect this to occur. One possible
resolution of this problem (see Cann & Ross, 1989; Epple & Herz,
1999; Herz & Engen, 1996) is to assume that this effect is not
mediated through the odor per se but through the mood or arousal
state that an odor may invoke during testing. Thus the odor acts
only indirectly as a retrieval cue by reinstating the mood–arousal
level present during learning. However, one should note that the
claim that mood can act as a contextual cue is itself controversial.
Commentary on Assumption 8 (Access Constraints on
Engrams in the Processing Module)
As we noted earlier, the contents of the engram store can be
accessed only by the physical presence of an odorant (content
addressable memory). Apart from the implications for limiting
interference (see Commentary on Assumption 6 ), it also has im-
portant ramifications for odor imagery, which are discussed later.
Commentary on Assumption 9 (Feelings of Familiarity)
The degree to which an odor feels familiar or novel appears,along with its intensive, qualitative, and emotional dimensions, to
be an intrinsic part of odor perception. For example, Lawless and
Engen (1977) found that response latencies were shortest when
participants were asked to judge the familiarity of an odor. Ac-
cording to the theory, familiarity is considered to be a function of
the degree of engram activation in the olfactory processing mod-
ule. From this perspective, an odor’s familiarity, as with its quality,
will not be affected by where it is smelled or by the fact that the
participant may not be able to identify either the name or place
where the odor was last encountered. Familiarity is therefore an
emergent property of the olfactory processing module.
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Commentary on Assumption 10 (Identification)
As we noted earlier, odors, even familiar ones, can be difficult
to name (e.g., Cain, 1979; Desor & Beauchamp, 1974; Larsson,
1997; Lawless & Engen, 1977). The theory accounts for poor
naming in three ways. First, odor–name associations may initially
be hard to form compared with other senses (e.g., Davis, 1977).
This is because olfactory memory (the processing module) is a
discrete entity with a paleocortical location (Haberly, 1998; see
Neuroanatomical Basis of the Theory for further discussion) and
thus physically distant from the likely (neocortical) site of seman-
tic and episodic memory (see also Herz & Engen, 1996, for a
discussion of other potential ramifications of olfaction’s unique
anatomy). Second, the matching process between the input and the
stored engrams is assumed to be probabilistic (see Assumption 4);
consequently, even familiar odors may occasionally be misidenti-
fied (i.e., the wrong engram or engrams activated), leading to the
production of an incorrect name (e.g., Cain & Potts, 1996). Third,
the activation of associations to semantic memory is also predicted
to be probabilistic; thus, increasing the number of engrams acti-
vated should make category-level identification relatively easy(e.g., “it’s a fruit”). However, familiar odors, with fewer but more
strongly activated engrams, may be vulnerable to anomia because
of the greater impact of the probabilistic nature of activation on the
limited number of name-specific associations.
Commentary on Assumption 11 (Acquiring Associations
Between Semantic and Episodic Knowledge and Olfactory
Engrams)
Commentary on the formation of associations between odors
and semantic or episodic knowledge is discussed under
Assumption 7.
Commentary on Assumption 12 (Top-Down Influences)
The theory suggests that semantic or episodic knowledge may
facilitate odor identification by lowering the activation thresholds
of engrams in the olfactory processing module (i.e., olfactory
priming). The only direct evidence for this notion comes from a
study by Schab and Crowder (1991), who obtained priming in only
one of four reported experiments. Using familiar odors, Schab and
Crowder found that preexposure to an odor’s name alone facili-
tated correct identification when that odor was presented in a later
identification task, in comparison with a no-preexposure control.
Although it is difficult to draw strong conclusions from this study
because of Schab and Crowder’s failure to replicate their results,
the study suggests that having been previously exposed to a namecan later benefit a participant’s ability to identify an odor bearing
that same name. Other evidence on top-down influences comes
from research on wine tasting. A white wine that is artificially
colored red is misperceived as having features that are more
appropriate to red wine (Morrot, Brochet, & Dubourdieu, 2001).
Commentary on Assumption 13 (Imagery)
The theory suggests that odor imagery is unlikely because only
physically present stimuli can initiate access to the olfactory store
and hence activate engrams. Theory aside, empirical support for
odor imagery is weak. There are four types of study. The first
simply asks participants how clear and vivid their mental images
are for each of the different senses. Betts (1909), Sheehan (1967),
and Lawless (1997), among others, all report that the vividness of
olfactory images is considerably less than images from other
sensory modalities, including taste. A second approach has been to
ask participants to judge similarities between pairs of odorants,
some in a real and others in an imagined condition, and then usemultidimensional scaling to examine the odor space created for
each data set (Carrasco & Ridout, 1993). Although Carrasco and
Ridout (1993) concluded that imagery was present for olfaction,
they could not rule out verbal mediation in the imagery group as an
explanation (i.e., responses based on what the participant knows
about odors). More troubling still, in their multidimensional-
scaling solution the pleasantness– unpleasantness dimension that
usually emerges as the principal dimension for odors (Schiffman,
Robinson, & Erickson, 1977) was observed in the perceptual
condition but not in the imagery condition. This is very surprising
given that the affective quality of odors is one of their defining
characteristics (Richardson & Zucco, 1989).
A third approach is to ask participants to imagine combining
chemosensory stimuli and then report on the relative intensity of
the components (e.g., Algom & Cain, 1991). Algom and Cain
(1991) reported that following such a request, participants per-
formed in the same way as when presented with real mixtures. This
type of claim has been challenged by both Schifferstein (1999) and
by Stevenson and Prescott (1997) on two grounds. First, partici-
pants do have considerable explicit knowledge about how certain
mixtures will behave and this knowledge appears to be used in the
imagery condition. A second criticism is that a more refined
analysis shows that the pattern of results obtained under imagery
conditions fails to match those from direct perception.
A fourth type of study was performed by Lyman and McDaniel
(1990), who found that a condition in which participants imagined
smelling items from a word list produced better subsequent rec-ognition of those actual odors than did a condition in which
participants were asked to visualize the list items. Although this is
the most convincing demonstration of olfactory imagery, it has two
problems that cloud its interpretation. First, it is plausible that
verbal rehearsal underlay enhanced recognition in the odor imag-
ery group (i.e., repeatedly saying to oneself “Imagine the smell of
banana,” etc.). Lyman and McDaniel’s experiment could not detect
this sort of non-olfactory facilitatory effect, because no verbal-
rehearsal (i.e., auditory imagery) control group was run (Schab &
Crowder’s, 1991, priming experiment suggests that this is not idle
carping). Second, participants in the odor and visual-imagery
groups surprisingly reported equal success in creating their respec-
tive type of image. This stands in marked contrast to other phe-
nomenological reports (see above). In conclusion, taking all the
odor-imagery studies together and contrasting them with other
sensory systems (see Richardson, 1999), at best it may be con-
cluded that the evidence for olfactory imagery is weak.
Commentary on Assumption 14 (Short-Term Storage and
Recognition Memory)
The theory suggests that activation of an engram may last
beyond its conscious perception. This has two consequences. First,
it allows for a form of olfactory short-term storage, which is
neither functionally nor structurally separate from the long-term
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engram store but rather a consequence of its activation (e.g., see
Cowan, 1988, for discussion of similar models of memory). Sec-
ond, this residual activation may be very long lived, providing a
mechanism for odor-recognition memory.
There is currently no consensus on whether there is a discrete
olfactory short-term store (of any type). Traditionally, four types
of evidence have been presented to establish a distinction betweena long- and a short-term store: capacity differences, coding differ-
ences, neuropsychological differences, and serial position effects
(White, 1998). Given the type of short-term store proposed here,
there should be no capacity difference, no coding difference, and
no evidence of any neuropsychological dissociation. Serial posi-
tion effects are a more complex issue, because there is consider-
able uncertainty about their implications for dissociable memory
systems (e.g., Baddeley & Hitch, 1993).
In apparent contradiction to our predictions, there does appear to
be some evidence for capacity differences in olfaction. Short-term
recognition performance decreases as the number of odors to be
remembered on a given trial is increased (Engen, Kuisma, &
Eimas, 1973; F. N. Jones, Roberts, & Holman, 1978). The capacity
of long-term memory for odors is certainly large. Participants are
able to recognize, even after a 1-month delay, about 70% of a
48-odor set (Engen & Ross, 1973), and this level of recognition
appears to be independent of set size. This is, however, not the
whole story. Although increasing the number of stimuli increases
the number of items that must be retained (i.e., testing capacity), it
also increases the likelihood of odors sharing similar characteris-
tics (e.g., being fruit-like). According to the theory, this should
disrupt recognition performance, because when similar odors are
used they tend to activate overlapping engrams, making identifi-
cation more difficult (i.e., interference based on similarity). Be-
cause the detrimental effects of similarity have been observed
following both short and long delays (Engen & Ross, 1973; Jehl et
al., 1994), capacity-difference claims need to be treated with somecaution.
Differences in coding between short- and long-term stores have
not been adequately demonstrated in olfaction. Although evidence
for both perceptual and semantic coding has been obtained in a
number of experiments (e.g., Cain, De Wijk, Lulejian, Schiet, &
See, 1998; Cain & Potts, 1996; Jehl, Royet, & Holley, 1997), there
is no link between any particular type of memory—long term or
short term—and the coding used. As for neuropsychological data,
these provide no definitive evidence for a distinction between a
short- and a long-term store (see Mair, Harrison, & Flint, 1995;
White, 1998). Finally, recency and primacy effects have been
obtained using a recognition procedure (Reed, 2000). However, as
we noted above, it is difficult to assess the implications of such
findings. Taken together, these results provide little support for
any form of discrete short-term store. Rather, they suggest a
capacity to hold olfactory information, for either short or longer
periods, by virtue of residual activation. This process appears
sensitive to interference, on the basis of the similarity of the items
in the test set.
General Comments on the Assumptions
These have been developed in an attempt to accommodate
within a single theoretical framework a range of findings that were
previously seen as unconnected. These findings include poor dis-
criminability of novel odorants, lack of primary qualities, imper-
fect correlations between structure and quality, effects of past
experience on odor perception, and current understanding of the
olfactory transduction process. As should be clear from the com-
ments on specific assumptions, for some the empirical basis is well
established but for others it is still quite fragile. Two further
sources of data that have an important bearing on the theory areconsidered next: (a) whether the proposed system is compatible
with current neurophysiological findings and can be mapped onto
different parts of the brain, and (b) the extent to which the theory
provides a better understanding of abnormalities of odor percep-
tion following brain damage.
Neuroanatomical Basis of the Theory
In this section our aim is twofold: first, to demonstrate that our
model is broadly compatible with current knowledge in this area,
and second, to draw explicit parallels between the processing units
outlined in the theory and particular brain structures. Two caveats
are necessary. First, we make no attempt to provide a detailedoverview of olfactory neuroanatomy but instead concentrate on
consensus findings (see Savic, 2001, for review). Second, we
assume at this point some broad parallels between rat, monkey,
and human brains in olfactory neurophysiology and anatomy. The
validity of this assumption will be examined in the next section.
The gross neuroanatomy of the olfactory system is illustrated in
Figure 3. We described earlier the process of transduction and the
organization of primary information processing in the glomerular
layer of the olfactory bulb. This information passes from the bulb
into the olfactory tract, which then splits into three branches: the
lateral, medial, and intermediate (Heimer, Van Hoesen, & Rosene,
1977). The lateral branch is the most important and projects to the
entorhinal and piriform cortex and the amygdaloid complex, all of which are primarily located in the temporal lobe (Jones-Gotman &
Zatorre, 1993). In addition, the piriform cortex also extends to the
posterior orbitofrontal surface of the frontal lobe (Eslinger,
Damasio, & Van Hoesen, 1982). Three important sets of projec-
tions stem from these olfactory paleocortical areas: to the hypo-
thalamus, to the mediodorsal nucleus of the thalamus, and to
prefrontal cortex (Haberly, 1998). These latter two structures also
project to each other, and the prefrontal cortex has reciprocal
projections back to the piriform cortex. Four of these structures
appear to play an especially important role in olfactory perception,
learning, and memory. These are the olfactory bulb, the piriform
cortex, prefrontal cortex, and the mediodorsal nucleus of the
thalamus. The role of each structure and its possible mapping onto
our theory forms the remainder of this section.The key element of our theory is the olfactory processing
module. Its neuroanatomical correlate would be a brain structure
(or structures) that (a) receives information directly from the
glomeruli or related bulbar structures, (b) has appropriate neural
architecture to make multiple comparisons of this incoming input
with that stored from previous smelling episodes, and (c) has
appropriate connections to other olfactory-related brain structures
for both the onward flow of information and reciprocal connec-
tions back for learning. Three structures, either individually or in
combination, might fill this role: piriform cortex, prefrontal cortex,
and the olfactory bulb. Each is considered in turn.
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The piriform cortex has a number of features that make it a
plausible (if not the most promising) neural correlate of the olfac-
tory processing module. These features, which are outlined below,
have led several researchers to suggest that the piriform cortex is
a paradigmatic example of content-addressable memory, that is, a
system functionally analogous to the olfactory processing module
proposed in our theory (see Barkai, Bergman, Horwitz, & Has-
selmo, 1994; Haberly, 2001; Haberly & Bower, 1989; Hasselmo,
Anderson, & Bower, 1992). The features that suggest it as a
putative olfactory processing module are as follows:
1. Lesions of the piriform cortex can retard odor-
discrimination learning in rats (Slotnick & Schoonover,
1992).
2. Small areas of the piriform cortex receive input from all
areas of the olfactory bulb (Haberly, 1985), although a
recent tracing study in mice suggests some organization,albeit with considerable convergence of multiple glomer-
uli output to multiple points in the piriform cortex (Zou,
Horowitz, Montmayeur, Snapper, & Buck, 2001).
3. Many cells within the piriform cortex respond to olfac-
tory stimulation during single-unit recording (Haberly,
1969), and the structure is metabolically active during
olfaction (Sharp, Kauer, & Shepherd, 1977).
4. The piriform cortex receives input from prefrontal cortex,
allowing for the co-storage and association of informa-
tion from other sensory systems (Haberly, 1985).
5. Major projections from the piriform cortex go to the
prefrontal cortex and thalamic structures, which are also
involved in olfactory discrimination and learning (see
below for a more detailed discussion; see also Schoen-baum & Eichenbaum, 1995).
6. In humans, several neuroimaging studies have found the
piriform cortex active during smelling (for review, see
Doty, 2001).
7. Olfactory identification ability, as measured by the
UPSIT, is correlated with activity in the piriform cortex
(Kareken et al., 2001).
The neural architecture of the piriform cortex also lends
itself to the type of pattern matching and storage system that
would be required by the olfactory processing module. Input
from the olfactory bulb via the lateral olfactory tract (see thediscussion above) synapses onto the top of a series of vertical
pyramidal cells. These cells are organized in layers, with lower
levels containing separate local inhibitory and excitatory inter-
connections. In this model of piriform cortical function, the
pyramidal cell layers form the neural basis of the odor store,
with engrams stored in a distributed fashion across these cells.
It is important to note that these cells demonstrate the plasticity
necessary for this role, in that they show both long-term poten-
tiation (Kanter & Haberly, 1993) and increased spine density
following olfactory learning (Knafo, Grossman, Barkai, &
Benshalom, 2001).
Figure 3. Schematic representation of olfactory pathways in humans. Olfactory centers represented include the
following: olfactory bulb (OB), lateral olfactory tract (LOT), olfactory tubercle (OT), anterior olfactory nucleus
(AON), piriform cortex (PC), entorhinal cortex (EC), amygdaloid complex (AC), hypothalamus (Hy), hippocam-
pal system (Hi), mediodorsal nucleus of the thalamus (MD), and orbitofrontal cortex (OFC). From “The
Neuropsychology of Odor Memory,” by R. Mair, L. M. Harrison, and D. L. Flint, in Memory for Odors (p. 47),
1995, Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Copyright 1995 by Erlbaum. Reprinted with permission.
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The evidence presented above is broadly supportive of the
piriform cortex as a neural correlate of the olfactory processing
module. However, some recent human functional magnetic reso-
nance imaging (fMRI) and rat neurophysiological data raise im-
portant issues that warrant comment. In particular, one human
fMRI study has found that the piriform cortex is activated by
sniffing odorless air and that this activation is correlated with thedegree of sniff vigor (Sobel et al., 1998). In addition, both human
fMRI (Sobel et al., 2000) and single-cell recordings from the
piriform cortex in rats (Wilson, 1998, 2000), suggest that the
piriform cortex adapts fairly rapidly to repeated presentations of
the same odor. It is important to note that Sobel et al. (2000)
showed that detection of the presence of an odor on a particular
trial could occur without significant activation in the piriform
cortex. Moreover, several human fMRI studies have failed to find
activation here (see Zald & Pardo, 2000), a result Sobel et al.
(1998) attributed to rapid habituation and variations in control
procedures that may or may not include odorless sniffing. Al-
though all of these findings can be readily accounted for (e.g., that
activation does not always equate with processing and that sniffing
acts as the attentional spotlight of olfaction), they do suggest the
need for caution before one may firmly conclude that primary
olfactory processing occurs here.
The prefrontal cortex has also been identified as an important
olfactory processing center. Prefrontal cortex (especially Brod-
mann’s Area 11) receives input directly from the bulb, from
several areas of olfactory cortex, and from the mediodorsal nucleus
of the thalamus (Haberly, 1998). Lesions of these prefrontal areas
in rats produce deficits in olfactory discrimination learning
(Eichenbaum, Shedlack, & Eckmann, 1980), with lesioned animals
taking between 3 and 4 times as many trials to reach criterion in an
olfactory go/no-go discrimination task. Single-cell recordings in
monkey prefrontal regions have also identified prefrontal cortex as
a convergence site for information from olfactory and non-olfactory sources (Rolls & Baylis, 1994), with single-cell record-
ings indicating olfactory and visual and olfactory and taste-specific
cells. Finally, human neuroimaging studies find prefrontal cortex
activated in many different odor-processing tasks (Cabeza & Ny-
berg, 2000).
In terms of neural correlates of the theory, we suggest that
prefrontal cortical regions may have more features akin to the
controlled associator than to the olfactory processing module. This
suggestion is made for several reasons. First, single-cell activity in
rat prefrontal regions during an olfactory discrimination paradigm
is virtually identical to that of the piriform cortex (Schoenbaum &
Eichenbaum, 1995). The theory would predict such parallelism,
because the olfactory processing module should project this infor-
mation to the controlled associator (see Figure 2). Second, pre-
frontal areas are believed to be involved in the association of
on-going sensory input (Fuster, 2000; Schoenbaum & Eichen-
baum, 1995). This is essentially the role that we have identified for
the controlled associator, and it is well demonstrated in Rolls and
Baylis’s (1994) findings described above. Third, damage to pre-
frontal regions produces deficits in human participants’ ability to
extinguish acquired responses (e.g., Rolls, Hornak, Wade, &
McGrath, 1994). Because associations produced by the controlled
associator are, according to the theory, sensitive to interference,
this would also suggest a further functional correspondence.
Fourth, prefrontal cortex (Brodmann’s Area 11) is known to be
involved in the formation of associations between names and faces
(Herholz et al., 2001), a process that may parallel the one between
names and odors—another function attributed to the controlled
associator.
A further candidate structure for the olfactory processing mod-
ule is the olfactory bulb. Although the bulb has (a) the information
necessary for such processing, (b) the capacity to demonstratelearning (Shepherd & Greer, 1998), and (c) direct connections to
prefrontal cortex and olfactory cortex (Shepherd & Greer, 1998), it
is questionable whether it has the necessary neuronal architecture
to store olfactory (and presumably non-olfactory) information.
However, the possibility that the bulb may play this role cannot be
excluded, and its role in olfactory learning and memory requires
further elaboration.
A final structure that has demonstrated importance in olfactory
learning and memory is the mediodorsal nucleus of the thalamus.
Mediothalamic structures are known to be involved in (a) the
correlation of sensory information from different perceptual sys-
tems, (b) learning, and (c) memory retrieval (Lezak, 1995). In rats,
lesions to the mediodorsal thalamus lead to impaired olfactory
learning, although not as severe as those following prefrontal
lesions (Eichenbaum et al., 1980). In addition, such lesions tend to
manifest behaviorally during more complex learning tasks only.
Montaldi and Parkin (1989) suggested that mediothalamic deficits
result from the breakdown of the use of contextual cues in learning
and retrieval. Precisely this sort of deficit would be expected if
non-olfactory sensory information (the context) was not appropri-
ately correlated with olfactory information, that is, a failure of
cross-modal integration. In drawing parallels to the theory, we
suggest that the mediodorsal nucleus of the thalamus corresponds
to the sensory integrator, correlating input from olfactory and
non-olfactory sources for processing in the controlled associator or
comparator and encoder.
In conclusion, studies involving animals have identified severalbrain areas involved in olfactory learning and memory. These
include the piriform cortex, prefrontal cortex, mediodorsal nucleus
of thalamus, and the olfactory bulb. All of these structures dem-
onstrate plasticity, suggesting the ubiquity of learning phenomena
in olfactory brain structures. Finally, a tentative case can be made
for correspondences between the modular components of the the-
ory and particular brain structures: the piriform cortex with the
olfactory processing module, the prefrontal cortex with the con-
trolled associator, and the mediodorsal nucleus of the thalamus
with the sensory integrator.
Neuropsychological Data
Two types of prediction can be made about the human olfactory
neuropsychological data. The first derives from the theory and can
be succinctly stated. Any interruption in the flow of information
between modules should result in deficits in odor-quality percep-
tion—as measured by discrimination and identification—without
losses in detectability or sensitivity. (One should note that more
elaborate predictions could be derived but that experimental in-
vestigations to date are relatively blunt.) The second type of
prediction derives from the animal literature discussed above,
namely that similar brain regions should also feature in human
olfaction. We deal with this latter issue first.
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In animals, lesions of prefrontal cortex, piriform cortex, and
mediodorsal nucleus of the thalamus impair odor discrimination.
In humans, several conditions affecting similar areas also impair
olfactory function. These include aging, Alzheimer’s disease, Kor-
sakoff ’s syndrome, temporal lobectomy, focal lesions to prefrontal
and certain temporal lobe areas (for a review, see Mair et al.,
1995), and Parkinson’s disease (Mesholam, Moberg, Mahr, &Doty, 1998). Neurological damage in aging may occur primarily in
frontal regions (Gabrieli, 1998) as well as in other cortical and
subcortical areas. Alzheimer’s disease may initially damage me-
dial temporal lobe structures before extending to other areas (Gab-
rieli, 1998). Korsakoff ’s syndrome especially involves lesions to
thalamic and limbic structures as well as other areas (Lezak, 1995).
Focal lesions are self explanatory. Thus all these conditions affect
areas involved in olfaction: aging affects frontal structures, Alz-
heimer’s affects piriform cortex in the medial temporal lobe,
Korsakoff ’s affects the thalamus (and possibly medial temporal
lobes), and focal lesions affect frontal or medial temporal lobes.
Finally, for Parkinson’s disease, the role of its affected brain
structures are more difficult to directly link to olfactory function
and deficits here may occur through difficulty in intentional sniff-
ing (see Barz et al., 1997, for an alternative account). Overall, it
appears that brain structures important for olfaction in rats and
monkeys are also important for human olfactory perception.
Within the present theory, lesions in the three main brain areas
discussed above are predicted to spare detection and sensitivity but
impair perception of odor quality as indicated, for example, by
reduced odor discriminability or identification. Before examining
the data it is important to exclude apparent deficits that arise from
two sources. The first, and most obvious, is reduced sensitivity
from damage at the peripheral receptor level (see Varney, 1988).
The second and more subtle source is an inability to perform the
experimental task. This latter concern is very real, because many
disorders of olfaction are associated with impaired explicit-memory function (see Commentary on Assumption 3). Most of
the studies discussed here test for sensitivity changes by compar-
ing olfactory detection thresholds in brain-damaged and normal
participants. However, only a few studies have checked for
generalized-task-performance deficits, and we give these studies
proportionally more weight.
Aging undoubtedly increases olfactory thresholds; older partic-
ipants (50 years or older) typically show lower sensitivity than do
younger participants (e.g., Murphy, 1993; Schiffman, 1993). Older
participants also exhibit reduced suprathreshold discrimination and
identification when compared with younger participants (Cain et
al., 1995; Doty, 1992). This is probably caused both by reduced
sensitivity and by damage to frontal regions. For Alzheimer’s
disease, some studies (e.g., Doty, Reyes, & Gregor, 1987; Morgan,
Nordin, & Murphy, 1995) have identified reduced sensitivity,
whereas others have not (e.g., Kareken et al., 2001; Koss,
Weiffenbach, Haxby, & Friedland, 1988; Rezek, 1987). However,
all studies that have used odor-identification tasks have found
large deficits in such patients, even when nonverbal (picture-
based) procedures were used. More recently, a positron emission
tomography study revealed significant differences in activity be-
tween the piriform cortex of Alzheimer and elderly controls during
odor identification (Kareken et al., 2001), adding further weight to
the argument that impairments arise primarily from damage to
olfactory cortex in the medial temporal lobe.
Some studies have revealed reduced sensitivity in Korsakoff
patients (e.g., P. B. Jones, Butters, Moskowitz, & Montgomery,
1978; Potter & Butters, 1980), but others have not (e.g., Mair,
Capra, McEntree, & Engen, 1980). However, in all of these studies
patients demonstrated reduced discriminability. The study by Mair
et al. (1980) is of particular interest because it also controlled for
more generalized memory deficits. In this study normal controlsand Korsakoff patients performed three short-term recognition
tests, each including several retention intervals. One test used
odors, one used visual stimuli (faces), and one used auditory
stimuli.
In the odor test, at the start of a trial the first odor was presented,
and a second odor followed after a variable delay; the task was to
judge whether this was the same or different from the first odor.
When different from the first, this second odor could be either
similar or dissimilar to the first. There were two main findings.
First, participants in the Korsakoff group were uniformly poorer
than control participants at all time intervals on the odor test —
more so for similar than for dissimilar odor pairs.
Second, on the visual and auditory tests, Korsakoff patients and
controls performed at comparable levels when the comparison was
immediate. However, performance of the Korsakoff group
dropped markedly as the retention interval increased, whereas
performance of the control group was unaffected over the range of
intervals tested. These results imply that damage to the thalamus
(and possibly piriform cortex from damage to the medial temporal
lobes) adversely affects discrimination— consistent with the
present theory. They also suggest that memory and perception
cannot be dissociated as easily for odor perception as they can be
for vision and audition.
The effects of unilateral and bilateral temporal lobectomy have
also been studied. H.M., who received bilateral surgical resection
of the medial temporal lobe (Eichenbaum, Morton, Potter, &
Corkin, 1983), showed broadly normal sensitivity on a range of tests but performed at chance levels when identifying whether two
odors were the same or different and in a matching-to-sample task.
These deficits appear to be limited to olfaction, in that H.M. could
discriminate objects visually and by touch and identify them
(Eichenbaum et al., 1983). Because H.M. lost sizable parts of his
piriform cortex during his resection, these deficits may be attrib-
utable to a loss of the olfactory processing module, insofar as it is
located there.
A further investigation of temporal lobectomy patients was
undertaken by Eskenazi et al. (1983). In Eskenazi et al.’s study
patients with unilateral lobectomies were compared with normal
controls. As with H.M., temporal lobectomy was associated with
significantly impaired discrimination and identification but in this
case with some retained capacity, a probable consequence of
having one intact temporal lobe. There were no differences in
performance between participants with left or right temporal ab-
lations. One should note that we have not discussed hemispheric
differences in olfactory information processing, because the find-
ings to date are inconsistent (see Brand, Millot, & Henquell, 2001)
and differences are small (e.g., Herz, McCall, & Cahill, 1999;
Homewood & Stevenson, 2001).
Damage to prefrontal areas also produces deficits in discrimi-
nation, as reported from at least two studies. Potter and Butters
(1980) tested prefrontal lesioned participants, together with several
comparison groups. The latter was composed of 1 thalamic lesion
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patient, a Korsakoff group, brain damaged controls, and normal
controls. Sensitivity testing revealed some deficits in the Korsakoff
group and enhanced sensitivity in the prefrontal group but no other
difference between groups. All participants were given both a
graded (easy to hard) hue-discrimination test and a graded odor-
discrimination test that was matched for difficulty with the hue
test. Hue discrimination was excellent in all groups, with only aslight deficit being observed in the Korsakoff patients. However,
olfactory discrimination was at chance level for thalamic (except
on the easiest test), prefrontal, and Korsakoff groups but was well
above chance in normal and brain-damaged controls. These find-
ings suggest that loss of discriminative ability in olfaction is not a
consequence of general deficits in performance or sensitivity but is
more likely to reflect the inability of participants to perceive odor
quality following thalamic or prefrontal damage.
In the second study of unilateral cortical lesions, Jones-Gotman
and Zatorre (1988) used the UPSIT to assess odor identification.
They found deficits in groups with frontal and temporal lesions but
not in those with parietal lesions, whose performance was compa-
rable to that of normal controls. There were no group differences
in sensitivity. Identification was typically reduced by about 20% in
the frontal and temporal groups. The relatively small size of this
loss, when compared with H.M.’s total loss, is probably a conse-
quence of the unilateral nature of these lesions.
Two conclusions can be drawn regarding the predictions made
at the start of this section. First, broadly similar brain regions
appear to participate in olfactory information processing in hu-
mans and animals. Second, damage to any of these structures, and
by implication their proposed correlates in the theory, typically
results in a loss of odor-quality perception (discrimination and
identification), often without affecting detection (sensitivity and
intensity). The neuropsychological data also suggest three further
conclusions pertinent to the theory:
1. Disorders of odor-quality perception (discrimination and
identification) are typically comorbid with disorders of
explicit memory (see Commentary on Assumption 3 for
implications).
2. Deficits in the perception of odor quality are not easily
dissociated from deficits in odor memory (this is in
marked contrast to vision and audition and again suggests
the reliance of olfactory information processing on
memory).
3. The only dissociation to emerge (a partial one at that) is
between the perception of odor quality and detectability
(see Commentary on Assumption 2 for implications; butsee West & Doty, 1995, for a contrary view).
Discussion
In this article we present a theory of odor-quality perception that
we believe to be more consistent with the various domains of
recent olfactory research than the stimulus-problem approach that
has driven psychological research for much of the last 100 years.
The nature of the theory and the evidence for it are discussed in
earlier parts of the article and we now turn to a more general
theme, namely, the implications that the theory has for the widely
held view that olfactory perception differs in some fundamental
ways from the other exteroceptive senses.
Emphasis on the unique aspects of olfaction has been common
in recent reviews of research on psychological aspects of odors
(e.g., Herz & Engen, 1996; Richardson & Zucco, 1989; Schab,
1991). We feel that this is wholly justified and that three further
implications from the theory add to this conclusion. In total, sixfeatures of olfaction appear to set it apart from the other senses:
1. Olfaction is primarily a synthetic sense rather than an
analytic sense.
2. Olfaction does not appear to allow imagery.
3. Odor perception relies more heavily on experience than
do other senses.
4. The properties of olfactory memory differ in many ways
from those of other memory systems.
5. The relationship between language and olfaction is far
more constrained than in the other senses.
6. Olfaction has several unusual neuroanatomical features.
Because the last three items in this list have seen fairly extensive
discussion elsewhere (see Herz & Engen, 1996; Richardson &
Zucco, 1989; Schab, 1991), we briefly examine the first three,
which are those derived from our theory.
1. Olfaction as a Synthetic Sense
Both vision and audition are characterized by the ability to
analyze the component features of a complex stimulus, a facility
that improves with practice in both modalities (e.g., Gibson, 1953).Olfaction is different from this in two respects. First, the informa-
tion needed to distinguish between the components of an odor
mixture may not be available, because of the nature of olfactory-
information processing. In contrast, the visual system, for exam-
ple, contains a wide variety of cells in the lateral geniculate
nucleus and striate cortex that are differentially sensitive to a large
range of specific features in the visual world (e.g., Hubel &
Wiesel, 1959). To date, there appears no obvious analogy to these
type of cells in olfaction, and even if they exist, their output does
not appear accessible to consciousness in the same way as visual
information. This is because in the olfactory system there are strict
limits on the number of stimuli that can be identified in an odor
mixture (see Commentary on Assumption 4). Presumably, if fea-
ture information were accessible, such limits would not be in
evidence.
A second and related difference concerns the impact of expertise
on feature detection. In the most careful study of this issue,
Livermore and Laing (1996) observed that experts with many
years experience in perfume and flavor design were no better than
novices in identifying the component parts of odor mixtures (con-
trast this for example with visual feature detection, which mark-
edly improves with practice; see, e.g., Myles-Worsley, Johnston,
& Simons, 1988). This suggests that real physical constraints are
imposed on feature detection in olfaction in a way not encountered
in vision and audition.
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Received June 6, 2001
Revision received June 13, 2002
Accepted June 16, 2002
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