The Worldview of Robert Morris - UEF...Robert Morris – The Case of a Man of Practice in the...

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Transcript of The Worldview of Robert Morris - UEF...Robert Morris – The Case of a Man of Practice in the...

Page 1: The Worldview of Robert Morris - UEF...Robert Morris – The Case of a Man of Practice in the American Revolutionary Era Publications of the University of Eastern Finland Dissertations
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The Worldview of Robert Morris

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Dissertations in Social Sciences and Business Studies No 130

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MARKO JUNKKARINEN

The Worldview of Robert Morris

– The Case of a Man of Practice in the American Revolutionary Era

Publications of the University of Eastern FinlandDissertations in Social Sciences and Business Studies

Itä-Suomen yliopistoYhteiskuntatieteiden ja kauppatieteiden tiedekunta

Joensuu

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Juvenes Print - Suomen Yliopistopaino Oy

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University of Eastern FinlandFaculty of Social Sciences and Business Studies, 2016Publications of the University of Eastern Finland, Dissertations in Social Sciences and Business Studies, no 130

Dissertation

ABSTRACT

-

-

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-

-

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-

--

this thesis is to try to answer the question of whether the notable Philadelphian, -

-

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Itä-Suomen yliopistoYhteiskuntatieteiden ja kauppatieteiden tiedekunta, 2016Publications of the University of Eastern Finland, Dissertations in Social Sciences and Business Studies, no 130

ABSTRAKTI

-linen toiminta Yhdysvaltojen itsenäistymisprosessissa oli jo omana aikanaan

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--

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--

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Esipuhe

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---

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tossa, Yhdysvaltojen synnyn alkulähteillä oli ehkä kaikkein tärkein ajanjakso

--

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ti silloin vielä nuoren assistentin mukaan laitoksen perinteisesti vahvaan toi-

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me ja illanistujaisissa olemme vaihtaneet näkemyksiä historian tulkinnoista

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--

nut paikan epävirallisemmalle tieteelliselle debatille ja virkistystoiminnal-

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--

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Contents

1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................... 15

2 VIEWS TOWARDS AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT .............................................................. 32

3 ETHICS AND SOCIETY ........................................................................ 68

4 CONCLUSIONS ...................................................................................... 77

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................ 83ARTICLES ................................................................................................... 97

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ABBREVIATIONS

DP Deane Papers

PF The Papers of Benjamin Franklin

RFP Reed and Forde Papers

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1 Introduction

1.1 AIMS OF THE STUDY AND SOURCES USED

-

: ”…

”.1

which were established on the basis of his personal worldview, which, in turn,

are -

2 Each person,

3

1

2

3

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-

of the Revolution we must therefore ultimately transcend this problem of moti-

From my point of view, the

The timeframe of this study naturally covers the whole period from the birth -

owner, a benefactor, an investor, a manufacturer, a slave owner, a husband and -

th century North

th -

th

has been the traditional hermeneutical theory of interpretation that has turned

5 Simply put, 6

--

5

6

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up his political views and their evolution, as well as his worldview as an upper-class, aristocratic or elitist politician in a revolutionary movement, and how

-

9

-

-

th -

9

-

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th century

th

-

10 By means of the

11

-12 Before one can

their environment and history because historic forces shape worldviews, which -

13

-

10

11

12

13

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th

-

will present the basic idea of each article in the order of their publication, except

th

th

th

-

this thesis is to try to answer the question of whether the notable Philadelphian, -

--

-

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-15 Sources from earlier

-

-

th

th

-16

problems, if one knew the composition of his library, but it became evident that

-

15 -

-

16

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th century

naive to believe that the real situation was always as hopeless as documents lead

-

at the same time admit that much of the worldview of anyone is in the eye of the 19

1.2 MERCHANT AND STATESMAN

-

19

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20

21

22

-

-

23

20

21

th

22

23

th th th th

th th

th

th th

January 16th th

th

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-

25

colonists, the Townshend duties were barely more acceptable than the previ-

-

th 26

name was known everywhere from West Indies to Europe and his wealth was con-

25

26

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, where he

-

29

-

30 Robert

31 -

32

independence, perhaps for commercial and personal reasons and because he was

-

33

29

th th

th th th

30

31

nd

th

32

33

th

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-

should have been solved so that the Revolution would have carried on to a proba-35

-

36

-

The last of the conditions was the hard-

39

-

th

th

35

36

39 th

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1.3 THE RESEARCH TRADITION

For the most part, the -

was not such a learned man, does not mean that his worldview is not worth of

.46

th

Revolution, whether political, economic, social, or diplomatic, must take into consideration the career

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-

th -

-

-tions are seen from the standpoint of the end result, a questionable method for a

Thirdly, it is a common practice in the area of history of ideas to concentrate

fourth one of the weaknesses in the research tradition, we can say, is the simi-

-

-tion is not comprehensive but I believe it provides a short introduction to a wider

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th

-.

whose broad shoulders rested a portion of the western world or the immediate 50

-

51

-

was not a professional historian, had similar problems, because he did not have

-

secondly, -

52 On the whole, -

terpretation, and in a way he can be seen as a typical representative of national -

50

51

52

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tional heroes was a typical tendency from the turn of the 19th to the 20th 53

In the middle of the 20th

. It is descrip-

, is quite

55

-

into a wider context, the rise of modern capitalism and nationalism, but its purpose

56

-

53

-

55

56

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-

The latest book

-

-

59

-

of his contributions to common revolutionary cause has been seen remarkable and -

60

-

59

60

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61 The last and

-62 Dictatorship

63 One histo-

as a virtual prime minister and the dominant leader of a nationalist faction must

65 Some scholars have cursorily tried to evaluate his skills as a businessman and

-66

61

62

63

65

nd

66

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2 Views towards American revolution and system of government

2.1 MODERATE MORRIS

th century was not simple,

-

-

69

To be honest, that was not

69

th

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The aims of the merchants were partly and so most of the colonist merchants saw

In this set-

-

-

th

19th

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Philadelphia merchants had not taken part in politics before the Revolution, at

Just be--

-

This kind of almost unreserved admiration for the mother country raises a

--

-

commercial house, of course partly for practical reasons, had not adopted a pure ” -

pily embroiled” The previous claim is supported by the fact that only a couple -

February 26th

th

th

th

th

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step by step he started to realize that the friendly solution for the crisis seemed

-

-

Nevertheless,

- For

Even at

-

th

June 5th st

th th

th

th

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th

90

91

--

but one of the reasons, besides pure patriotism, could have been that his personal 92

2.2 “FEDERAL GOVERNMENT SHOULD BE STRENGTHENED”93

-

-

The concept

-95

96 Earlier historians have

90 th

91

92 th th th

93

th

th th

95

96

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moderates who were in two minds and conservatives, who still hoped for recon-

was a question of internal policies rather than any kind of loyalism toward the

-pendence was an honest worry of the consequences of the revolutionary move-

.

99 Nationalism and a sort of internationalism were present

-

100

101 --

.

102 On the level of the Pennsylvania State admin-

99

100

101 th

102 th

th

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103 But a satisfactory ex-

-

-

105 When

-

-

106

103

th

th th

105

106 th

th

John Hancock, December 16th th

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-

weak, the power if any there be, is placed in improper hands and in short the

109

-

110

111 There could have been

112

when he was the Senator for Pennsylvania, his opinion was even more clearly put -

Pennsylvania, because from his point of view, they would have been unfavorable

th

109 th

110 th

111 th

112 th

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113

115

-

not proper, but he did not determine more accurately what kind of objects were 116

-

113 th th

th th

th

th

th th

9th th

115

116 rd

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prominent member of the so-called Republican Society, which was founded in In prac-

-

119 Disputes of a private, partial and local nature should be put aside 120

-

-

121 Firstly, the expenditures

122 The new executive departments with more independent

-123

-

-

-

119

th

th

120 th

121 th

122 th

th

123 th

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125

.126

--

-

He was aware of the fact that the

129

130

-

131

Sometimes the aspiration for union reached a suspicious nature, for example, when he hoped that the war be carried on until people realize the need for a

125

126 th

th

129 th

12th th

th

130 th

131 th

th th th

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132

133 When the war carried on, the bond be-tween the States was weak, but also more solid, because of the exterior compres-

135

Thomas Paine, had earlier presented similar ideas, such as the importance of the 136 From this perspec-

-

because of the pursuits of

139

132 th

th

133 th

16th

th

135 th

th

136

th

139 th

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subdued under despotism,-

War, became especially convinced that the United States should avoid all pos-

-

-

-

and their One historian has, in his careful analysis,

-

th

th

th

th

th

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allies and family friends with shared views, they hardly ever deliberated upon political or economic standpoints in their mutual correspondence. In one undated

so

-

-

-

150

-

th

th

st

th

st

th

-

th

150 th

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151

There is no doubt that he still supported the endeavors of the Federalists and -

152 Nevertheless, he never completely lost his interest in

153

called nationalists or federalists, and those who wanted the States to maintain -

If we take under consideration the men in 155

-

-156, irrespective of his sympathies for

.

151

th

th

th

152 th

-

153 th

-

155

156

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-tentious States and the incoherent spheres of responsibilities, were factors that

-but as the war advanced,

-

159 Some contemporaries, like

160

became convinced of the necessity of independence far earlier, apart from the fact 161 Despite of their dif-

162

2.3 PROPERTY RIGHTS AND TAXATION

Innumerable are the historical studies, which emphasize the threat of taxation as

163

-

159

160

161

162

163 th

th

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tion, and whether federal taxation was one of them, cannot be uncovered from

-165

-

166

Thirdly, the theses of liberalism were also visible in his views on commercial

169

-nial circumstances consisted of central administration, which could overcome

When he accepted the post

165

166 th

th

th

169 st

th th

th

th

th

th

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States would not have been able to pay its past debts to domestic creditors and at

Firstly, from his point of view, taxation was useful to a certain point, because it

-ported a plan to construct a canal between Susquehanna and Schuylkill rivers,

-

-

-

In

th

th

-

-

th

th

th

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-

-

th th centuries on both On one occasion he just mentioned that he was a lit-

-

.

.

On October the 30th

-

th

July 10th

th

th

th

th

th

th

th

th

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-th

and French political economists, and the contemporary debate in the colonies

190 it was Hamilton who

--

191

192

th

190

-

th

th

191

192

th

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193 However, in principal it is worth

195

ideas with some laissez-faire emphasis, it was still self-evident to them that the

196 -

th

a national mantra that even threatened the process of the independence, because

2.4 WHAT KIND OF GOVERNMENT? – MORRIS’ PHILOSOPHYOF SOCIETY

199 When

193

195

196

199

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.

200 -

-

of his close friend, James Wilson, who, himself, was quite an esteemed theorist 201 -

-

202

203 Justice

. In his opinion,

-time situation, where his experiences had showed him that it would be the most

205

206

-

200 th

201 th th

202 th

203

th

th

205 th

206

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and that democratic trends

is noteworthy that but he did not, from my point of view, unilaterally support ei- We cannot be totally sure which

-

209

-

there could be some truth to the statement, because Edward Thornton had lived

th

209

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210 --

211

212

213

- However, William

215

-

216 Parallels to French philoso-

210 st

211 rd

st

212 th th

th

213 th

215 nd

216

rd

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But it is

th

-

, 219

be the foundation for the

in the 220

221

main concern in many practical political questions, for example, taxation must 222 He also

th

th

219 th

220 th

th th

221

222

th

th

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223 The society, in which every

-

allow all men

to see that his actions were not always consistent with the rules he had person-ally laid. In addition to his private contracts 225

of the Bank

The question was, how independent and private really was its position from the

Revolutionary war, which was true, but if it was a completely private enterprise why did he not see any contradiction when

226

-

-

For example, -

. -

-

223 th

th

225

226 th

th

st th th

th

st

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-229

between

,

. The truth was an essential

230

-

231

-tion because of his doubtful businesses, he had defended publicly in the news-

232

233

235

-

229

230

th

th th

st

30th

231 st

232 th

233 th

st

th

th

st

235

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236 The publicity was also -

The nature of these cases was not fully compatible but even so it is possible to

-

-tary sources show that he supported a tripartition of power in the spirit of the

239 --

-

-

236

5th

th

th

st

th

239 th

th

st th

th

nd

th

th

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but that, in turn, would be an impossible mission if the people did not recipro-

-

-

-

-

-tion is reasonable even compared to modern ideas, but the next, moral state is

The political section consisted of the practiced constitutions, the nature of local -

development of production, the connections, the amount of exports and imports,

section he wanted information for the purposes of national defence, such as the

th th

th th

th -th

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-

-

in a value-

250 -

-

251

252 It was a common idea that without property

th

th

th th th

19th nd

th

st

250

251 th

252 th

th

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there was 253 When people were convinced that their property was secured by the state, the spirit of enterprise would increase, and

the bank debates in should

-

-255

256

principles of the primary

ready to defend his property and personal inviolability from any invasion of privacy, even by means

-

259

260 -

253 th

th

255

256 th

th

rd th

th

259 th

th

260 nd

th

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261

-

-262

also aware of the fact that without a standardized monetary system between the 263

-erty into the hands of the worthiest part of society, public welfare would increase

.265

266 The relationship between -

resentatives freely chosen and was controlled by those by whom they were ap-

solutions did not have the trust of the people, the situation would be unbearable, -

261

262 th

July 13th

15th th

1st

th

th

263 th

November 20th

th

265 th

266 th

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-

-

269

--

If his statements were taken literally, he would -

. Even

-

th

October 16th

269

of the 20th

th

th

st

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-

The

-

-

-

-

the state--increases its wealth--and adds -

th

th

th

th

th

th

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-

It is noteworthy that in the issue of the charter,

In his excuse, he publicly

He explicitly stated that he saw him-

th

th

th nd

th

th

nd th

th

st

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-

th

-

rd

th

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3 Ethics and society

3.1 PRIVATE OR PUBLIC GOOD?

-

th

-290

-

291

-

290

th th

291 th

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example if the roles of a businessman and politician were confused, and this 292 He also dis-

-293

.

295

296 both at the public and pri-

His stay in

forces, depended in reasonable certainty as much on private business as public There was no doubt that

292 th

293 th

nd

th -

295 th

296

th

th

th

th th

th th

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299

300

, and he had come forth into 301

th

302

303

-

305

306 But

299 th

th th

th

th

th

300 th

301 th

th

302 th

303

th

305

306 th

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, His private and public

but

309 From the perspec-

-310

-

th th

th

th th th

June 3rd

th

309 th -

th

th

310

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311

3.2 THE ROLES OF SUPERINTENDENT OF FINANCE AND MERCHANT

contracts with private merchants was surely seen as suspicious because the con-312

313

-

- The past, unfortunate experiences

315 -

viction of personal independence if he had been forced to reject his own pursuits,

-316 It was an

311

312

313

th

th

315 th

316 th

th

th

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quit private trade,

private -nancial losses partly because contracts were not actively pursued at that particular moment, but he undoubtedly

319 the

power for the sake of it was to

320 321

322

323 From my perspective, the motive that connected

-325

was the past British policy towards the

th

th

319

320

th

321

322 th

323 th

325

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326 But one must keep in mind,

-

salaries, they acted under their own names and sometimes they were expected to th century, public life was not

so far apart from private as it is nowadays,

-

329

330

331

his six-year term in the Senate had ended, he concentrated totally on his private,

326

th th

th

th

th th

th

th

329

330

331 th nd

rd

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332 -

333

-

335

-

336 To calm down the

-

-

332 th th

th

333 th

th

335

336 th th

th

-th

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339

339 th

July 29th

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4 Conclusions

-

-

empirical

and information to make a

th Even by modern standards,

continent,

their social, cultural as well as the pursuit of self-interest in the free market and the reciprocal interaction of in-

overstatement to

quite complex economical contributions that would not have been possible with-

th

nd

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bound to cultural stereotypes and practices as most of his contemporaries still

-ternational thinkers and actors who viewed the world as a connected series of

- and

- -

-

been bred to that Business, and have followed it, in Peace and in War, in a military and commercial

th

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But why, if he was so clever, did he end up bankrupt, like many of his contem-

-

th

350

-

-

350

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-

351

He explicitly expressed his devotion to majority rule based on democratic

-

- was not necessarily dependent

-

-

th

was based upon the interaction of European ideas and models coupled with the

351 st

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completely systematic nor always consistent, and they were drawn from many

-

352 When most of his fellow politicians appealed to theories formulated by authorities of

-

353

But another aspect that should be kept

a common standpoint that people who lived in the colonies were peripheral and

352

353

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-

The primary purpose of this study has been to reconstruct some parts of the th

-th

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Bibliography

SOURCES

I PUBLISHED PRIMARY SOURCES: Library of University of Eastern Finland

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University of Pennsylvania Library

-

II UNPUBLISHED PRIMARY SOURCES

Historical Society of Pennsylvania

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th

th st

st th

Queens College

University of Pennsylvania Library

nd th

st th

III NEWSPAPERS

Library of University of Eastern Finland

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Jakobstad, 1996

1991

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York, Oxford University Press, 1999

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Press, 1993

Press, 1993

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1961

University Press, 1999

1950

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Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991

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University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002

Journal of Numismatics, 2nd

Westminster, Broadway Books, 2003

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-

New Haven, Yale University Press, 1993

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th

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Articles

MAAILMANKUVATUTKIMUS HISTORIAN ”APUTIETEENÄ”.

LIVING AN AMERICAN LIFESTYLE IN 18TH CENTURY PHILADELPHIA – ROBERT MORRIS, PROSPEROUS MERCHANT AND FAMILY MAN.

IMAGES ON SOCIO-ETHNIC GROUPS IN ROBERT MOR-RIS’S WORLDVIEW.

ROBERT MORRIS’S COMMERCIAL VISION DURING THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

REASON AND RELIGION DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD: ROBERT MORRIS’S VIEWS ON OMNIPOTENCE AND THE AFTERLIFE.

The articles are republished both in the printed and in the electronical version of

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MARKO JUNKKARINEN

Maailmankuva-tutkimus historian ”aputieteenä”Maailmankuvan käsitettä käytetään laajasti sekä arkikielessä että tieteellisissä esityksis-sä. Historia ei muodosta tässä suhteessa poikkeusta. Usein käsitteen tarkempi mää-rittely tai sen tarjoamat metodiset mahdol-lisuudet jäävät vähemmälle pohdinnalle. Marko Junkkarinen esittelee maailmankuva-tutkimuksen mahdollisuuksia historiatieteen näkökulmasta.

■ Markku Hyrkkänen käsittelee laajastivuonna 2002 ilmestyneessä kirjassaan Aate-

historian mieli mentaliteetin ja maailman-kuvan merkitystä historiantutkimuksessa.Yhdyn hänen käsitykseensä siitä, että men-taliteettihistorialle ja historialliselle maail-mankuvatutkimukselle ei ole löydettävissäyksiselitteisiä määritelmiä; jokaisen tutkijanon itse formuloitava ne tutkimusteeman ja– ongelman mukaan. Vaikka kiistattomiakäsitteenmäärittelyjä onkin harvoin löydet-tävissä, ei se anna tutkijalle oikeutta sivuut-taa aiheesta käytyä käsitehistoriallista ja-teoreettista keskustelua. Keskeisten käsit-teiden määrittely ei voi olla pelkästääntutkijan omista lähtökohdista ja tutkimus-tehtävästä riippuvainen. Vuoropuhelu maa-ilmankuvatutkimuskentän kanssa tieteen-alasta riippumatta tarjoaa tutkijalle hyvät lähtökohdat oman näkökulman modifioin-tiin ja perusteluihin. Lisäksi kun maailman-kuva-käsitteen laajuus ja sisältö vaihteleetieteenaloittain ja tieteiden sisälläkin huo-mattavasti.

Hyrkkänen keskittää mielenkiintonsamaailmankuvan ja mentaliteetin väliseensuhteeseen lähinnä funktionalistiselta kan-nalta. Hän myöntääkin avoimesti, ettei täs-sä yhteydessä ryhdy etsimään mitään maail-mankuvan kiistatonta määritelmää, vaantukeutuu lähinnä Juha Mannisen määritte-

lyyn. Maailmankuvatutkimusta tekevällekäsitteen historia, kansainväliset poikkitie-teelliset määrittelyt ja niiden soveltaminenomassa tutkimuksessa saattavat avata mah-dollisuuksia tuoreisiin oivalluksiin, jotkaeivät ole pelkällä kotimaisella ja historiatie-teeseen nojaavalla keskustelulla saavutetta-vissa.

Suurin osa maailmankuvatutkimuksentraditiosta nojaa muihin oppialoihin kuinhistoriaan, kuten esimerkiksi kulttuuriant-ropologiaan, psykologiaan, kasvatustietee-seen, sosiologiaan, filosofiaan ja kirjalli-suustieteeseen. Jos tutkii maailmankuvaa,on tiedettävä mitä se käsitteenä pitää sisäl-lään ja miten sitä on määritelty. Tutkijan onymmärrettävä peruskäsitteidensä historial-lisuus ja kiistanalaisuus, kuten vastikäänilmestyneessä Suomen poliittisen kulttuurin

käsitehistorian johdannossakin todetaan.1

Monet tieteenalat käyttävät maailmanku-va-käsitettä varsin vapaasti ja useimmitentarkemmin määrittelemättä mitä sillä tarkoi-tetaan. Esittelen lyhyesti, miten olen hyö-dyntänyt maailmankuva-käsitettä omassa1700-luvun Yhdysvaltain aatehistoriaa kä-sittelevässä tutkimuksessani. Samalla tuonesiin eri tieteenalojen maailmankuva -ter-min käsittelytapoja lähinnä kansainvälisentutkimuksen kautta.2 Ekskursion tavoitteenaon osoittaa kuinka tärkeä osa maailmanku-vatutkimuksella on inhimillisen kulttuurinymmärtämisen kokonaisuudessa. Tarkoituk-senani ei ole lisätä maailmankuvatutkimus-ta tekevien tutkijoiden ahdistusta määritel-mien moninaisuudella ja ristiriitaisuuksilla,vaan tarjota aineksia ”oman” määritelmänlöytämiselle. Ei ole olemassa yhtä, tyhjen-tävää maailmankuvan määritelmää, jota voi-si soveltaa yleispätevästi tieteenalasta jatutkimusasetelmasta riippumatta.3

1. Matti Hyvärinen et al. (toim.) (2003) Käsitteet liik-keessä. Suomen poliittisen kulttuurin käsitehistoria,Tampere: Vastapaino, 10.2. Laajempaan maailmankuvatutkimukseen liittyvääntutkimusperinteeseen, erityisesti käsitteellisestä näkö-kulmasta, voi esimerkiksi tutustua osoitteessa http://www.dbu.edu/naugle/pdf/worldview_bibliography.pdf3. Luonnontieteellisen maailmankuvan, jossa lähtö-kohtana on perinteisesti vain tieteellisin menetelminhankitun tiedon luotettavuus, käsittelemisen olen täs-sä yhteydessä tietoisesti jättänyt pois.

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”Maailmankuvan esihistoria” – saksalaiset romantikot ja filosofitMielestäni maailmankuvatutkimuksen pe-ruslähtökohta on selvittää itselleen ja valitatutkimustradition kautta sellainen maail-mankuvan määritelmä, joka parhaiten tukeeomaa tutkimusasetelmaa. Vaikka kyseessäolisikin historiatieteellinen tutkimus, on it-sestään selvää ettei määritelmien perustak-si riitä pelkästään yhden tieteenalan tutki-musperinteen hallitseminen. Käsitteen his-torian tuntemuksestakin voi olla paljonhyötyä.

Maailmankuva (Weltanschauungen) -kä-site on peräisin saksalaisesta kirjallisuudes-ta romantiikan aikakaudella.4 Ensimmäisenäkäyttäjänä pidetään Immanuel Kantia(1724–1804) vuonna 1790 teoksessaan Ar-vostelmakyvyn kritiikki (Kritik der Urteils-

kraft), jossa maailmankuva käsitettiin lähin-nä maailman tutkiskeluksi ja pohdiskeluksiaistihavaintoja hyväksi käyttäen. 1800-luvunalussa saksalaisen romantiikan edustajat ku-ten Johan G. Fichte (1762–1814) ja FriedrichSchelling (1775–1854) käyttivät myös maail-mankuva-käsitettä; ensin mainittu pitkältisamassa merkityksessä kuin Kant, muttajälkimmäinen paljon teoreettisemmassamerkityksessä. Schellingille maailmankuvaoli tietoinen apuväline ymmärtää ja tulkitaympäröivää universumia ja olioita. MartinHeidegger (1889–1976) onkin myöhemmintodennut, että Schellingin käyttämässä mer-kityksessä kuvaavampi termi olisi maailma-perspektiivi tai maailmanperspektiivi.5 Kes-keistä oli kuitenkin käsitteen merkityksenmuuttuminen aistihavaintojen tasolta tiedol-lisen pohdinnan tasolle 1800-luvun loppuunmennessä. Samalla käsitettä alettiin pohtiamyös germaanisen tiedemaailman ulkopuo-lella.6

Romantikkojen ohella maailmankuvanmäärittelyyn osallistuivat saksalaisen filoso-fian edustajat G. W. F. Hegelistä (1770–1831) Friedrich Nietzscheen (1844–1900).Hegelille maailmankuvalla oli tärkeä sijahänen historianfilosofisessa kokonaisnäke-myksessään. Yksinkertaistaen maailmanku-vat, sekä yksilölliset että kansalliset, olivat Hegelille maailmanhengen ilmentymiä his-torian dialektiikassa. Saksalaisen kielialueen

ulkopuolella ensimmäisiä maailmankuvastatai paremminkin elämänkuvasta kiinnostu-neita filosofeja oli Sören Kierkegard (1813–55), joka näki maailmankuvan elämän tar-koituksen ja merkityksen ymmärtämisenvälineenä. Saksalaisessa tieteellisessä kes-kustelussa 1800-luvun lopulla muodostuiuusi aatteellinen suunta, elämänfilosofia(lebensphilosophie), joka syvensi maailman-kuvakeskustelua. Yksi tunnetuimmista kou-lukunnan edustajista oli Wilhelm Dilthey (1833–1911). Modernin hermeneutiikan pe-rustajaksi luonnehdittu saksalainen filosofioli myös ensimmäinen tutkija, joka teoreti-soi Weltanschauungen-termiä modernissamerkityksessä. Yksinkertaisuudessaan hänmääritteli maailmankuvan seuraavasti: se oliyksilön reaktio siihen millainen maailmapitäisi olla tai millaiseksi sen pitäisi tulla –eräänlainen tosiasioiden, arvojen ja pää-määrien synteesi.7 Jokaisella yksilöllä on

4. Maailmankuvan rinnastamista Weltanschauungen-käsitteeseen voi jossain mielessä pitää ongelmallisena,sillä tutkijat pitävät sitä enemmänkin maailmankatso-muksen synonyymina. Ks. esim. Pauli Annala (1998)’Ihme – köyhän miehen lottovoitto’, Teologinen aika-kauskirja, no. 8, 491–492. Weltbild tai Weltauffasungovat esim. Von Wrightin (1997) käyttämiä käännöksiämaailmankuvalle. Kuitenkin englanninkielinen worldview -termi käännetään usein joko maailmankuvaksitai -katsomukseksi. Mielestäni maailmankuva käsitteenmerkitys on laajempi ja siihen voi sisällyttää mm. maa-ilmankatsomuksen ja ideologian. Maailmankuva onyksilötasolla mielekkäämpi, sillä se on jokaisella, kuntaas muut edellä mainitut vaativat aktiivista merkityk-sellistämistä.5. Martin Heidegger (1982, c1927) The Basic Problems of Phenomenology, Indiana University Press, 4–5. Myös Hegel, Ranke ja Schleiermacher käyttivät maailmanku-va-käsitettä pienemässä määrin. Ks. Karl-Siegbert Reh-Ks. Karl-Siegbert Reh-berg, (1999) ’”W” und Menschenbilder- zur Verfallsge-schichte eines Begriffes’, teoksessa Johannes Rohbeck(toim.) Philosophie und Weltanschauungen, Dresden:Thelem, Univ.Verl., 67. Hanna Barbara Gerl-Falkovitz (1999) ’Weltanschauung, Romano Guardinis Konzep-tion’, teoksessa Johannes Rohbeck (toim.) Philosophie und Weltanschauungen, Dresden: Thelem, Univ.Verl.,103. Martin Heidegger (1985, c1936) Schelling’s Trea-tise on the Essence of Human Freedom, Athens: OhioUniversity Press, 17–18 & Rüdiger Zill (1999) ’Gebro-chene Strahlen, zersplitterte Spiegel. Zur Partikulari-sierung der Weltbetrachtung’, teoksessa Johannes Roh-beck (toim.) Philosophie und Weltanschauungen,Dresden: Thelem, Univ.Verl., 185–190.6. David K. Naugle (2002) Worldview. The history of the concept, Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Pu-bishing Company, 61, 64.7. Hajo Holborn (1968) ’The History of Ideas’,. Hajo Holborn (1968) ’The History of Ideas’, The American Historical Review, vol. 73, no. 3, 688.

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toisin sanoen kokonaisvaltainen tulkinta-tai merkitysrakenne elämästään ja sen suh-teesta ympäröivään maailmaan.8 Diltheynmukaan maailmankuva muuttuu kulttuuri-en, ajanjaksojen, ilmaston rodun, kansalli-suuden ja valtiollisen kehityksen mukaan.Maailmankuva oli Diltheylle siis historiantuottama konstruktio.9 Ajatuksen pääpirteis-sään jakoi myös Friedrich Nietszche, jokapiti maantieteellistä sijaintia ja historiallistakontekstia tärkeimpinä maailmankuvanmuokkaajina.10

Fenomenologia ja eksistenssi-filosofia maailmankuvan rakentajinaTultaessa 1900-luvulle keskustelu maailman-kuvateemasta kiihtyi. Edmund Husserl (1859–1938), fenomenologian perustajaksi luon-nehdittu, jatkoi pitkälti oppi-isänsä Diltheynideologista perintöä, mutta toi oman lisänsämaailmankuvan määrittelyyn. Husserlin mu-kaan maailmankuva on aikakausi- ja mil-jöösidonnainen, jatkuvasti muuttuva. Taide,uskonto ja yhteiskunta ovat kokonaisuuk-sia, joiden kautta vallitsevaa maailmanku-vaa voidaan hahmottaa. Maailmankuvanhenkilökohtaisuus ja yksilöllisyys ovat hä-nen teoriansa peruslähtökohtia.11

Saksassa 1920-luvulla vaikuttanut filoso-finen suuntaus, eksistenssifilosofia, ryhtyipohtimaan ihmisen olemisen problematiik-kaa. Maailmankuvalla oli siinä keskeinenosansa. Koulukunnan edustajat Karl Jaspers (1883–1969) ja Martin Heidegger (1889–1976) pohtivat myös maailmankuvaa. Jas-persille maailmankuva ilmeni ytimekkäästimaailman ymmärtämisen kuvana ja asentei-den kombinaationa, joka on jatkuvassa liik-keessä ja muutoksessa. Heidegger on teok-sessaan Die Grundprobleme der Phänome-

nologie on käsitellyt maailmankuvan suh-detta filosofiaan. Hänen mukaansa filoso-fialla on merkittävä rooli maailmankuvanvälitysprosessissa. Heidegger liittää maail-mankuvan ja maailmassa olevan ihmissub-jektin, Daseinin, toisiinsa. Maailmankuvakuuluu jokaiseen Daseiniin ja määrittyy ai-van kuin Dasein itse historiallisessa kon-tekstissa.12 Tästä näkökulmasta maailman-kuva on yksinkertaisesti ihmisen filosofinen

ajattelu ja kokonaisvaltainen käsitys elämäs-tä. Maailmankuva on kuin työkalu, jokaauttaa ihmistä ymmärtämään paikkansamaailmassa. Se voi pohjautua esimerkiksipohjautuen taikauskoon tai tieteelliseen tie-toon, mutta silti sitä voidaan kutsua maail-mankuvaksi.13 Heidegger on samaa mieltäedeltäjiensä kanssa ympäristön keskeisestäroolista maailmankuvan muodostajana.14

Saksalaisessa historiantutkimuksen traditi-ossa käsitehistorialla onkin ollut keskeinenrooli. Maailmankuvan filologista alkuperääja määrittelyjä on tutkittu 1900-luvun alustanäihin päiviin saakka.15

Amerikkalaisen antropologian esiinmarssiAmerikkalaisessa antropologian tutkimus-perinteessä maailmankuvan määrittelyä onharrastettu 1950-luvulta lähtien. Robert Red-

Michael Ermath (1981, c1978) Wilhelm Dilthey: The Critique of Historical Reason, Chicago: University ofChicago Press, 325.8. Ermarth (1981) 119.9. Wilhelm Dilthey (1976) ’The Types of World-view and their Development in the Metaphysical Systems’,teoksessa H.P. Rickman (toim.) Wilhelm Dilthey. Se-lected Writing,, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 139. Gerhard Schönrich (1999) ’Weltanschauungals faule Vernunft’, teoksessa Johannes Rohbeck(toim.) Philosophie und Weltanschauung. Dresden:Thelem, Univ.-Verl., 41. Ermath (1981) 324–326. Kai-Ermath (1981) 324–326. Kai-kesta huolimatta hän ei väittänyt, että maailmankuvanmuodostuminen on riippuvainen pelkästään ajasta jaolosuhteista; yksilön persoonallisuus on myös vaikut-tamassa. Ks. Ermarth (1981) 326. Dilthey näki, että oliolemassa kolmenlaisia maailmankuvia: naturalistisia,subjektiivisen idealistisia ja objektiivisen idealistisia.Ks. myös Peter L. Berger & Thomas Luckmann (1994,c1966) The Social Construction of Reality, Helsinki:Like. p.17. Diltheyn ideoista verrattuna Max PlanckinWelt-bildiin, ks. Herbert W. Gernand & W. Jay Reedy (1986) ’Planck, Kuhn and Scientific Revolutions’, Jour-nal of the History of Ideas, vol.47, no.3, 472–473.10. Naugle (2002) 101.11. Edmund Husserl (1981) ’Philosophy as Rigorous Science’, teoksessa Peter McCormick & Frederick A.Elliston (toim.) Husserl. Shorter Works. Notre Dame:University of Notre Dame Press, 186, 190–191, 195.12. Heidegger (1982, c1927), 3–4, 7–10. Heidegger onsamaa mieltä Diltheyn kanssa siitä, että maailmankuvaaivan kuin Dasein määrittyy pääosin ympäristötekijöis-tä.13. Richard Rorty (1992) ’Heidegger, Contingency, andRichard Rorty (1992) ’Heidegger, Contingency, andPragmatism,’ teoksessa Hubert Dreyfus & HarrisonHall (toim.) Heidegger: A Critical Reader,. Cambridge:Blackwell Publishers, 219. Schönrich (1999) 37.Schönrich (1999) 37.14. Naugle (2002) 159–161.Naugle (2002) 159–161.15. Ks. Naugle (2002) 56–57.Ks. Naugle (2002) 56–57.

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field (1897–1958) näki maailmankuvannäyttämönä, jolla jokainen yksilö näkee it-sensä, muut ja ”puhuu vuorosanansa”. Ih-minen organisoi ja strukturoi kaiken olevanmaailmankuvansa avulla. Clifford Geertz (s. 1923) lähestyy maailmankuvan käsitettäantropologisesta näkökulmasta. Hänellemaailmankuva on yksilön kuva (picture)

siitä, kuinka asiat ovat todellisuudessa. Sii-hen kuuluvat yksilön käsitykset luonnosta,itsestä, yhteiskunnasta ja ”toisesta”.16 Ken-neth Boulding (1910–93) määrittelee maa-ilmankuvan konkreettiseksi kognitiiviseksirungoksi, jonka yksilö voi tuoda esiin kos-mologian, filosofian, etiikan, uskonnollisenrituaalin ja tieteellisten uskomustensa kaut-ta. Tästä rungosta huolimatta suurin vai-keus maailmankuvan tutkimisessa Bouldin-gin mukaan on kuitenkin sen implisiittinenluonne.17

Kolmannen näkökulman maailmankuva-tutkimuksen problematiikkaan tarjoaaW. T. Jones (s. 1910). Uskomus on hänenteoriansa keskuskäsite. Tiivistäen Jones pi-tää maailmankuvaa lähinnä joukkona usko-muksia. Tavallisesti nämä uskomukset pys-tytään selvittämään analysoimalla merkityk-siä, jotka ovat useimmiten piilevinä persoo-nan käyttäytymisessä. Kaikessa toiminnassaon piilomerkityksiä, jotka paljastuvat vaintarkalla havainnoinnilla. Jones haluaa kiin-nittää huomiota siihen, että maailmanku-vaan sisältyvät kaikki inhimilliset kokemuk-set, joilla on oma rooli inhimillisen koke-muksen selittämisessä. Maailmankuva onikään kuin joukko erilaisia tekijöitä yksilönuskomuskentässä.18

Neljäs antropologisesta tutkimusperin-teestä tuleva määritelmä on Michael Kear-neyn tutkimuksiin pohjaava. Hänen mu-kaansa maailmankuvatutkimuksen tehtävä-nä tulisi olla vaikeasti havaittavien käsitys-ten paljastaminen todellisuuden luonteesta.Näiden käsitysten ymmärtämiseksi tarvitaankognitiivisia kategorioita, joista maailman-kuvan eri ulottuvuudet rakentuvat. Näitäovat muun muassa minä, toinen, suhde,luokittelu, tila, aika ja kausaalisuus.19 Maail-mankuva itsessään Kearneyn mukaan ra-kentuu piileviin oletuksiin, arvoihin, ihmis-luontoon, luontoon, yliluonnolliseen, py-

hään, maalliseen, uskomuksiin, uskonnol-lisiin asenteisiin, persoonien välisiin suhtei-siin ja maantieteelliseen ympäristöön.20

Yksinkertaistaen yksilön maailmankuvakoostuu tavasta miten hän ajattelee itses-tään, luonnosta, tilasta ja ajasta. Yksilönlisäksi maailmankuva on mahdollista mää-rittää myös ryhmille. Tästä näkökulmastamaailmankuva rakentuu joukosta käsityksiäja oletuksia maailmasta.21 Folkloristiikanalalla maailmankuva on viimeaikaisessakansainvälisessä keskustelussa nähty yksi-lökeskeisestä näkökulmasta. EsimerkiksiLinda Déghin (s. 1920) mukaan maailman-kuva on todellisuuden kokonaistulkinta,joka pohjautuu yksilön kokemuksiin ja ha-vaintoihin.22

Maailmankuva uskontotieteessä ja psykologiassaUskontotieteessä maailmankuvatutkimuk-sella on ollut merkittävä sija. Protestantti-sella, katolisella ja ortodoksisella kirkollaon ollut omanlaisensa tulkintansa kristilli-sen maailmankuvan muotoutumisesta jakäsitteellistämisestä jo 1800-luvulta lähti-en.23 Uskontotieteilijöiden keskuudessamaailmankuvaa on määritelty myös filoso-fisista lähtökohdista. Siinä maailmankuvajäsentyy metafyysiseen, epistemologiseen jaeettiseen ulottuvuuteen ja on tiukasti sidot-tu yksilön uskomusmaailmaan.24 Uskonnol-lisessa kontekstissa maailmankuva voidaannähdä myös kokonaisselityksenä maailman-

16. Clifford Geertz (1973) ’Ethos, World view, and theAnalysis of Sacred Symbols’, teoksessa Clifford Geertz (1973) Interpretation of Cultures. Selected Essays, New York: Basic Books, 127.17. Kenneth Boulding (1956) The Image: Knowledge in Life and Society, Ann Arbor: University of MichiganPress, 143.18. W. T. Jones (1972) ’World Views: Their Nature andTheir Function’, Current Anthropology, vol. 13, no. 1,79–81.19. Kearney (1984) 1,10,41–42.20. Katso Kearney (1975) 247–270.21. Kearney (1984) 1,10,41–42.22. Linda Dégh (1994) ’The Approach to Worlview inFolk Narrative Study’, Western Folklore 53, 246.23. Ks. Naugle (2002) 4–45.24. Michael Peterson, William Hasker, Bruce Reichen-bach, David Basinger (1998) Reason & Religious Belief. An Introduction to the Philosophy of Religion,, New York: Oxford University Press, 48, 55.

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Ranskan tiedeakatemian sihteeri Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle mietiskelee maailmojen moninai-suutta. Värikaiverrus J. F. J. Swebachin mukaan 1700-luvulta. Suomen Kuvapalvelu/Bridgemen Art Library.

kaikkeudesta.25 Uusimmassa amerikkalai-sessa keskustelussa maailmankuva on kyt-ketty yhä tiiviimmin kristinuskon oppeihin.Siinä ihmisen tietoisuuden keskukseksi jasamalla maailmankuvan määrittäjäksi onnostettu raamatullinen ”sydän”. Maailman-kuva on symbolien ketju, joka määritteleeelämän tarkoitusta.26

Psykologian tutkimusperinteessä maail-mankuva on nähty enemmän prosessin lop-putuloksena, jossa yksilö järjestää ja antaamerkityksiä kokemuksilleen ja käsityksil-leen koko elinkaarensa ajan. Siinä maail-mankuva on selvimmillään konstruktio.Psykologiassa maailmankuva-käsitettä onkäytetty hieman erilaisessa merkityksessäaiempiin määritelmiin verrattuna. Puhutaan

niin sanotuista mentaalisista kuvista luon-nosta, yhteiskunnasta, muista ihmisistä, ta-voista ja itsestä, jotka muodostavat yhdessäyksilön maailmankuvan. Tässä yhteydessämaailmankuva nähdään olennaisena per-soonan osana. Maailmankuvan muodostu-miseen vaikuttavia tekijöitä ovat mm. kult-tuuri, ryhmä, perhe, sosiaalinen asema,yhteiskunta ja tietenkin historiallinen kon-teksti. Keskeistä psykologiselle lähestymis-tavalle on muutoksen mahdollisuuden ko-rostaminen. Ajan ja olosuhteiden muutok-

25. Carl Reinhold Bråkenhielm (1992)Carl Reinhold Bråkenhielm (1992) Människan i världen. Om filosofi, teologi och etik i våra världsbilder,Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 14.26. Naugle (2002) 270–271, 296.

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sen myötä maailmankuvakin on jatkuvassamuutostilassa.27

Suomalaisessa tutkimusperinteessä maa-ilmankuvan käsitteen ulottuvuuksia on kä-sitelty suhteellisen vähän. Jo aiemmin mai-nitsemani Juha Manninen on muutamallalyhyellä artikkelillaan aihetta sivunnut 1970-ja 1980-luvulla lähinnä historiantutkimuksennäkökulmasta. Manninen on pohtinut mitämaailmankuvan tutkiminen tosiasiassa pitääsisällään. Mihin asiakokonaisuuksiin maail-mankuvatutkijan on kiinnitettävä huomiota?Mitä maailmankuvatutkimus voi oikein tut-kia? Manninen listaa useita seikkoja: ajatte-lutavan, uskomukset, ennakkoluulot, meto-dologiset odotukset, suhde tieteeseen, kä-sitykset ihmisestä ja luonnosta, suhde his-toriaan ja yliluonnolliseen, metafyysisiinoletuksiin, tyyleihin ja ilmiöihin. Historianohella myös kulttuuriantropologian, psyko-logian ja uskontotieteen alalla on harjoitet-tu maailmankuvatutkimusta ja maailmanku-van käsitteellistämistä.28

Ideologia vai maailmankuva?Arkikielessä maailmankuvaa ja ideologiaakäytetään toistensa synonyymeina, vaikkatarkemmassa tarkastelussa käsitteiden käy-tössä ja määrittelyissä on selviä eroavai-suuksia. Edellinen on enemmän orientoitu-nut yksilöön kun taas jälkimmäinen on si-doksissa ryhmään. Tämä ei millään tavallaestä käsitteiden keskinäistä vuoropuhelua,sillä molempien, sekä maailmankuvan ettäideologian empiirinen tutkimus ovat meto-dologialtaan samankaltaisia ja toisiin limit-tyneitä. Juha Mannisen mukaan ideologiat rakentuvat viime kädessä yksilöllisten maa-ilmankuvien pohjalta.29

Wilhelm Diltheyltä vaikutteita saanut so-siologi Karl Mannheimkin näkee ideologiankiinnittyvän sosiaalisiin ryhmiin. Mannheimmäärittelee ideologian sosiaalisen ryhmänajattelutapana kun taas maailmankuva onenemmän mielipiteiden systeemi ja elämän-tapa. Käsitteenä maailmankuva on huomat-tavasti laajempi kuin ideologia, sillä yksilö-tasolla ideologian voidaan katsoa olevanosa sitä. Ideologia ja maailmankuva muok-kaavat ja ohjaavat yksilön kokemusmaail-maa. Ideologia on enemmän johdonmukai-

nen symbolien muodostama systeemi, jokatoimii tietyssä historiallisessa kontekstissatiettyjen kollektiivisten tavoitteiden saavut-tamiseksi tai entisen säilyttämiseksi.30 Tässävalossa nähtynä ideologia on enemmän ak-tiivinen sosiaalinen voima verrattuna staat-tisempaan maailmankuvan käsitteeseen.Tämä ei kuitenkaan muuta sitä perusasetel-maa, että maailmankuva on ideologiaa laa-jempi, tosin vaikeammin määriteltävissä.Jokaisella yksilöllä on maailmankuva, mut-ta ei välttämättä ideologiaa.31

Maailmankuvalla ja identiteetillä on pal-jon yhtäläisyyksiä. Molemmat ovat alttiitamuutoksille ja uusille vaikutteille. Yksilöllävoi olla monta maailmankuvaa ja identiteet-tiä elämänsä eri vaiheissa. Myös molempienrekonstruktiossa on samantyyppisiä ongel-mia. Tutkijan on yritettävä päästä tutkimus-

27. Jari Erik Nurmi (1997) ’Maailmankuvan vaikutus oman elämän muotoutumiseen’, teoksessa Jan Rydman(toim.) Maailmankuvaa etsimässä, Helsinki: WernerSödersröm, 58, 60–61. D.R. Babbage & K.R. Ronan(2000) ’Philosophical worldview and the personality factors in traditional and social scientists: studying theworld in our own image’, Personality and Individual Differences, vol. 28, no. 2, 405–420. Psykoanalyytik-kojen parissa maailmankuvan käsitettä on analysoitu laajalti mm. Sigmund Freudin ja Carl Jungin tuotannos-sa.28. Ks. esim. Manninen (1977). Juha Manninen (1989)’Tieteet ja maailmankuva’, teoksessa Juha Manninenet al (toim.) Maailmankuva kulttuurin kokonaisuu-dessa, Oulu: Pohjoinen. Juha Pentikäinen (1978) Oral Repertoire and World View. An Anthropological Studyof Marina Takalo’s Life History. Helsinki: SuomalainenTiedeakatemia, 1978. Kaisa Puhakka (1977) ’Maailman-kuvien tutkimuksesta ja rakentamisesta’. TeoksessaMatti Kuusi et al. (toim.) Maailmankuvan muutos tut-kimuskohteena, Helsinki: Otava. Georg Henrik vonWright (1997) ’Maailmankuvan käsitteestä’, MaijaliisaRauste-von Wright (1997) ’Oppiminen ja maailmanku-va’, Esko Keskinen (1997) ’Maailmankuvan rakennus-aineet: kokemukset ja kulttuuri’, Jari-Erik Nurmi (1997)’Maailmankuvan vaikutus oman elämän muotoutumi-seen’, teoksessa Jan Rydman (toim.) Maailmankuvaa etsimässä, Helsinki: Werner Söderström.29. Juha Manninen (1977) ’Maailmankuvat maailmanja sen muutoksen heijastajina’, teoksessa Matti Kuusiet al. (toim.) Maailmankuvan muutos tutkimuskohteena,Helsinki: Otava, 23–24, 43.30. Karl Mannheim (1936)Karl Mannheim (1936) Ideology and Utopia, 57–59.Elizabeth E. Hoyt (1961) ’Integration of Culture: A Re-view of Concepts’, Current Anthropology, vol. 2, no.5,412. Ks. myös Arne Naess (1964) ’Reflections About Total Views’, Philosophy and Phenomenological Re-search, vol. 25, no.1, 28.31. David Apter (1964)David Apter (1964) Ideology and Discontent, New York: The Free Press, 16–17. Bråkenhielm (1992) 14.

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kohteen ajatteluun sisään tulkitsemalla javertailemalla jälkeen jääneitä historiallisiajälkiä.32

Amerikkalaista 1700-luvun maailmankuvaa tutkimassaMaailmankuvatutkimuksen peruslähtökohtaon, että ennen tulkintaa on tiedostettavatutkijan ja tutkimuskohteen välinen suhde.Sekä ajallisesti että paikallisesti vieraan il-miön tutkimuksessa on tärkeää tiedostaatutkijan omien lähtökohtien, arvomaailmanja omaksutun käsitteistön vaikutus tutki-musprosessille ja sen jäsentymiselle. Maail-mankuvatutkimuksessa presentismin ja ana-kronismin vaara onkin ilmeinen.

Omassa 1700-luvun aatehistoriallisessatutkimuksessani olen pyrkinyt rekonstruoi-maan amerikkalaisen suurkauppiaan ja val-tiomiehen Robert Morrisin (1733–1806)maailmankuvaa. Tutkimusasetelman kehit-telyssä olen pyrkinyt ottamaan huomioonmaailmankuvatutkimuksen metodologisenja teoreettisen keskustelun ja käyttää sitäsoveltuvin osin. Tavoitteena on päästä sy-vemmälle henkilön ajatteluun, mielipiteisiinja tapaan hahmottaa maailmaa, ei vain pel-kästään kuvailla hänen elinkaartaan perin-teisen biografian kaanonia mukaillen. Kes-keisimpänä tutkimusongelmana on selvittääMorrisin maailmankuvansa koostumus,mahdolliset muutokset ja sen muodostumi-seen vaikuttaneet tekijät. Täten on mahdol-lista henkilön maailmankuvan kautta pääs-tä selville tuon ajan käytännöistä ja ajatte-lutavoista yleisemmälläkin tasolla.

Yksilön maailmankuvaa tutkittaessaavainasemassa ovat historiallisen konteks-tin, tai paremminkin kontekstien, huomioonottaminen ja käytettävissä olevat lähteet.Maailmankuvahan on käsitteenä hyvin kult-tuuri- ja aikasidonnainen. Tutkijan on siksikoko ajan huomioitava sosiaalinen, talou-dellinen, poliittinen, aatteellinen, teknolo-ginen, demografinen, kulttuurinen ja maan-tieteellinen konteksti. Michael Kearneynmukaan historialliset voimat muovaavat maailmankuvaa, joka sen jälkeen muuttuu lopulta itsekin historialliseksi voimaksi. Esi-merkiksi yhteiskunta erilaisine instituutioi-neen, tapoineen ja rooleineen on osa sitä

miljöötä, joka vaikuttaa yksilön maailman-kuvaan.33

Verrattaessa Robert Morrisia muihin val-lankumousajan amerikkalaisiin valtiomie-hiin ongelmaksi muodostuu lähdemateriaa-lin tietty tendenssimäisyys. Vaikka saatavil-la onkin varsin kattavasti sekä virallista ettäyksityistä kirjeenvaihtoa ja päiväkirjoja, niis-sä on erittäin harvoin maailmankatsomuk-sellisia tai ideologisia pohdintoja. Poliittisiapamfletteja tai filosofisia perusteluja hän eijuuri harjoittanut. Morrisilla oli vain vähänformaalista koulutusta ja hän muutenkin olikäytännöllisesti suuntautunut.

Edellä mainitut seikat eivät millään muo-toa tee tutkimuskohteesta vähämerkityksi-sempää. Pikemminkin päinvastoin: maail-mankuvan yleistettävyyden kannalta vä-hemmän tunnetun henkilön maailmankuvavoi olla todellisuudessa hedelmällisempitutkimuskohde. Tässä näkyy passiivisenmaailmankuva -termin käytön etu aktiivistaideologia-termiä vastaan; jokaisella ihmisel-lä on aina maailmankuva, mutta ei välttä-mättä ideologiaa. Maailmankuvatutkimuk-sessa mikään historiallinen lähde ei olemerkityksetön. Jopa käyttämäni Morrisinmaalauttamat muotokuvat, rakennuttamat talot ja omistamat esineet olivat mielenkiin-toisia ja informatiivisia lähteitä määriteltäes-sä yksilön maailmankuvaa.34

32. Greg Dening (1997) ’Introduction’, teoksessa Ro-nald Hoffman et al (toim.) Search of a Metaphor. Through a Glass Darkly. Reflections on Personal Iden-tity in Early America, Chapel Hill: University of NorthCarolina Press, 1–6. Stuart Hall (1997) ’Old and New Identities’, teoksessa Anthony D. King (toim.) Culture, Globalization and the World-System, Minneapolis: Uni-versity of Minnesota Press, 47. Ulrich Baltzer (1999)’Weltanschauungen. Kann jeder eine haben?’, teok-sessa Johannes Rohbeck (toim.) Philosophie und Wel-tanschauung, Dresden: Thelem, Univ.-Verl., 25.33Michael Kearney (1984) World View, Novato: Chand-ler & Sharp, 4–5, 23, 114. Kaj Björkqvist & Nils G.Holm (1996) ’Parental Influence on Religiosity’, teok-sessa World Views in Modern Society. Religionveten-Religionveten-skapliga skrifter no. 29, Åbo Akademi University: Ja-kobstad, 80–81. Richard Vetterli & Gary Bryner (1996)Richard Vetterli & Gary Bryner (1996)In Search of the Republic. Public Virtue and the Roots of American Government, Lanham: Rowman & Little-field, 135. Jack P. Greene (1992) (toim.) Imperatives,Behaviors, and Identities. Essays in Early American Cultural History, Charlottesville: University Press ofVirginia, 15.34. Yhdistämällä historiallisen arkeologian, sosiaali-historian ja antropologian metodeja esim. Lorinda B. R.

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Laajasti määriteltynä tutkimukseni jakaan-tuu neljään pääosioon: valtiolliseen, talou-delliseen, eettiseen ja persoonalliseen maa-ilmankuvaan. Näitä lähestyn mm. Morrisinajattelun, elämäntapojen ja kulutustottu-musten kautta, pieniä osatekijöitä yhdistel-len ja analysoiden historiallinen kontekstitaustalla. Metodi osoittautui mielenkiintoi-seksi ja toimivaksi henkilöhistoriallisestiorientoituneessa tutkimuksessa. Tuloksenaoli, ei niinkään perinteinen biografia vaan,tiettyihin osa-alueisiin keskittynyt ”sosiaali-aatehistoriallinen” esitys, jonka avulla voiajan käytäntöjä ja ajatusmalleja ymmärtääparemmin yleisemmässäkin mittakaavassa.Maailmankuvatutkimuksen onnistumisenyhtenä perusedellytyksenä kuitenkin onvankka teoreettinen tietämys tutkimuksentraditiosta, jopa käsitteen ”esihistoriasta”.

Metodisesti maailmankuvan koostaminensirpaleisesta lähdeaineistosta on aikaa vieväprosessi ja vaatii silloin tällöin rohkeita tul-kintoja pienistä sivulauseista tai jopa yksit-täisistä sanoistakin. Tutkijan kannalta pal-kitsevimpia hetkiä ovat sellaiset, jolloinaluksi vähämerkitykselliseltä näyttävästädetaljista on ollut merkittävästi hyötyä pii-levien premissien esiin tuomisessa. Poikki-tieteellinen lähestymistapa on jo metodolo-gisten kysymysten takia välttämättömyys.Vaikka maailmankuva käsitteenä on moni-merkityksinen, sen käyttökelpoisuutta mm.erilaisten ajattelutapojen ja arvojen tutki-muksessa on vaikea kiistää. Amerikkalaisentutkijan Walter Ongin mukaan maailmanku-va terminä ja käsitteenä on hyödyllinen,mutta silloin tällöin harhaan johtava.35 Tä-mänkin vuoksi historiantutkijan on sovel-lettava ja valittava eri tieteenalojen mene-telmistä nimenomaan omaan tutkimukseensoveltuvat maailmankuvan määritykset. Kol-lektiivisen maailmankuvatutkimuksen me-todit eivät ole suoraan sovellettavissa yksi-löllisen maailmankuvan tarkasteluun.

Maailmankuva on hankala käsite eikäyksiselitteistä määritelmää ole löydettävissä.Käsitteen monisäikeisyys ja joustavuus onkatsottava kuitenkin enemmän eduksi kuinhaitaksi. Tutkija voi käyttää harkintaa mitkämäärittelyt ovat relevantteja omassa tutki-muksessa. Maailmankuvatutkimuksella on

paljon tarjottavaa historiantutkimukselle ni-menomaan metodologisesta näkökulmasta.Poikkitieteelliset määrittelyt voivat avatatuoreita näkökulmia perinteisesti tutkittui-hin aihepiireihin. Keskeistä on kuitenkinmääritellä tapauskohtaisesti mitä maailman-kuvalla nimenomaisessa tutkimuksessa tar-koitetaan. Määrittelyn viime kädessä ratkai-see tutkimusongelma.

Yksilön maailmankuvan muodostuminen,muuttuminen ja säilyminen on monimutkai-nen prosessi ja siihen vaikuttavat monet tekijät. Mitä kauemmaksi ajallisesti ja kult-tuurisesti tutkimuskohteen valinnassa men-nään, sitä hankalammaksi maailmankuvanrekonstruoiminen muodostuu. Esimerkiksiantropologi, joka tutkii muinaisia kelttiläisiäihmisiä ja heidän maailmankuvaansa pohjaaanalyysinsa erilaisiin lähteisiin kuin uusim-man ajan historiantutkija yrittäessään valot-taa vaikka norjalaisten satanistien maail-mankuvaa 1990-luvun alussa. Toisaalta ma-teriaalin runsauskin voi vaikeuttaa tutki-mustyötä. Silti tutkija on saman perusongel-man edessä; kuinka rakentaa erilaisen evi-denssin avulla validi ja uskottava tulkinta.Maailmankuvahan ei ole mistään aineistos-ta suoraan poimittavissa. Jos puhutaan hen-kilöhistoriallisesta näkökulmasta, maailman-kuvan rekonstruoiminen on palapelin ko-koamista hyvin moninaisesta ja sirpaleises-ta lähdemateriaalista. Niiden antaman infor-maation yhdistäminen ja tulkinta ymmärret-tävään muotoon vaatii luovaa ongelmanrat-kaisukykyä. Yksilön maailmankuvaa muok-kaavien ideologioiden, kulttuuristen lähtö-kohtien ja ympäröivän kokemusmaailmanhuomioiminen (ks. oheinen kuvio) henkilönkirjallisen ja aineellisen jäämistön pohjaltavaatii laajaa perehtyneisyyttä aikakautta kä-sittelevään tutkimukseen, mutta myös maail-mankuvatutkimuksen metodologiaan.

Goodwin on saavuttanut hyviä tuloksia mm. kauppia-seliitin elintavoista ja maailmankuvasta 1600- ja 1700-luvun Pohjois-Amerikassa. Ks. Lorinda B. R. Goodwin(2002) An Archaelogy of Manners. The Polite World of the Merchant Elite of Colonial Massachusetts, New York: Kluwer Academic Publishers.35. Walter Ong (1969) ’World as a View and World as Event’, American Anthropologist 71, 634.

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Maailmankuvan muodostuminenMaailmankuvan muotoutumisprosessissa onkaksi puolta: ulkoiset vaikuttimet ja omat valinnat. Lapsuudessa ulkoiset tekijät kutenkasvatus ja ympäröivä yhteisö arvoineenluovat tietyt reunaehdot maailmankuvanrakentumiselle. Myöhemmin omien tekojenja valintojen merkitys kasvaa. Maailmanku-van rakentuminen muuttuu passiivisestaaktiiviseksi, mutta missään vaiheessa yksilö

ei pysty täysin irrottautumaan ajan ja paikankonventioista. Maailmankuva muuttuu, so-peutuu, säilyy ja järkkyy, mutta se on ainataustalla vaikuttamassa yksilön tehdessämitä tahansa arkisiakin ratkaisuja. Histori-allisen maailmankuvatutkimuksen yksi mie-lenkiintoisimmista piirteistä on se, että maa-ilmankuva on samalla tutkimuskohteena javälineenä tutkimustulosten saavuttami-seen. ■

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EURAMERICA Vol. 35, No. 3 September 2005 , 459-499 © Institute of European and American Studies, Academia Sinica

Living an American Lifestyle in 18th Century Philadelphia—Robert Morris, Prosperous Merchant and Family Man

Marko JunkkarinenDepartment of History, University of Joensuu, Finland

E-Mail: [email protected]

AbstractRobert Morris (1734-1806), an English-born merchant

and later one of the American Founding Fathers, has not attracted the attention of national icons like Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, or Alexander Hamilton. There are obvious reasons for his comparative obscurity. Morris was not a charismatic speaker; he did not write influential books or pamphlets and did not actively take part in military campaigns. He was, however, one of the most powerful political leaders during the Revolutionary period. His undertakings in the political sphere have been fairly well studied but his personal life, including his lifestyle has not yet been adequately examined by scholars of American history. In this paper, it is my intention to shed light on the daily existence of Philadelphia’s wealthy merchant community by closely scrutinizing Robert Morris’s life and character. My purpose is not to generalize too much based on analysis on Robert Morris, but to use him as a case in point to reveal

TP PT Received March 16, 2004; accepted October 22, 2004; last revised November

23, 2004 Proofreaders: Yu-Ting Lin, Chia-Chi Tseng

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some aspects of the life of upper class in 18th century Philadelphia.

Key Words: Robert Morris, American lifestyle,

Philadelphia

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I. The road to fame Robert Morris (1734-1806), an English-born merchant and

statesman, and later one of America’s “Founding Fathers,” has not attracted the attention of other national icons such as Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, or Alexander Hamilton. There are a number of reasons for this relative obscurity: Morris was not a charismatic speaker; he did not write influential books or pamphlets; and he did not actively take part in military campaigns. Even so, he was still one of the most powerful American political leaders during the Revolutionary period.

Robert Morri’s political and financial exploits were already controversial issues among his eighteenth-century contemporaries. Even today, historians have not yet come to an agreement over his significance during the Revolutionary period and having America’s path toward nationhood. His undertakings in the political sphere have been fairly well studied, but his personal life and lifestyle has not aroused interest among scholars of American history. In this article, it is my intention to shed light on the social ties and consumption patterns of Philadelphia’s wealthy merchant community via a careful examination of Robert Morris’s life and character. As main sources, I have used Morris’s private as well as public correspondence through his lifetime.

In contrast to many of the other American Founding Fathers, Robert Morris did not spend his childhood in America, instead he was born and lived his childhood in Liverpool, Lancashire, England

1

. He was raised by his grandmother after his mother, Elisabeth Murphet, died. When he was thirteen, he traveled from Liverpool to North America, where his father, a tobacco agent for the Liverpool firm of Foster Cunliffe and Sons, 2 stationed in

1 Robert Morris was born on January 31, 1734 and christened in St. George’s

Church, January 28, 1735. 2 Foster Cunliffe was a mayor of Liverpool and he and his sons were

prominent slave traders, and some evidence points to the fact that Robert

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Oxford, Maryland, had moved a couple years previously.3 After three years of residence in North America, Robert Morris Sr. died in an accident. In the meantime, Morris Jr. went to school under the patronage of tradesman Robert Greenway, a friend of his father’s (Oberholtzer, 1968: 9-10; Wagner, 1976: 1; Chernow, 1978: 9; Young, 1950: 5, 9; Nash, 1986: 110; Simpson, 1859: 702). Soon, hating school, Morris quit his studies, and got a position as an apprentice in the respectable Philadelphian merchant house of Charles Willing. In April 1757, three years after the death of the former owner, Morris and Willing started a business together called House of Willing and Morris which was later expanded to include insurance services.

By the time the First Continental Congress took place, Robert Morris had established his position as one of the top of the merchants in Philadelphia. Morris’s name was known from the West Indies to Europe, and his wealth was considerable. Because of the unstable situation between England and the American colonies, Morris, wanting to secure his own and his fellow colonists’ interests, drifted into public affairs (Doerflinger, 1986: 26-27, 236-240; Smith, 1984: 640-641). Between 1775 and 1786, Morris was an active member in the local legislature called the Pennsylvania Assembly,4 where he served from 1775-1776, as a vice-president and at times as president of the Committee of Safety, whose task was to organize the war effort (which included oversight of recruitment, strategy, supply, and munitions manufacturing, among others) in the Pennsylvania area. Morris’s

Morris Sr. was involved as well. See Talbot County Free Library (2004). Robert Morris’s advertisement in the Maryland Gazette of July 8, 1746 announces the arrival of slave ship from Barbados. Liverpool tobacco merchants were also known to be active slave traders. See Walsh (2001: 152), Behrendt (2001: 172).

3 According to Dr. Elisabeth M. Nuxoll, Robert Morris was probably born illegitimate.

4 The Assembly was elected annually and held exclusive power over approving and enacting legislation and was responsible for the appointment of delegates to Congress. See Arnold (1989: 54).

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successful administration convinced the Pennsylvania legislature of his capabilities, and, in 1776, he was elected to the Second Continental Congress as one of seven members from Pennsylvania.5

In 1776, the burden of Congress drastically increased, and they were forced to make some institutional changes: namely to create several standing committees (Rakove, 1982: 194-198). Robert Morris had a high profile in two of the most important committees created: the Secret Committee;6 and the Committee of Secret Correspondence. However, by the end of the 1770’s Morris’s public career temporarily stalled, as his political enemies alleged that Morris had committed some irregularities as a public official. The accusations were never thoroughly proved and in February 1779 he was exonerated. It might have been a relief when he reached his term limit at the end of the year.7

By the beginning of the 1780’s the financial situation of Congress had become unmanageable. Due to administrative changes, Morris was able to stage his comeback to public life, and

5 Ver Steeg (1976: 7). See also Minutes of the Committee of Safety of the

Province of Pennsylvania, July 3, 1775, MPCP X, pp. 280, 297, 469; XI, p. 653. Pennsylvania Ledger, October 7, 1775, October 21, 1775, July 17, 1776 and Pennsylvania Evening Post, October 3, 1775, October 14, 1775, October 26, 1775, November 7, 1775.

6 In May 1777, The Secret Committee of Correspondence changed its name to the Committee of Foreign Affairs and in September 1777, the Secret Committee changed to the Commercial Committee. See Committee for Foreign Affairs to the Commissioners at Paris, May 2, 1777 (sixth footnote) (Letters of Delegates to Congress, LDC), vol. VII, p.16. Robert Morris (RM) to William Whipple, September 4, 1777 (Letters of Delegates to Congress, LDC), vol. VII, p. 603. Morris also was a member of the so called Executive Committee, which operated in Philadelphia during the absence of Congress in 1776-1777, and the Committee at Headquarters, whose task was to repair the army and consult with George Washington for carrying on the next campaign. In the meantime, the Congress moved to Baltimore, because of the threat of occupation.

7 RM to the Citizens of Pennsylvania, July 7, 1779. Oberholtzer (1968: 52-55). Philadelphia Committee to RM, July 24, 1779 (Deane Papers, DP), vol. IV, pp. 19-22. Answer of Robert Morris to the Philadelphia Committee, July 31, 1779 (Deane Papers, DP), vol. IV, pp. 34-40. Wagner (1976: 54).

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he eventually took the post of the Superintendent of Finance in 1781 (Henderson, 1974: 291). Shortly after that, Morris was appointed as the Agent of Marine, as well (Young, 1950: 109-117). In practice, this meant that Morris had become the most powerful politician in America until his resignation from both offices in November of 1784. After his resignation, with the exception of his memberships in the Pennsylvania Assembly and the Constitutional Convention in 1787, Morris concentrated on private business ventures. Between 1789 and 1795, he also served as a senator for Pennsylvania. 8 At the end of the century, financial trouble stemming from failed land speculation deals eventually landed Morris in debtors prison from 1798-1801. Once one of the richest men in the United States, he lived his late years in poverty and was financially supported by his relatives and friends. Morris died in Philadelphia on May 8, 1806. (Oberholtzer, 1968: 355).

II. Merchant and statesman in Philadelphia During the Revolutionary period, Philadelphia was the

biggest city in the Thirteen colonies, with the first official U.S. census in 1790 counting a total of 28,552 inhabitants. It was a multicultural city peopled by whites hailing from distinct origins, socio-economical backgrounds, and adhering to various denominations and blacks both slave and free (Wolf, 1994: 232-233). While most Philadelphians lived in wooden houses located on the fringes of the city, the inner city streets were primarily inhabited by the wealthy, who lived in brick houses. In Philadelphia, the diversity of the population meant that it was difficult to point to any “general lifestyle,” particularly when compared to other regions like New England, for example (Bushman, 1992: 61). Formerly known as the Quaker city, which

8 Pennsylvania Assembly Proceedings, September 17, 1787 (Documentary

history of the ratification of the constitution, DHRC), vol. II, p. 58.

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referred to the heritage left by its founder William Penn, Philadelphia was filled with taverns, poor houses, docks and churches, and moreover is a good starting point for a more in-depth study of how the imminent members of the American colony lived, as 1775 Philadelphia had become the political and economic center of the colonies. During the Revolutionary period, however, American society was on the cusp of broad change, which would render it more complicated and multilayered than it was before.

Morris, as a member of the “American gentry,” was separated from other members of his class, and did so by a not uncommon strategy: by demonstrating wealth through an ostentatious lifestyle. Social status was shown in the ownership of certain items, manners and clothing, and Robert Morris liked to show his wealth. Why Morris then? What could his lifestyle as an example show us about the American people’s urban and cultural life during the Revolutionary period? I base my justification on Richard L. Bushman’s contention that towards the end of the eighteenth century large numbers of common people engaged polite society more directly (1992: 183). When dealing with one individual case, if only among upper class, generalizations, at least on a small-scale, are possible. That does not mean that I see the upper class as a homogenous entity. But still, every study on the lifestyle of eighteenth century America moves us closer to a broader understanding of American culture and society at the time. Thus, this reconstruction of Robert Morris; life takes on a scope broader than one man, instead, shedding light on the broader ideological and cultural setting of 18th century America.

Naturally, as a prosperous merchant, during his life, he was in contact with representatives from many social classes and their life-styles both in England and America. It is evident that from the very beginning, he admired the upper-class way of life and struggled to enjoy the fruits of wealth and privilege. His habits of

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consumption during the Revolution prove that he had partly accomplished that goal.9

When historians deliberate upon the question of which terms best describe Robert Morris’s position in society, “conservative,” “aristocrat,” “member of the upper class,” “elitist” are used most often. His opinions on the form of government, the construction of society, or, in this case, lifestyle, each reveal some aspect of his world view. What kind of residence did one own? What did one eat? What kind of clothes did one wear? What kind of things did one own? How did one spend their leisure time? These are questions that help reveal a person’s ideals, beliefs and habits, and this was as true in the 18th century as it is now.10

III. Consumption and accumulation of luxury goodsBecause of his successful career as one of the richest

merchants in the Continent, Morris had the means and connections to live extravagantly. During his long period as a high-profile wholesaler, he gained a fortune unequaled in America. He gave as presents, and sometimes kept for himself, all kinds of exotic and luxury articles, for example, Chinese porcelain, furniture, tortoise shells, elephants teeth, furs, fine tea, Madeira wine, French wine, claret, oil, English ale and porter, and brandy. He once wrote to his son in Europe and ordered him to send some quality wines, saying: do not send any inferior wines—I want for our own use and would choose only of the best. According to historian Peter Thompson, drinking quality drinks among the upper-class circles was part of a social ritual, which demonstrated their gentility to lower classes. It is noteworthy that regular wine

9 I am indebted to Dr. Elisabeth M. Nuxoll for some ideas presented in this

paragraph. 10 The study of material culture has become widespread among American

historians. See Martin (1996: 5-12); Larkin (1989). Of European consumer culture, see Berg & Clifford (1999).

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and beer were not luxury items, on the contrary, they were common consumer goods among lower classes without socially meaningful signals (Thompson, 1989: 550, 573).

When the Empress of China, a ship sponsored by Morris, returned from Canton in May 1785, it carried special Chinese luxury items for Morris and his family. Morris had also ordered a porcelain set with certain national and naval ornaments from Josiah Wedgewood. In the middle of the 18th century, porcelain began to replace silver in households in Europe and America.11 Morris’s wife was very interested in fashion and textiles, especially European, and personal items were regularly ordered from London and Paris.12 He was a high liver indeed, as A. M. Sakolski, a

11 Samuel Bean to RM, May 3, 1761 (Levis Collection, LC). RM to John

Bradford, October 8, 1776 (Letters of Delegates to Congress, LDC), vol. V, pp. 321-322. Silas Deane to Messrs. Delap, July 30, 1776 (Deane Papers, DP), vol. I, p. 169. John Jay to RM, May 29, 1781 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), vol. I, p. 98. Notice of Willing, Morris & Swanwick, April 17, 1784 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), microform supplement (forthcoming), p. 1954, Independent Gazetteer, April 17, 1784. RM to Mess. Constable, Rucker & Company, June 30, 1786 (NjP, Le Cappet Collection). RM to James Chalmers, March 17, 1795 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. I, p.93. RM to John Richard, March 28, 1795 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. I, pp. 141-144. RM to John Bondfield, May 30, 1795 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. I, p. 328. RM to William Morris, June 1, 1795 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. I, p. 326. About drinking see Thompson (1989: 550, 573). Regarding water drinking, see Rorabaugh (1979: 97-98). About pottery, see Goldstein (1978: 20-21, 30); Roche (1998: 633). It is not entirely certain that Morris’s porcelain was of Chinese origin. People of that time did not distinguish between genuine porcelain and imitations produced in Europe, or even in Philadelphia (Morris was involved in glass works manufacturing near the Falls of Schuylkill, Philadelphia). Most often they referred to China when they spoke of porcelain, irrespective of its real origin.

12 Mary Morris to Mrs. Jay, July 29, 1781 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH). RM to Vicomte de Noailles, November 26, 1781 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), vol. III, p. 255. Matthew Ridley to Mary Morris, Mrs. Jay to Mary Morris, November 14, 1782 & November 25, 1782 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH). Matthew Ridley to Mary Morris, November 20,1782 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), microform supplement

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statistician from the first half of twentieth century describes him in a brief article concerning Morris’s bankruptcy. 13 However, although Morris certainly displayed his extravagance overtly, in my opinion he did not lose his common touch as will be showed later in this article.

Morris’s homes were huge and beautifully and expensively furnished. Particularly extravagant was his mansion called the “Hills,” located a little north from the City of Philadelphia, which was equipped with many things considered unusual at that time. In the large garden greenhouse, for example, Morris grew exotic fruits like pineapples. His houses and gardens also served a key social purpose. Besides serving as places for conversations and festivities, the social areas also displayed artifacts exhibiting the refined taste of their owner. In fact, Morris’s parties were popular and he was renowned for his “hospitality.” 14 One visitor

(forthcoming), p. 983. Matthew Ridley to RM, November 20, 1782 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), vol VII, p. 94. Mary Morris to Kitty Livingston, October 2, 1783 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), microform supplement (forthcoming), pp.1540-1543, Ridley Papers (Massachusetts Historical Society, Mhi). Mary Morris to Matthew Ridley, November 5, 1783 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), microform supplement (forthcoming), p. 1607, Ridley Papers (Massachusetts Historical Society, Mhi). Mary Morris to Kitty Livingston, November 29, 1784 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), microform supplement (forthcoming), p. 2388, Ridley Papers (Massachusetts Historical Society, Mhi). RM to Mary Morris, September 6, 1789 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH).

13 Sakolski (1930: 36). High liver, an uncommon term used by Sakolski means briefly the following: one who lives in a specified manner. See The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language: Fourth Edition. 2000.

14 John Adams to Robert Morris, November 6, 1782 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), vol. VII, p. 20. RM to Mary Morris, August 28, 1789 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH). RM to James Marshall, October 12, 1795 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM) vol. I, p. 548. RM to John Nicholson, December 11th 1797 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p.140. Bushman (1992: 130-131); Frost (1844: 69); Cook (1890: 610). According to John T. Faris (1943) (his source unknown) Morris in some phase of his life had a French gardener and even tried to grow grapes without success. See Faris (1943: 23).

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recollected that there was a luxury in the kitchen, table, parlor and street equipage of Mr. & Mrs. Robert Morris that was to be found nowhere else in America.15 He went regularly to the theater, and even quoted plays in his political speeches and private letters. Officially theater was prohibited in Pennsylvania until 1789, when Federalists had gained the clear majority in the Pennsylvania Assembly and repealed the anti-theatrical law.16

It is clear that Morris enjoyed living in Philadelphia because of its lively atmosphere and the opportunities it offered for society life. For him, living in the countryside far from the bustle of city was never a serious option. From time to time he enjoyed the tranquillity of “Hills,” but he basically had an urban nature. Without good cheerful society there was a possibility to get Hipp’d, Morris once warned the American general, Horatio Gates.17 In a certain sense Morris’s urge for luxury items and gentle life could be seen as a part of a larger social phenomenon common in 18th century Europe and America. According to one explanation, people justified their extravagant lifestyles and the purchase of luxuries as a means of raising themselves to a higher plane. Many Americans had a strong urge to become something more than they had been at birth, and the ideas of the Enlightenment, with its success-oriented strain encouraged this inclination (Bushman, 1992:

15 Heiges (1930: 121). Morris used to invite guests to have dinner in his house

from all parts of Europe. See Mary Morris to Kitty Livingston, July 21, 1783 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), microform supplement (forthcoming), p. 1417, Ridley Papers (Massachusetts Historical Society, Mhi).

16 Quakers particularly opposed theater because of its dubious religious nature. Interestingly, an Anglican bishop and Morris’s brother-in-law William White, were among the leaders of the committee that opposed theater in Philadelphia. In 1791 Morris became one of the sponsors of a new theater, which opened its doors on February 17, 1794, and Morris was also one of the first subscribers of the first American play performed—The Contrast (Meranze, 1996: 114-116; Houchin, 1999: 167-168, 182-183).

17 RM to Horatio Gates, January 29, 1785 (New York Public Library), Emmet Collection.

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xviii; Holton, 1999: 83-84; Roche, 1998: 563; Riesman, 1987: 146-147; Handlin, 1982: 79; Lucas, 1984: 195). Wealthy Americans, as a rule tried to imitate the English gentry and be like the “gentlemen farmer,” (Bonwick, 1991: 41; Richard, 1994: 165-166) and Philadelphia merchants in particular were well-known for their conscious tendency toward elitism. After his career as a merchant was over in the early 1790’s, drawing on the gentleman farmer example, Morris saw land speculation as a more respectable alternative to trade (Wood, 1987: 96-99; Nash, 2002: 64).

Morris’s urge to own exotic goods was in no way extraordinary at the time for the 17th and the 18th century Europeans. Generally, luxury goods were mainly procured because of their social meaning; it was one way of ascending into the so-called gentile society, but of course the items were also acquired because of their aesthetic value.18 In 18th century America owning luxury goods was one of the most defining factor when considering who was a member in upper class and who was not.

IV. Appreciation of learning and artsEven though Morris is not known as a man of learning, he

was familiar with literature and poetry. He was a close friend of one of the most famous American composers of that time, the writer and politician Francis Hopkinson. Morris reviewed some of Hopkinson’s writings himself. A causerie named “The New Roof,” a defense of the ratification of Constitution and a critique of the

18 Appadurai (1986: 38); Hancock (1995: 280-281, 347); Breen (1993: 43).

To a certain degree the ideological atmosphere in the 18th century was favorable to luxury goods. Politically speaking, David Hume held that they ensure motives for obedience to government. See Yarbrough (1998: 72); Porter (2000: 199, 247-248). Later, Americans themselves enjoyed a common fascination with the culture and particularly the artifacts of the Far East. They embraced, among other things, the habit of tea drinking (Goldstein, 1978: 16).

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anti-Federalists, was one of them, and it was later published in several newspapers. Hopkinson and Morris also collaborated on the graphic arts appearing on American notes and coins. 19 Sometimes he would use short Latin phrases like a priori, ad Captandum, ad referendum and Sanctum Sanctorum and even Spanish phrases like pausa patientia signor to liven up his letters.20

19 RM to Francis Hopkinson, January 21, 1788 and July 3, 1789 (Maryland

Historical Society), Hopkinson Collection. See Hastings (1926: 397-400); Silverman (1976: 576); Nuxoll (1997: 62-63). Francis Hopkinson, a Congressman from New Jersey, was also a lawyer, signer of the Declaration of Independence, poet and a composer. He also held posts at the Library Company of Philadelphia and the American Philosophical Society. See Silverman (1976: 265). Morris’s children were also friends of scenic art. See William Morris to Mary Morris, February 25, 1794 and June 16, 1794 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH). RM’s speech at General Assembly of Pennsylvania, March 31, 1786 (Debates and Proceedings of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania, DPGAP), p. 61. For example he referred to Shakespeare’s Macbeth. RM to John Nicholson, November 21, 1797 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p. 90. He sent a following poem to John Nicholson to offer comfort and a way of living. A Raven once an acorn took, From Bosom’s tallest, Stoutest tree, He his it near a limped Brook, and lived another oak to see. Thus Mellancholy buries hope, which Fear still keeps alive, and bids us with Misfortunes Cope and all Calamity survive. RM to John Nicholson, February 2, 1798 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p. 184. He also loaned books on law and maps for help in his land dealings. See RM to John Nicholson, January 30, 1799 (New York Public Library, NN), Robert Morris Papers. John Swanwick, Morris’s partner, was interested in poetry and Gouverneur Morris was a very educated man and knew a great deal of European literature, but their effect on Morris’s literary pursuits is hard to estimate. See Marquis de Chastellux to Gouverneur Morris, May 10, 1784 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), microform supplement (forthcoming), pp. 2010, 2012.

20 RM to Francis Hopkinson, August 15, 1789 (Maryland Historical Society), Hopkinson Collection vol. 2. RM to John Nicholson, December 21, 1797 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p. 162; January 9, 1798 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p. 209 and March 2, 1798 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p. 264. Gouverneur Morris used often short Latin phrases; for instance Horace was quoted several times. Ad captandum: A phrase used adjectively sometimes of meretricious attempts to catch or win popular favor. Ad

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After decades as head of a commercial house in one of the world’s most international cities, and with contacts all over the world, he lived in a milieu in which one could not avoid learning foreign languages and customs at least in some measure. Some of his correspondence, especially with lawyers, was sprinkled with quotes from the authors of ancient Greece and Rome which was apparently one way of familiarizing himself with the origins of Republican ideology.21 Historian Carl J. Richard in his study of the effect of the classics on founders has claimed that those who had any formal education were more eager to show their literary knowledge because of the status it brought; in other words, one could not be a true gentleman without being able to demonstrate his intellectual refinement (Richard, 1994: 10, 50). Also, Latin was the “official” language of English universities since the end of the 18th century, and it was not unusual that even uneducated members of the lower classes were somewhat proficient in the language.22 Morris’s two sons, Robert and Thomas, both studied in Europe and certainly acted as an additional intermediary between American and European customs.

V. Public benefactor As evidence that Robert Morris did not lose his touch with

life of the common people, we should examine his role as a public benefactor. Morris was a member of several associations connected

referendum: for referring. Sanctum Sanctorum: the holiest of all. Some of these phrases were commonly used in English. How familiar Morris really was with the Latin is hard to say based on available sources.

21 Charles Lee to RM, August 15, 1782 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), vol. VI, pp. 212-214. RM to Francis Hopkinson, August 15, 1789 (Maryland Historical Society), Hopkinson Collection vol. 2.

22 In Philadelphia, however, speaking Latin remained inappropriate in certain circles. Quakers held Latin as the language of the Beast because of its association with the Catholic Church (Burke 1991: 32, 41). About the origins of disapproval, see Ormsby-Lennon (1991: 72-112).

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to culture and the sciences. Before the Revolutionary War, Morris was a member of organizations and associations that were primarily geared toward social interaction, like the Mount Regale Fishing Company and the Jockey Club. In 1766 he was also chosen as the Warden of the Port of Philadelphia (Brobeck, 1972: 234, 369; Wright, 1996: 542), but it was not until the 1770’s and 1780’s that his activities began to extend more deeply into “serious” activities. Morris had shares in the Philadelphia Library and participated in the activities of the American Philosophical Society, and, in 1793, Morris was also one of the benefactors of the planned scientific expedition to explore the Trans-Mississippi West. The Michaux expedition, which was named after the French botanist who was supposed to do the tour, was planned by Thomas Jefferson, and several prominent Americans donated sums. Unfortunately, the plans never came to fruition because of the unstable political situation in Europe. However, Morris pledged 80 dollars, which was second only to George Washington’s pledge of 100 dollars. Besides scientific interest, Morris also had his own personal reasons, concerning land investments, to support the enterprise.23

Morris was a trustee of the College of Philadelphia, Franklin College, and Episcopal Academy, a member of the Society Promoting Agriculture, a manager and a donator of the Poor Relief organization, (probably) an originator of St. George’s Society for the Assistance of Englishmen in Distress, and a subscriber of the Dancing Assembly Hall.24 He also regularly attended the Society

23 The American Philosophical Society chose Morris to be a member in August

1786 but he declined because he thought he was not qualified because of lack proper studies, but he later chose to donate money to the organization. See RM to James Hutchinson (Secretary of the Society), August 2, 1786 (American Philosophical Society), A.P.S. archives.

24 Brobeck (1972: 357, 359); Pennsylvania Gazette, April 9, 1772, item 50752. Simpson (1859: 703). Even though Morris took an interest in charity, he realized that the line must be drawn somewhere in helping other people in distress. See RM to Tench Tilghman, February 8, 1785 (New York Public Library, NN), Robert Morris Papers. During the 1700’s dancing skill had

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for Political Inquiries meetings, which were held in Benjamin Franklin’s library and had a membership in Philadelphia Agricultural Society. He was also very interested in new inventions. His garden was one of the first places in Philadelphia where one could ride in a hot-air balloon, and despite its public relations potential, it seems likely that he was fascinated by science for its own sake.25 He had one of the first year-around icehouses and hothouses in America, 26 and also actively promoted new manufacturing methods. In the 1790’s, when the rise of capital markets made it possible to start big construction projects, Morris was nominated and chosen for the Society for Promoting the Improvement of Roads and Inland Navigation, and also became President of the Delaware and Schuylkill and also Schuylkill and Susquehanna canal companies as well. By all means Robert Morris would have been satisfied with the general interests of society because it was instituted with a view to the improvement of the natural advantages of Pennsylvania and the encouraging useful designs and undertakings for promoting its trade, agriculture, manufactures, and population, by means of good roads and internal

became an important matter in certain social circles. John Swanwick, one of Morris’ closest associates, praised the qualities of dancing compared to gambling and drinking. It is hard to tell, how active a dance Morris was, but he definitely was socially active and arranged large dancing balls. See RM and Mary Morris to Kitty Livingston, January 1, 1784 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), microform supplement (forthcoming), p. 1701. See also Brooks (1991: 63-87). It is also important to note that Dancing Assembly had some political insights; its members shared expansionist views on American future. See Egnal (1988: 74).

25 Francis Hopkinson’s letter dated May 12, 1784, as quoted in Hastings (1926: 337).

26 RM to George Washington, June 15, 1784 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), vol. IX, pp. 394-395. George Washington to RM, June 30, 1784 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), microform supplement (forthcoming), p. 2118. Waln (1824: 372). Regarding late excavations at the site where Robert Morris’s mansion used to be, see Philadelphia Inquirer, February 23, 2001 and Benedict (2001).

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navigation.27 These positions of trust show: first that Morris was an active and responsible member of his community; second what kind of matters he was interested in; and third that he understood the economic necessities needed to promote economy and the importance of the development of infrastructure (Nuxoll, 2000: 3-21).

Morris’s community spirit is also shown in other acts. His socially conscious mind is visible in his membership in the various charity organizations noted above. Despite the financial difficulties in his later life, Morris often tried to help people in distress and promised to donate books and money for charity when Convenient Circumstances occur, although he usually had little to say about charity as an institution. He appeared to hold a firm belief that everyone had a chance to make things better in one way or another. From another perspective, however, his participation could be seen as part of a broader social ritual. Like his counterparts in London, Morris’s visible role in philanthropic and community projects could have functioned as a means to improve his social status. Once he had acquired a certain level of wealth, it was probable that Morris started to try and prove his gentility by disinterested acts, as well as through his luxurious lifestyle and conspicuous consumption.28 Rhetoric or not, Morris proclaimed that I am a

27 Pennsylvania Gazette, February 8, 1792, item 78091. July 4, 1792, item

78365, January 23, 1793, item 78746. July 8, 1794, item 79391. Robert Morris had some experience canal building. During his trip to Virginia he had become acquainted with canal building. See RM to Mary Morris, December 2, 1787 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH). Perkins (1994: 350); Lechner (1992: 73-75). Also he and John Nicholson had shares in the Potomac Company and Georgetown Bridge Company, which had been founded to promote the building of canals and bridges in Washington D.C. See Arbuckle (1975: 129).

28 Taylor (1991: 465-491); Hancock (1995: 371); Ward (1999: 222). A good example of Morris’s philanthropy is shown when he, along with Benjamin Franklin supported a boarding school business introduced to Philadelphia by an English woman. No further evidence exists on how this joint venture developed. See Pennsylvania Gazette, December 16, 1775 quoted in Lopez (2000: 79).

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Friend to everything which tends to instruct and enlighten mankind.29 He even saw himself as a patriot Mind seeking the great good of the Whole on enlightened Principles.30

VI. Health regime Robert Morris’s mere appearance tells us that he loved good

food, and the written sources strengthen this impression.31 For example, at one point he expressed his deep regret that taverns did not have any oysters (most likely because of the war). Still, Morris tried to fulfill his aesthetic and culinary desires as far as possible.32 As a Senator living in New York, he was very particular with respect to the quality of food, and the Morris’s dining table was famous for being full of many different luxurious dishes. Most critical appraisals of him said that when the other Senators spoke about politics Morris directly spoke of Wine & Oysters.33 Either way, it was a fact that he had taste and some authority in knowledge of wines and good food.34 A good indication of his reputation was by the name he was referred to by Indians with he negotiated—“the great Eater with a big Belly” (Wilkinson, 1953: 257).

29 RM to Nicholas King, January 14, 1797 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris,

PLBRM), vol. II, p. 225. 30 RM to Alexander Hamilton, August 28, 1782 (The papers of Robert Morris,

PRM), vol. VI, p. 271. 31 RM to Mary Morris, December 2, 1787 (Henry E. Huntington Library,

CSmH). 32 RM to John Hancock, January 23, 1777 (Letters of Delegates to Congress,

LDC), vol. VI, p. 137. 33 Diary of William Maclay, June 11, 1789, p. 74, February 22, 1790, p. 207

(Documentary History of the First Federal Congress), vol. IX. The Diary of William Maclay and other notes on Senate Debates, DHFFC. RM to Mary Morris, August 28, 1789 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH) and September 6, 1789 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH).

34 RM to Slandish Forde, July 26, 1798, RFP. RM to John Ayres, May 23, 1796 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. II, p. 8.

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Morris’s lifestyle was not, however, merely based on gluttony. He also attached a great value to more healthy activities such as getting fresh air by long walks, exercise, drinking water, bathing and general recreation. Besides these he highly valued the advice of physicians with regard to the preservation of Health, even though his confidence in their professional skills deteriorated after they failed to control the yellow fever epidemic in 1793. Morris’s stance on the origin of yellow fever is not known. His political allies, including his business partner Thomas Willing, generally saw the disease as a foreign import, while many Republicans saw that it as being of local origin. It killed approximately ten percent of Philadelphia’s total population (about 5,000 people) and drove most of the citizens out of town, including Robert Morris’s family. Morris himself, however, stayed in Philadelphia.35 Even during his imprisonment he continued to look after his physical condition and appearance, and did not lapse into depression or bitterness.36

35 RM to Tench Tilghman, March 25, 1786 (New York Public Library, NN),

Robert Morris Papers. RM to Mary Morris, December 27, 1787 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH). RM to J. Richard Jr., May 19, 1796 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. I, pp. 839-840. RM to John Nicholson, September 24, 1797 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. II, p. 581 and September 29, 1797 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. II, p. 596. RM to Joseph Higbee, January 9, 1798, Private Collection. The recreational activities were mainly introduced in the Delaware valley by Quakers. Also for example John Locke and Benjamin Franklin stressed the importance of daily exercise. See Fischer (1989: 553-554); Lopez (2000: 20). Regarding physicians and yellow fever, see Rorabaugh (1979: 136). Regarding yellow fever and Morris, see RM to John Constable, November 27, 1793, Private collection. See also Pernick (1972: 566); Gould (2000: 160-161); Taylor (2001).

36 William Wood, an actor and playwriter, who spent a little while in Prune’s Street prison wrote that Morris’s person was neat, and his dress, although a little old-fashioned, adjusted with much care. Quoted in Arbuckle (1975: 199). According to Gould (2000) people in the eighteenth century saw physical, psychological and moral health as linked. People were afraid to show their feelings because they believed it could deteriorate their physical health. Also disease and madness were seen as clear results of uncontrolled passions. See Miller (1996: 133-134). Robert Morris fits Gould’s analysis

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The question of Robert Morris’s life-style and Republican ideology is problematic because of some inconsistencies. The gap between appropriate gentility and extravagant luxuries was thin and not easily determined by Morris’s contemporaries especially among Quakers, Puritans and some other minor Protestant denominations. Generally speaking, Morris was seen as a representative of Republicanism37 and its values, but with this point some different views are visible. Republican ideology, which called for a rejection of the vices of the old world aristocracy, and feared that luxuries could weaken morality, was to some extent in direct contradiction to Morris’s luxurious lifestyle. In this case, the liberalism of the “self-made man” overcame the ideal. It is noteworthy that at the end of the American Revolution, the dogma of Republican ideology and private wealth were seen as interchangeable (Doerflinger, 1983: 214; Bushman, 1992: 193; Brewer, 1997: 82).38 A very telling detail underscoring the elitism of many leading patriots is evident in the desperate attempts to acquire luxury goods in the middle of the horrors of the Revolutionary War. For example, in a letter to Morris requesting Madeira wine, John Hancock wrote, I care not price. 39 Also, Morris himself expressed his opinions about the poor quality of wines brought to America. 40 It seems that even during the

well; most of the time he tried to keep himself in good spirits no matter what difficulties he was facing.

37 Republicanism as a political ideology at the end of 18th century in America cherished the following maxims: integrity, pure morals, serving society, public welfare and equality. See Bonwick (1991: 52).

38 Regarding Republican ideology and revolution, see Matson & Onuf (1985: 496-531); Greene (1992: 143-173). It is noteworthy that at the beginning of the 18th century several European economists tried to rehabilitate the luxurious lifestyle. They argued that luxuries were fundamental in promoting economy in general. Whether Morris saw consumption from this point of view is not known, see Roche (1998: 564-569).

39 John Hancock to RM, October 5, 1777 (Letters of Delegates to Congress, LDC), vol. VIII, p. 55. Madeira wine was the most popular wine in America but there were differences in its quality. See Rorabaugh (1979: 101-102).

40 RM to Monsieur Bertier, August 28, 1778 (Letters of Delegates to Congress,

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exceptional times “the better sort” wanted to differentiate their consumption habits from those of the common people. This communication would seem to indicate that upper class Americans in the Northern States had a sort of distribution network for luxury goods even during the Revolutionary War.

VII. Financial woes His determined mind to settle his debts came not only from

his exceptional personal urge to fulfill the agreements, but also from the nature of financial proceedings at that time. Because the creditor and debtor were individuals, not banks and corporations, the financial contracts were very personal in nature. In addition to losing one’s financial position, there was a danger of losing more because most often the creditor was a relative or a member of a debtor’s inner circle (Perkins, 1994: 74). Besides losing his financial reputation, Morris also might have feared sacrificing his masculinity within his peer group. According to Toby L. Ditz who surveys the history of male subjectivity and the formation of gender conventions among Philadelphia merchants in the eighteenth century, one of the most important conventions of merchants was to safeguard their reputation in other men’s eyes. Thus, from Ditz’s perspective, Morris’s unswerving optimism and determination to straighten things out could be seen as typical gendered behavior within this specific historic milieu. (Ditz, 1994: 51-54, 57, 61, 69, 80; Norton, 1987: 3-39).

Finally, in December 1797, Morris understood that in spite of his constant endeavors his financial situation remained dire. Even though the thought of imprisonment terrified him, the only way for him to achieve peace of mind was to surrender and to accept a room in debtor’s prison. He realized that his reliability

LDC), vol. IX, p. 520.

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among business circles was already gone.41 On the whole he saw revenge as an ignorable passion.42 Instead of focusing on revenge against his creditors however, he tried to eliminate his debts and even planned to start doing business by bills of exchange to help out the means of his subsistence, but naturally the mercantile community was quite suspicious of accepting Morris back into its business circle. After his release in August of 1801, he did not become active in business other than as a counselor to his sons. In 1802 and 1803, he thought about the possibility of participating in a cotton business, and setting up a plantation with his sons in Georgia or eastern Florida, but despite the advantageous conditions, the plans came to nothing. He lived a modest life supported financially by his friends like Gouverneur Morris.43

VIII. Relationship with wife and children According to Helena M. Wall, the structure of families and

the nature of family life were heavily dependent on regional and denominational variables in eighteenth century America (Wall, 1990: viii-ix). The family was the household base unit in eighteenth century Philadelphia, and at the time, having a family

41 RM to John Nicholson, December 8, 1796 and December 11, 1797 (Private

letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p. 138; December 18, 1797 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p. 156; January 9, 1798 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p. 240; January 31, 1798 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p. 234 and February 5, 1798 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p. 236. RM to Alexander Hamilton, January 17, 1798 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p. 220. In December 1797 many of the notes made in 1795 fell due. See Arbuckle (1975: 190).

42 RM to John Nicholson, July 17, 1799 (New York Public Library, NN), Robert Morris Papers.

43 RM to Thomas Morris, August 7, 1801 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH) and January 9, 1802 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH); June 9, 1802 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH); December 20, 1803 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH); January 31, 1805 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH).

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was one of the things needed to become a full member of society. The roles between husband and wife were clear. Men handled financial matters, and women were responsible for the day to day running of the home, whether assisted by servants or not (Shain, 1994: 97-98; Bushman, 1992: 72).

Morris was also family man. Morris had an affectionate relationship with his wife, Mary Morris, who he referred to as “his Dear Molly.” She was not only a housewife, but also a loyal companion who thirsted for knowledge and had a patriotic mind with an interest in political matters. In Robert Morris’s own words, your life is the dearest object in this World.44 Even though their marriage was at least partially based on practicalities (Mary White came from an eminent family), their letters during their marriage reveal deep feelings. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, the role of the husband was changing in American society, and this shift was also visible in Morris’s marriage. Although the man was still the absolute head of the family, women’s authority in the domestic sphere was increasing (Wolf, 1994: 77-78). Among other things, Morris kept his wife as his safeguard against intemperance.45 When Morris was in the Senate in New York, while he openly shared delicate political matters with his wife, in their letters, however, they never spoke anything about women’s rights, ethical questions or children’s upbringing.46 They seemed to have a very

44 RM to Mary Morris, January 9, 1788 (Henry E. Huntington Library,

CSmH). 45 RM to Horatio Gates, June 12, 1788 (New York Public Library), Emmett

Collection. 46 Mary Morris to RM, December 30, 1776 (Henry E. Huntington Library,

CSmH). Mary Morris to Mrs. Jay, July 29, 1781 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH). Mary Morris to Kitty Livingston, November 29, 1784 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), microform supplement (forthcoming), p. 2387. Mary Morris to RM, December 13, 1787 (Documentary history of the ratification of the constitution), vol. II, p. 602. RM to Mary Morris, August 28, 1789 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH); September 6th 1789 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH); September 9, 1789 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH) & May 23, 1790 (Henry E. Huntington

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happy and stable marriage without any major scandals; Robert Morris seemed to enjoy the time spent with his family and the children loved their Pappa.47 Morris openly expressed his love for his children. For example, when he was not at home he asked his wife to kiss my dear children for me.48

Notwithstanding the fact that he and his half-brother may have been born out of wedlock, and that he had had premarital relationships and even produced an illegitimate daughter in 1763, marriage, as a dominant socio-cultural institution, was important to him. Morris never publicly referred to his illegitimate child Polly Croxall as his daughter, and it seems that she never visited Robert Morris’s home in Philadelphia. Still, he tried to help the Croxalls financially, and gave advice to her husband Charles Croxall, who unfortunately proved to be a bad businessman. Morris did not, however, want to abandon his daughter, and promised to continue backing her financially. That being said, it is worth noting that Morris did not consider Mr. Croxall as a part of his family. It is possible that Morris considered his family as just those who lived within the same household, which was a common way of thinking, at least in Virginia.49

Library, CSmH). About their loving relationship see for example RM to Mary Morris, December 2, 1787 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH) and April 26, 1788 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH). They were married since March 1769.

47 RM to Ralph Foster, August 8, 1783 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM). vol. VIII, p. 406. Mary Morris to Kitty Livingston, July 21, 1783 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), microform supplement (forthcoming), p. 1417, Ridley Papers (Massachusetts Historical Society, Mhi). RM to Samuel Bean, June 1, 1795 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. I, p. 334. Mary Morris to RM, December 20, 1776 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH).

48 RM to Mary Morris, December 2, 1787 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH).

49 West (1997: 98-99). Regarding Morris’s illegitimate daughter, see Nuxoll (1995: 3-21). See for example RM to Charles Croxall, May 8, 1782 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), vol. V, pp. 129-130 and RM to Tench Tilghman, October 26, 1784 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM),

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Despite his background, Morris tried to live a moral life and, in some cases, was willing to judge the behavior of others. For example, Morris strictly condemned the behavior of a former employee who had abandoned his family for the sake of a prostitute.50 From his point of view, it was natural that if some intercourse inconsistent with Chastity and Virtue had taken place, the only honorable action to fix the damage was marriage. 51 However, he fundamentally thought that marriage should be based on mutual agreement between two people, and he did not want to interfere in his children’s choice of mates. However, Morris cautioned that when choosing a life-companion it would be best if the choice was based on character, rather than things of secondary importance like wealth or fame, only in this way could a structure of happiness be achieved.52

As noted earlier, his relationship toward his children was much more complicated. A typical mindset of the time was that paternal affection had to be earned, especially by sons, through self-discipline and dutiful behavior (Smith, 1986: 87). Even though it was evident that Robert Morris wanted all the best for his

microform supplement (forthcoming), p. 2350. Tired of backing up Croxall’s debts Morris from time to time, threatened to stop his aid. I cannot in Justice to my Family go further length to serve a man so incapable as he is… and …he has already deceived me, I have done and must leave him to his Fate. See RM to Tench Tilghman, January 15, 1785 and February 21st 1785 (New York Public Library, NN), Robert Morris Papers. See RM to Tench Tilghman, January 19, 1786 (New York Public Library, NN), Robert Morris Papers. About family in Virginia, see Fischer (1989: 275-276).

50 RM to Thomas Morris, July 12, 1796 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. II, p. 50.

51 RM to Laurent Concler, June 15, 1795 (Society Collection, SC). 52 RM to Maria Morris, June 26, 1789 (Society Collection, SC). RM to

Thomas Morris, March 20, 1799 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH). Samuel Richardson, printer and author of popular books Pamela and Clarissa in the 1740’s, had introduced the concept of marriage based on consent to the Anglo-American world. See Reinier (1996: 13-14).

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offspring and was at times a very affectionate father,53 his methods of upbringing were sometimes quite harsh, even if unexceptional at the time. Because he himself had a strong sense of duty and a sober judgment especially in business matters, he also expected these qualities from his children. But as a father, Morris should be placed on the liberal side of the family when compared to those where religious morality was the predominant guideline. In his case, good behavior was linked more closely to achievements and caring social behavior rather than following strict religious rules of conduct. His two elder sons, Robert and Thomas aside from some minor difficulties became trustworthy citizens and good business agents.54 The other two sons, William and Charles caused nearly constantly trouble for their father. Charles could not find his calling, and when his father declined to pay for his lifestyle, their relationship took a turn for the worse. Even though they met each other occasionally, and Morris even arranged an apprenticeship for him with a mercantile house in Philadelphia and later with his own house, they were nevertheless quite distant with one another. Finally, father Morris lost his patience and decided to break him of bad & idle habits, but this largely had no effect. The outcome was an almost total breakdown in relations between father and son. In 1799, Charles had been working at Frigate Constellation but he was uncomfortable there so he soon quit. After this outcome, his father decided not to support him financially anymore.55 One of

53 RM to Mary Morris, January 13, 1788 (Henry E. Huntington Library,

CSmH). TM to Thomas Morris, April 26, 1788 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH). RM to William Morris, October 23, 1799 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH).

54 RM to Patrick Colquhaun, December 22, 1794 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. I, pp 1-3.

55 RM to Maria Morris, June 26, 1789 (Society Collection, SC). RM to Thomas Russell, March 4, 1796, p. 735. RM to Thomas Morris (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. II, p. 226; January 29, 1797 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. II, p. 246 and April 25, 1797 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. II, p. 306. RM to Robert Morris Jr., April 30, 1797 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris,

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the biggest conflicts occurred when his son William decided to live a playboy lifestyle in Europe, and failed to take care of his father’s businesses. Morris was furious because he had to settle his son’s private matters in the midst of undertaking his own enormous land deals. Afterwards, Morris even threatened to disown William because of his misconduct and it was even uncertain whether he and I should ever have further intercourse, though this might have been only rhetoric to calm down the angry father of the other party. This incident clearly made their relationship worse; afterward, William refused to write about any of his activities in Europe, and his father considered stopping payment on his son’s drafts.56

There was no doubt however, that Robert Morris loved his children and grandchildren and wanted the best for them. In the midst of his financial difficulties he was not so worried about his own fate, but of what impact his actions would have on his family members. 57 Besides the economic problems, Morris was also confronted with a death in his own family. It was a heavy blow for Morris that only eight months after his imprisonment, his son William died of sickness. It was typical of the times that Morris did not grieve overwhelmingly and tried to keep his feelings under

PLBRM), vol. II, p. 308. RM to Thomas Morris, September 7, 1799 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH).

56 RM to Laurent Concler, June 15, 1795 (Society Collection, SC). RM to James Marshall, January 16, 1796 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. I, p. 686; March 4, 1796 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. I, p. 732 and August 13, 1796 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. II, p. 76. RM to William Morris, August 13, 1796 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. II, p. 76. RM to James Monroe, August 13, 1796 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. II, p. 77. RM to James Marshall, February 10, 1797 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. II, p.265. See Nuxoll (1995: 4).

57 RM to John Nicholson, February 8, 1798 (Private letterbook of Robert Morris, PLBRM), vol. III, p. 182. RM to Thomas Morris, March 20, 1799 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH) and January 31, 1805 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH).

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control. 58 The actions of Morris’s children were likewise not extraordinary. After the Revolutionary war, as David Waldstreicher notes in his study (1997: 78), it was especially hard for young men to find their place and identity in society. The Morris family lived in a transitional time where the function of family was undergoing a broad social change in the American colonies. The family was no longer simply a firm economical unit, but was also a sphere of recreation and protection, within which children had their own rights. A smooth transition from childhood to adulthood had become a more complex process, and events in the Morris family clearly support this argument. Even more than before, young men were seeking their independence.59

One factor, which could have had on effect on Morris, and help explain why he was so worried about his children, was the case of his half-brother Thomas Morris. After their father’s death Robert Morris promised to take care of his half brother and later tried in many ways, but without success, to keep him out of trouble. Thomas’s flighty lifestyle finally ended in his death after a delirious fever in January 1778 which was largely brought on by his heavy drinking.60 His brother’s destiny was evidently a very shocking event that influenced his attitude toward his children and toward life in general.61

58 RM to John Nicholson, October 10, 1798, GC. RM to Thomas Morris,

October 10, 1798 (Henry E. Huntington Library, CSmH). Regarding emotional self-control in the eighteenth-century, see Richard (1994: 183). Stoicism as a philosophical trend was popular during the eighteenth century.

59 Demos (1986: 30-35, 99); Wolf (1994: 134). Nevertheless Morris’s relationships with his children was healthier than Benjamin Rush’s for example who was kind of a familial despot despite of his otherwise enlightened visions of society based on equality. See Davis (1975: 274).

60 About his death, see Pliarne, Penet, Dacosta, Ferres & Co to RM, February 10, 1778 (Levis Collection, LC).

61 Regarding Morris’s reactions to his brother’s death. See for example RM to Richard Peters, January 25, 1778 (Pennsylvania Historical Society, PHi), Wayne Papers. RM to William Lee, May 22, 1778 (Virginia Historical Society, ViHi).

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The family was a very important institution to Thomas Jefferson, as it was to Morris. It was one of the prerequisites to achieving happiness in life that one had good human relationships, a loving spouse and children.62 All this is in contrast to Benjamin Franklin, a Founding Father who enjoyed female company in a more liberal sense (Middlekauff, 1996: 115). Morris complained on several occasions how his public duties prevented him from enjoying the joys of a stable family life. These sentiments were common among the Founders, who roundly praised the virtues of marriage (West, 1997: 93-94). Morris married at a mature age, which was typical for merchants who, in their younger years were virtually nomadic (Hancock, 1995: 245). There is only fragmentary evidence of how active his social life had been in his earlier years. One of the few traces can be found in two letters from Samuel Bean, a commercial agent in Kingston, Jamaica. The informal tone of the letters and some warm descriptions of their friendship indicate that Robert Morris and Samuel Bean were good friends. Those letters indicate that Morris had had some kind of adventures with women during his business trips as a young merchant.63

Overall, the American leaders mainly thought that women had different duties in life when compared to men. Alexander Hamilton saw women as a reservoir of labor, Jefferson

62 Koch (1975: 34). As a matter of fact Morris’s family helped Jefferson’s

daughter in one way or another while she was studying in Philadelphia. See Thomas Jefferson to RM, April 26, 1784 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), vol. IX, p. 286.

63 Samuel Bean to RM, May 3, 1761 (Levis Collection, LC); October 18, 1761 (Levis Collection, LC). Samuel Bean wrote very formal letters to RM in 1781 and 1782 and inquired about the possibility of meeting. Bean had recently come over from England to New York. There is no evidence that they ever met each other again. Morris tactfully refused to continue correspondence because in the midst of the Revolution, they found themselves on opposite sides. See Samuel Bean to RM, November 19, 1781 (Levis Collection, LC); RM to Samuel Bean, December 15, 1781 (Confidential correspondence of Robert Morris, CCRM), p. 38, and Samuel Bean to RM, May 26, 1782 (The papers of Robert Morris, PRM), vol. V, pp. 265-266.

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conservatively thought that women’s place was at home and they were merely “objects of our pleasure,” Arthur Lee had an almost aggressively misogynistic attitude, and John Adams thought that women were better in domestic duties because nature has indicated it (West, 1997: 86; Kennedy, 1999: 61). In general, the Founders thought that women’s liberty was best secured when they were involved mainly in domestic activities and did not participate in social matters. At that time, the equality of the sexes was based on the presumption that there were clear differences between men and women. The concept of gender equality, had a different meaning at the end of the 18th century than it has in the current discourse of social thought. With the exception of Abigail Adams and a few others, women themselves were quiet concerning their position in the society. By and large, despite the fact that during the Revolution women became more interested in political affairs and social matters, the Revolution did not do much to change the status of women in the American society. Aside from the experiment in New Jersey which allowed women to vote until 1807, the political system did in no way embrace universal suffrage. However, some changes occurred during this period: independent women’s property rights were extended, as were their hereditary rights; also divorce law was reformed in some States.64

There is no clear answer as to how typical or exceptional Robert Morris was as a family man in eighteenth century Philadelphia or in the United States. In certain things he maintained the traditional patriarchal family structure. Strict guidance over his children and their future was one of the “old” features in his thinking, but then again his expression of his feelings towards his wife and children was untypical of that time, despite the fact that a certain kind of unsentamentality between

64 Crane (1987: 255-258); West (1997: 75-77, 82, 87-88, 104). The opposite

view also exists among scholars. Linda K. Gerber and Mary Beth Norton have stressed that the Revolutionary period was an important turning point concerning the role of women.

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family members was quickly becoming outmoded.

IX. Robert Morris and the Republic of Men Mark E. Kann had used the concept the republic of men in his

recent work concerning the American founders and their gendered role in the Revolutionary period. Even though Kann does not deal particularly with Robert Morris, it is interesting to see how well the characteristics of the republic men mesh with his own character. The similarities, while not categorically applicable, can in general be applied to Morris. First, as a father, Morris was no longer an old world patriarch, but rather an affectionate and egalitarian head of the family. Because of the rapidly changing physical and ideological atmosphere, Morris could not guide his children with an unquestioned iron fist. Second, Morris often tried to imitate the upper-class code of honor in his political and business dealings, desiring legitimate male heirs to perpetuate his family, and promoting civic order through philanthropy and public service. Thirdly, men in the republic tried to drape themselves with aristocratic gentility, as they frequently tried to obtain books to teach themselves genteel speech and conduct, purchased homes and objects that testified to their refined status and participated in public leadership and service. All of these features closely suit the case of Robert Morris. Worthy men, a phrase used by Morris, were needed to guide people ruling the disorderly passions and counteract the democratic distemper of aliens, egotists, isolates, mobs, factions, and demagogues. In this setting, Morris and other leading Founders saw inequality in society as a self-evident fact of life (Kann, 1998).

Robert Morris can be seen as a part of the general consumerism movement that became possible because of the more open commerce characteristic of the 18th and 19th centuries. It must be remembered that this kind of fondness of spending money on things that were not necessarily essential for living was not just a post-revolutionary tendency. Still, Morris as a private citizen

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never forgot his altruistic role. The countless projects he participated in during the 1790’s such as canal buildings road improvements, manufacturing, scientific production and even land speculation can and should be seen not as self interested, but as actions that benefited the community as a whole.

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References

Several archival sources relating to Robert Morris. See endnotes and abbreviations for further notice.

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Arnold, D. M. (1989). A republican revolution: Ideology and politics in Pennsylvania 1776-1790. New York: Garland .

Behrendt, S. D. (2001). Markets, transaction cycles, and profits: Merchant decision making in the slave trade. William and Mary Quarterly, 58, 1: 171-204.

Benedict, T. L. (2001, October 19-21). The walls of my Ice House are built of stone without mortar…: Robert Morris’s Icehouse in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Paper presented at Council for Northeast Historical Archaelogy Annual Meeting, Niagara Falls, Ontario.

Berg, M., & Clifford, H. (Eds.). (1999). Consumers and luxury: Consumer culture in Europe 1650-1850. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press.

Bonwick, C. (1991). The American revolution. London: Macmillan.

Breen, T. H. (1993). The meaning of “Likeness”: Portrait- painting in an eighteenth-century consumer society. In E. G. Miles (Ed.), The portrait in eighteenth-century America (pp. 37-60). Newark, DE: University of Delaware Press.

Brewer, J. (1997). The pleasures of the imagination. In English culture in the eighteenth century. London: Harper Collins Publishers.

Brobeck, S. J. (1972). Changes in the composition and structure of Philadelphia elite groups 1756-1790. Unpublished

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doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. Brooks, L. M. (1991). Emblem of gaiety, love, and legislation:

Dance in eighteenth-century Philadelphia. The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, CXV, 1: 63-114.

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Bushman, R. L. (1992). The refinement of America: Persons, houses, cities. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Chernow, B. A. (1978). Robert Morris, land speculator 1790-1801. New York: Arno Press.

Cook, F. G. (1890). Robert Morris. The Atlantic Monthly, 66, 397: 607-618.

Crane, E. F. (1987). Dependence in the era of independence: The role of women in a republican society. In J. P. Greene (Ed.), American Revolution. Its character and limits (pp. 253-275). New York: New York University Press.

Davis, D. B. (1975). The problem of slavery in the age of revolution 1770-1823. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Demos, J. (1986). Past, present, and personal: The family and the life course in American history. New York: Oxford University Press.

Ditz, T. L. (1994). Shipwrecked; or, masculinity imperiled: Mercantile representations of failure and the gendered self in eighteenth-century Philadelphia. The Journal of American History, 81, 1: 51-80.

Doerflinger, T. M. (1983). Philadelphia merchants and the logic of moderation, 1760-1775. William and Mary Quarterly, 40, 2: 197-226.

Doerflinger, T. M. (1986). A vigorous spirit of enterprise, merchants and economic development in revolutionary Philadelphia. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

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Egnal, M. (1988) A mighty empire. The origins of the American revolution. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Faris, J. T. (1943). He Financed the War. (unpublished manuscript).

Fischer, D. H. (1989). Albion’s seed. Four British folkways in America. New York: Oxford University Press.

Frost, J. (1844) Lives of American merchants. New York. Goldstein, J. (1978). Philadelphia and China trade 1682-1846:

Commercial, cultural, and attitudinal effects. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press.

Gould, P. (2000). Race, commerce, and the literature of yellow fever in early national Philadelphia. Early American Literature, 35, 2: 156-186.

Greene, J. P. (1992). Imperatives, behaviors, and identities. Essays in early American cultural history. Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia.

Hancock, D. (1995). Citizens of the world: London merchants and the integration of the British Atlantic community, 1735-1785. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Handlin, O., & L. (1982). A restless people: Americans in rebellion 1770-1787. New York: Anchor Press.

Hastings, G. E. (1926). The life and works of Francis Hopkinson. Chicago, IL: The University Of Chicago Press.

Heiges, G. L. (1930). Robert Morris in Manheim. Papers read before the Lancaster County Historical Society, XXXIV, 6: 121-134.

Henderson, H. J. (1974). Party politics in the continental congress. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company.

Holton, W. (1999). Forced founders: Indians, debtors, slaves & the making of the American revolution in Virginia. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

Houchin, J. H. (1999). The struggle for virtue: Professional theatre in 18th century Philadelphia. Theatre History Studies, 19: 167-188.

Kann, M. E. (1998). A Republic of men: The American founders,

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gendered language and patriarchal politics. New York: New York University Press.

Kennedy, R. G. (1999). Burr, Hamilton and Jefferson: A study in character. New York: Oxford University Press.

Koch, A. (1975). Power, morals, and the founding fathers: Essays in the interpretation of the American enlightenment. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Larkin, J. (1989). The reshaping of everyday life: 1790-1840. New York: Harper & Row.

Lechner, C. B. (1992). The erie triangle: The final link between Philadelphia and the Great Lakes. Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, CXVI, 1: 59-85.

Lopez, C.-A. (2000). My life with Benjamin Franklin. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Lucas, P. R. (1984). American Odyssey, 1607-1789. Eaglewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Martin, A. S. (1996). Material things and cultural meanings: Notes on the study of early American material culture. William and Mary Quarterly, 53, 1: 5-12.

Matson, C., & Onuf, P. (1985). Toward a republican empire: Interest and ideology in revolutionary America. American Quarterly, 37, 4: 496-531.

Meranze, M. (1996). Laboratories of virtue: Punishment, revolution, and authority in Philadelphia 1760-1835. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

Middlekauff, R. (1996). Benjamin Franklin and his enemies. Los Angeles: University of California Press.

Miller, J. C. (1996). An “Uncommon tranquility of mind”: Emotional self-control and the construction of a middle- class identity in eighteenth-century Philadelphia. Journal of Social History, 30: 129-148.

Nash, G. B. (1986). The urban crucible: The northern seaports and the origins of the American revolution. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Nash, G. B. (2002). First city: Philadelphia and the forging of

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historical memory. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Norton, M. B. (1987). Gender and defamation in seventeenth- century Maryland. William and Mary Quarterly, 44: 3-39.

Nuxoll, E. M. (1995). Illegitimacy, family status, and property in the early republic: The Morris-Croxall family of New York. New Jersey History, 113, 3-4: 3-21.

Nuxoll, E. M. (1997). A generation of numismatic co-operation: Findings on the notes and coins of the confederation through the papers of Robert Morris. American Journal of Numismatics, 2, 9: 55-87.

Nuxoll, E. M. (2000). The financier as senator: Robert Morris of Pennsylvania. In K. R. Bowling & D. R. Kennon (Eds.), Neither separate nor equal: Congress in the 1790s (pp.91-127). Athens, OH: Ohio University Press.

Oberholtzer, E. P. (1968). Robert Morris: Patriot and financier. New York: Burt Franklin.

Ormsby-Lennon, H. (1991). From shibboleth to apocalypse: Quaker speechways during the Puritan revolution. In P. Burke & R. Porter (Eds.), Language, self, and society: A social history of language (pp. 72-112). Cambridge: Polity Press.

Perkins, E. J. (1994). American public finance and financial services 1700-1815. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press.

Pernick, M. S. (1972). Politics, parties and pestilence: Epidemic yellow fever in Philadelphia and the rise of the first party system. William and Mary Quarterly, 29, 4: 559-586.

Porter, R. (2000). Enlightenment: Britain and the creation of the modern world. Allen Lane, UK: The Penguin Press.

Rakove, J. N. (1982). The beginnings of national politics: An interpretative history of the continental congress. MD: Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.

Reinier, J. S. (1996). From virtue to character. American

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childhood, 1775-1850. New York: Twayne Publishers. Richard, C. J. (1994). The founders and the classics: Greece,

Rome, and the American enlightenment. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Riesman, J. A. (1987). Money, credit, and federalist political economy. In R. Beeman, S. Botein, & E. Carter III (Eds.), Beyond confederation: Origins of the constitution and national identity (pp. 128-161). Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Robert Morris. The Oxford merchant, 1711-1750. In worthies of Talbot. Retrieved November 30, 2004, from Talbot County Free Library Web site: http://www.talb.lib.md.us/ mdroom/worthies/morris.html

Roche, D. (1998). France in the enlightenment. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Rorabaugh, W. J. (1979). The alcoholic republic: An American tradition. New York: Oxford University Press.

Sakolski, A. M. (1930). Robert Morris, patriot and bankrupt. Nation’s Business, XVIII: 37-38, 202-205.

Shain, B. A. (1994). The myth of American individualism: The protestant origins of American political thought. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Silverman, K. (1976). A cultural history of the American revolution. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell.

Simpson, H. (1859). The lives of eminent Philadelphians. Philadelphia: William Brotherhead.

Smith, B. G. (1984). Inequality in late colonial Philadelphia: A note on its nature and growth. William and Mary Quarterly, 41, 4: 629-645.

Smith, D. B. (1986). Inside the great house: Planter family life in eighteenth century chesapeake society. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Taylor, A. (1991). From fathers to friends of the people: Political personas in the early republic. Journal of the Early Republic, 11, 4: 465-491.

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Taylor, S. P. (2001). We live in the midst of death: Yellow fever, moral economy, and public health in Philadelphia, 17931805. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Northern Illinois University.

Thompson, P. (1989). The friendly glass: Drink and gentility in colonial Philadelphia. The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, CXIII, 4: 549-574.

Ver Steeg, C. (1976). Robert Morris, revolutionary financier. New York: Octagon Books.

Wagner, F. (1976). Robert Morris, audacious patriot. New York: Dodd, Mead and Company.

Waldstreicher, D. (1997). In the midst of perpetual fetes: The making of American nationalism 1776-1820. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

Wall, H. M. (1990). Fierce communion: Family and communioty in early America. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Waln, R. (1824). Robert Morris. Biography of the signers of the declaration of independence (Vol. V, pp. 189-375). Philadelphia: R. W. Pomeroy.

Walsh, L. S. (2001). The chesapeake slave trade: Regional patterns, African origins, and some implications. William and Mary Quarterly, 58, 1: 139-170.

Ward, H. M. (1999). The war for independence and the transformation of American society. London: University College London Press.

West, T. G. (1997). Vindicating the founders: Race, sex, class, and justice in the origins of America. New York: Rowman & Littlefield.

Wilkinson, N. B. (1953). Robert Morris and the treaty of Big Tree. Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XL: 257-278.

Wolf, S. G. (1994). As various as their land: The everyday lives of eighteenth-century Americans. New York: Harper Perennial.

Wood, G. S. (1987). Interests and disinterestedness in the making of the constitution. In R. Beeman, S. Botein, & E.

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Carter III (Eds.), Beyond confederation: Origins of the constitution and national identity (pp. 69-109). NC: Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

Wright, R. E. (1996). Thomas Willing (1731-1821): Philadelphia financier and forgotten founding father. Pennsylvania History, 63: 525-560.

Yarbrough, J. M. (1998). American virtues: Thomas Jefferson on the character of a free people. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas.

Young, E. (1950). Forgotten patriot: Robert Morris. New York: Macmillan.

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Marko Junkkarinen

Images on Socio-Ethnic Groups in Robert Morris’s Worldview

Robert Morris (1734–1806) was an Englishman from Liverpool who became an

1

1 . Looking at the other - historical study of images in theory and practice

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There is every likelihood that Morris’s worldview changed in the course of his life and so he might have had several, sometimes differing worldviews. An individual’s worldview just like images are always a work in progress and crucial in shaping

different patterns and ideologies were in the process of change. With this in mind, worldview and image have some similarities as concepts. Just as a person could have contrasting worldviews during his life he could have many images as well. When trying to reconstruct a worldview or image, one has to try to get inside of his thoughts

2

to the representative democracy. His varied roles at the center of the United States’

point for the development of an individual’s image and worldview in the 18th century

provide evidence of the beliefs and attitudes of their author, and evidence of the society in which the author lived.3

Worth of man in society

society. It was the life, liberty and pursuit of happiness were mainly addressed for

2 Current Anthropology, vol. 13, no. 1,

Journal of Economic History,

Culture, Globalization and the World-System

3 Truth of History

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Indians, slaves, servants, women or children.4 So it has been argued that the revolutionary call for natural rights were just an attack against the British hereditary system, not against the values or practices of it.

American colonies were more egalitarian than most of the European countries,

economically and ideologically, between classes in America. The contemporaries during the Revolution used to refer to class groups as upper, middle and poor, but there were signs of a new aristocracy in the beginning of the 1790s. American society was far from homogenous.5 Roughly the society was divided between democratic communitarians and more elite Whigs, but in no way was the division strict and easily perceptible.6 Even though early American statesmen willingly used words “the

of the real meaning of those terms.7 Morris did not directly discuss his relationship with minorities and other classes in any particular document while Congressman, Superintendent, Senator or private businessman, but some of his inner assumptions can be revealed ”between the lines” and in minor remarks. It is clear that Morris did see different classes in society, which was not in any way extraordinary even in the relatively egalitarian American colonies. For Morris social hierarchy was a self-evident truth.8

When referring to Americans, Morris usually used simply the term the People, and very rarely the more debatable utterance the Freemen. Sometimes he used the concept free Citizen, which I believe, had the same meaning as the Freemen. From his point of view, the citizen meant that one was entitled to all privileges and immunities

4 Douglas M. Arnold, A Republican Revolution. Ideology and Politics in Pennsylvania 1776–1790. New York, 1989, 103. Thomas Wendel, “Colonial Pennsylvania, Cradle of Democracy”. In Search of a Continent. Festschrift in Honor of Professor Markku Henriksson’s 50th Anniversary. Edited by Mikko Saikku et al., Hakapaino, Helsinki 1999, 104. The democracy of the Constitution has been constantly under attack. See for example Michael Parenti, “The Constitution as an elitist Document”. How democratic is the Constitution? Edited by Robert Goldwin and William A. Schampra. American Enterprise Institute Press, Washington 1980. Nash (Gary B. Nash, The Urban Crucible: The Northern Seaports and the Origins of the American Revolution. Harvard University Press, Cambridge 1986,

professionals and wealthy merchants. Even though free slaves were entitled to vote in some states after the War of Independence, by the time of the Civil War these rights had been taken away. See Thomas G. West, Vindicating the Founders. Race, Sex, Class, and Justice in the Origins of America.

5 Roland M. Baumann, The Democratic-Republicans of Philadelphia: The Origins, 1776–1797. (Doctoral Dissertation) The Pennsylvania State University, 1970, 173–179. Colin Bonwick, The American Revolution. Macmillan, London 1991, 31. Contemporaries spoke mainly of “sorts”.6 Miller 1991, 76–77.7 David Waldstreicher, In the Midst of Perpetual Fetes. The Making of American Nationalism 1776–1820. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill 1997, 37–38.8 Janet A. Riesman, “Money, Credit, and Federalist Political Economy”. Beyond Confederation: Origins of the Constitution and National Identity. Ed. Richard Beeman et al. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill 1987, 146.

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which the laws and the constitution afford.9 But in his view citizens were not equal in the sense it is understood in the modern democratic political theory. He explicitly revealed some of his opinions of the composition of the society. According to Morris, it was self-evident that there was a certain distinction of character that prescribed a person’s place in society. For Morris, the word character had both moral and political implications.10

Surely persons possessed of knowledge, judgment, information, integrity, and having extensive connections, are not to be classed with persons void of reputation or character--with criminals who infringe the laws, &c.&c.11

according to their attitudes towards political matters. Firstly, there were those who were interested in political matters. The second class was formed by the ignorant, and the third class was formed by the inconsiderate parts of community.12 The ideal type of man for Morris was a man with following features: independent in spirit and independent in fortune, and who also had sense and integrity.13 Later he added benevolence, good manners and good breeding in the previous list.14 However, it was clear that the concepts, such as freemen and citizen, had a deeper meaning for the early American leaders.

stressed by some historians, is also corroborated in this case.15 If some assignment needed trustworthy personnel, Morris willingly preferred his relatives, friends, business associates and Anglo-Americans. Morris did not see the white community as a homogenous and equal unit, but saw his own ethnic group in some way or

9 RM to George Washington, July 2nd 1781, PRM (The Papers of Robert Morris vol. I-IX, Ed. E. James Ferguson et al. Pittsburgh 1973–1999), vol. I, 213. RM to Governors, October 19th 1781, PRM vol. III, 83. RM to John Jay, January 3rd 1783, PRM vol VII, 270. RM’s speech at General Assembly of Pennsylvania, March 30th 1786, DPGAP (Debates and Proceedings of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania), 24.10 RM to James Lovell, November 6th 1782, PRM vol. VII, 20.11 RM’s speech at General Assembly of Pennsylvania, March 30th 1786, DPGAP, 27. Alan Taylor, “>From Fathers to Friends of the People: Political Personas in the Early Republic”. Journal of the Early Republic, vol. 11, 1991, 465. Morris’s views on equality were widely shared among other American politicians. See Jack P. Greene, “Imperatives, Behaviors, and Identities”. Essays in Early American Cultural History. University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville 1992, 239–245.12 RM to Gouverneur Morris, March 4th 1789, NIC (Cornell University, Ithaca, New York). (PRMF, Papers of Robert Morris Files in Queens College, NY).13 RM’s speech at General Assembly of Pennsylvania, March 30th 1786, DPGAP, 40.14 RM to Thomas Morris, March 20th 1799, CSmH (Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, California) (PRMF).15 See Alan W. Tully, “Ethnicity, Religion, Politics – Early America”. Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. 107, 1983, 492. Stephen Brobeck, “Revolutionary Change in Colonial Philadelphia: The Brief Life of the Proprietary Gentry”. William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 33, no. 3, July 1976, 410–434.

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another superior to others, but not necessarily from a racial perspective. For example, when he was advising his business associate William Bingham on how to choose a crew for his privateer ships he emphasized that You must get as many Anglo

. Naturally there might have been just practical reasons for this kind of arrangement such as better co-operation, but other impressions cannot be avoided, either.16 Among the Anglo-Americans, deep distrust and discrimination towards aliens had its history since the great immigration years occurred in the middle of the 1700s.17 Although Morris was to some degree skeptical of the abilities of other than his own peer group, it did not prevent co-operation for example with people who had different denominations like, Presbyterians, Catholics, Jews or other potential collaborators for the American cause.18

In cases, when Morris had an authority to choose a person for some position of trust, he often ended up in his trustworthy “inner circle”, which was, of course, mainly a rational thing to do. When Morris knew the agent or contractor, he could

sort of “nepotism” was more acceptable and a common procedure in the 1700s than it is nowadays.19 zed that worth was the main factor placing people in society, he did not specify more accurately what qualities it really included. He excluded wealth as a determining

really were.20 There are some allusions to what he might have meant with it, in his private letters in the 1790s. In his letter to Sylvanus Bourne, a business associate in

for him. The person must be active, sensible, honest and a man of good reputable Family and Education, qualities that were extensively acknowledged throughout the United States and Europe.21

Even though there were not such hereditary estates in North America as in Europe, Morris did not see society entirely as a egalitarian unit. In Philadelphia, which was the second largest town in the whole British Empire, the differences between social groups were naturally in view.22 Contrary to standard procedure,

16 RM to William Bingham, December 4th 1776, LDC (Letters of Delegates to Congress) vol. V, 575.17 Nash 1986, 145.18 RM to Benjamin Harrison, December 29th 1776, LDC vol. V, 693. RM Silas Deane, June 29th 1777, LDC vol. VII, 267. RM to Henry Laurens, February 4th 1778, LDC vol. IX, 22. RM to Ralph Foster, August 8th 1783, PRM vol. VIII, 406.19 For example Morris strongly supported Thomas Willing for the president of Bank of North America. Tench Francis (Willing’s brother-in-law) got some special public assignments. Thomas Morris (Robert’s half-brother) was chosen for Congress’ agent in Nantes. Superintendent also favored

was always open to all contractors.20 RM to Mary Morris, May 13th 1789, CSmH (PRMF).21 RM to Sylvanus Bourne, March 30th 1795, PLBRM (The Private letterbook of Robert Morris), 152.22 Brobeck 1972, 126.

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Morris did not unambiguously consider that the amount of wealth should be a factor when considering man’s place in community. Instead he argued that Worth not Wealth renders a Man estimable in my eyes. The only thing that mattered was everyone’s personal contribution to the common cause.23 Different classes perform different functions.

The revolutionary leaders were aware of the fact that the Revolution was not possible without the support of unpropertied classes and so every individual was important in contributing the common cause.24 He claimed that there were such people in the community who could and should use their skills for the good of whole. If Morris had become familiar or not with Adam Smith’s theory of “invisible hand” is not exactly known, but the uniformity of thoughts is clear. That is certain that he had it in his possession as well as another English economist Thomas Mortimer’s (1730–1810) writings.25 Early American statesmen in general were the earliest readers of Wealth of Nations.26

…by distributing Property in those Hands which could render it most productive, the Revenue would be increased.27

In Morris’s opinion although people were born equal their capabilities to act for the

that did not need any deeper philosophical reasoning. In society there were Ranks of Men or different Classes of Citizens who had their Proper Stations in Civil Society.28 For example, Morris often spoke of lower Orders of Community or the Poor, and when referring to the higher classes he used the Rich or the moneyed man.29 Again Morris’s reasoning, conscious or not, was compatible with John Locke’s thoughts on human nature.

Morris’s thoughts on class should be linked to the huge changing process in the composition of society at the end of the colonial period. Also one has to bear in mind that Morris’s reasoning did not necessarily clash with the principles of equality. Even the most ardent radicals realized that there had to be some rank in society, otherwise

23 RM to Richard Butler (Colonel of the Pennsylvania Regiment), July 18th 1782, PRM vol. V, 598.24 Lance Banning, “The Problem of Power: Parties, Aristocracy, and Democracy in Revolutionary Thought”. The American Revolution. Its Character and Limits. Ed. Jack P. Greene. New York University Press, New York 1987, 112. Many Americans viewed society in terms of unpropertied and propertied classes. See William B. Scott, In Pursuit of Happiness: American Conceptions of Property from the Seventeenth to the Twentieth Century. Indiana University Press, Bloomington 1977, 44.25 RM’s diary, December 27th 1781, PRM vol III, 447.26 Samuel Fleischacker, “Adam Smith’s Reception among the American Founders, 1776–1790”. William and Mary Quaterly, vol.59, no. 4, October 2002, 897.27 RM to John Hanson (President of Congress), July 29th 1782, PRM vol. VI, 63.28 RM to John Jay, January 3rd 1783, PRM vol. VII, 270. RM to John Adams, September 20th 1783, PRM vol. VIII, 532. Morris shared the Quakers’ view and did not believe in full social equality.29 RM to John Hanson (President of Congress), July 29th 1782, PRM vol. VI, 59. Main (1965)

from Morris’s letter to Governor Martin July 29th 1782, but nothing in that letter indicates to the

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governing a republic could turn out to be impossible.30 Especially in Philadelphia the growing inequality and migration sharpened the contrasts between the lower and upper classes.31

men like him formed an aristocratic class in the European sense. Because of the lack hereditary class positions, the American society was more open and inhabitants had dealings in common irrespective of the facts of their birth, wealth or rank.32

Image of slavery

The ideological stance of early American statesmen on chattel slavery was ambivalent and equivocal. There has been extensive and interesting discussion among the scholars about whether the Americans meant that the rights announced in Declaration of Independence and Constitution were also meant for slaves. Some historians are very critical of the motives of the early American leaders, whereas others defend the purity

of the critical approach of the actions of early American statesmen. For example, he has argued that Americans bought their independence with slave labor, but he admits that Americans did not do it because they were racists.33 Thomas G. West represents the latter group. He has been devoted in showing that the “Founding Fathers” were in principle against slavery, but could not yet put their ideals into effect because of the prevailing circumstances. To avoid greater evils they had to tolerate lesser ones,

on every point in his argument. For him it was enough that Franklin and others said that slavery was wrong even though they did not necessarily act on their words.34 For West, American leaders were not followers of Kantian ethics (which emphasized the importance of the correct means rather than result), but utilitarians who were just trying to achieve the best possible outcome. The ideals of equality and property rights clashed with each other, and were not logical in practice. White people faced

30 of American Social Structure”. The Transformation of Early American History. Society, Authority and Ideology31 Billy G. Smith, “Inequality in Late Colonial Philadelphia: A Note on Its Nature and Growth,” William and Mary Quarterly

32 33 As Quoted in David B. Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution 1770–1823.

Anglo-American Perceptions of the American Indian”. The American Historical Review,,

34 th

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endanger some of the privileges they had enjoyed; if they were going to respect the rights of slaves, they would at the same time endanger their own.35

It is surprising that such a prominent merchant and politician as Morris was, he only mentioned the words slave or negro a few times, and even on these occasions the context was such that is not possible to speculate that Morris was pro-slavery.36 References to slaves and slavery are very rare in Morris’s writings, and it is interesting to consider why Morris did not discuss slavery. One explanation could be that Morris lived in Pennsylvania where slavery was not as big and organized as in the deep South because of different economic circumstances, and the large number of indentured servants. Therefore ”the slave question” was not under discussion.37 The practice of slavery differed considerably from region to region in the United States.38 The amount of slaves had also started to decline rapidly especially in the city area of Philadelphia well before the emancipation act of 1780 in Pennsylvania.39 Another plausible explanation is that in Morris’s opinion slavery was such a self-evident and common arrangement that it did not need any speculation. As noted earlier Morris did not like theorizing things too much because his education did not allow it, and of course the issue of slavery was a very delicate matter. Avoiding harsh opinions was a characteristic of Morris, and in this light his silence is understandable. Also worth noting, is that in general the superiority of white men was recognized in all ranks

35 William W. Freehling, “The Founding Fathers and Slavery”. The American Historical Review, vol. 77, no. 1, February 1972, 84. Jean M. Yarbrough, American Virtues. Thomas Jefferson on the Character of a Free People. University Press of Kansas, Lawrence 1998, 2. Appleby 2000, 55, 71.36 Morris used the word negro very rarely. One of the earliest quotations can be found in a letter to John -, November 29th 1759, SC (Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania). Morris mentioned slaves, for example, in the question of poll tax, where he proposed that all male slaves between sixteen and sixty should be taxed. See RM to the Governors of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, December 19th 1781, PRM vol. III, 414. RM to John Hanson (President of Congress), July 29th 1782, PRM vol. VI, 65. Also slaves were mentioned when Morris discussed the prospective trade arrangements in the West Indies. Slaves in this connection were seen as a means of production. See RM to Matthew Ridley, November 5th, 1783, PRM vol. VIII, 731. Slaves were also seen as merchandise. See RM to Wilhelm and Jan Willink (Dutch businessmen and bankers), December 19th 1783, PRM vol. VIII, 825.37 Sylvia R. Frey, “Liberty, Equality, and Slavery: The Paradox of the American Revolution”. The American Revolution: Its Character and Limits. Ed. Jack Greene, 1987, 233–234. Nash 1986, 70. Of course compared to New England Pennsylvania had a great amount of slaves. See Paul Finkelman, “The Pennsylvania Delegation and the Peculiar Institution: The Two Faces of the Keystone State”. The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, January 1988, vol. CXII, no. 1, 54. One of the reasons why economy based on slavery was not so popular in Pennsylvania was that slaves were

indentured servants. See Mary M. Schweitzer, Custom and Contract. Household, Government, and the Economy in Colonial Pennsylvania. Columbia University Press, New York 1987, 46–48.38 Patricia Bradley, Slavery, Propaganda, and the American Revolution. University Press of Mississippi, Jackson 1998, 27.39 George David Rappaport, Stability and Change in Revolutionary Pennsylvania. Banking, Politics, and Social Structure. The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, Pennsylvania 1996, 26. The Emancipation Act affected only future generations of slaves. See Davis 1975, 88 & Richard S. Newman, The Transformation of American Abolitionism. Fighting slavery in the early republic. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill 2002, 24.

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and regions despite the prohibitory acts of slave trade and the rise of the abolitionist movement especially in the Middle and Northern States.

deeply rooted from the beginning of the 1700s also in Pennsylvania. The House of Willing and Morris had meddled with the secondary slave trade, mainly from the West Indies, all the way from the 1750s up to the 1770s.40 It was a common habit that slaves were brought to the West Indies to recover before they were sold in the American continent.41 Secondly, in the 1770s thirty-seven of the ninety-eight wealthiest merchants in Philadelphia owned slaves and even in 1790 there were still 373 slaves and 216 white slaveholding families in Philadelphia.42 There is little doubt that Morris would not have owned slaves even in the 1790s.

Seven years later the state enacted a law that made emancipation of slaves possible. Irrespective of the previous facts Morris continued to speculate about black people, at least with William Bingham, who had been sent to Martinique as an agent of the United States. Here Bingham also took care of his own and Morris’s private businesses.43 During Morris’s early career slaves were a commodity just like tobacco

of 1773 Morris had sold thirty or forty families with good returns. It seems like the friendship between George Washington and Robert Morris started during their

40 Almost every letter in Willing’s letterbook has some mention of the slave trade. See Letterbook of Charles Willing & Son; Thomas Willing; Willing and Morris, 1754–1761. See for other examples,

th 1774 & Willing & Morris to Oliver Pollock, th th

th (year unknown) CRMLC (Correspondence of Robert Morris in Library of Congress), section 1, letter 69. Gary B. Nash, “Slaves and Slaveowners in Colonial Philadelphia”. William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 30, no. 2, April 1973, 230, 242n. Ed.

Philadelphia. A 300 – Year History. W.W. Norton & Company, New York 1982, 75.41 Lorena S. Walsh, “The Chesapeake Slave Trade: Regional Patterns, African Origins, and Some implications”. William and Mary Quarterly42 A Vigorous Spirit of Enterprise, Merchants and Economic Development in Revolutionary Philadelphia. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill 1986, 352n. United States Historical Census Data Browser. Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR). Total population in Philadelphia in 1790 was 54,388 inhabitants. Gary

Slavery and Freedom in the Age of the American Revolution. Ed. Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman. University of Illinois Press, Urbana and Chicago 1986, 5. More accurate tables are given in another article by Nash 1973, 223–256.43 RM to William Bingham (Philadelphian merchant), December 4th

Investigation in the Revolution”. William and Mary Quarterly,The Transatlantic Slave Trade: A History.

W.W. Norton and Company, New York 1981.

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common interests in the slave trade.44 Also tax assessors’ reports of Philadelphia show that Morris was one of the slave owners among other prominent town residents.45 In September 1777, just before the British occupation of Philadelphia, Morris advertised in a local newspaper that one of his slaves had run away. It was very common that slaves escaped if there was any possibility to move behind the enemy lines, because of the British propaganda for better treatment and possible freedom were tempting factors.46 Thirdly, blacks were used for military purposes by both sides.47 Even though the sources do not reveal Morris’s attitude towards slave emancipation, he must have considered the question carefully because of the contradiction it caused. As an

was an attack on one of the basic rights of Freemen. I do not believe that the slave trade caused any pangs of conscience to Morris, but because of the social attitudes in Philadelphia, the issue of slavery was a delicate one. Known as Quaker city, the common atmosphere was against slave institution and even some non-Quakers like Benjamin Rush and many of Morris’s friends started to support abolitionism.48 There is not any proof that Morris would have been a “harsh” master towards his slaves, servants or other employees. On the contrary it seems that he cared a lot for his

44 George Washington to Tench Tilghman, April 7th 1774, PGW (The Papers of George Washington, colonial series) vol. X, 24. For further information on Washington and slavery, see Walter H. Mazyek, George Washington and the Negro. Washington, 1932 & Paul F. Boller, Jr., “Washington, The Quakers, and Slavery”. Journal of Negro History, vol. 46, no. 2, April 1961, 83–88.45 Nash 1973, 248–250. Morris’s partner Thomas Willing was one of the biggest owners. Paradoxically from the modern viewpoint he opposed privateering as unethical, but saw nothing wrong in the slave trade.46 Stephen Conway, The War of American Independence 1775–1783. Edward Arnold, London 1995, 165. Davis 1975, 278.47 Ira Berlin, “The Revolution in Black Life”. The American revolution. Explorations in the history of American Radicalism. Ed. Alfred F. Young. Northern University Press, Dekalb 1976, 353–355.48 Boller 1961, 85. Davis 1975, 78–81, 213–254. David Brion Davis, Slavery and Human Progress. Oxford University Press, New York 1984, 107, 136–137. Bailyn (1973) has argued that most of the

back up Bailyn’s statement. Bernard Bailyn, ”The Central Themes of the Revolution”. Essays on the American Revolution. Ed. Stephen G. Kurtz et al. The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill 1973.

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employees and their welfare, mourned their death (partly of course because of the alth was poor.49

50

matters.51

49 th

forgive if Hero Should he hear of this advertisement, and return to his duty, he will be forgiven the transgression.

Our Revolutionary Forefathers. The Letters of Francois, Marquis de Barbé-Marbois during his residence in the United States as Secretary of the French legation 1779–1785

th

th th

th

Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, ,50

Founding Brothers. The Revolutionary Generation.

51 th

rd

Through a Fiery Trial. Building Washington 1790–1800

Through A Fiery Trial. Building Washington 1790–1800

th th

th

th

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It is noticeable that in 1788 Pennsylvania, along with Connecticut, New York and Massachusetts, forbid their citizens from taking part in the slave trade.53 Despite

personal socio-cultural interaction between his slaves and servants, and Morris did occur.54 At least in his later years, he did see that slaves had some kind of worth other than just as a commodity. To his mind there were certain differences of character among slaves and for that reason if someone was worthy enough such shall not be forgotten. There is good reason to assume that Morris released and sold his slaves

scenarios, like release being a reward for good service and so forth. Either way, it is certain that Morris distinguished the white people and black people as different tribes. However, this did not prevent him from seeing that, for example, preaching the Gospel to blacks was desirable.55

commented explicitly about his attitude towards it, at least in his writings, as so many other early American statesmen did. While he was in Senate his refusal to speak in favor of anti-slavery arose from, not of personal conviction, but because of practical policies. Morris might have thought that it was unnecessary to make southerners angry because he might need their votes on more important issues.56 Because of the lack of his theorizing, one must concentrate on his actions, and on these some conclusions can be drawn. It was quite probable that Morris was not the most passionate opponent of slavery, even though many of his close friends and colleagues like Gouverneur Morris and James Wilson were.57 For decades he took part in the slave trade and owned slaves himself, and even in his later years, despite the strengthening general atmosphere against slavery as an institution, he still did not see it as morally wrong. Like many of his contemporaries Morris did not totally view slavery as incompatible with the vision of the United States as a republic of

53 David B. Davis, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution 1770–1823. Cornell University

an institution in 1787. See Finkelman 2001, 105–106.54 Morris had at least one servant from Holland. See RM to Kitty Livingston, October 17th 1780, Mhi, Ridley Papers (PRMF). How many servants Morris had is not known. He had at least a steward and probably several other servants. See RM to George Washington, October 2nd 1783, PRM microform supplement, 1537. Mary Morris to Kitty Livingston, November 29th 1784, PRM microform supplement, 2388. Two of her servants had left their household and Mary Morris had to keep her own house again.55 RM to John Nicholson, November 20th 1796, PLBRM vol. II, 129–130.56 Maclay’s Diary, February 15th 1790, DHFFC vol. IX, 202.57 Davis 1975, 124, 324–325. Mary-Jo Kline, Gouverneur Morris and the New Nation 1775–1788. (Doctoral Dissertation). Arno Press, New York 1971, 78–79. A man called Robert Morris is mentioned as one of the members of Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery both in list of 1775 and 1790, but in all probability it is not “our man”. The signature does not look like his and in 1784, a Robert Morris (miller from Frankford) was admitted as a member. See The Minute and Report Records of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society. General Meeting Minutebook Series I, reel 1.

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freemen.58 For Morris the question was political, economic and moral. Sanctity of property was the key factor that determined Morris’s attitude towards slavery.59 To interfere with slavery as an institution was not a top priority for Morris and he did not spend much time on the problem. If compromise could not be reached, the matter under discussion was put aside. The future and unity of American nation was a priority that could not be jeopardized. Slavery had the potential to become a divisive factor among the States, and so it was wiser to leave harsh opinions unsaid.60 The existing social values, even in the northern part of the United States, had little interest in supporting full emancipation or rehabilitation of ex-slaves. Few of the Americans thought that Africans could have become intellectual equals of whites, even when

selves.61

Indians as a socio-ethnic group

arrived on the shores of the East Coast. From the beginning, the newcomers considered themselves superior to the uncivilized natives, and regarded their supremacy as a self-evident truth. The arguments of John Locke and William Blackstone of land possession were often used to defend the taking of land from Indians by the American colonists.62 At the end of the 18th century Indians who were living on the East Coast ended up in the wheels of the Revolution. Like earlier and many times afterwards, they were used for the purposes of white men. Most natives had sided with Great Britain because the British told them that a victory for the colonists would be disastrous for them and their lands. During the war there were Indian supporters of the rebel cause too, who had fought with rebels or supplied food or other goods to them.63

58 RM to Thomas Morris, March 20th 1803, CSmH (PRMF). Robert Morris regretted that his son lost an opportunity to buy slaves of good quality. Robert Morris’s close friend and business partner John Nicholson had some connections to opponents of slavery and had a friendly attitude towards African-Americans in general. See Robert D. Arbuckle, Pennsylvania Speculator and Patriot. The Entrepreneurial John Nicholson 1757–1800. The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park 1975, 205–206.59 RM to the Governors of North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, December 19th 1781, PRM vol III, 414. RM to Wilhelm and Jan Willink, December 19th 1783, PRM vol. VIII, 825.60 Willi Paul Adams, The First American Constitutions. Republica Ideology and the Making of State Constitutions in the Revolutionary Era. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill 1980 (1973), 118. Dorothy Twohig, “Washington’s Role in the Controversy over Slavery”. George Washington Reconsidered. Ed. Don Higginbotham. University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville 2001.61 Davis 1975, 89.62 Locke argues that land belongs to those who cultivate it. See Barbara Arneill, John Locke and America. The Defence of English Colonialism. Clarendon Press, Oxford 1996, 165–166, 169–170, 180.63 James H. Merrel: Declarations of Independence: Indian-White Relations in the New Nation. The American Revolution. Its Character and Limits. Edited by Jack Greene. New York University Press, New York 1987, 197–198.

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Robert Morris’s attitude towards Indians is hard to trace because he did not deliberate upon it that much. When he was a young apprentice, he had lived in the community not so friendly to Indians. His mentor and patron Charles Willing and his long-standing business partner Thomas Willing were both distrustful of Indians; particularly their horrible deeds and distraction caused to commerce and the frontier people during the Seven Years’ War had convinced them that Indians were just savages and could not be trusted.64 At that time and later Morris did not discuss his attitudes towards Indians in any particular connection, but some conceptions can be revealed if his texts are studied carefully. For example, when Morris was in Congress

Indian allies, but in the next sentence he wrote the Savages. It is hard to comprehend what he really meant with those terms. Whether he referred to the actual stage of Indian civilization,

65 Because the Superintendent of Finance was responsible for the maintenance

of the whole army, Morris had to some extent deal with the native soldiers. When general Philip Schuyler asked for Morris’s help on the question of Oneidas and Tuscaroras, Morris’s answer was quite interesting compared to other contemporaries. His attitude toward Indians was now considerably neutral and unemotional when taking a stance that they were to be supplied but frugally and on the most reasonable Terms possible. The most sympathetic expression that Morris used was those unfortunate people. Nevertheless, irrespective of how urgent the Indian’s need for supplies was, Morris made a choice that it was not his, but the State of New York’s business, to feed the Oneidas and Tuscaroras. Morris’s personal opinion of Indians is still hard to determine based on these quotations because it seems that his motives did not originate from humane values, but rather from the loyalty to resolutions of the government he represented.66 Nevertheless, at least in one case he defended the Indians right to take part in the public schooling system instead of apprentices. From his point of view Indians could be attached more easily to the Interest of United States.67 After the peace treaty, Morris’s statements toward Indians became more revealing. As was usual in those days, Morris in a way rejected the native soldiers

64 See for example Charles Willing to his brother Thomas Willing, October 4th– 8th 1754, CWLB (Charles Willing Letterbook), 28–29. Thomas Willing to William Whittaker, October 14th 1755, TWLB (Thomas Willing Letterbook), 13 Thomas Willing to Cod. Carrington, November 11th 1755, TWLB, 139–140. Thomas Willing to Walter Stirling, November 12th 1755, TWLB, 140–141. Thomas Willing to John Perks, November 19th, TWLB, 143–144. Thomas Willing to RM, November 13th 1756, TWLB, 238. There is no proof if their hostile attitude was continuous, or just because of the horrors of wartime. Morris held Willing in high esteem and was extremely upset at the death of Charles Willing in 1754. See RM to Carrington, November 29th 1754, CWLB, 47–48.65 RM to Charles Lee (American General), February 17th 1776, LDC vol. III, 267–268. Morris had a strong belief that possession of Canada was essential to the welfare of the United States. Ibid. For further information of the position of Canada see Murray G. Lawson, “Canada and the Articles of Confederation”. The American Historical Review, vol. 58, no. 1, October 1952, 39–54.66 Diary of Robert Morris September 14th 1781, PRM vol. II, 268–269. RM to Philip Schuyler, September 14th 1781, PRM vol. II, 274. RM to Philip Schuyler, November 16th 1781, PRM vol. III, 194–196.67 RM’s diary, December 20th 1781, PRM vol III, 416.

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when they were not needed anymore. In his opinion it was time that Indians start to take Care of themselves.68

In the 1790s Indians were mentioned more often in Morris’s letters because of the enormous land purchases that in some places touched upon lands belonging to Native Americans. Most of the writings only include practical matters, like getting a consent from the government, buying gifts to Indians, arranging the meeting with them, and

toward Indians, and in what way he saw their future role in the development process of the new nation. It seems that he did not have an exceptionally harsh relationship toward Indians as a race. Most of the time the Native Americans were seen as an equal party in mutual negotiations, and their opinions and demands were to be taken seriously, even though Morris sometimes kept Indians deliberately ignorant of all details of his plans.69 Sometimes Morris continued to call Indians as Savages, but his intention is not totally clear. He did not express that he feared them, even though he was aware of their raids on the frontiers.70

Even though the colonists recognized differences between native Indians and themselves they did not necessarily do it based on any racist view that the white race was superior, although there were also writings based on white supremacy that had begun to emerge. However, after the colonies gained independence, the former “noble savage” picture was forced to step aside from the new insight where Indians did not have a place in the progress of colonist’s civilization.71

68 RM to Elias Boudinot (President of Congress), May 23rd 1783, PRM vol. VIII, 114. In the autumn of 1783 Congress directed Morris to procure up goods that might be needed for presents to the Indians. See RM’s Diary, October 9th, 10th and 23rd 1783, PRM vol. VIII, 596, 601 & 657 and RM to the Commissioners of Indians (Richard Butler, Arthur Lee and Oliver Wolcott), August 18th 1784, PRM vol. IX, 497 and RM’s Diary August 26th 1784, PRM vol. IX, 506. After the war Congress and States had problems seeking treaties with tribes. The reason was indecision as to whether Congress or the States held jurisdiction. See Francis Jennings, “The Indians’ Revolution”. The American Revolution. Explorations in the History of American Radicalism. Ed. Alfred F. Young. Northern University Press, Dekalb 1976, 341–344. About the events in the 1790s between Indians and Robert Morris, see Norman B. Wilkinson, “Robert Morris and the Treaty of Big Tree”. Mississippi Valley Historical Review, vol. XL, September 1953, 257–278.69 RM to Timothy Pickering, June 12th 1791, NHi (New York Historical Society Library), Henry O´Reilly Papers (PRMF). In March 1792, forty-nine Indian chiefs came to Philadelphia to negotiate on land matters and a peace treaty. See RM to Charles Williamson, March 14th 1792, PPAmP (American Philosophical Society Library), Misc. Ms. Collection (PRMF). 70 RM to Gouverneur Morris, August 8th 1790, NNC (Columbia University Library), Gouverneur Morris Collection (PRMF). RM to Thomas Morris, June 19th 1792, CSmH (PRMF). RM to General Wayne, March 27th 1795, PLBRM vol. I, 135. RM to William Morris, May 1st 1795, PLBRM, 232. RM to Christian Gotleb Frege, April 14th 1794 & May 4th 1795, PLBRM vol. I, 252.71 West 1997, 169–170. David Bidney, “The Idea of Savage in North American Ethnohistory”. The American Enlightenment. Ed. Frank Shuffelton. University of Rochester Press, Rochester 1993, 100. Recently some scholars have contemplated the relationship between American colonists through the lenses of postmodern theories. See Eve Kornfeld, “Encountering “the Other”: American Intellectuals and Indians in the 1790s”. William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 52, no. 2, April 1995, 287–314. See also Vaughan 1982, 917–953.

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The revolutionary leaders had a daily connection with members of other religious sects and minorities, including blacks, Indians and immigrants and they in some way or other had to deal with these groups. Most of the early American statesmen

only limited amount of people. The enslavement of Afro-Americans, the barbarism

Morris’s stance with other contemporaries.

Conclusion

The previous perspectives make it easier to reconstruct Robert Morris’s worldview through images on different socio-ethnic groups. It was self-evident to him that in society there were certain distinctions between genders, ethnic and religious groups. For Morris, and many other contemporaries, the supremacy of white men was such an “ordinary” idea that it was not worth of any deeper theorizing. But Morris was also sure that there were distinctive features inside the groups and the worth of an individual setting I am reasonably sure that Morris was not a supporter of class society in its feudal sense; Worth was not necessarily dependent on the origin or formal education, religion or hereditary status. Of course his own personal history could serve as an explanatory factor. Robert Morris entered public life without the advantages of an extensive formal education. His rise from the lower middle class origin to one of the wealthiest merchants in the whole continent was an achievement which proved to Morris that anybody could reach a better position in society if they were worthy enough. Regardless of his sometimes upper-class views on society it did not prevent him from being empathetic toward lower classes and people in distress. In his vision, classes might not have been equal, but the opportunities for advancement for the distressed were important for him.

Why take Robert Morris as a case in point? What can his actions and thoughts as civil actor and ethical choices tell us about life in 18th century America? In my opinion it is possible to use Robert Morris’s as an example to look at the attitudes of the revolutionary generation more closely. When dealing with one individual case, generalizations at least on a small-scale are possible. Every study on the conventions of eighteenth century American people moves us closer to understanding what values people of the time held as important and why they behaved as they did.

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A Critique of Conventional Wisdom An electronic journal at:

www.lsus.edu/la/journals/ideology

Robert Morris’s Commercial Vision During the American Revolution

Marko Junkkarinen

Abstract

From the standpoint of economic thinking, the 18th century is one of the most important watersheds

in history. Mercantilism, a dominant ideology from the 17th century, held its firm grasp as late as

the beginning of the 19th century in parts of Europe. Nevertheless, in the course of the 18th century

the first notable group of critics was physiocrats.1 As an economic theory physiocracy was an

important but minor phase during the Enlightenment. In general, the intellectual atmosphere of the

era was positive towards commerce; it was seen as a possible prime mover for a better moral

foundation (Yarbrough 1998:71).

American merchants were hard-core opponents of free trade (Crowley 1993; Peterson

1965:604). The purpose of this thesis is that regarding Robert Morris, that generalization is too

broad. Robert Morris (1734-1806) was an English-born merchant and statesman and later one of the

American “Founding Fathers”. Being a merchant had an effect on Morris’s opinions on political

economy. Morris was convinced that commerce between nations should be perfectly free by a

number of factors including his experience in overseas trade, the restrictions imposed by England

before and during the Revolution, and the ideal of commercial liberties. His knowledge of the

theory of commerce was not extensive, but that does not diminish the value of his thoughts from a

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practical viewpoint.2 But ultimately Morris was not an economic libertarian in the modern sense.

From Morris’s point of view, the libertarian idea of political system was not enough in all occasions

to secure American interests. So in that perspective Tibor Machan’s argument that all eighteenth

century American statesmen were first and foremost adherents of libertarian commercial policy is

not consistent at least in Morris’s case (Machan 2006: 16, 21, 121) .

Free trade or not?

What did Morris mean when he talked about free trade? Today, free trade is a state of

affairs where governments abstain from adopting trade policies. I strongly suspect that Morris’s

definition of free trade differed a great deal from the modern one. Morris, however was not

exceptional when he defended the advantages of liberal trade policy; free trade arguments had

become increasingly popular in the late colonial period (Matson & Onuf 1985:509).

Forced by circumstances, the young merchant Morris and his business partner,

Thomas Willing, in response to England’s Navigation Act of 1651 smuggled goods past custom

officials. Later, during the war of independence, Morris defended his former smuggling, because it

was an act against laws that were not made by the proper authority (Goldstein 1978:18). As a

Congressman, Robert Morris proclaimed the advantages of free trade very openly in 1777. From his

point of view, free trade was a state that was “the most advantageous to mankind”, and Morris

argued that all kinds of regulations and restrictions were “pernicious”.3 As an acting Superintendent

of Finance, Morris discussed his views on trade with George Washington.4 His main concern was

that “Commerce shou’d be perfectly free”, but Morris determined more closely how free it should

be. Even a higher value than liberty of trade was the “public Utility” that could set some restraints,

but those were to be approved by a large part of the community before they could be endorsed.5

Morris returned to the topic in 1784, when he said that it was the duty of every merchant to aim at

the interest of the country along with their own interests.6 Even though Morris was a supporter of

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free trade in general terms, his statements of commerce policy were not always consistent. Morris

was aware of the fact that it was impossible to persuade conservative monarchies like France and

Spain of the benefits of free trade. It was self-evident that some limitations were to be allowed for it

to stay effective.7

International trade and immigration

Like the other “Founding Fathers”, Robert Morris was well aware of the unique

character of the American Revolution. He realized that the models of the countries of Europe were

not adequate to satisfy the specific needs of America. He considered that the American form of

government was an experiment never seen before, and subsequently Morris advocated even more

liberal procedures in commercial policies. Firstly, American markets should have been wholly open

to both foreign and domestic trade, and that American ports should receive merchant ships from all

over the world without any restrictions. Secondly, production of all kinds of commodities should be

open to anyone who wanted to start a business. Thirdly, Morris claimed that taking away all

restraints on money would be the best way to stimulate the national economy.8 After the signing of

the preliminary peace treaty between the American colonies and England, Morris’s opinions of

trade became even more liberal. According to Morris, the government could not establish lasting

commerce “by the Force of National attachment or Gratitude or indeed any other Foundation than

Reciprocity of Interests”.9 Any treaties of commerce between governments were counterproductive

and dangerous, because buying and selling “should be free as air”.10 Morris also emphasized that

the politicians should stay away from the decision-making when it concerned the mercantile

matters.11

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And it cannot well be supposed that political Characters are

competent to decide on the Advantages and Disadvantages of

allowing to or withholding from us a share in the carrying Trade.12

Merchants did not have to be partial to any country. According to Morris, a merchant’s

country of residence was incidental.13 Later, during the time when Morris was again in public

service, now as a senator, he maintained his liberal views toward resolutions concerning required

qualifications to buy and own land in the United States. Morris supported the stance that Aliens

were entitled to own land in America, although he met opposition from other politicians.14 He

considered that the United States would benefit from the know-how and currency immigrants could

bring to local markets and said that the “prejudices against alienage are nonsensical”.15

Meanwhile we have to keep in mind that Morris’s motives may not have been entirely

altruistic. In the beginning of 1790’s Morris had begun to invest seriously in land speculation,16 so

in that light his liberal immigration policy should be seen in a wider perspective. In general the

Founders’ views were tolerant toward immigrants who wanted to come and stay in America, but

hardly anyone would have supported unlimited immigration. Like Morris, other early Americans

saw that those who could in some way benefit the general welfare should be placed first.17 But

when it came to question of whether the new settlers should be encouraged to come to the United

States, there were disagreements. Unlike Morris, Thomas Jefferson was strictly against promoting

immigration of any kind (West 1997:154 & Silverman 1976:507).

Morris was also convinced of the unique character of the American people. He was

certain that if the previous conditions would come true, the industrious nature and habit of

Americans would result in the blooming of the economy.18 From Morris’s point of view, without

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the spirit of enterprise, there was no chance of becoming rich on a national or individual level. If

one was poor, one was to blame himself, not the government or anyone else, Morris preached in the

tone of classical liberalism.19 These reforms were extremely radical when compared to the main

global tendencies in trade. At the end of the 18th century, dogmas of mercantilism and protectionism

still determined the national and international commerce worldwide. It is apparent when analyzing

the writings of Morris that Adam Smith’s arguments, one way or another, influenced Morris (Ver

Steeg 1976:62). An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations was published in

1776 and immediately provoked wide discussion of economic theory in the thirteen states, even

though some scholars have downplayed its effect (Griswold 1999:8 & Fleischacker 2002:899-901,

905). However, Morris did not agree with Smith in every respect. For example funded debts, which

Smith saw to lead to executive tyranny, were one of the foundations of Morris’s economic thinking.

According to some scholars, a great part of Morris’s wealth was based on speculation in public

debts (Phillips 2003:214-216).

Comparison between commercial possibilities

Morris’s cosmopolitan views and strong ties to English liberalism were apparent in his

attitudes towards trade. Almost immediately after the peace treaty between England and the States

was ratified, Morris was ready to open the commercial connections with the former enemies, British

merchants. Morris had extensive connections in almost all principal trading centers in Europe. Even

though he did not travel that much, Morris can justifiably be described as cosmopolitan.20 The

reasons why Morris preferred English mercantile houses were threefold: cultural, economic and

personal. Culturally, the spiritual legacy, manners and language of the colonists were of mostly

Anglo-Saxon origin. On both sides of the Atlantic Ocean the practices and regulations had been

familiar for decades, so the former business connections were easily re-established. Compared to

other merchants, the British were punctual and conscientious, and Americans were already used to

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English manufacturers. Considering the economic reasons, one of the most important was that their

prices were cheaper compared to French and Spanish products. The British merchants were also

able to provide better terms of payment such as longer repayment periods and the possibility to buy

on credit.21 When it comes to personal reasons, his long-term relationship with businessmen around

the British Empire was one of the key points in preferring English mercantile connections.

Common interests defined that Britain would come first in trading. He had made friends with

several tradesmen in England and those friendships were not diminished because of the war.22

In the summer of 1783 a serious setback to Morris’s plans was caused by British

government, which continued the mercantilist policy from the previous years. The American ships

were not allowed to trade with British controlled ports in the West Indies. Morris, as an advocate of

free trade, found these restrictions foolish and destructive. In practice, the restrictions were not that

destructive; American ships continued to trade fairly freely throughout West Indies.23

As a politician loyal to allies and as a merchant who wanted to keep his options open,

Morris did not forget the possibilities offered by France. Some manufactures were cheaper and

more easily accessible from the French, in spite of the fact that trade was to be conducted using

currency. Also, the past favors of France had an effect on promoting the commercial intercourse

with the colonies.24 In addition, Morris was interested in possibilities provided by France in the

commerce in the Far East and tried to persuade Frenchmen to open their ports in Isle de France and

Bourbon for American ships after the war, and eventually had some success in doing this. Despite

French monopolistic restrictions, Americans were allowed to use Isle de France until the war in

Europe began in 1793.25

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When also Spain was reluctant to American claims for free trade, Morris diverted his

attention to other areas. He started to promote as a private entrepreneur a voyage to the Far East.26

Although the idea of opening commercial relationships with China had attracted many American

merchants immediately after the Revolution, only Morris had the means and courage to put the plan

into practice. Also the changed political situation of the independent United States made direct trade

between Oriental and American merchants possible. Soon after the war, Britain approved of the

presence of Americans in the Far East and let them use its harbors as supply ports on the way to

new commercial markets (Goldstein 1978:24-26). Even though the aims of this bold venture were

in the main economic and to some extent diplomatic, there might have been some other efforts in

the background. After the Revolutionary War, the United States was forced to find new markets

because of England’s protectionist policies, and the Far East seemed one of the promising

alternatives. Elisabeth M. Nuxoll has suggested that Morris’s China venture could have served as a

field test for the development of the American Navy (Ver Steeg 1953:1-2, 4, 12 & Buel 1998:251 &

Nuxoll 2001).

Morris, a known collector of Chinese porcelain, could have also had cultural reasons

behind the fitting up the vessel called Empress of China.27 Many of the writers of the Enlightenment

had a special interest in Chinese history and culture, but it would be difficult to prove, if this had

any influence on American merchants (Hampson 1968:107 & Aldridge 1993:268). Regardless of

his intentions, it was certain that when the ship arrived back and the crew shared their experiences

of the miracles of the Far East, Morris’s view changed of the real conditions in China. He was

thrilled about the outcome of the trip and the possibilities of what Chinese trade could offer to

Americans.28 Even though, according to historian Stuart Miller, some early Americans had a

positive view of China and its ancient brilliance, most Americans held negative attitudes towards

societies in the Far East. These attitudes changed when Americans started to realize the importance

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of trade with China, though there were exceptions (Jonathan Goldstein 1978:5,30-31,71-73).

However, Americans displayed curiosity about the cultures of the Far East (Aldridge 1993:7). At

the end of the 1780s, Morris planned to open American markets in India, because he had an idea

that he could make a fortune by importing cotton from there. The idea never materialized, partly

because he became occupied with his land deals.29 Also, when Morris was a Senator, he put

emphasis on the fact that the United States needed to extend its commercial power in Asia, because

otherwise the profits would flow merely to the hands of European merchants.30

Cosmopolitan or nationalist?

In spite of his cosmopolitanism31 and all liberal viewpoints for global trade, Morris’s

intentions were mainly selfish and nationalistic, and this kind of view become strengthened after the

Revolutionary war. The deepest motive for Morris was not a global welfare, but rather increasing

the wealth of his own country. “The universal plenty” meant, in Morris’s rhetoric, the plenty of

Americans which would “produce and Maintain Numbers of Men” to defend the newborn nation.32

The gratitude, which was felt towards France or others, should not be an obstacle if better terms

were offered elsewhere, because first and foremost “we seek to increase our own wealth”.33 Toward

the end of his period as Superintendent, Morris viewed the accomplishments of American people as

considerable. The suspicions for independence, which dominated in the times of the Declaration,

were now replaced by an intensive national pride.34

A few years after the Revolutionary war, Morris’s views had come to a conclusion

that in reality Americans were greatly in debt to Europe with regard to its prevailing economic

boom. When defending the benefits of borrowing money from abroad, he said that “America has

risen to opulence by means of the credit she obtained in Europe”.35 He did not want United States to

become a nation that was closed from foreign investors; on the contrary, he realized the benefits of

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free capital markets. His open-minded views were not in conflict with his nationalism, however,

because Morris saw foreigners and foreign capital as promoting the rise of American economy.36

But his nationalism was not blind. He argued that in the long run “fanatic patriotism” could turn

against the United States; in his opinion, wars in Europe had started because of these reasons.37

During the 1790s Morris continued his cautious political rhetoric. When Europe was

in the middle of a war and many Americans demanded that the United States should intervene,

Morris was committed to the official foreign policy that emphasized neutrality. The policy was

widely accepted, especially among the mercantile circles, because the trade with warring powers

was very profitable. However, Morris staunchly believed that in the long run peace was a better

alternative for the national interests of the United States. He also admitted selfish reasons for such

opinions.38 In connection with that, Morris continued his earlier view defending the freedom of

trade. Morris feared that one of the aims of the British was a complete possession of navigation and

finally, perhaps, the worldwide monopoly in international trade. From his point of view, such a

situation could not be desirable in any way. The British dominance in commerce would have served

neither Morris’s personal interests nor those of the United States’.39

Morris’ commercial ideas in a wider context

The mechanism of trade and mercantile policy were questions that every one of

American statesmen were bound to take a stand on; Morris, because of his profession and

experience had quite clear opinions on how the commercial matters should be arranged both

domestically and overseas. Morris had reservations about the most-favored status for Great Britain

proposed by Alexander Hamilton; Morris advanced the opinion that restrictions in the course of

time would be harmful to all parties. Morris agreed basically with Benjamin Franklin on the

importance of the free trade, although Franklin was not so business-oriented in real life. At a

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personal level, both thought that profit seeking was one of the basic instincts that controlled

individual behavior, and they saw this as natural and in no way harmful. But they disagreed on what

was the real function of making money. Franklin saw that earning money was an object in itself and

was not meant to fulfill luxurious material needs; Morris’s way of life proved otherwise. Even

though Franklin did not practice what he preached, I assume he realized the risks of money-

gathering having only a personal function. For all that, Franklin did not see the pursuit of luxury as

negative in principle, because he thought that in the long run it worked for the welfare of entire

society (Scott 1977:22).

Morris also sometimes used phrases like “good of mankind,” but his universalistic

aims were not so deliberately theorized (McCoy 1978:613-614,620-621). A belief that America had

a special mission and responsibility among the nations (Burstein 1999:201 & Longley 2002:114)

was also present in Morris’s thinking. Surprisingly, many times the political antagonists Robert

Morris, Arthur Lee and Thomas Jefferson agreed on the fundamental ideas of mercantile matters:

away from mercantilism towards free trade.40 The unanimity remained in theory, but Morris’s

tobacco contract with French Farmers General in the 1780s proved again the inconsistency between

the words and actions, even though Morris had taken a negative attitude toward monopolies in

principle.41 Even though Morris had exclusive rights to tobacco trade between the United States and

France he had not taken the contract for purely selfish reasons. Morris saw himself as a pioneer

laying a foundation for prosperous mercantile connections for other Americans. It is also

noteworthy that Morris got the tobacco deal partly because of good relations with allies from the

war – actually some English merchants had offered Farmers General a more profitable deal but

were rejected.42

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When placing Morris’s commercial ideas in a wider ideological context, there are

certain congruent factors between Morris and British philosophers. Morris agreed with John Locke

on the importance of commerce over other fields of economics, but did not fully approve of Locke’s

notion that governments had the right to interfere in commercial matters (Ashcraft 1995:46). In this

case, Morris could be seen more as a follower of the Humean tradition, which had critical

inclinations towards mercantilism and its ideology. In his “Political Discourses” (1752), David

Hume proposed a theory that claimed that trade will attain equilibrium in the end and there is

nothing rational in keeping up a protectionist policy between countries.43 Later (1760) Hume stated

that the best way for a nation to achieve wealth is through the prospering of other nations.

Commercial policies that are too selfish will ultimately be disastrous for all parties involved.

Although Morris basically watched that interests of Americans were fulfilled first, his vision of the

economic future was something other than sticking with mercantilism.44 Like Hume, Morris had an

optimistic attitude that co-operation, not egoism, would be a good guideline in economic questions

at the national, as well as individual levels. In general, Morris could have agreed with Scottish

Philosophers that interdependence, between countries as well as individuals, created by economic

exchange would be good for mankind (Brewer 1997:xix).

Conclusion

Was Robert Morris really a supporter of free trade and laissez faire views after all? In

a recent research tradition, the question of the commercial policy of the United States’ has given

rise to wide discussion with divided opinions. There are two opposing perspectives under

discussion. The first one argues that the American Revolution attacked the Old World system of

mercantilism, and the second claims that Americans were not principled free-traders, but rather pro-

mercantilists.45 Even though Morris often referred to the freedom of commerce, it would not be true

to claim that he abhorred the positive interference of government. So, his economic policy was not

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purely libertarian in a modern sense, even though he mainly endorsed Declaration’s vision of

individual liberty also in commercial questions. Libertarian philosophy of limited government

functioned well for Morris in concerning religious matters and freedom of speech, but not that

comprehensively in his commercial thought. For instance, laws that would secure the contracts and

infrastructure built by public institutions would have fitted with his idea of free economy.46 In the

case of Morris, I would say that the means were not important; only the end result, for himself and

the United States, counted. Even though it is difficult to present an all-inclusive description of

Morris’s commercial ideology, it is certain that his opinions had an effect, at least during his

lifetime. Even his fiercest political opponent, William Maclay, acknowledged that Morris´s

opinions carried great weight in the Senate.47 Morris, as well as Voltaire in his Lettres

Philosophiques, was convinced of the vitality of commerce for the prosperous future of nations, and

in this case, for the United States’ (Greene 1992:313 & Roche 1998:140).

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ENDNOTES

1 Mercantilism, body of thought primarily concerned nation’s wealth and balance of foreign trade. Intervention of state in economic questions was advisable. (See Roche 1998: 152-153). The term physiocracy literally means rule of natureagainst human rule. Contrary to mercantilists who argued that wealth was gold, this new ideology claimed that agriculture was the foundation of national economy. Also physiocrats opposed strict protectionism. Two leading physiocratic philosophers were Frenchmen Francois Quesnay (1694-1774) and Anne Robert Jacques Turgot (1727-1781) (see Munck 2000: 169). Americans were conscious of the thoughts of physiocrats. For example, Benjamin Franklin corresponded with French physiocrats. See, for example, Benjamin Franklin to DuPont de Nemours, July 28th

1768. 2 RM to Mr. Otto (Charge des affairs de New York), November 19th 1786, NjP (PRMF). 3 RM to unknown, January 18th 1777, RMBP.

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4 George Washington and Robert Morris were close friends to the very end. When Washington visited Philadelphia he usually spent the night at Morris’s residence. Even before the Revolution Washington appreciated Morris’s opinion. For example he said: I have talked about it (the slave trade) particularly with Mr. Robert Morris, whose Judgment in a Matter of this Nature I would rely upon sooner than that of any Man I know. GW to Tench Tilghman Jr., April 7th 1774, PGW (colonial series) vol. X: 23. Reciprocally Morris defended character of Washington. See for example RM to Richard Peters, January 25th 1778, Phi, Wayne Papers (PRMF). After the war Washington continued to consult with Morris about the slaves. Washington also made inquiries if it was possible to have his nephew Corbin Washington as an apprentice in the firm where Morris had interests. See George Washington to RM, June 30th 1784, PRM microform supplement (forthcoming): 2117-2118. After Washington’s death, Mary and Robert Morris wrote a compassionate letter to Martha Washington. See Mary and Robert Morris to Martha Washington, December 27th 1799, CSmH (PRMF). 5 RM to George Washington, July 2nd 1781, PRM vol. I: 214. 6 RM to John and Francis Baring (English merchants), April 17th 1783, PRM vol. VII: 715. RM to Tench Tilghman (RM’s business associate), July 6th 1784, PRM vol. IX: 446-447. 7 Office of Finance to Francisco Rendon (unofficial Spanish agent in Philadelphia), April 20th 1784, PRM vol. IX: 272. 8 RM to Governors, July 25th 1781, PRM vol. I: 381. RM to Governors of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, December 19th 1781, PRM vol. III: 414. RM to Oliver Phelps (Superintendent of purchases of army supplies for Massachusetts), March 30th 1782, PRM vol. IV: 483. 9 RM to Matthew Ridley, November 5th 1783, PRM vol. VIII: 731. 10 RM to John Jay, November 27th 1783, PRM vol. VIII: 785. Peletiah Webster, American trader used the same phrase in his essays in the end 1770’s when defending freedom of commerce. Quoted in Foner 1976: 170. 11 Statement of the Accounts of the United States of America during the Administration of the Superintendent of Finance, November 1st 1784, PRM vol. IX, Appendix III: 692. 12 RM to Benjamin Franklin, September 30th 1783, PRM vol. VIII: 558. 13 RM to Daniel Clark (tobacco agent), May 30th 1782, PRM vol. V: 288. 14 Diary of William Maclay, March 8th 1790, DHFFC vol. IX: 214. RM to Patrick Colquahaun, December 22nd 1794, PLBRM vol. I: 1-3. 15 RM to W. Byrd, July 28th 1795, PLBRM vol. I: 413. 16 Diary of William Maclay, March 16th 1790, DHFFC vol. IX: 219-220. On speculation see for example Chernow 1978 and 1979: 77-98. 17 West 1997: 149-153. Morris had purchased about 1 200 000 acres near Genesee River in western New York in summer 1790. He tried to enlarge his possessions in the same area in 1796 and, actually, he bought lands from Indians, but it did not help him out of financial troubles. See for example RM to Mr. Gorham, October 1st 1790, N, Phelps & Gorham Papers (PRMF). 18 RM to George Washington, July 2nd 1781, PRM vol. I: 214-215. 19 RM to Daniel Clark, May 30th 1782, PRM vol. V: 289. 20 RM to a Committee of Congress (Nathaniel Gorham, Alexander Hamilton and Richard Peters), May 15th 1783, PRM vol. VIII: 51. 21 RM to Benjamin Franklin, September 30th 1783, PRM vol. VIII: 557-558. RM to Matthew Ridley, November 5th

1783, PRM vol. VIII: 730-731. Buel 1998: 69. Greene 1992: 177-179. 22 See RM to Ralph Forster (English merchant), August 8th 1783, PRM vol. VIII: 405. 23 Matson & Onuf 1990: 44-47. RM to William Bingham (Philadelphia merchant), January 19th 1784, PRM vol. IX: 40. 24 RM to John Jay, November 4th 1783, PRM vol. VIII: 708. 25 RM to Marquis de Lafaytte, PRM vol. IX: 351-352. Nowadays the islands are known as Mauritius and Réunion. Gallagher 1997: 211-212. 26Armstrong 1982: 42. Scofield 1993: 29-30. Johnson 1995: 9-10, 20. Morris did not outline the possibility to trade with China by himself. In the early 1780’s William Duer, John Holker Jr. and Matthew Ridley had discussed of the China trade. See Gallagher 1997: 204-206. Burrows & Wallace 1999: 275-276. For more information on Robert Morris’s China venture, see Early Records of Robert Morris’s Involvement in American Trade with China, PRM vol. VIII, Appendix I: 857-882. 27 Morris participated at least four other voyages as a financier: vessels Alliance, United States, Canton and Asia. See Goldstein 1978: 34-35. 28 Goldstein 1978: 29-30,69. RM to John Jay, May 19th 1785, NCC, Jay Collection (PRMF). Armstrong 1982: 42. Gallagher 1997: 207. Morris also invested in other China voyages. See Gallagher 1997: 209-210. 29 RM to Gouverneur Morris, January 30th 1789 & February 14th 1789, NNC, Gouverneur Morris Collection (PRMF). 30 Diary of William Maclay, June 1st 1789, DHFFC vol. IX: 63. 31 In brief, cosmopolitanism means a state of affairs where moral obligations are directed to all human beings. Political organizations should obey the previous maxim if cosmopolitan ideas are rightly embraced. 32 RM to George Washington, July 2nd 1781, PRM vol. I: 215.

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33 RM to Benjamin Franklin, September 30th 1783, PRM vol. VIII: 559. RM to Matthew Ridley, November 5th 1783, PRM vol. VIII: 731. 34 RM to the Willinks, van Staphorsts, and de la Lande and Fynje (Dutch banking consortium), February 12th 1784, PRM vol. IX: 112. 35 RM’s speech at General Assembly of Pennsylvania, March 30th 1786, DPGAP: 38. 36 RM’s speech at General Assembly of Pennsylvania, March 30th 1786, DPGAP: 39. 37 RM to Samuel Bean, June 10th 1797, PLBRM vol. II: 373. Nationalism in this particular case is used to describe the nation’s selfish claims over other instances. 38 RM to William Constable, March 22nd 1794 & May 1795, NNC, John Jay Collection (PRMF). RM to William Morris, June 28th 1795, PLBRM vol. I: 368. RM to Phyn & Co, July 27th 1795: 407. RM to William Constable, July 30th

1795, PLBRM vol. I: 421. RM to De Berdt, Dearman & Co, May 23rd 1796, PLBRM vol. II: 6. RM to Wilhelm & Jan Willink, June 20th 1797: 399. RM to John Pasley, June 20th 1797, PLBRM vol. II: 401. RM to John Cazenove, August 28th 1797, PLBRM vol. II: 529. RM to Henry Lee, September 18th 1797: 569-570. RM to Theophile Cazenove, November 8th 1797, PLBRM vol. III: 61. James Wilson shared the view of neutrality of United States when the matter concerned was the Maze of European Politics. See James Wilson to RM, January 14th 1777, NjHi (PRMF). 39 RM to J.H. Cazenove & Co, October 7th 1795, PLBRM vol. I: 489. 40 Peterson 1965: 586-588. Potts 1981, p.29. Jefferson still held that Morris’s contract with Farmers General (French privileged syndicate which farmed certain branches of the public revenue) was monopoly of a nature. See Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, July 9th 1786, EN vol. III, p.220 & Thomas Jefferson to Comte de Montmorin, July 23rd 1787, EN vol. III, p.556. Gouverneur Morris’s Diary 9th November 1790, DLGM vol. I, p.352. In general, most of the Founders welcomed free trade. See Matson & Onuf 1990: 31-33. Morris’s urge for luxury items was also against mercantilist reasoning. According to mercantilists, luxuries were to be avoided because they caused an unnecessary drift of currency out of the country. 41 RM to Silas Deane, December 5th 1785, DP, vol. V: 471. RM’s speech at General Assembly of Pennsylvania, March 30th 1786, DPGAP: 27-28. RM’s speech at General Assembly of Pennsylvania, March 31st 1786, DPGAP: 54. Monopolies were prohibited by States’ own Constitutions. West 1997: 51. Whether the contract between Morris and Farmers General was monopolistic is a difficult question to answer thoroughly. In Chernow’s (1979: 81) opinion it met the requirements for monopoly. It is noteworthy that it was not Morris, but rather Farmers General that wanted the monopoly (I am grateful to Dr. Elisabeth M. Nuxoll for this note). 42 RM to Jonathan Williams, January 8th 1785, SC. Memorandum by Doctor Edward Bancroft, October 24th 1785, EN vol. II: 879-890. 43 David Hume: Political Discourses; Of Money. 1752 http://socserv2.socsci.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/hume/money.txt December 6th 2009 David Hume: Political Discourses; Of the balance of trade.1752 http://socserv2.socsci.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/hume/trade.txt December 6th 2009 44 David Hume: Of the jealousy of trade. 1760 http://socserv2.socsci.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/hume/jealtra December 6th 2009 45 In the historiography of the revolutionary era there has been a common tendency to identify the War of Independence with liberal political economy and fighting for free trade. This view, lately defended by Higginbotham 1987, Shalhope 1991 has come under criticism by for example Cathy Matson & Peter Onuf 1985: 498 and Crowley 1993. 46 Adam Smith had recognized that legally sanctioned relationships were unavoidable for the undisturbed function of market economic system. See Vetterli & Bryner 1996: 218-220. 47 Diary of William Maclay, June 2nd 1789, DHFFC vol. IX: 64. About Federalists and economy see Matson & Onuf 1990, pp.2-3.

*Direct correspondence to:

Marko Junkkarinen Department of Geographical and Historical Studies, University of Eastern Finland, www.uef.fiPL 111, 80101 Joensuu Finlandp. +358 13 251 4391 [email protected]

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