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The transformations of environmental activism :

Greenpeace France case

By

Gérald Gallet

Centre d’Etudes Politiques et Institutionnelles, Université Pantheon Assas Paris II

Groupe d’Etudes et de Recherche sur les Mutations du Militantisme,

Fondation Nationale des Sciences politiques

gegallet@aol.com

Paper for the Workshop on « Environmental Protest in Comparative Perspective » at the 27th

Joint Sessions of ECPR Workshops in Mannheim, 26-31 March, 1999.

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The Transformations of environmental activism : Greenpeace France Case1

Greenpeace2 is undoubtedly the most powerful NGO, materially and financially, in the

environmental sphere, building up its action with professional methods. It still maintains a

radical spirit with direct and no conventional actions’ perspectives.

Presented as the « green enterprise », GP possess about thirty department in the World.

According to a process of organizational mimicry, it borrows an organization’s model which is

equivalent to its butts : the multinational enterprise. GP aspire to confront them in the ecological

and political sphere ; and for the success of the contest, it decide to structure itself as these

enterprises.

Each department has its specific character because the geopolitical context, the level of

implication and integration of each department in the society and the political sphere change in

each State. The department must take in account of the State’s political culture, and understand

the geographical, historical, political, social and cultural in which it acts.

It’s relevant to analyze Greenpeace France3 department in so far as France (and the french) seems

to be unsympathetic to the environmental problems. Created en 1977, GPF suffered three crisis,

which bound to stop its activities, and to change the direction of the department. GPF suffered

too the financial problems of Greenpeace International.4 So, the french department must work

with disadvantageous circumstances and strategic errors in the campaigns’ preparations.

GPF works for subjects which have not the estimated popularity, fights against interests ans

authorities, which are rarely the target of other pressure groups (parties, trades union,

association). GPF is compared as the « enemy of France », criticized for its part of professional

agitator and unconnected activist. Its compromise with the negative image which comes to its

anglo-saxon origin and its method of direct actions. This activism disturb the puritan legalism in

the french society, especially respected in the environmental and political sphere. GPF take place

in a radical and countercultural perception of the society.

1 I would like to thank Olivier Fillieule for precious comments and methodological advices. I would like to thank too

Fabrice Ferrier for enlarging thoughts we exchanged, and his help for the informations on the environmental

activism’s chronology. Last but not least, I would like to thank the french TEA group (Transformations of

Environmental Activism) which allows me to present this paper in front of you. Thanks to Greenpeace France (full-

time officials, voluntaries and activists) who co-operates and gives me access to many informations. 2 We use « GP » in the paper.

3 We use « GPF » in the paper.

4 We use GPI in the paper.

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In a diachronic perspective (1989-1997), we’ll attempt to study GPF, analyzing the evolution of

the department in the french society, and concentrating ours remarks on the activism’s

transformations. So, we’ll observe how this organization translate its aims in actions ; with which

logic it acts in the political sphere, to show the evolution of its activism.

These transformations involve modifications and changes, but not necessarily revolution in

GPF’s organization and working. It’s the continuity in change which allow to explain its

situation. The predominance of GPI interfere in this evolution, and the GPF’s strategy depends

on international aims. As to the activism, it remains subversive in the political sphere, as a

practical which attempts to knock about authorities by direct action. GPF use an index list of

spectacular actions to express its fight and its claims. Within this research, the activism is an

heterodox practical and increase with objector and rebellious actions, where the activist invest

physically the political sphere and use visual actions to mediatize an environmental problem.

Nevertheless, the logic of activism change, according as a twofold process to reduce this aspect

of the direct action in the environmental activism.

A twofold transformation with two different logics stand out and intrude on GPF, consequence of

an obvious strategy which allows to produce more effective works, therefore more profitable for

the organization. The first logic is that GPF strengthen its degree of professionalism, trump in the

fight against the private and public authorities. This professionalism complete the enterprise’s

logic which is directed to organize the works of campaigners. The professionalization of the

structure concerns the preparation, the valuation and the mediatization of the campaign, and

these are not only the campaigner and officials but also the voluntaries and the activist which

must borrow this professional position. For reasons of efficaciousness and productivity, this logic

is necessary to GPF becoming as a lawful and representative actor in the environmental sphere of

which it is excluded. The professionalism is shown in transformations, transformations in the

construction of the campaigns and their execution by direct and lawful actions. The index list is

still completed and the work is executed by professional of radical action.

The second transformation introduce the other logic, inconsistent with the professional logic : it’s

the attempt of social integration. With the increase of the professionalism’s degree, GPF hope to

get one position in public and political area, to assert its ability to participate and enlarge the

debate. If GP succeed in this strategy of recognition and integration, it would be accepted by the

society and the public opinion. GP bound the action’s radicalism and unfold new methods in the

thought’s work and the activism. It decides to practise an overture and to create some links with

another environmental associations. This inclusion in social sphere become one priority in the

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organisational and working of GPF. But, this second logic deny the professional logic : how

adjust the enterprise’s strategy with the purpose of the inclusion in civil society ? Indeed, the

civil society not concede the professionalization of collective organization, and prefer local

action and action’s proximity.

However, these two logics appear in the GPF’s works since 1987. To answer the questions and

observations we have do, this research formed with methologic sources, both quantitative and

qualitative. The qualitative sources are based on the direct observation. We work in GPF’s office

in Paris during four months, and we analyzed the work of this organization. Moreover, we

realized interviewes (6) of full time officials (3) and activists (3) to complete our first remarks.

But quantitative sources contributed to consolidate ours observations. The study of local and

national newspapers registering GPF’s actions, the documents and records of GP (press release,

activities report, informations’ tract and propaganda sources, the reading of « GP magazine »

since 1989) are interested because these sources will allow to compare writings with the actors’

witness. The obsrvation’s work in the organization provide some items to understand GPF’s

activism. Some theoretical sources add to this empirical approach. The sociology of collective

mobilization with the rational analysis and the analysis of resources’ mobilization (Olson, 1966 ;

Oberschall, 1973 and 1993 ; Tilly, 1978) and the new perspectives of collective action’s theories

(Rucht, 1993 ; Kriesi, 1995 ; Tarrow, 1994) give a sound basis for the study, to answer the

questions and explain the organization’s behaviour.

The professionalism and the attempt of social inclusion compose the two working’s logics of

GPF, complementary but inconsistent. See them now in two parts. In the first, we analyzed how

GP want to become a lawful player in the political game and the environmental sphere, by the

purchase of professionalism attitude and from an enterprise’s logic. In the second part, the

strategy of social integration needs some transformations in the activism’s methods and we

observe that GP search to win a respectability in its work.

1. The professional logic of the environmental activism

The professionalization is realized not only by the methods which ensure the success of actions,

but also by the activists’ behaviour which construct and put in concrete form the work, with a

index list mixing direct and lawful actions5.

1.1. Enterprise’s logic in the campaign’s conduct

5 On the index list of collective actions, see Tilly Ch. La France conteste de 1600 à nos jours Fayard et Harvard

University Press 1986.

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GPF suffered for a long time of its incapacity to manage some crisis caused by direct and radical

actions, incapacity in terms of public and political communication or incapacity to manage the

consequences of spectacular actions. Full time officials know that actions must be prepared and

managed above and below their accomplishment, in order to obtain satisfaction of this

professionalism.

1.1.1. Professionalism in campaigns’ elaboration

For the reason that GP would like to entertain its financial independence in relation to political

and economical authorities, the first necessity must be to success its direct actions, therefore

organize an offensive strategy which has two ways. In the first time, mediatize the environmental

problems with direct actions. In the second time, use actions’ mediatical and economical

backwash. Thoughts about any environmental perspective which sensitize and constitute

important stakes in the society are previously realized. Thus, in the campaigners’ speech6, the

works of campaigns’ and actions’ preparation require research to collect informations and

instructions about the subject of any campaign, to analyze the problem and determine the angles

of attack for direct action. Beyond the fundamental work, the formalization is very important :

it’s a part of environmental activism which is examined thoroughly.

More than the results of direct actions, the show is essential in order that media broadcast

message and pictures of actions. GPF consider that has an agitator’s function and want to

mediatize the problem to disturb the authorities, but its nuisance’s capacity depend on the

media’s strategy which relieve informations if they want. With the professionalism’s logic, GPF

wish intrude on the mediatical diary. So, GPF try to charm the media in order that they translate

the message and the results of GP’s actions to the citizens who can support campaigns and work

of the environmental organization..

In its speech and its practical, GPF take up one rational and enterprise’s strategy, inconsistent

with the radical perception of direct actions.7 These two approaches become complete and

structure the action’s and thoughts’ logic of GP. Now, to obtain convincing and expeditious

results with this enterprise’s organization, the association progress to the professionalism in the

construction and decision making, and mediatization of campaigns and actions. GP appears as a

6 The interviewes with the two campaigners (energy and GMO campaigns) of GPF show that priorities are

actions’efficaciousness and profitability for the organization’s survey. 7 Radicalism of environmental activism and direct action belong to activists’ feeling and affect, so an approach

which not interfere with the enterprise’s logic

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Social Movement Organization (SMO)8 which become an environmental enterprise, and the full

time official as the « protest’s contractor, Schumpeter of social movement »,9 in so far as their

analysis cost-profit and its capacity to form one strategy of activist’s management link the

pleasure of direct action and an efficaciousness’ view for the inner projects of GP. This

« enterprise’s protest » quality is defined by the trade-name : protest against the environmental

pollution forms with strategic priorities, and use all necessary furnitures to execute aims and

disturb private and public authorities by direct confrontation. This quality is completed too by the

hierarchical organization which allows to manage clear campaigns and actions against specific

target. With its abilities and globalization of GPF’s campaigns, the association wants to become

the leader in the environmental social movement.

Indeed, its capacity to mobilize resources determine its weight in the debates of the

environmental sphere, and its interventions’ power in the political sphere. GPF try to lay down its

point of view, thanks to its product’s methods (technical and communication means), from a

professional and expert work. GP hold the ludic and spectacular approach in the activist

practical, but it develops a legitimation’s process more serious. Surely, GPF not have means to

pull itself up the level of public and economic authorities, but it thinks that it can become as a

real pressure group in France, if it borrows speech and behaviour of environmental and protest’s

enterprise, with professional’s group who manipulate informations and ressources for the

association’s profitability.

The action require works above, which prefigure this professionalism movement in this

organization. At first, with the valuation’s work (aims, problems) and the direct action’s

consequences, short-dated consequence (campaign’s representation in the public sphere) and

long-dated consequence (GPF’s representation in the civil society), GP measure advantages and

disadvantages to execute one direct action. If GPI decides campaign’s choice, each national

department can put in concrete form and execute with its imagination and means. For the reason

that its means are limited, GPF try to protect « GP » label in the actions ; the area’s work has to

really and correctly symbolize GP’ activism, so gives a faithfull picture of GP’s fight. Otherwise,

the professional deflection of GP’s activism involve that action is not the finality but one mean to

realize one finality, i.e. the organization’s efficaciousness. To be able to prepare case and

arguments against politics and enterprise is one of ability’s signs, so one of lawfullness’ signs in

the environmental sphere. It’s necessary to present actions, not only as a protest’s action

8 See Mc Carthy J.D. and Zald M., « Ressource Mobilization and Social Movement : a partial Theory » American

Journal of Sociology vol. 82 1977 p1212-1241.

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(negative action) which want to disprove or prevent one process, but also positive action which

propose exchange’s solution : it’s the symbol of professional strategy and rational behaviour. The

expert work based on survey and scientific report transform the GP’s practical in France, and the

enterprise’s strategy allows to borrow a profile of efficient actor. Symbolizing the enterprise’s

logic, it’s a part of GP’s plans to suggest gap to environmental problems : renewable energy

against nuclear energy ; moratorium for the GMO ; adoption of ecologic behaviour everyday ...

Direct and spectacular action is not the only instrument of GPF’s activism ; it’s the implement to

mediatize a campaign. But actions depend on construction of projects and close relations with

media which ensure the advertising of GP’s interference. The mediatic contact is another aspect

of the professional activism : interaction’s reports with media allow the twofold

instrumentalization and the publicization of environmental activism.

If the department « communication » of GPI is essential10

for the organization’s working, the

parts of press attaching and campaigners in the national office are important too, in so far as they

guarantee locally the concrete existence of GP. Indeed, they ensure the formal presence of GP in

the media by the construction of a journalistic network, able to serve as a campaigns’ and

actions’ relaying. This stage of GP’s expert work is fundamental for campaigns’ profitability and

efficaciousness. If GPF acknowledge that the part of media, as the essential medium in the public

sphere, the relations with reporters interfere slowly. GP is aware of the fundamental position of

the media in the social and political sphere, and this is the result of the professional evolution of

the association. Beyond the professionalism in the actions, GP take up a professional’s situation.

The success of the enterprise needs the preparation of the mediatic area, although the risk of

instrumentalization exist. Conferences and press releases, personal links with reporter (generalist

and specialist press, local and national) participate to the construction of mediatic relaying, and

allow GP to show that it becomes one specialist in the environmental questions. As any

enterprise, GPF has to manage the registered trade-mark, the hallmark sticked up just when

actions are executed.

This enterprise’s logic not efface the radical actions, but these have tendancy to be prepared in

minute detail. If the aim remains to strike with spectacular actions and « bit where it’s

excruciating »11

, the maners to transmit messages are different. Actions’ finality is not to disturb

9 Neveu E. : Sociologie des mouvements sociaux La Découverte 1996.

10 Greater part of the press release used by the media are broadcasted by GPI, directly or thanks to the national

department which translate. Communication’s means are surprising : communication’s centre in London, world wide

web between the national department, personal cameramen who follow the actions ... 11

Say the campaigner « energy » who thinks that the part of GPF is to remain agitator although it must

professionalize thoughs’ and actions’ methods.

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one process, but understand and explain nature and social reality. GP thinks that has a citizen’s

part to call on the public opinion and the political authorities ; what are the results af these

actions ?

1.1.2. Implement the actions

Actions not constitute the closure of a research’s and analysis’ work, but they become a unit to

know the consequences of this investment in GP’s representation in society. These actions take

one’s place as a advertising product and important item which translate the GP’s one

environmental problem. The stage’s work progress to this professionalization, becoming

essential for the reason that the enterprise’s logic and strategy appeared. Relations with media in

the actions’ realization and the sense of these actions change. They show the purpose to

instrumentalize the environmental problems. GP’s strategy is to use the environmental questions

in order to guarantee its economical aims of profitability and its mediatic strategy, not to serve

the environmental consideration.

Actions have to be marked by GP’s identity, to protect its hallmark, so in order to « greenpeacize

agit-prop actions ».12

They require savoir-faire to prepare them, and especially to execute them

and take advantage of them. Indeed, the professionals deduce from consequences the actions’

success for GP : actions’ form and methods depend on economical, mediatical and political

circumstances. The direct and radical character of each action is the essential tactical composite,

because radicalism and unlawful provocation allows GP to attract authorities’ notice to the

environmental problems and give visibility to its fights. We observe yet that actions’ execution

reveals with more than acuity that GP want to enlarge its savoir-faire and savoir-dire by methods’

professionalization. The different aspects of direct action are exposed : the speech which present

and justify why GP acts ; the action which is staged, as a film or theatre’s play. Action become

one part of the campaign’s process, not the conclusion of the activist work. Action brings results

which can boost one campaign or create a new campaign, emerging it in the environmental and

political sphere with non conventional action. Full time officials want to be planned at mid-

dated, and prepare strategy and action’s tactics, to not think out enough perspectives.

Nevertheless, activists invest spontaneously the political sphere and not reflect on the action’s

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The agit prop actions are equivalent to non-violent actions in its unfolding and its aim, but remain spectacular and

direct actions in its form. « Greenpeacize » means that GP would like to lay down its actions’ form in the

environmental sphere, actions’ methods and work’s methods. GP want to obtain a recognition and to be respected.

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consequences.13

The realist full time official elaborate the rational and offensive strategy of GP,

to transform activism and behaviour of this NGO.

Actions stage the ability and the expert work of the GP’s campaigners, especially with more

visiblity for the message which campaigners want to send to the citizens. Full time official know

that actions’ originality ensure a mediatic cover enhanced. But they know too the risk of mediatic

deflection14

, appeared in the 90th,

altough the leader try to stop it. Coming in the media’s play,

GP risk to support this réflexion and this escalade in the spectacular action, GP always trying to

organize « shock action », in order to media cover activist behaviour. Nervertheless, GP cannot

take precaution against bad interpretation of activism by media. It’s important for GP that action

(and reporters’ pictures or remarks) not only show its spectacular character, but also the serious

work (research, analysis, informations’ collect) which construct thoughts and action. Action not

only try to disturb or stop process, but also show that GP is an expert association which is able to

realize and offer solutions : it’s the priority of GP’s activism, to gain respectability in the civil

society. The action’s impact depends on its informative quality to the citizens who must

understand the GP’s message through the action’s application, to obtain by undue influence their

attention and prove them the campaigners’ ability. The aim of the work warrant the

professionalism of the organization, not its radicalism, although GP know that the advertising

come from the spectacular actions.

Action is one of the items which makes easy the analysis’ publicization. It’s one of the means to

collect benefits because action constitute vector which comfort supporters : action is the symbol

of GP’s activities in the environmental sphere, proof that GP acts and give its point of view. As

its perspective, so it’s the mean to increase the supporters, and improve the financial capacities.

The media’s part is very important into the information’s work. In order that GP may

instrumentalize the media (for its action’s advertising), it has to prepare actions and use the links

which are weaved above. It’s the work below which complete the activist’s execution and ensure

the operation’s succeed : it’s not the preparation but the presentation which is fundamental.

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The historical leader of GP is David Mac Taggart who claim activist behaviour. With the arrival of Thilo Bode in

1995 as the GPI’s executive director (he was the GP Germany executive director for 6 years), management methods

appear and GPI borrows new behaviours, as enterprise, in the action’s preparation, execution and inner

administration. Between activism and radicalism of Mc Taggart and the pragmatism of T. Bode, it’s Bode’s

conception which wins (it’s the opposition between fundamentalist and realist). In France, the pragmatic

administration really appear with executive director B. Rebelle (november 1997), although the proceeding increase

with P. Komitès since 1995. 14

The campaigners interviewed are aware of this problem, but say that « can do otherwise ! », « have to do with » the

media as so far as the media are essential actor to publicize environmental problem and GP’s answer. It’s the risk of

instrumentalization which GO not resolve.

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The professionalism is be conveyed in this phase. The full time officials are in direct relations

with media and can demonstrate their savoir-faire in the action’s execution, because the financial

and material resources depend on GP’s representation transmitted by media in reports.

Campaigners use their journalistic networks : it’s the twofold instrumentalization GP-media15

on

account of interactions which are necessary to the retransmission of direct action. It’s because

media agree to mediatize any action of GP that this association may interfere in the political

sphere. GPF receive the GPI’s logistic support (world wide web, inmarsat, camera ...) and must

guarantee a journalistic presence (press agency or audio-visual media) to have positive

backwash.

If the transformations of environmental activism not concern the actions’ form (the direct and

spectacular character is very important), it’s the method which changes the GP’s work. Activists

use symbols to provoke reactions (activists’ clothes which are nuclear protect’s chothes with

mask and glasses). But professional behaviour involves the stage of the direct actions : message

transmitted by banderole, subversive form of actions ; so much items which allow these actions

to be workable by media. « Words’ weight and picture’s shock »16

are the basis of actions’

efficaciousness, as so far as media agree to do advertising, i.e. agree to show GP’s works and

solutions. Then, the professional and enterprise’s logic is a party to the respectability’s attempt.

It’s necessary to GP that media give the best representation of actions if it wants to succeed its

aims. It’s the financial point of view which is considered as the more important item, and to

survive, this environmental enterprise must choise professional activist.

As any protest’s enterprise directed by profitability’s logic, GP must use material and human

means to the work and activism’s expression. It’s not only the methods and forms of activism

which change and professionalize, but also the voluntaries and the full time officials who borrow

new behaviour : professional activists.

1.2. Widening of the index list used by professional activists

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For GP’s activists, aim is the appearance in the media radio, newspaper, television (picture and reports about

actions, not one breve). For media, it depends on the spectacular character of direct action and the mediatic agenda :

action has to agree to editorial expectations. 16

Catch-phrase of a french magazine Paris Match which realize « report-shock ». GP takes as a pattern this method

and catch-phrase when it works and acts.

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Direct actions are the principal source of GP’s activism to succeed in mediatize the work. But,

we can put in a remark : GP attempt to complete its index list of collective actions, using « lawful

and rational »17

actions’ forms. Then, these are specialized and trained activists who practise in

the name of GP.

1.2.1. Legitimate actions’ forms

Direct actions remain the ideal pressure’s means against GP’s target, and single mediatization’s

means (since 1993-1994, not the single means) of the research’s work which come before radical

actions. Nevertheless, GP want (it’s a necessity, not a desire) to make change : innovation must

be permanent because it allows to test and produce new ideas. Then, GP has to provoke and

create debate and discussions, to participate to the construction of new political balances. This

change interfere, not in the campaign’s thematic18

(transformations exist in the campaign’s

thematic, but it’s not the essential question), but change of the collective actions’ index list : it

appears that GP add new actions’ form besides the radical actions.

Radical activism is the better expression’s form because GP know that it can mobilize resources,

especially its reputation of subversive organization. But this activism is part of scheme which

demonstrate the inclination to objectify research and analysis’s work. The spectacular character

exists, but GP progress to a perception more « considered »19

of the environmental activism

where radicalim and rationalism mix. Now, GP wish develop a « real ecology’s » perception, as

the « real politics », case to be heared in the political and environmental sphere as an lawful and

efficient actor to give one’s opinion on sensitive subjects. With the creation of the « real

ecology », Gp want to participate to the entry of ecology and environmental questions in the

political and social sphere as the fundamental problem ; to do that ecological questions are pre-

eminent. This real ecology cannot break up to the social questions, nature and society being link

and being interdependent. So it has to entry in the problematic of society’s questions and social

fights.

To be compared to a serious organization, GP decides to add the expert approach to the ludic and

radical aspect. The campaigners join the expert valuation in order that GP initiate actors of

17

M. Weber : Economy and society (french translating) Plon 1956 ; and The scientist and the politics (french

translating ) Plon 1959. 18

GPI develop 6 campaigns : nuclear energy, toxics, climate, forests, oceans, genetic engineering. GPF works on

two : energy and genetic engineering (with two priorities : nuclear and GMO). 19

In contradistinction to the « thoughtless campaign » taken against french nuclear test in Polynesie in 1995,

thoughtless campaign says T .Bode for the reason that the material means (boats) are not correctly used by the

campaigners (bad actions’preparation).

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different spheres into its work and its potentiality of scientific analysis. This logic explains that

direct action associates the expert work, i.e. the aim of direct action, in addition to publicize the

GP’s campaigns (to show the environmental priorities of GP), is to serve as visualization’s

instruments of the expert work.20

The widening of the actions’ index list not constitute only the

expression of high « protester potentiality »21

, but also a expert potentiality. The work proceed

from the direct actions of which we can underline the non violent character. As regards non

violent actions, these actions represent symbolic violence : GP search for the opposition with

authorities, with the holders of public and private power. Direct actions using much material and

human means are less and less organized. It’s the traditional unfolding of banderole which is

mechanical,22

but the chaining up and the blocking are more exceptional (transformations of

environmental activism linked to the strategy and the logic of GPI and GPF, and linked to the

juridical tools used by authorities to limit direct action : system of the judiciary injunction ). As a

pressure group, GPF want to acquire lobbying’s practical23

, necessary case for any group want to

professionalize its action and work. GP re-affirm its aim to integrate the décision’s sphere.24

This enterprise’s logic incites the french full-time officials to offer an index list more lawful,

applying themselves to develop legalistic forms of activism. This index list of lawful actions is

grounded upon analysis and research, as well as juridical instruments, from which a

juridicization of the protest action. GP tries to mediatize its abilities grounded on the research,

whereas the acquisition of expert’s identity creates a lawfulness and a recognition to interfere in

the debates. The expert’s potentiality improve in quality and quantity for the reason that the

campaigners are trained to the fight’s subjects.. The organization’s methods (communication’s

means, relations with scientific sphere, several networks’ constitution) organize themselves.

Nevertheless, the expert level achieves one threshold which is difficult to exceed for GP, as so

far as the GP’s means remain small. The strategy borrowed (the arrival of P. Komitès, executive

director, in 1993 produce transformations in the organization and actions’ forms, after three crisis

suffered by GPF) lead to make pay its abilities, not increase its expert’s capacities (the full-time

20

Then, the campaign against la Hague : GP carried out recently one direct action with a stag-beetle which allows 1)

to mediatize its action and campaign, 2) shows the research and scientific expertise of GP. This is GPI which

prepared and executed this action (with the assistance of GPF, Cherbourg local group). 21

p 135-136 in N. Mayer and P. Perrineau : les comportements politiques Armand Colin 1992. 22

Two activists interviewed regret this mechanical spirit and observe quantitative and qualitative reduction of direct

action (i.e. « action-shock »). 23

This lobbying’s practical exist at the european level, where GP owns in Brussels (where work the european

institutions : Commision, European Parliament) one department to protect its interests. Otherwise, GP Germany and

GP UK are powerful enough to elaborate their lobbynig’s strategy.

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officials use all the financial means). To make pay its abilities, GP has to mediatize them and

rush the mediatic agenda. Then, when GP reveal survey and scientific research produced by

indépendant search worker, it tries to show its serious work of enquiry and news. GP use its

networks to appropriate news and scoops. But the personal work of GP complete the research : it

possess its own research’s laboratory in UK where the national departments can send samples for

results. These samples’ results serve as one support for the campaigns’ mediatization.25

GPF, as

other national department, depends on hte GPI’s structure (laboratory, communication’s means).

But the campaigners gain sufficient experience and abilities since their arrival (the two

campaigners arrived in 1990) to develop savoir-faire and savoir-dire.

Besides GP expect a visibility of its work and actions by the media, it hopes a recognition of its

expert’s abilities, as a political and social sphere’s player.26

The representation of protest’s

enterprise become complete with the representation of the specialists’ enterprise : GP want to

assert itself combining its savoir-faire and savoir-dire about the environmental questions.

GP strengthen the professionalization of its activism, using juridical instruments which allow to

block one process with legal means. GP preserve a confrontation’s logic, but borrows a formalist

and conventional behaviour. This use of law constitute one complement of the research’work

and direct action. But it’s a change in the collective actions’ index list. GP is not infrequently the

victim of judiciary machinery with its condemnation (injunction’s procedure : financial

penalization if GP realize direct actions against enterprises which apply for this injunction to the

judge). Now, GP uses the juridic weapon against private and public authorities, to advance its

environmental fight.27

In addition to the redress, GP know to use the french law to disturb one

process and favour its aim to protect the environment. GP make use of the juridic rules28

and

incorporate them in this tactic : this is the new weapon in its global pressure’s strategy to slacken

the process which injure the environment. Using conventional weapon, GP become the member

24

GPF is a member of the Conseil de l’Eau and Conseil de l’air which convene environmental expert under the care

of the Environment’s Ministry. Otherwise, GPF is heared by a parliamentary commission about the GMO’s problem

in 1998. 25

GPF send some samples coming from la Hague and the laboratory’s results prove the environmental problem. 26

Since 1992, you can observe that the two campaigner (especially the campaigner working on the « biodiversité »)

make clearer their abilities in the public meeting, debate, lecture and radio’s broadcast (France Culture). 27

GPF refer a matter to the Conseil d’Etat against french nuclear test in 1995 (Conseil d’Etat dismiss this matter ).

On the other hand, it refer a matter to the Conseil d’Etat against the authorization of the transgenic culture (Conseil

d’Etat interrupt the authorization’s decision of transgenic culture and decides to refer for advice the ECJC).

Otherwise, GPF is one of the litigants in several juridic conflicts whic concern environmental pollution. 28

Then, GP advance a campaign of area’s purchase in the Vallée d’Aspe, to disturb the expropriation’s procedure,

and open to construct the Somport’s tunnel. GP want to complicate the authorities’ decision using the french law and

decide to choose legal action in the collective actions’ index list. This legal and conventional action complete the

radical and spectacular action.

14

of the traditional group and transform its action as a pressure group, which not use the radicalism

and the activism in its work’s form. Nevertheless, this legal action’s methods are marginal in the

GP’s index list. The subversive action prepared and directly explained with radical actions

always constitute the groundwork of GP’s activist, which progress to the professionalization.

More than a transformation, it’s an evolution and a complement in the index list.

1.2.2. Execution of actions by specialist

The twofold tendency (professionalization and enterprise’s logic) can be observed in the GP’s

members (full-time officials, activists and voluntaries). Indeed, informations and formation are

the two sources which allow the actions’ professional to present one representation of an

organized and efficacious association in the campaigns’ preparation and realization. The ability is

required in the analysis and research’s work and in the direct action to ensure a good profitability

for GP.

The full-time officials are the « expert-militant »29

which accumulate resources (certificates and

associative experience). These resources mobilize an ability which serves the organizations’

aims. The full-time officials decide to specialize their work and action in one intervention’s

sphere. So each campaigner try to know actuality and informations about its campaign, and he is

not able to discuss about other campaigns, although they can hold them (because the campaigners

must present the GP’s homogeneity and explain the strategy and logic of their association).

Nevertheless, they have a critical look and explain their opinion on the GF’s strategy and

campaign’s choice. GP’s structuration express a bureaucratization’s movement in the working, as

any enterprise which must guarantee a quality’s production (with a large action’s index list) and

satisfy clients. The campaigners benefit by a cultural and social capital. As the expert, they

organize the campaigns, prepare actions with argumentations and logistics. But other full-time

officials interfere in the preparation of the activism : 1) the executive director oversee the work

and co-ordinate all the campaign : he’s the spokesman ; so its choice is very important for GPF

and a fortiori for GPI ; 2) the « accountable-action » which prepares the actions’ means. The

professionalization is complete for all the full-time officials who have to produce results about

their campaigns.30

This professionalization is a condition of the success, although checks exist.

29

See Ollitrault S. : Actions collectives et constructions identitaires. Le cas du militantisme écologiste en France,

Rennes I 1996 ; and Ollitrault S. : environmentalist movements : transformations of collective actions’ index list :

comparison between France and UK. Maison française d’Oxford 01/02/97. 30

In 1987, GPI employ 100 full-time officials ; in 1997 : more than 1000. In France, GP employ about ten persons

between 1988 and 1997 (now 12).

15

For all the campaigns and actions, a full-time official is able to become the privileged

interlocutor facing the media which want to inform about GP or one of the direct action.31

The

specialists construct their networks (journalistic, political, scientific, associative, with the full-

time officials af GPI). They receive informations required for their campaigns, and can use them

as a relay to their informations collected in the research’s work : the informations’ collection

allows to enlarge this work. Finally, this professionalization is the ineluctable consequence for

the full-time officials as so far as they must be efficient in the political and scientific debates if

they want to assert their point of view. Their points of view have to be exact and justified to be

recapitulated by the media. The campaigners find out the shortcoming and work to be conversant

with the topical problemn in their actions’ domain. They provoke debates with scientific,

political and economical authorities and want to locate themselves with regard to authorities.32

The specialization and professionalization’s attempts serve to defend the GP’s hallmark : the

« expert-militant » interfere in the material definition of the campaign’s , and in its explicit

realization, above and below the activist’ actions. They are responsible for the informations and

the action’s unfolding, in order that the message is exact and explicit for authorities and public

opinion. So, the campaigners hold one strategic place in regard with the executive director,

because they know their domain (informations, relationships, circumstances) and develop

relations with campaigner of GP’ near department (the network is an advantage for the

campaigners who a informal power’s position in their department). Nevertheless, the

campaigners’ work depends on the activist’actions in the political and environmental sphere.

GP’s activism requires a high degree of technicality, using complicated tools which are material

and symbolic. The inflation of the spectacular actions is correlated with the risk of mediatic

deflection, i.e. media provoke innovation in the GP’s spectacular actions (this escalade is a

danger to GP’s representation in the public opinion because french not accept subversive and

radical actions). It’s necessity if GP wish remain a mediatic association. The direct actions

always constitute the item in the strategy, but GP reject this deflection. GP does not occult that

instrumentalization and manipulation by media still exist, and it’s difficult to prevent it. The

technicality of the means, the complexity of action’s context (target, action’s place, methods used

to visualize activism) bring together parameters which require specialists of commando-actions.

For the more spectacular actions, GPF has to appeal to the GP’s near department (Germany,

31

In GPF, there are 5 full-time officials specialized : the two campaigners which co-ordinate their action’s domain

(energy and GMO), a campaigner « junior » for the « transport » campaign and two assistants of the campaigners. 32

It’s a necessity for the campaigners to know their actions’s domain in order to avoid the authorities’ traps :

authorities watch closely the public interference of the campaigners, and not fail to use their errors and mistakes.

16

Netherlands, Belgium)33

which possess important means and constitue material and human

support for GPF’s actions.

GPF want to have at its disposal « eco-warriors »34

, green commando which are able to interfere

when needs appears. In addition to high protester potentiality which provokes their reaction, a

training and choice’s process is brought about the choice of those who go to the ground and

execute direct action. Activists don’t need positive or negative incitements to mobilize

themselves35

, but they must have minimum abilities in order that actions succeed. Indeed, these

actions depend on the activists’ behaviour in action’s unfolding.

Abilities can pre-exist to the activist or be obtained with the training received in the lap of GP.

This abilities are technical (rock climbing, to rope down, capacity to chain themselves quickly

without police can deliver them ....) assimilated just as they execute direct action. As the same

thing, action’ participation involve to know the equipmenty used to prepare it and realize it in

good circumstances.36

The speed is one the conditions for the action’s success, then for the

efficaciousness and the profitability of GP’s work. These are the more qualified activists, those

who are the specialists, who are chosen.

In addition to this technical abilities and selection above (before the direct action), a training

allows to gain « symbolic abilities »37

and a « communicational knowledge ». As to the symbolic

abilities, the direct actions’ priority is that they remain « non violent », i.e. any physical violence.

The campaigners and the executive director want to avoid all excess and excitability provoked by

the authorities to test GP’s activists and lay them traps. GPF organize trainings in order to inform

the activists and explain them the non violent technics38

and the technics of self-control. So, the

activists have to gain psychological mechanisms and adapt their behaviour. The principle aim is

the efficaciousness : the activists are able to succeed actions when they are in the position to act.

With this training, GP prepared its activists to keep their self-control, so to exclude accident’s

33

Actions against Japanese cargo-boat which transfers nuclear wastes (in 1992), against Cogema in La Hague : these

actions are very grievous and complicated, and call for a great professionalism. 34

The model of eco-warriors declare that they are radical methods and symbolic (even physical) violence. GP

criticize the radical methods which use violence and want to destroy. It satisfy itself the metthods’ non violence and

symbolic violence. 35

See Olson M. : Collective actions’ logics Harvard University Press 1966. Olson consider that the militant not

mobilize themselves in a collective action if they don’t have any positive incitement (interests) or negative (physical

or psychological pressure of the part of the group). 36

A briefing is necessary to prepare the form (action’s form) and the substantive work (methods used to visibilize

action and its message). The full-time officials and the voluntaries give some advices to warn them to the risk

incured. 37

These « symbolic abilities » connect to « symbolic remuneration » by D. Gaxie in : « Economie des partis et

rétributions du militantisme » Revue française de Science Politique février 1977 n°1 pp123-154. 38

This training is unpunctual because it’s very expensive : GPF must call a specialist of non violent behaviour who

explains the behaviours, being conditional upon the situations which the activists come up.

17

risk (for activists and the public) or excess. As to the « communicational knowledge » (i.e. the

savoir-dire), a training is organize punctually too, in order that activists assimilate technics of

self-presentation in front of media (especially in interview or in television’s report which

retransmit direct action). It’s very important for GP’s hallmark that activists behave correctly.

The activists have to transmit and visibilize one message with direct actions, message which is

re-interpreted by journalists. This re-interpretation depends on the forms and results of non

conventional action. GP’s representation is one of the items to protect in the course of action, as

the environment’s protection.

In order to ensure any security and avoid any linguistic or gestural excess (physical fight, insult

or offense on behalf of activists), GPF’s executive director does to sign a contract to the activists

and voluntaries. It’s a contract which involve duties and parties for the two litigants. GP offer

training and informations about environmental questions to the voluntaries and activists ; as

against this training (and other symbolic or material remuneration), voluntaries and activists must

respect obligation in its behaviour and speech to not injure GP. The juridicization39

is the

consequence of the professionalization : the aim is to take any risk.

The GP’s members must become specialists and professionals in their work and behaviour. But,

does this professionalization not inconsistent with the other logic, logic of the « societal »

integration ? How integrates and bring upon itself the sympathy of the public opinion if GP

borrows an enterprise’s and professional logic, which develop distance with the citizen ?

2. The logic of « societal inclusion » : to be integrated in the political and public area

We have to put in perspective this logic, but some signs and observations in the organization and

working of GP do to show through this logic complete the logic of professionalization, and

include in the strategy since 1990 (particularly since 1993 with P. Komitès and accelerated with

the arrival of B.Rebelle).

2.1. The borrowing of this logic in the organizational setting

Although, GP is considered to its centralization and its secret, GP opens a overture’s movement

to the social sphere and the public area, which involve the construction of a territorial web and

the creation of a policy of citizens’ attraction.

2.1.1. The commercial policy : management and business

18

The will of investment in the society is affirmed, but this will do not occult the enterprise’s

working of the association which involve actions’ profitability and supports’ satisfaction. The

efficaciousness depends on members’ fidelization too. Behind this spirit of social overture, the

obvious function is to satisfy transparency’s requirements.40

GP want to be recognized by public

opinion as a real association for the environment’s protection. Nevertheless, this exigency not

call in question again the culture’s secret (for the work and action) and the paranoia41

of which

GP suffers. It considers to be the target of infiltrations on behalf of its opponent and enemy.42

This culture’s secret may be legitimate compared to the work and methods of direct action (direct

actions involve secret to their success). But this culture bars the way to the logic of social

inclusion. The will of social inclusion (i.e. societal integration) hides a latent function : invest the

society to collect personal (for the GP’s professionals) and collective (for GP’s representation)

earnings ; to avail itself of GP’s new feeling in the civil and political society. The logic of social

integration complete enterprise’s logic and constitute a commercial policy : increase its hearing.

The new strategy develop in a twofold direction : 1) the voluntaries’ recruitment and the money’s

collect ; 2) the actions’ forms which aspire to present the organization’s work under a

conventional angle.

The methods which aim to recruit voluntaries and donors are completed in order to create a direct

contact with the public opinion. To open itself to the society, GP concedes that it must forestall

the citizen, enlarge its fellows’ club and attract them. Then, the methods used by GP have for the

purpose of becoming citizens, searching the physical and presenting them GP’s working. After

the manner of direct actions which attempt to provoke and rush, GP want to do symbolically

violence to the citizens with this direct and physical contact. The mailing remains an important

item of hallmark’s promotion because it applies to the donors and fellows as citizens who are

sensitive to environmental thematics. Nevertheless, GP not wish for puting up with this

commercial method (very expensive and with limited results). It’s the same thing for the

39

This voluntary’s contract has any juridical value and requires trust and good faith of the two litigants. 40

GP requires the enterprise and public authorities transparency in their working, so GP must respect this

transparency’s requirements too in this organization and working. This transparency is a necessity for GP which is

compared to a sect, and suffer erroneous representations such as « you scuttle a boat of french navy in 1985 » ! 41

This paranoia reach its highest point when P. Komitès was the executive director (1993-1997) : a atmosphere of

mistrust hang over the organization, between the full-time officials, and between the voluntaries and the

professionals. 42

See Vermont O. : La face cachée de Greenpeace Albin Michel 1996 ; journalist who infiltrate GP and reveals

secret (which are fallacies according to GP !). This mistrust has repercussion on any person who want to have

informations about this association : we are one of these victims (at the beginning of our research, the mistrust exist

to some campaigners, and still not dispel) !

19

advertising campaigns in the newspapers.43

A new recruitment’s method appears in the

commercial strategy of GP : this method takes as a pattern of north european and anglo-saxon

departments (UK, Germany and Bénélux)44

. GPF not want to copy them, but desires to introduce

more human method and refuse nameless actions. This method calls « direct dialogue »45

: it

consists in the street’s occupation by GP with authorization of the public authorities. The young

men and young girls hold in a frequented place and call on the passers-by to present them GP

(organization ,work, actions), and persuade them of the serious work and ability of GP. The

financial aspect is very important too because these « sellers » must collect money and

adherence. The twofolf interests for GP are money and advertising.

With this commercial operation, GP wants to break the distance with citizens and give a new

representation of its organization and working. This « direct dialogue » allows to occupe

officially and legally the public and social area ; it’s a transformation because GP excluded from

public area with direct action and refused the official and legal presence. It’s one the perspective

of public area’s entry to integrate it. We can remark that these young people, identified with their

GP’s clothes (tee-shirt and battle-dress blouse) and the GP’s flag which waves around their

stand, are in fact students, who are payed for this advertising job (that’s why we use the term

« seller »), not GP’s voluntaries which do GP a favour. It’s another sign of the GP’s

professionalization ; the professionalization’s logic is linked to the logic of social integration. It’s

a surprise to see that GPF want to integrate the society, but asks to professionals and not

voluntaries, to publicize GP’s work. This method reflects one of the difficulties to meet the

people.

A more militant method serve GP as a stepping-stone to advancement, in order to be recognized

in the street. The mobilization to give out some tracts are organized by the voluntaries46

, with the

aim to inform and promote GP’s actions and work. In the public place (market), the voluntaries

search the contact with citizens to visibilize their association, broadcasting informations about

GP and its campaigns which would be popular. It’s one of the means to sensibilize to the

environmental problems, especially of those which constitute GP’s campaigns. It’s the necessity

to recognize GP for its actions and analysis’ work, otherwise mediatic instruments and direct

43

GP use this commercial and advertising method for the campaign against french nuclear test in 1995 : advertising

and gift’s questions in the newspapers (especially Le Monde, Libération and Le Parisien). GPI help financially GPF

to realize this advertising campaign to reach many of citizens. But GPF throws up this practical on account of limited

results. 44

As the Jehovah’s witness, the voluntaries of these departments do door-to-door transport to collect money and

adherence (this commercial method is throwed up too in many departments). 45

This method appears since october 1998.

20

actions. Media and direct actions constitute the two means to publicize GP’s existence. Now, a

new methods appears in order to spread a positive picture and admit the GP’s intervention in the

political sphere and public area. The twofold aim of this action links the two logic which

transforms the environmental activism : social integration going to the people with the

sympathetic behaviour ; action’s profitability : this action must produce money and good

backwash. This is the commercial logic symbolizing the logic of social inclusion. The full-time

officials want to collect money and adherence, but hide this aim behind a sympathetic action of

public information. Isn’t it a between two logic : enterprise’s logic which prevail the

efficaciousness and financial interests, and logic of social inclusion which prevail the direct

contact and the nearness with people, independently of material interests ?

The other strategic part of GP concerns the development of « actions-discovery », to invest the

political and civil society and offer a more hospitable picture. These « actions-discovery »

correspond to legal actions which allow to present another expression of this association.

Original and sometimes spectacular compared to the means used to realize them, the newness

consists on the officialization of these direct actions. Indeed, these actions are the results of

negotiations between GPF and public authorities which permit the action’s execution.47

GP is not

content with non conventional and radical actions, and accepts dialogue and conciliation with

authorities to obtain authorization to realize their « action-discovery ». It’s the new manner to

broadcast an exact message. If the aim of these actions remains the organization’s advertising

and the working’s presentation, we perceive the will to approach the people. These « actions-

discovery » allow to pubilicize the work’s methods and the campaigns’ thematics. Contrary to

the advertising’s actions, it isn’t GP which approach citizens, but it invite them to make the first

move. Among the « actions-discovery », three appear to reflect this logic of social inclusion and

commercialization.

At first, the GP’s discovery takes place with the equipment’s presentation and the work’s

methods : the voluntaries organize days « opened doors » on GP’s boat, to demonstrate works

and GP’s face. GP want to appear as a pedagogue and opened organization which explains the

people why GP interfere in exact environmental questions. GP plays with the transparency that it

46

This is one of the initiatives taken the local groups (in Paris, this method appears since january 1999). 47

Or a private authorization, especially when the voluntaries hold a stand in a show (the Marjolaine’s show for

example which brings together some exhibitors , supporters of the environment, especially « bio-agriculture). At the

same thing, the voluntaries organize a stand within the walls of a supermarket (Carrefour) in february 1999 to

distribute tracts about GMO’s campaign. In this case, this action can be inconsistent with the GP’s strategy being in

conflict with economic power represented by enterprises (especially food-processing enterprises in the GMO’s

21

demands from the private and public authorities. This action is a answer to « transparency-

operation » that the authorities try to organize (army, enterprise, political authorities) to interfere

with GP’s actions. GP will prove thess capacities, abilities and its seriousness to act. It opens to

people who can become and discuss with GP’s representatives. It’s the manner to assume the

face of opened organization which aims to distribute many informations about environmental

problems.

Otherwise, GP demonstrates its expert’s abilities with the second « action-discovery ». It offer

the expediency to inform people about sensitive environmental subjects. It’s the aim of GP’s

« visits »48

which are punctually prepared and enforce GP to forestall the people, who must

assume a voluntary proceeding to meet the association. GP tries to present and communicate

with other methods as direct and spectacular actions. It wants not only to research the direct

contact to prove GP’s existence. But also, it’s the means to show one part of GP’ actions and

mediatize its position and claims. The unoccupied representatives clarify its aims, explains its

professionalism and develop a sympathetic representation. Although it’s a professional

organization (acting with precaution in its researches and actions), GP will break the secret and

distance’s perception that it conveys with direct actions (direct actions provokes mistrust and

distrust).

At last, GP turns into a company providing services.49

It gives up means to offer practical

informations and public services to show its savoir-faire. It’s one of the means to be judged, and

presented its campaigns’ thematics and work’s capacities. It opens its doors to inform citizens

and show them its conventional and legal actions. At the same time, GP pays concrete services to

citizens which want to know and meet the organization. This research of popularity in actions is

GP’s new behaviour, even when it isn’t in GP’s culture and strategy that actions depend on their

popularity in public opinion. In all cases, these « actions-discovery » allow to approach GP and

the civil society, although these actions remain marginal in GP’s strategy. They are a

complement in the logic of social integration.

This overture’s policy is not simply based on these commercial instruments. The strategy is

accompanied by a territorial development.

case !). The negotiation which precedes the stand’s appointments shows that GP agrees to the dialogue and is not

situated only in a rebelious position. 48

GPF organizes visits around la Hague to inform citizens about pollution of manufactory’s nuclear wastes. This

visit is realized with a waggon of GP Netherlands (waggon driving with sun energy). GPF throughs towns and stops

to inform (with authorization of public powers) people in public conference.

22

2.1.2. Stakes’ globalization and actions’ localization

The though’s scheme exposes with two complementary manners : « think in the mass, act

locally » and « think locally, act in the mass». Presented as a centralized organization,

reprentative of a NGO, GPF suffers difficulties to link contacts beside Paris (because the offices

of GPF situate in Paris), and Cherbourg (for the reason that the principal fight of GPF is la Hague

and Cogema). Consequently to the campaign against french nuclear test in 1995, GP avails itself

of its popularity to increase its supporters and adherents (more than 45000 adherents claimed in

1995 ; now 23000 !). Many of them are sensitive to environmental problems and want to act.

With the examples of near departments, the direction of GPF decided to create local groups in

order to construct a territorial web, and make participation and mobilization easier for the busy

voluntaries. A dozen of local group are created with one accountable for each group, who is the

privilegied interlocutor for GPF’s executive director. A full-time official is recruited to co-

ordinate the work of local groups because of the success of them. Nevertheless, the

organizational crisis in 1996 provokes the redundancy of full-time officials, especially who that

works with the local groups. Even then, the financial and organizational problems involve the de-

motivation of local groups’ leader and disappearing of many groups. With the arrival of a new

executive director in 1997, the will explains to strengthen GP’s representation in France, and this

aim is possible with the impetus of local groups. Now, GP about ten local groups, number

depends on activity of local leader and local circumstances.

These local groups have a hand in actions and ensure the presence in the land, although this

presence may be symbolic in some cases. This organization with local group appears as a

centrifugal movement, but we can put in perspective this movement as so far as the association’s

culture prevent any local self-government which risks to do harm to the work’s efficaciousness,

so to the action’s profitability. If GPF grants local self-government, it risks to lose homogeneity

in work and actions, cannot control all local actions, speech and direct actions of voluntaries.

This territorial web not designs a decentralization’s process, but deconcentration’s process, as so

far as the executive office preserve the initiative of preparation, decision and execution of

campaigns and direct actions. As the voluntaries, members of local group, a nominal leader of

each group signs a contract with GPF, which enforces the voluntaries to act out of respect for the

49

GPF organized an action with one the GPI’s boat to inform people about the water’s pollution. The boat toured

Seine between Paris and Rouen, calling at towns (with authorization of public powers). GPF offers providing

services : quality’s analysis of the water tap at the cost of citizen’s financial duty.

23

department’s decisions. This contract forbids any personal initiative to organize direct action.

Even then, the creation of local group has three aims.

At first, the local group allows the provincial supporters (and parisian too) to mobilize and reflect

in a structure which benefits by GP’s hallmark. As a mobilization and protest’s enterprise, GP

has to satisfy to action’s inquiry of th voluntaries and activists. The professionalization may be

efficacious but has some limits (human, technical and financial limits). A local help is necessary

for the campaigners, and the director stakes on the territorial development for GP’s presence in

France. The local groups transmit informations to the campaigners, are able to take the pulse of

local problems. Nevertheless, the secret’s culture and full-time officials’ mistrust exists, and the

executive director (with GPF’s board of directors) must have a good look at the creation of local

group, before « GP » hallmark may be given. Indeed, the full-time officials not keep off the risk

to see persons who act or speak in the name of GP without the director’s authorization and

without lawfulness, and who devalorize GP’s representation. The GP’s representation in the

World, and especially in France, forbids to risk that any person may represent GP and injure its

reputation.

Moreover, the local groups allows to visibilize GP where environmental problems and pollution

appear. If these problems enter in GP’s strategy, the association can react and show its capacities

to act. Then, the local groups constitute GP’s local network, and put in concret form the « think

in the mass, act locally ». If the perpectives of GP are world-wide, the campaigns’ mediatization

is local, with direct actions which express the work and though at regional level. The symbol of

the place is one of the direct action’s parameters (the mediatization depends on the choice of the

place). This choice answers to a success (action’s success is function of geographic characters)

and impact’s (political and mediatic impact) test. The groups’ mobilization forms a part of GP’s

strategy, which allows it to organize efficacious action. If GP can mobilize all local groups for

onue campaign at the same time, it ensures a spectacular action and a strong message.50

The role

of local group in the GP’s strategy is very important (logic of social integration and nearness to

the citizens), and explains that the executive director decides to create again a post of full-time

official who is instructed to co-ordinate and organize the local groups’ work. The creation of

these local groups is one of the items which offer a new representation for GP. Seeing as the

NGO’s department, with the anglo-saxon identity, GP is criticized for its distance and secret. The

local groups ensure a local representation, to present physically persons who are the

50

For example, the direct action of the local group in september 1998 against GMO. Many local groups act in

supermarkets, and this action is spectacular too because it’s co-ordinated between local groups and GPF.

24

representative of the association as local spokesman. With this identification to GP, the local

groups participate to the aim of integration in the civil society. Otherwise, they try to organize

and realize efficacious actions with the collect of informations, and the transmission of these

informations from the outskirts to the centre. As the witness and the keeper of local

environmental sanctuary, the groups transmit informations to campaigners who prepare thoughts

and work, and they have to be able to react quickly. The network created by these local groups

brings a lot of items for GP’s analysis.

At last, with these local groups, GP attempts to penetrate into the civil society and connect to a

social movement. The groups are close to the local environmental and social problems, and the

voluntaries can mobilize their resources in favour of GP, being a party of associative networks

(GP’s voluntaries may be members of another associations), using their privileged relations to

broadcast informations (from media and administration to GP, especially if they are civil

servants). The social capital of some voluntaries may be useful in GP’ strategy of social

integration, as so far as GP benefits the friendly and collective networks of its voluntaries,

networks which enlarge the thematics of environmental fight. With this territorial web, GP wants

to show that its global strategy and international campaigns have consequences on the national

problems, and that GP not occults the local or regional environmental problems. GP not appears

simply as the multi-national enterprise, interested only by its campaigns. It’s the logic of social

integration which explains this local organization, i.e. the will to construct collaboration with the

social movement (especially the environmental movement). Nevertheless, GP keeps aloof from

the social movement, from the preoccupations and social fights, in spite of wishes of some

activists.51

In past time, it’s reproached its opportunism with GP, as so far as GP seemed to

privilege a mediatic mark (advertising) more than the fellowship.52

The attempt to enter in the

civil and political society as a member of environmental movement seems to be one of GP’s aim,

compared to its working. It wish search some partnership and attempts to introduce this aspect in

its political behaviour. This logic of social integration wants to have some effects at the working

level, not only at the organizational level.

51

Two activists interviewed show their sensitiveness, even their busy fellowship for the different social fights

(immigrants, unemployed), joining to these fights individually. They regret that GP not participate to these social

fights. 52

When the local group of Paris installed in a squatt, Dragon street in 1995 (squatt which brgings together the

associations of social movement, especially DAL, AC ! and Droits Devant !), the media criticize this initiative. Now,

the local group of Paris begins again and installed its office in the Maison Des Ensembles since september 1998,

which is another squatt of the social movement.

25

2.2. The functional level

This new logic is registered in the inner case, but in the external case too. In the actions’

execution, the activism’s form and thoughts progress, so the working changes.

2.2.1. Popularize the actions

We find again in GP’s working the actions’ filliation : « think in the mass, act locally », and

« think locally, act in the mass ». GPF is a electron of a world-wide association, and cast in the

same mould. So, this situation not make an allowance for actions and campaigns of the national

department. GPF may not lay down its own strategy without the reference to the superior level :

GPI. With the care of international coherence, the national departments must execute and act in

function of campaigns decided consensually53

by general meeting. Then, the national initiatives

are seldom aggreed. Otherwise, some actions involve to use great means co-ordinating many

departments, where the necessary agreement and working’s homogeneity between national

departments. The more strong department are able to organize and succeed the actions, because

of their own materials. GPF depends on its near department when it decides to execute one

spectacular action which must mobilize professional activists and logistics. But this appurtenance

to a world wide network and this transnational vision assigns to GP a representation of foreign

association, and the xenophobe reflex of french people appears against GPF. With a anglo-saxon

name and direct actions methods (subversive and unlawful), GP remains marginal in french

society, in spite of its attempts to develop sympathetic actions to public opinion.

If GP changes, the association not wants to transform its activism as the « NIMBY’s

organization » (Not In My BackYard).54

On the contrary, it develops a global vision of

environmental problems, to attack authorities with transnational and continental questions. These

are important and sensitive questions which concern many States where GP works. These

campaigns may be popular thematics if GP ensures a communication’s work which allows the

opinion’s sensitiveness and receptiveness. As regards environmental questions, there is a twofold

french particularism : they are individualistic and egoistic. Individualistic because the french

citizen not participate collectively and actively in a fight for the environment’s defence. Egoistic

as so far as they participate in local fights, which concern the near environment ; and not global

53

In fact, the principal departments (the more rich which contribute to the GPIs’ budget ; GP UK, GP USA, GP

Germany and GP Netherlands) decide to impose the international campaigns and their priorities to another

departments. 54

NIMBY strategy may be explained with the Olson’s analysis in 1965 and its « free-rider ». It’s the position where

the riparians decide to fight against a project which destroys or disfigures their local environment. They mobilize

because of their near environment is concerned.

26

environmental problems (citizens invest in the NIMBY’s actions in France). Each department of

GP must adapt to local circumstances and national political culture. GPF knows that its speech

has to compromise with the national and local context, if it wants to be recognized and listened

by the public opinion. The work’s logics are global, but the GPF’s full-time officials make a

effort to do that the campaigns and actions’ thematics may have a local or national référence

frame.

The full-time officials, especially the executive director, not recognize a strategy which allows

GPF to be more popular (especially with the transformation of actions’ methods and the logic of

social integration) ; and to tell the truth, the will to be more sympathetic remains marginal tactics.

GPF prefers to appear as a radical and activist association, which provokes authorities and public

opinion with subversive actions. Nevertheless, campaigns’ thematics emerged in the recent past,

where national and local stakes are placed in view by the french department : there is a attempt to

gallicize the environmental problems and campaigns. The campaign on water’s pollution, on the

« dioxine » (because of the incineration of household wastes) are important thematics of actions

between 1993 and 1996. These campaigns mobilize means to allow the visibility of works and

shox to french people that GPF interferes in problems which directly concern citizens. Under the

circumstances, these are actions for which citizens are sensitive, because these actions concern

their consumption and their direct environment. Then, the campaign against GMO is a priority in

the french department (one of the two campaigns de GPF, included in the « biodiversité »

campaign). This is a sensitive subject in France, and the campaign is that employs many work’s

time and some human and material means to realize GPF’s aims, since 1996.55

GP succeeds to

publicize this environmental subject and takes it in the mediatic agenda. It hopes for the collect

of financial profits with this campaign and GMO’s campaign proves that GPF links the

enterprise’s logic (profitability) and social integration’s logic (popular campaign).

These examples invit us to observe that the aim of bringing together the fight’s thematics and the

environmental sensitiveness’ level of the french people is a GP’s latent aim. This is a will of

« proximization » which is installed since 1993 in the french department, in spite of the

organizational crisis. We can explain the « proximization » : it’s the mechanism which allows to

maximize the resources (advertising, adherence, money) in account of the proximity of actions’

55

A opinion poll ordered by GPF shows that 70% of the interviewed persons are hesitant to GMO and would like to

receive a more exact information about them. Otherwise, a conference of french citizens (organized by the french

government and deputies in Assemblée Nationale, composed of citizens selected by opinion poll institute) may give

its opinion about the introduction in France of GMO’s culture (France is the first in Europe which authorizes the

culture of GMO) and marks its mistrust as regards this genetics engeneering. We see that GPF disturbs this process

informing the Conseil D’Etat which stops the procedure.

27

thematics in the society. In other terms, it’s the will to maximize the proximity of works and

direct actions in the social and environmental spheres. This analysis shows that the two logics

mix. At first, the professional and enterprise’s logic is inherent to this thought as GPF chooses

campaigns of which it tries to impose to the mediatic and political agenda. Moreover, it tries to

develop campaigns which may receive opinion’s support, in order to obtain profits (financial

support) and profitability for its social representation (popular strategy). GPF uses its

professionalism (tools of professional communication and analysis : the « savoir-faire » and the

« savoir communicationnel ») to penetrate in the french society. The other logic (social

integration’s logic) appears too as GP wants to choose methods and thematics of a « national

NIMBY ». The environmental activism develops in the local problems, i.e. local problems are

the national environmental questions. All campaigns of GPF are gallicized ; it’s the french

specificities which are publicized. The thematics are considered to be lawful for the reason that

they concern the people’s daily life. So, it’s this « lawfulness »56

which allows to increase the

producive efficaciousness of GP.

Otherwise, GPF attempts to perfect the stakes’s localization which the creation of local groups.

GPF not participates directly to the NIMBY’s responses in local positions, but the local groups

may interfere in these NIMBY’s fights and get into touch with the local association and the

action’s ground. Many of these local groups participate to these fights against projects which

mobilize the local population ; it’s the means to show that GP is interested about the local

problems and mobilize for these environmental questions. If GPF isn’t in the beginning of the

campaign and not organize actions, it can grant its notoriousness and its credit to the fight with

its symbolic (or active) support, on condition that its NIMBY’s actions may be linked to a

national campaign of GPF. The logic of social integration and recognition by public opinion is

involved with the choice and the work of campaign’s definition. But, it’s involved too in the

work’s formalization : the collective actions’ index list of GPF became complete to be consistent

with a respectability’s logic.

2.2.2. Actualization of the actions’ forms

We continue to affirm that GP maintains in its index list essentially unlawful and direct actions,

which are based on the spectacular item and the will to confront the authorities. Meanwhile, it

would be a error to occult the importance of « actions-discovery », as well as the index list’s part

which allows GPF to get in touch with the other part of associative community, especially the

56

GPF hopes to obtain this lawful in the society, and therefore in the environmental and political spheres.

28

association of environment’s defence (local, national and international associations). Compared

to environmental activism, GP seems to devote itself to a adjustment, agreing to do not « free

rider » in its fight to the environment’s defence. We observe that GP uses symbolic direct actions

in its presentation’s work, i.e. « soft »57

actions in the political sphere. Yet GP not substitutes « a

marginalization’s attitude » (which would offer a recognition to participate to the preparation or

execution of public policies) for a « exclusion’s attitude ».58

It refuses any approbation of french

authorities, what exludes it from the concerted policy. Any of its abilities is recognized for the

reason that it has any real representativeness and it wishes shut itself in a subversive behaviour.

In this social integration’s logic, the transformation of the action’s form occurs at two levels.

At first, we can see that the action’s form not limits to subversive action, but it seems to

recognize one place to the orthodox’s forms in the collective mobilization, as so far as orthodox

actions are more popular than subversive actions in french public opinion. It borrows the

methods of the traditional militancy which allow a message’s diffusion. In addition to the public

demonstrations which GP organizes (as the public demonstrations against the french nuclear tests

in 1995 : it’s GP which organizes them and co-ordinates the differents organizations supporting

the mobilizations) or in which it interferes or supports, GP uses another traditional method : the

petition. But it’s a symbolic item to support a campaign, as the public demonstrations because of

its small quantity of supporters (the public demonstration involves a strenght if it wants to have

positive consequences for the organizer). The campaigns are relieved by direct actions more

mediatized than petition (except when they collect millions of signatures). GP develops the same

methods of actions that other association of environment defence (as the NGO’s association

WWF and the Earth Friends). But these traditional methods of militancy are marginal in the

publicization’s strategy of the campaigns, because the full-time officials consider that these

actions are not efficacious and profitable for GP, and mobilize energy and time of those who

must prepare actions and analysis’work.

Otherwise, the actions’ symbolism seems to supplant the spectacular and radical characters.

Since 1993, if we exclude the campaign against french nuclear test in 1995 (where many

spectacular actions are organized especially in France), we observe that direct actions are less

frequent, and not realize to disturb a process or to restrain a decision, but to call on the public

opinion. GP hopes particularly that the media relieve the actions to publicize the message. If

spectacular actions continue to exist, they not result in activists’ chaining up or multiple

57

Two of the activists interviewed critize this actualization of the direct actions’s form, and regret that the actions are

less spectacular, spectacular actions in their form and the means used.

29

blocking. Now the aim is composed on the interpellation of public, media and authorities,

hanging out a banderole or exposing facts with symbolic objects. There is always a will to

confront the private and public authorities, but the interpellation of public and political sphere’s

actors takes one ritual form, i.e. with not radical but soft and symbolic methods. This

transformation is patent but not obvious in the campaigners’ speech who claim the action’s

heterodoxy. The purchase of a respectability in the work and action must become one part of the

working’s logic.

Moreover, GP uses another methods in its actions’ index list, to facilitate the contact with the

public, even if this contact is a virtual contact. Surely the contacts’ reality is always possible,

thanks to the « actions discovery », but they often necessitate the agreement of one authority, so

the negotiation, and GP refuses any negotiation and official contact with authorities. GP thinks

that it’s a risk of instrumentalization and institutionalization, then a self-government’s loss in its

actions’ capacity. Contacts with political ou private authorities remain unusual. GP prefers the

nameless means of communication, of which the virtual character preserves freedom and

sufficient self-government to publicize the work and execute actions. These virtual means are

recent, but reflect the respectability’s aim which GP courts. Then, GP will inform the public with

many documents. This will explains the creation of the networks « info-conso », i.e. informations

for consumers in the GMO’s campaign which aims to be won over to many people for this

campaign. This is a advertising instrument in order that GP can be recognized still more its

supporters. This is a informative process because GP realizes three lists of products and specifies

if they contain GMO. So it’s an instrument which allows the people to be informed about the

consumption’s products without a adhesion to GP. Nevertheless, GP hopes to attract people, and

collect money and adhesions with this network as so far as it completes the overture’s strategy on

the society, and the attempt to seduce and invest it. It wants to become a company providing

services but hopes that this new method increase its supporters and financial means.

This social overture emerges at last with the partnership that GP elaborates with networks or

associations’ collectives (which units environmental associations). GP creates itself these

networks or goes into partnership with them. Constituted for general environmental questions (as

the associations’ collective « Agir pour l’Environnement »), specific questions (as the network

« Sortir du Nucléaire ») or local questions (as the associations’ collective « Collectif du

Somport »), GP wants to penetrate the environment movement. Its participation to these

structures exists, even if it’s a secondary participation because some associations or defence’s

58

See Lascoumes P. : L’éco-pouvoir. Environnement et politiques. La Découverte 1994.

30

groups criticize the GP’s presence. They consider that GP will instrumentalize them and use it to

its strategy, without act in favour of this movement. With GP’s means and action’s logic, the

associations fear to stay in the background, and they critize GP’s attempt to appropriate the fight

to its advantages. The evolution of its action’s methods participates to this proceeding of

investment in the environmental sphere and in the interactions’ constitution with the associative

movement. The integration in the society involves to design regular and stable relations not only

with public opinion, but also with collective actors of the public sphere.

GP’s activism is always expressed directly against authorities which possess a strong power. But

its intervention in the political and environmental spheres two complementary and contradictory

characteristics. GP organizes as a enterprise for the reason that borrows specifically technics’

work and communication. The efficaciousness of its work exceeds the environmental priority.

The enterprise’s strategy necessitates the acquisition of professionalism which asserts its

authority in the work and action. But GP has some difficulties to conciliate the two logic : the

professionalization of methods and actions’ forms, and the will to integrate a social movement

and the society. The traditional political organizations suffer this professionalization excess (and

accept its consequences, especially the « crisis of parties and trade-unions), GP prosecutes this

logic. It thinks that the recognition of its abilities will offer a lawfulness. Nevertheless, we must

put in perspective this logic of social integration as so far as GP remains a radical and subversive

association, so we prefers to use the term « adjustment » and not « transformations » to explain

the evolution of GPF’s activism since 1988.

31

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