The Transformation of the Student Career: University Study in Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden...

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ROUTLEDGEFALMER STUDIES IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Edited by

Philip GAltbach

Monan Professor of Higher Education Lynch School of Education Boston College

A ROUTLEDGEFALMER SERIES

ROUTLEDGEFALMER STUDIES IN HlGHER EDUCATION PHILIP GALTBACH General Editor

A DREAM DEFERRED Examining the Degree Aspirations of African-American and White College Students

Deborah Faye Carter

STATE GOVERNMENTS AND RESEARCH UNIVERSITIES A Framework for a Renewed Partnership

David JWeerts

FEDERALISM AND LAumlNDER AUTONOMY The Higher Education Policy Network in the Federal Republic of Germany

Cesare Onestini

RESILIENT SPIRITS Disadvantaged Students Making it at an Elite University

Latty Lee Goodwin

I PREFER TO TEACH An International Comparison of Faculty Preference for Teaching over Research

James JF Forest

THE VIRTUAL DELIVERY AND VIRTUAL ORGANIZATION OF POSTSECONDARY EDUCATION

Daniel MCarchidi

BARELY THERE POWERFULLY PRESENT Thirty Years of US Policy on International Higher Education

Nancy LRuther

A CALL TO PURPOSE Mission Centered Change at Three Liberal Arts Colleges

Matthew Hartley

A PROFILE OF THE COMMUNITY COLLEGE PROFESSORATE 1975ndash2000 Charles Outcalt

POWER AND POLITICS IN UNIVERSITY GOVERNANCE Organization and Change at the Universidad Nacional Autoacutenoma de Meacutexico

Imanol Ordorika

UNIVERSITY AUTONOMY IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION SINCE PERESTROIKA

Olga BBain

THE CALL FOR DIVERSITY Pressure Expectation and Organizational Response in the Postsecondary Setting

David JSiegel

SCIENTIFIC COMMUNICATION IN AFRICAN UNIVERSITIES External Assistance and National Needs

Damtew Teferra

PHILANTHROPISTS IN HIGHER EDUCATION Institutional Biographical and Religious Motivations for Giving

Gregory LCascione

THE RISE AND FALL OF FU REN UNIVERSITY BEIJING Catholic Higher Education in China

John Shujie Chen

UNIVERSITY-INDUSTRY PARTNERSHIPS IN MIT CAMBRIDGE AND TOKYO Storytelling across Boundaries

Sachi Hatakenaka

THE WOMENrsquoS MOVEMENT AND THE POLITICS OF CHANGE AT A WOMENrsquoS COLLEGE

Jill Ker Conway at Smith 1975ndash1985 David AGreene

ACTING lsquoOTHERWISErsquo The Institutionalization of Womenrsquos Gender Studies in Taiwanrsquos Universities

Peiying Chen

TEACHING AND LEARNING IN DIVERSE CLASSROOMS Faculty Reflections on Their Experiences and Pedagogical Practices of Teaching

Diverse Populations Carmelita Rosie Castantildeeda

THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE STUDENT CAREER

University Study in Germany the Netherlands and Sweden

Michael ANugent

NEW YORK amp LONDON

Published in 2004 by RoutledgeFalmer 270 Madison Avenue New York NY 10016

Published in Great Britain by Routledge 2 Park Square Milton Park Abingdon Oxon OX14 4RN

RoutledgeFalmer is an imprint of the Taylor amp Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor amp Francis e-Library 2005

ldquo To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor amp Francis or Routledgersquos collection of thousands of eBooks please go to httpwwwebookstoretandfcoukrdquo

Copyright copy 2004 by RoutledgeFalmer

All rights reserved No part of this book may be printed or utilized in any form or by any electronic mechanical or other means now known or hereafter invented including pho tocopying and recording or any other information storage or retrieval system without permission in writing

from the publisher

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Nugent Michael A The transformation of the student career university study in Germany the Netherlands and SwedenMichael ANugent

p cmmdash(RoutledgeFalmer studies in higher education) Includes bibliographical references and index ISBN 0-415-94880-0 (hardback alk paper) 1 Education HighermdashAims and objectivesmdashGermany 2 Education HighermdashAims and objectivesmdashNetherlands 3 Education HighermdashAims

and objectivesmdashSweden 4 Higher education and statemdashGermany 5 Higher education and statemdashNetherlands 6 Higher education and statesmdashSweden 7 Comparative education I Title II Series RoutledgeFalmer studies in higher education (Unnumbered) LA728N84 2004 3784ndash

dc22 2004005119

ISBN 0-203-34036-1 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 0-415-94880-0 (Print Edition)

For Marie-Franccediloise Baker

Contents

Preface ix

Chapter One Introduction 1

Chapter Two Cross-National Comparative Analysis 8

Chapter Three The Establishment of the Personal Imperative 16

Chapter Four Sweden 24

Chapter Five The Netherlands 51

Chapter Six Germany 75

Chapter Seven The Transformation of the Student Career 114

Notes 133

Bibliography 157

Index 167

Preface

Anyone who examines higher education policy in Europe cannot help but notice that despite strong differences between traditions from one country to the next there is one aspect that all systems have in common the constant call for structural reform My own interests in examining the change in the concept of university study came about through my experience as a student during the 1980s in Germany France and Spain This experience though limited had an important impact on me It provided me with lifetime friendships partnerships and professional relationships with fellow students at that time who now when questioned about their university experience look back on that time as the most defining period of their lives I believe that the same can be said for todayrsquos students In spite of the rather dry and rationalistic portrayals of the study experience by many state and national governments in Europe the student career rernains today an extraordinary opportunity for any person who has the fortune to participate in it

All of the work included in this book was undertaken as a personal endeavor and does not represent the opinions of the US Department of Education where I am currently employed This book is a reexamination of work undertaken during my time as a doctoral student at the Pennsylvania State University I would like to extend a very special thanks to Roger Geiger who helped initiate me into the study of comparative higher education research and then encouraged me to pursue it in spite of the scope and the odds He saw my project through from start to finish and was always available for advice and continuing friendship over the years Many thanks also are due to Robert Hendrickson also at Penn State whose strong encouragement guidance and support were always appreciated to James Ratcliff who got me involved early on in the international research effort at the Center for the Study of Higher Education Penn State and continued to encourage me to follow this path and to Simon Duke at the European Institute of Public Administration whose in-depth knowledge of European policy issues past and present and whose uncanny ability to see and explain new policy trends and developments helped me formulate my thoughts and ideas

My appreciation also goes out to the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD) for their generous support during my year-long stay in Germany and to the staff and friends at the Seminar fuumlr Soziologie the University of Cologne who offered me such wonderful hospitality and intellectual companionship while I was there Thanks also to the Graduate School and the Office for International Programs the Department of Education Policy Studies the Center for the Study of Higher Education and the Higher Education Program at Penn State University as well as to Thorsten Nybom at the Swedish Council for Study in Higher Education for their generous assistance I would also like to give special thanks to Roland Richter at the Wissenschaftliches Sekretariat fuumlr die Studienreform Nordrhein-Westfalen and his wife Karla who both went out of their way to provide a home away from home and to assist me during my stay in Germany past and present I also received help from many others including Phil Altbach Kimberly

Guinta Marianne Bauer Riekele Bijleveld Don Fischer Trudi Haupt Nils Runeby Klaus Schnitzer Crister Skoglund and Frans van Vught

Finally I would like to extend heartfelt gratitude to my parents Frank and Ann Nugent who helped spawn my interest in the world of universities to my wife Marie-Franccediloise Baker whose constant support and understanding helped me bring this project to an end and to my children Jean-Marc and Ceacuteline who I hope in due course will be as fortunate as I to benefit from the student career

MN Bethesda MD

December 2003

Chapter One Introduction

The ldquostudent careerrdquo as Martin Trow1 has referred to it has a long tradition and exists in some form in every advanced industrialized country In the past it was understood as a period of time during which a young individual takes leave from normal social responsibilities to pursue intellectual development personal transformation or certification of acquired knowledge at a university or similar institution of higher learning Since the 1960s the student career has undergone a transformation throughout Western Europe This transformation has been both structural and ideological as growth and expansion has been accompanied by changing beliefs and assumptions about what academic study should bemdashwho should gain access to study how it should be organized and structured what one should learn how long it should take and what it should mean to both the individual and the greater society2 As a result the concept of university study has become one of the most important yet difficult socio-political issues in late twentieth-century Europe3 This importance and difficulty is grounded in the fact that university study involves scientific research and knowledge production within the context of highly specialized labor markets and rapidly changing societies University study has also served the function of selecting educating and certifying a once limited but now increasing proportion of a population for higher civil service and professional positions

Over the past 40 years Western European governments have attempted to manipulate the terms of university study in order to increase its linkage with the production of human capital the establishment of social equity and the assurance of the productivity and economic welfare of a nation4 This forty-year effort at the level of individual nations shifted rather abruptly towards a collective pan-European reform movement at the end of the last century As a result the transformation of the student career has become one of the most compelling and far-reaching policy initiatives for Europe in the new century This book examines the transformation of the structure function and goals of university study in three countriesmdashGermany the Netherlands and Swedenmdashfrom the early 1960s to the mid-1990s and how this transformation set the stage for the shift toward the Europeanization of higher education at the beginning of the current century


I have chosen to use the term ldquostudent careerrdquo to distinguish and limit the area of inquiry from the much broader term of ldquohigher educationrdquo As will be discussed in the following chapters the use of the term ldquohigher educationrdquo and its German Swedish and Dutch translations (Hochschulausbildung houmlgre utbildning and hoger onderwijs respectively) reflected a conscious effort on the part of state policy reformers in all three countries to redefine what they believed to be a less inclusive concept embodied in the term

ldquouniversity studyrdquo5 The concept of ldquohigher educationrdquo therefore has not been a neutral term in policy reformation Instead as will be discussed in this work the term played an important political role The Swedish government for example actively evoked the concept of ldquohoumlgre utbildningrdquo to help redefine the entire realm of postsecondary education away from the concept of university study6 Another reason for using the term ldquostudent careerrdquo to define the area of inquiry stems from the tricky problem of language and translation As will be discussed in chapter six German reforms have concerned themselves mainly with changing das Studium or university study which is reflected in the political imperative of bringing about Studienreform or the reform of study7 In addition the traditional concept of university study in these three countries is based solidly on an ideal that does not translate well into the traditional American concept of ldquoundergraduate educationrdquo or into the more disparate and all inclusive concept of ldquohigher educationrdquo The concept of study in all three cases has represented more of a unitary social stratum which has been protected by special laws and privileges since the nineteenth century8 Unlike the traditional American concept of undergraduate education the concept of study in these three countries has been far less institutionally determined and defined

Until the early 1960s student careers in Germany Sweden and the Netherlands retained similar structural and ideological features9 In the 1950s and 1960s governments in each country increasingly began to view the nineteenth-century tradition of Lernfreiheit (freedom of study) and Bildung (personal cultivation) as somewhat inefficient and not fully focused on the needs of society10 Governments in each country developed centralized organizations with the intention of exerting stronger control over the planning and coordination of academic administration through a continual reform process that has become institutionalized over the years The overall reform goal in all three countries was to increase access to a larger proportion of the population redefine university study to make it more relevant to the vocational and technical needs of the national economy and increase efficiency and productivity by reducing the long time to degrees and the high noncompletion rates

The resulting transformation of student careers in all three countries has been both structural and ideological As student careers have increasingly come under pressure to become more directed and prescribed a series of trade-offs has arisen between new criteria of efficiency and practicality on the one hand and the depth and quality of the individual educational experience on the other As each state has shifted its emphasis away from a personally determined to a socially determined relevance of university study the nature of study has also changed in content and form from a holistically and individually based learning experience to a discrete outcome-oriented activity This has been evident in the attempts to 1) determine a normative concept of study duration 2) institute credit hours 3) develop discrete and measurable ldquoqualityrdquo indicators 4) institute general study parameters 5) differentiate a full-time student from a part-time student 6) define and institute the concept of continuing education 7) orient university study to the labor market and finally 8) create a ldquoEuropean dimensionrdquo to university study

These attempts to reshape the student career have been justified by frames of reference that have been surprisingly parallel in each country As Guy Neave has shown these frames of reference have helped shaped the reform discourse surrounding the concept of the student career and have supported successive attempts to make the student career at

The transormation of the student career 2

one period more socially relevant at another more equitable and still later more efficient and flexible to market forces11 The most important shift followed the Second World War when social relevance increasingly became the central ideological frame of reference challenging the nineteenth-century idealism that called for the protection of individual freedom through limited state action toward universities The loose administrative structure of university study in each country was based on the neo-humanistic concept of Lernfreiheit which placed individual relevance of study above everything else In the 1950s and 1960s the governments in each country began to shift the orientation of the student career toward what each state defined as more socially relevant goals projected needs of the labor market and the growing economy As a result these goals and projected needs based on demographic economic and manpower planning became important factors in determining the future of the student career in each country

The state emphasis on social relevance shifted gradually towards goals which stressed management efficiency Reform commissions began to reconsider long durations of study as a result of an inherently inefficient study process grounded in the antiquated idealism of Lernfreiheit Governments began to demand that the loose organization of the student career be restructured to allow for better use of student time In an era of positive economic growth each government believed that an expansion of the number of programs and graduates in post-secondary education would be beneficial to the growth of the economy Any unnecessary time students spent studying was perceived as an economic burden to society because of the increased cost to the state and the loss in revenues from their delayed participation in the labor market As a result increased throughput that is increasing the rate and the level of successful completion of university study became an imperative for industrial and economic competitiveness

In the mid- to late 1960s there was a gradual shift towards an ideal of a just society in which equal opportunity became an important new concept in the definition of the student career The recognition of the student career as an engine for general social and economic change fueled criticisms of the traditional means of selection and access to study in each country The question of equal opportunity not only affected the assumptions behind access to the traditional form of the student career but more importantly it also served to redefine the entire student career in each country by broadening the definition of ldquostudyrdquo from just university or academic education to ldquohigher educationrdquo Reformers strengthened the argument that higher education should have a strong vocational and praxis-oriented dimension rather than just an academic one In fact increased throughput of students was viewed more as a matter of social equity than of economic efficiency As a result the traditional academic idealism of Lernfreiheit became portrayed by policy makers in each country as not only economically inefficient but also socially unjust

Since the mid-1980s the reform discourse has increasingly mirrored the basic ideas of consumerism portraying students as customers demanding ldquoqualityrdquo and choice and institutions as service corporations concerned about the quality of their ldquoproductrdquo In this frame of reference efficiency productivity output and quality of the student career have been portrayed as measurable and subject to external controls In a consumer framework the student career must react to rapidly changing technologies and the labor market

Introduction 3

rather than to long-term planning strategies In other words flexibility and differentiation within the student career are important to achieving the ends of a globalized economy

It is important to note that each successive shift from one ideological frame of reference to the next did not occur as part of a long range strategy but rather gradually in accordance with emerging political and socioeconomic trends Nor did these shifts necessarily eliminate the former frames of reference rather they tended to superimpose themselves upon each other The dominant ideals behind each of these shifts nevertheless helped to legitimize the reform discourse and policy imperative as well as changes in structure and definition This is apparent in the reform discourse of the Europeanization of the student career Almost all elements of the former reform movements are still present in current efforts to establish a European dimension of the student career

EXAMINING CHANGE

This examination of the transformation of the student career compares how it has changed in three countries between the early 1960s and mid-1990s It is based on the assumption that the concept of university study in Germany the Netherlands and Sweden is dynamic Martin Trow the-orized in 1973 that unprecedented growth in student numbers would have an ldquoimpact on every form of activity and manifestation of higher educationrdquo12 According to Trow expansion signaled a transformation from elite to mass higher education in all systems of higher education Trowrsquos theory which was based on a series of OECD analyses of trends in higher education predicted that expansion would particularly have ldquoimplications for the meaning of being a studentrdquo13 In order to facilitate expansion of higher education central governmental planning would have to take more control of the academic enterprise in order to diversify what was meant to be a student into a much broader and less elite concept According to Trow what was ultimately at stake was the balance between quality and equality14

Trowrsquos analysis represented a succinct depiction of the trends in the rhetoric of higher education policy throughout Europe in the early 1970s As evident in OECD country reports government policy towards education was portrayed as a rational planning process following similar logical choices Though at the time the policy rhetoric towards the reform of university study was quite similar cross-nationally many systems were marked nevertheless by strong structural and ideological differences regarding what it meant to be a student These differences were not only apparent between the European systems as a group and the United States system but also among the different European systems Trowrsquos concept of ldquoeliterdquo for example was largely based on the Oxbridge tradition

Elite institutions are commonly ldquocommunitiesrdquo which range up to two to three thousand students in residence If larger than three thousand they are substructured so that their component units such as the Oxford and Cambridge colleges tend to be relatively smallhellipelite institutions are very sharply marked off from the surrounding society by clear and relatively impermeable boundaries in the extreme case walls15


The Oxbridge tradition described above differs markedly from the Humboldtian tradition which was more prevalent on the Northern European continent As discussed in chapter three the Humboldtian tradition purposely avoided defining university study as institutionally bound Instead it was viewed more as a philosophy and way of life that went well beyond the walls of the institutions Within this tradition there was no clear institutional differentiation between an elite and a mass approach to university study

This analysis of the transformation of the student career will focus on the structural and ideological factors upon which the reform efforts in all three countries have been based It differs from Trowrsquos approach inasmuch as it is not based on the premise that expansion preceded all forms of change but rather on an analysis of how the ideology and rhetoric has undergirded the transformation of the concept of university study As Burton Clark observed examining the causation behind change within societies is particularly difficult

Change remains the most recalcitrant subjects in the social sciences hellip Those who search for the causes of specific changes in different institutions soon bog down in the complexities of history perplexed by conditions and trends that converge and separate in seemingly accidental unpredictable ways16

This becomes equally true when one examines the transformation of the student career Changes to the student career in Germany Sweden and the Netherlands have been directly related to expansion to such a degree that it is difficult to determine which has influenced the other more17 In the context of this study change is placed in the context of structure tradition and reform ldquoReformrdquo in this context is different from the more neutral concept of change inasmuch as reform rests upon stated precepts and intentions of those who attempt to reshape policy Luhmann and Schorr have noted that over the years a reform system has emerged which institutionalized ldquoa sort of management idealismrdquo in which a ldquoconstant appeal for change became an institution in itselfrdquo18 It is important to note that the aim of reform has not been to direct change towards a single static rational goal in any of the three countries Instead various competing notions of reform have interacted with the traditional concepts and structures of university study

The central problem of this book is the consequences and trade-offs in-herent in three different paths taken by Germany the Netherlands and Sweden It examines three historically similar systems in a comparative analysis of trends covering the past forty years Cross-national comparison is effective in isolating the tacit assumptions about purpose meaning and function of the student career Comparison is also effective in demonstrating that in spite of repeated efforts towards reform the student experience has shown a surprising level of resilience over the years Chapter two discusses the complexities of cross-national comparative analyses and the different ways of approaching an analysis One can construct a comparative work in successive chapters that reflect each of the separate cases that are under examination One can also organize a comparative analysis in chapters based on the structural components as units of analysis incorporating comparative analysis of the various cases in each of the chapters This book combines both approaches Chapter three discusses the historical development of the traditional ideology which has played such an important role in the formation of

Introduction 5

university study in all three countries This is followed by three case analyses on how governments based on changing ideologies and assumptions attempted to reform as well as restructure the student career in Sweden the Netherlands and Germany respectively The final chapter provides a summative comparative analysis of reform efforts in all three countries and how these reform efforts have set the stage for the reform discussions being proposed in a pan-European context

As will be discussed throughout the following chapters of this book many of the roots of these assumptions came about gradually over the last half of the twentieth century and were based increasingly on an idea that the student experience is something that can be compartmentalized by discrete units of time and function much like building blocks that can be taken apart and put back together again The ldquoconstant appeal for changerdquo refers to the idea that the student experience is continually recast to fit new as-sumptions As result the attempt to define definitively the student career will always be akin to chasing a moving target For that reason this work focuses on two key defining moments in order to provide a reasonable time frame for comparison This book begins examining the student career at the period after the end of the Second World War when countries across Western Europe began to reformulate policy towards the student experience through national plans The study concludes at the latter part of the 1990s when national ministries began to call for a more European-wide policy in higher education


Chapter Two Cross-National Comparative Analysis

In the 1990s an increase in the popularity of cross-national comparative research had been evident in the growing number of social science research projects involving the comparison between two or more countries1 The renewed interest in comparative social science represents more than a cyclical academic trend It is also a result of ldquoexternal forcesrdquo in the form of rapid increases in the globalization of telecommunications markets production training as well as research and development2 The renaissance in comparative social research in the late 1980s followed a period of almost three decades during which social science research had been dominated by methods of statistical and multivariate analysis3 This domination of computer-based statistical analysis ldquoled to research questions dealing more and more with facts and relationships within the boundaries of one society one culture or one social system with the validity of findings or generalizations from such studies confined to the boundaries of one national staterdquo4

Despite the ldquospate of edited books on the logic methods and substance of comparative social researchrdquo5 most areas of social science research are marked by a lack of cross-national comparison As a result the perspective of many researchers in the social sciences still tends to be limited to political structures or social phenomena familiar to them in their own culture Concepts that are categorized semantically across national boundaries as similar phenomena such as ldquostudentrdquo ldquoprofessionalrdquo or ldquouniversity studyrdquo tend to be evaluated as equal units in large multi-country comparisons6 Research which bases its analysis merely on semantic similarity provides the illusion of like-comparison when in actuality the basic assumptions behind these concepts may be very different from one country to the next Over the years for example research undertaken by political scientists sociologists or economists which has examined the social concept of lsquoprofessionrsquo has been largely based on the semantic meaning of the Anglo-American term lsquoprofessionrsquo7 What is however considered a ldquoprofessionalrdquo on the European continent is

a far cry from Anglo-American professions which gain their distinction and position in the marketplace less from the prestige of the institutions in which they were educated than from their training and identity as particular corporately-organized occupations to which specialized knowledge ethicality and importance to society are imputed and for which privilege is claimed8

While there had been a ldquovirtual absence of intercultural and international comparisonsrdquo in social research concerning the professions many ldquosought to ground their understanding of professional work in the analysis of immediate interaction and the creation and maintenance of meanings mutually understood by teachers practitioners and clientsrdquo9 Therefore instead of drawing out interesting contrasts and differences that may have

shed light on the social political or economic characteristics of groups that may share similarities such non-comparative research has tended to flatten these characteristics out of the analysis in order to create and adhere to a static preconceived concept The result has been the production ldquoof a body of literature whose status has been vague and chaotic for too longrdquo10

COMPARATIVE METHOD

The resurgence of interest in comparative research in the social sciences has brought with it a re-evaluation of the special role the comparative method plays in social science research as well as a reassertion of its importance alongside other standard methodologies Part of the problem that comparative research has faced in its renaissance is that unlike other research methods it is not part of the standard training graduate students receive in the social sciences As sociologist Charles Ragin remembers

I was trained as are most American social scientists today to use multivariate statistical techniques whenever possible I often found however that these techniques were not well suited for answering some of the questions that interested mehellip Statistical methods encourage investigators to increase sample size and ignore or at least skirt issues of comparability I found this bias frustrating because it discourages investigators from asking questions about historically culturally or geographically defined social phenomenon11

Because of its marginal position in the social sciences comparative research has also faced the problem of being misunderstood as a research method This misunderstanding has been partially based on a lack of consensus of what the term lsquocomparativersquo means Some social scientists claim that the term lsquocomparative researchrsquo is redundant since any true scientific method is in itself inherently comparative12 thereby making all social scientists comparative researchers13 Though it is true that comparison is at the heart of all kinds of academic research ldquothe comparative method traditionally has been treated as the core method of comparative social science the branch of social science concerned with cross-societal differences and similaritiesrdquo14 In addition the comparative method of social research has been based on the comparison of ldquomacro-social unitsrdquo rather than variables across national or social borders15

A second source of confusion has been that the term ldquocomparativerdquo has been used interchangeably with term ldquointernationalrdquo across the social science disciplines since the 1950s Traditionally in the field of political science for example ldquocomparativerdquo meant any study outside the borders of the United States16 This term however began to fall into disfavor among some social scientists since they considered it ldquoethnocentric confusing and intellectually indefensiblerdquo17 which ldquodefines its concern according to the nationality of its practitionersrdquo18 According to Sigelman and Gadbois though a large number of studies referred to as ldquocomparativerdquo tend to be single-nation studies it does not seem to make sense to label a study of political parties in the United States as non-comparative and one in Italy comparative just because Italy lies outside to borders of the

Cross-national comparative analysis 9

United States19 Kohn however makes a distinction between what he considers implicitly and explicitly comparative research20 According to Kohn some single-nation studies such as de Tocquevillersquos Democracy in America are implicitly comparative in nature since they have been written by a foreign observer whose reading audience was intended to span beyond the borders of the United States21 Explicitly comparative research which is the method of this work is based on cross-national comparison of selected cases

COMPARATIVE RESEARCH METHOD AND TECHNIQUE

Despite its somewhat marginalized position in social science research comparative research has enjoyed a long tradition in the social science disciplines Comparative social science differs from other disciplinary sub-fields in that it defines itself as a sub-field methodologically instead of substantively22 As a sub-field in political science for example the term comparative politics denotes how a political phenomenon will be examined rather than what political phenomenon is under study23 For this reason Lijphart suggests ldquoa clear distinction should be made between method and technique when determining the approach to comparative politicsrdquo Lijphart views the comparative method as ldquoa broad-gauge general method not a narrow specialized techniquerdquo24

If comparison is the method however what is the technique Charles Ragin observes that probably no other sub-field of the social sciences is more split by the qualitative and quantitative techniques than comparative social science25 Ragin explains that such difference is attributable to two major approaches to comparative research case-oriented and variable-oriented research26 These two techniques of comparison have followed two separate paths though they are not necessarily mutually exclusive27 Even variable-oriented comparative research for example is based on the ldquothe existence (or at least the presumption) of meaningful lsquocasesrsquordquo28 Of the two techniques case-oriented comparative research has enjoyed a longer tradition than variable-oriented research29 Case-oriented research tends to be historical in nature since cases themselves are embedded in an historical time frame30 Cases are framed by ldquodistinct and singular entities (major events or periods in countries world regions cultures or other macro-social units) that parallel each other in meaningful ways that motivates comparisonrdquo31 Case-oriented research ldquoattempts to account for specific historical outcomes or sets of comparable outcomes or processes chosen for study because of their significance for current institutional arrangement or for social life in generalrdquo32

In contrast variable-oriented comparative research focuses less on the analysis of specific macro-social cases and more on the cross-national comparison of specific variables33 As with other disciplines and sub-fields in the social sciences the variable-oriented approach to comparative social science became increasingly popular in the early 1960s when the ldquoarrivalhellipof sophisticated but radically analytic techniques of data analysis shifted the balance away from cases and toward variables in many quarters especially in comparative sociology and political sciencerdquo34 In contrast to case-oriented comparative research variable-based multivariate analyses take an opposite approach to comparison in that they ldquodesegregate cases into variables and distributions before analyzing themhelliprdquo thus making ldquohistorical interpretative work very difficult if not impossiblerdquo35 An example of this can be seen in cross-national comparisons of student

The transformation of the student career 10

participation rates by international organizations such as the OECD Most modern industrialized countries have a wealth of data on students that can be used for multivariate analysis The problem with an overly variable-oriented comparison lies in the fundamental assumption that the basic statistical unit a ldquostudentrdquo is comparable between for example the United States France or Germany In reality the concept of ldquostudentrdquo is embedded into a larger social and historical context When undertaking a variable-based comparison there is an implicit need to suppress any real differences between the chosen lsquovariablesrsquo whose surrounding definitional contexts may otherwise be of great interest36

Just as comparative research can be too variable oriented so can it be too case oriented37 This happens when cases are presumed to be so different from each other that they cannot be compared The result is an exaggerated focus on the individual cases themselves without any development of a comparative theoretical framework38 Case-orientation therefore does not imply the exclusion of variables Instead it places different variables within a context of a meaningful wholemdashusually in the context of a historical casemdashand does not heavily rely on causal analysis It is therefore important in cross-national comparative research to discuss the context of analysis39

CONTEXT OF ANALYSIS

Explicitly comparative research involving two or more countries differs from one study to the next based on the context and the intended level of analysis Oslashyen notes however that the current terminology in comparative social sciences to indicate such differences is ldquoredundant and not very preciserdquo consisting for example of terms such as ldquocross-country cross-national cross-societal cross-cultural cross-systemic cross-institutional as well as trans-nationalrdquo just to mention a few40 One problem is that researchers have tended to use these terms interchangeably without explanation41

Kohn lists four types of cross-national research ldquothose in which nation is object of study those in which nation is context of study those in which nation is unit of analysis and those that are transnational in characterrdquo42 These types of research are not mutually exclusive since comparative research tends to progress from one contextual level to the next through the process of definition of each case In the context of this work for example the case of ldquothe student careerrdquo is on one level of observation a transnational one Less like national systems of primary education some dimensions of what defines higher learning has been rooted into a transnational system of disciplinary-based academic research43 When the perspective of the researcher moves to the level of analysis of each country however distinct patterns and structures appear in each individual case some shared among some national systems and some almost completely absent in others At this level of analysis the nation becomes the context of each individual case

THE COMPARATIVE METHOD PROCEDURES

Selecting the Cases


Case-oriented historical comparative research involves at the basic level the eventual selection of 1) the specific type of case and 2) the number of cases to be compared Selecting cases for cross-national study is important inasmuch as cases can be selected on the basis of their relative diversity and uniqueness or they can be selected on their similarity to one another In undertaking the selection of cases the level of comparison may begin at the worldwide or global level At this level an overall analysis can determine whether cases are somewhat heterogeneous or somewhat diverse Based on a global analysis one can isolate examples in the literature of cases that are based on similar historical and structural foundations relative to others which have followed another path of development and therefore have different structural characteristics44

When examining the transformation of the concept of university study cross-nationally one can find examples of cases that are based clearly on different historical and philosophical foundations The selection of cases therefore need not be arbitrary In the present study the selected examples of national systems provide similar structural and historical traditions relative to other systems of higher education (see chapter three) Once this initial level of comparison is made the level of comparison shifts to a level encompassing the three cases at which point interesting differences also appear alongside the similarities This conflict between diversity and heterogeneity is well documented in the literature45 and need not be a problem In fact as long as one takes into consideration the different levels of analysis this tug of war between diversity and heterogeneity is what makes comparative research dynamic and informative and will ultimately be the defining factor of the study

Selecting the Number of Cases

If one were to examine a frequency distribution of the total number of comparative research projects carried out over the past decades plotted by the number of cases used in their research the resulting pattern would show many studies using three or fewer cases and many studies using forty or more case with few studies in between The reason for this is directly related to the type of comparative research being done Those who undertake historical cross-national case studies chose a few whereby those who undertake variable-oriented cross national research ldquorely on cross-national data compendia (such as those compiled by the World Bank and the United Nations) and take advantage of the substantial supply of information on virtually the universe of nations available in these handbooksrdquo46

This work examines three cases of a phenomenonmdashthe change in the concept of university studymdashthat is present in many different countries As discussed in chapter one this study is limited to three countries that share common structural and ideological traditions Germany the Netherlands and Sweden

Setting up Contextual Boundaries Structure and Beliefs

Before undertaking a cross-national comparison of cases it is first necessary to determine the overall context in which the cases are to be defined during the study Setting the context of the cases however does not necessarily mean defining the cases Clearly defining the case before undertaking the research can be ldquocounterproductiverdquo in that


such ldquopreconceptions are likely to hamper conceptual developmentrdquo of the cases47 Instead the clear definition of the case should evolve during the research and be the final product of the comparative case study

For this reason the analysis of the concept of the student career will therefore not begin with a static unchanging definition Instead the chief purpose of the entire work is to define the concept of the student career as a changing non-static concept that manifests itself in different forms in different countries

The primary context of the student career in this study will be that of the national academic system as defined by Burton Clark48 National academic systems differ not only in their structure but also in their underlying ideology and academic beliefs49 According to Burton Clark national academic beliefs are ldquonormative definitions characteristic of the whole and held often unconsciously by many factions in the many partsrdquo50 Academic beliefs both influence and define a system giving it a particular character Clark states that four underlying beliefs are particularly important to a system of higher education ldquohow accessible it should be how specialized its training to what occupations it should connect and whether it should center on researchrdquo51 These normative principles are variable and interact with the structural characteristics of the system Whereas change in beliefs is constrained by the overall structure of the system structural changes are also hindered by the underlying academic beliefs52

The interaction between structure and belief is reflected in the transformation of student careers in Germany the Netherlands and Sweden Ideological assumptions about the degree to which study should be self-determined or the degree to which it should be in the form or regulated vocationalization for example are also represented in the structural characteristics of the student career Change to the student careermdashsuch as increased or differentiated access diversification or integration of university study vocationalization the separation of theory and praxis the establishment of normative durations of studymdashhas been both an ideological and structural problem

SETTING UP A FRAMEWORK ESTABLISHING THE COMPONENTS OF THE STUDENT CAREER

This study is based on a general definitional framework of four components 1) Ideological Assumptions 2) Access and Selection 3) Content and Goals and 4) Administrative Structure These components are meant neither to be mutually exclusive nor to represent every aspect of the student career but rather have guided my investigation of the overall process of change in the structure and beliefs of the student career Together they represent important characteristics of the structure and beliefs of student careers in each country

Ideological Assumptions

An examination of the academic assumptions behind the concept of the student career is an important component to the discussion and debate over university study in Germany the Netherlands and Sweden53 In all three countries reforms of the nineteenth century brought with them the academic assumptions and related structures shaping academic


study These beliefs have been carried over into the twentieth century and are part of what Clark refers to as ldquonational traditions in higher educationrdquo54 The result is that the more traditional academic beliefs have interacted and sometimes conflicted with these new assumptions of social relevance Many debates about reformmdashpast and presentmdashrest upon the tension between the traditional academic beliefs and the emerging new assumptions about the nature of university study

In this study I hold that both the traditional and lsquomodernrsquo academic assumptions and beliefs are ideologically based that is these beliefs represent ldquothe implicit or explicit and often contradictory system of ideas rituals andor readiness for action a system which gets its implications and meaning in a certain society with its classes groups institutions traditions and contradictionsrdquo55 Conflicts among incompatible assumptions and beliefs resound in the sometimes equally incompatible structural and administrative components of the student career In order to understand better the concept of the student career I have examined the formation of the assumptions and ideologies which have helped underscore the concept of the student career in the nineteenth-century ideological roots in German neo-humanism The analysis then focuses on the state directives which framed the purpose and goals of university study in each country since the 1960s when government-directed reform became increasingly important to the concept of study

Government reform has been accompanied by basic themes and frames of reference that help give context to the state goals of study Over the years these frames of reference have changed superimposing themselves onto previous themes These shifts in policy paradigms as Guy Neave has noted have occurred in very similar fashions throughout Western Europe56 The interaction of new policy frames of reference with the older or more traditional academic beliefs produces a non-static dynamic concept of university study evident in the problem statements of a vast amount of policy research undertaken in each country This work examines the main themes that have helped drive discussion or change to the student career however it does not claim to represent every underlying ideal or opinion within each country

Access and Selection

How a student gains access to university study is an important structural determinant to the student career Clark has shown that higher education systems ldquovary greatly in assumptions about breadth of accessrdquo57 Assumptions about lsquoopen accessrsquo towards university study differ from one system to another depending on whether one means ldquoopen to everyonerdquo or ldquoopen to those who qualifyrdquo58 Originally access to student careers in Germany the Netherlands and Sweden was similar in that lsquoopen accessrsquo was guaranteed to all who had successfully passed the academic secondary examinations For the most part students were free to select for themselves what area of study they wished to pursue As the numbers of students began to expand access became one of the most important issues of the debates surrounding reform in each country Starting in the 1960s concepts of egalitarianism began to change the underlying beliefs concerning access The assumptions of lsquoopen accessrsquo began to change slowly from lsquoopen to all of those who qualifyrsquo to lsquoopen to everyonersquo though this change is less pronounced in the Netherlands and Germany and has been buffered considerably in all countries by the role of academic secondary schools


Changing access away from the traditional paths by allowing for example work experience to qualify a student as lsquogenerally educatedrsquo changes the overall dynamics of the student career In addition to access the ability of an institution or an academic program to select students from a pool of qualified applicants also changes the nature of the student career

Content and Goals

According to Clark higher education systems differ in regard to the underlying assumptions about the importance of general theoretical specialized professional and vocational education59 In the United States for example there has been a traditional assumption that structured general education is very important Clark also observed that ldquo[t]here are fundamental differences among national systems in what they believe is proper employment for graduatesrdquo60 In Germany the Netherlands and Sweden vocational and technical education was not originally considered university study

Over the past 40 years however reform has challenged the basic assumptions of what counts as university study and what kind of jobs university graduates should be prepared for All three systems have diversified university study by raising some form of vocational and technical education up to the level of ldquohigher educationrdquo Sweden for example went farther by attempting to direct most of its university study towards occupational ends The traditional bond between academic scholarship and teaching has been challenged though the issue is far from resolved In effect lsquowhat counts as university studyrsquo has been put to question in all three countries

National goal setting provides another definitional characteristic to study in a cross-national setting In all three countries the state has played the chief role in defining goals and purposes of study throughout the nineteenth century and twentieth century The legal definition of goals and purposes at the national level provides a definitional umbrella surrounding the concept of study at the national level As will be discussed in chapter seven forty years of national goal setting has given way to a trend towards supernational European level goal setting that has been unprecedented in its scope

Administrative Structure of the Student Career

The student career is also defined and affected by the administrative structure that surrounds it Admissions procedures matriculation and graduation requirements for example form the outer frame of university study In addition the existence or absence of grades exam course credits and student transcripts also defines university study Originally administrative control mechanisms framing the student careers had little control over the studentrsquos personal journey through university study If the underlying belief is that students are mature adults who know best how to fulfill their goals there is no reason for a strong corresponding administrative structure to be in place On the other hand if university study is understood increasingly as a policy apparatus of the state it is natural to expect that the state should establish control mechanisms based on their assumptions of academic study to regulate and direct study towards the assumed needs of society


Chapter Three The Establishment of the Personal Imperative

Following the Second World War the prevailing concept of university study in Germany Sweden and the Netherlands was still rooted in a tradition from the nineteenth century In its most ideological sense this tradition has been referred to by both scholars and the popular media in all three countries as the ldquoneo-humanisticrdquo or ldquoHumboldtian Ideardquo of the University1 Based on the concept of Bildung and Wissenschaft which espoused an exclusive commitment to individual freedom in the systematic pursuit of knowledge this classical ideal of study has provided a resilient ideological frame of reference which has shaped the re-conceptualization of the structure and function of university study in all three countries since the 1950s2 Referring to the reform debate in Germany over the role of the university Ulrich Schreiterer observes that

despite the diverse criticism of its factual contents its social implications and theoretical foundations despite well-known anachronisms and historically determined weaknesses the neo-humanistic university concepthelliphas always constructed the most important reference point for thematic conceptualization of the university its self-evident truths its work processes and its production3

Since the nineteenth century the neo-humanistic ideal overshadowed more lsquomundanersquo purposes and goals of university study despite the fact that many of individuals who embarked on a student career did so for reasons of professional training or social mobility4 This chapter discusses the ideas underlying the neo-humanistic concept of study and how these ideas in turn have influenced the legal and structural heritage of the student career both in the past and present This section will lay the foundation for an understanding of the twentieth-century challenge to reconstruct university study as an agent for social transformation based on the ideals of manpower planning industrial competitiveness social equity and economic efficiency

THE INDIVIDUAL AS IDEAL

In many ways the neo-humanistic ideal of university study was a contradiction to its own time Rooted in the German enlightenment the neo-humanistic ideal was based partly on an ideological reaction within the classical intellectual culture to the imminent dangers of greater mechanization and specialization of European society5 The rise of German neo-humanistic idealism occurred during a time when England was undergoing industrialization and France was in the throes of major political and institutional reform under Napoleon6

In the wake of the French Revolution Napoleon had closed the ancient universities which he considered to be key institutions of the ancien reacutegime7 The universities were replaced with the more state-directed and utilitarian elite training institutes which later became collectively known as the grandes eacutecoles These institutes were founded to address specific state and social needs such as teacher training managers for industry and public administration international relations and economics8

Such developments in France brought about fears in the German intellectual community that similar state institutes would be erected to replace the universities many of which had become obsolete by the end of the eighteenth century Prussiarsquos defeat by France intensified these fears as Napoleon succeeded in closing some of the lesser universities and the Prussian state began to entertain the desire to emulate institutes similar to the French grandes eacutecoles9

In a clear reaction to these trends a strong neo-humanistic opposition had formulated a reaffirmation of the idea of the university and in particular university study itself At the most fundamental level the neo-humanistic idea of study was tacitly based on the eighteenth century tradition of the Knightrsquos academy (Ritterakademie) which capitalized on the growing number of aristocratic youth who desired something more than a monastic and religious based training Already in the late eighteenth century education at Gottingen and Halle began to reflect the demand for ldquothe full and harmonious training of the whole individual the forming of aesthetically pleasing lsquocultivatedrsquo personalitiesrdquo10 Such an education ldquotacitly implied leisure solid (and expensive schooling) and early exposure to a refined life-stylerdquo11 The demand for such education came not only from the nobility but from a growing educated class (Bildungsschicht) that defined its increasingly important status in society through a lsquorefinedrsquo educational experience12

Fearing that a growth in the bureaucratic civil service would mean an increase in narrowly defined and specialized training the chief neo-humanistic idealists Friedrich von Schelling JG Fichte Friedrich Schleiermacher Henrich Steffens and Wilhelm von Humboldt published essays directly addressing the need for a new ideal for the university and university study13

In 1802 Friedrich von Schelling published a series titled ldquoLectures Concerning the Method of Academic Studiesrdquo (Vorlesungen uumlber die Methode des Akademischen Studiums)14 in which he countered the trends of industrialization and mechanization of European society by emphasizing the need to anchor academic study and research in a holistic un-compartmentalized environment free from external influence15 Schelling stated that the only way to protect fragmentation of the academic pursuit into unrelated specialization was to place the individual at the center of the pursuit Such an approach would also serve the purpose of providing an ldquoantidote against one-sidedness in educationrdquo16 This idea put quite simply was at the root of the neo-humanistic ideal of Bildung17

According to Ralph Fiedler the neo-humanistic concept of Bildung was based on three inseparable and recursive principles IndividualitymdashUniversalitymdashTotality18 The individualmdashrather than the societymdashwas the center of reference in all aspects of life in particular in the pursuit of knowledge Individuality dominated in their thinking to the degree of an almost ldquoirrationalrdquo denial of any kind of social reality Thus freedom of the individual from external social demands was the first imperative to Bildung The individual imperative was not praised by the neo-humanists merely for the importance of

The establishment of the personal imperative 17

the cultivation of the individual More importantly humanity demanded above all individuality19

The individual was grounded in the universality of Bildung Fiedler observed that ldquothrough a reciprocal reflection a secret connection between the individual and the universe existedhelliprdquo which ultimately ldquohellip resulted in the imperative for the optimal coupling between the individual and the worldrdquo20 The individual must be free and unhindered to strive towards the universality of knowledge rather than a high degree of specialization Since knowledge consisted of a ldquonever ending wealth of materialrdquo specialization would in the end weaken the individual21 The principal of universality demanded the development of a many-sided dimension of the individual

The individualrsquos striving towards the universality of knowledge is reflected in turn by the totality of the process back onto the individual22 As Fiedler observed

If universality is determined through its many-sided relationships then totality directs itself onto the individual against the centrifugal powers of diffusion totality guarantees the unity of personality and harmonious development in all of its constructions23

Put more simply the neo-humanists advocated Bildung as an insurance against the prevailing danger of one-sidedness of individual Without a universality of a process towards knowledge the individual would merely be a machine Humboldt emphatically underlined the fact that

man has it in his powers to avoid this one-sidedness by attempting to unite the distinct and generally separately exercised faculties of his nature by bringing into spontaneous cooperation at each period of this life the dying sparks of one activity and those which the future will kindle and endeavoring to increase and diversify the powers with which he works by harmoniously combining them instead of looking for a mere variety of objects for the separate exercise24

Importance of Freedom

The neo-humanistic concept of Bildung was predicated on a categorization of work into two basic forms one which allowed an individual the freedom or leisure to voluntarily determine his or her own purpose and means of work and another form of work which demands that the individual serve the needs of others25 According to the neo-humanists Bildung could not fall in the latter category In order to protect Bildung in a society facing increased mechanization and industrialization the neo-humanists envisioned a concept of university study based on a holistic concept of freedom and the first and most important precursor of freedom was the emancipation from repetitive and menial labor26

According to Humboldt however mere freedom from having to deal with the daily necessities was not enough in itself to bring about Bildung Freedom needed to be accompanied by a variance of situations


The true purpose of Manmdashnot that which dictates transient desires but rather eternally enduring reasonmdashis the highest and most harmonious cultivation (Bildung) of his powers to a totality Freedom is the first and indispensable condition to this Bildung Yet in addition to freedom the development of these human powers needs something else which is closely related to freedom a variance of situations Even the most free and independent man cultivates himself to an inferior degree when placed in a monotonous situation27

Freedom as a basic concept of university study had a multitude of dimensions The primary dimension of freedom in the context of university study was to provide a protected domain for academic pursuit Freedom meant barring external pressures of the society into this domain Any connection to an occupational goal had to be avoided lest it encroach upon the unifying approach to university study In order to achieve this the state must ensure isolation of talent from other purposes28 According to Schleiermacher students should take up the life of university study for no other reason than for the pursuit of knowledge ldquoNothing should matter at the academy except academic scholarship (Wissenschaft)rdquo29

University study was conceptualized by the neo-humanists to be a way of life rather than a compartmentalized daily task30 Fichte envisioned academic study in a cloistered environment set away from the rest of society Humboldt on the other hand understood academic study to be a broader concept within society31 According to Humboldt it was important that a young scholar devote an unspecified period of time after leaving school and before entering a profession in an environment which allowed for the unhindered academic pursuit of knowledge32 Whether this period of study was cloistered or not there was no conception of a part-time pursuit of academic study The new idea of academic study was characterized by the neo-humanists as a total continuous process or pursuit All efforts were made by these proponents to negate the tendency of specialization and the encroachment of the external environment on the total concept of university study In order to achieve this goal in a practical sense Humboldt underscored the importance of protecting university study from drifting towards the purposes of a secondary school on the one hand or towards the purpose of a specialized school on the other33

Schleiermacher considered students who were enrolled in university study for the explicit purpose of attaining a professional position to be Brotgelehrte or Brotstudenten

How often the universities send out of their schools such Brotgelehrte (ldquobreadrdquo scholars) back who have splendidly learned everything in their subject that was available through teaching who however totally lack the judgment to pursue the specific within the context of the general The living pursuit of Wissenschaft educates to perception in perception the general and the specific is always one The Brotgelehrte has in contrast no perception he can not construct anything or synthesize on his own volition if the case arises and since he can not of course learn to be prepared for all possible cases he is forsaken by most of his knowledge34


Wissenschaft

Alongside the neo-humanistic concept of Bildung was a second but by no means less important ideal Wissenschaft The neo-humanistic concept of Wissenschaft is as equally centered on the individual as Bildung is Further the meaning of both neo-humanistic concepts was mutually referential Bildung implies Wissenschaft whereas Wissenschaft implies Bildung Though Wissenschaft is often translated today into English as ldquosciencerdquo the neohumanistic meaning translates more broadly as lsquoacademic scholarshiprsquo35

Both neohumanistic concepts Bildung and Wissenschaft were rooted firmly in the discipline of philosophy which completed a self-referential circle of ideas philosophy was both Bildung and Wissenschaft Schelling believed that only philosophy could provide a basis for such a holistic and individual approach to the pursuit of knowledge According to Schelling philosophy was ldquothe Wissenschaft of Wissenschaftrdquo36

Such ldquowholerdquo knowledge must by all means precede any specialization in a single subject37 Without Bildung there would be no true philosophy and without philosophy there would be no Bildung Whereas Bildung is the formation of the self Wissenschaft is the systematic pursuit of knowledge Both concepts are in the neo-humanistic ideal inseparable from one another

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF UNIVERSITY STUDY

German neo-humanistic idealism laid the ideological foundation for the development of the concept of university study in Germany the Netherlands and Sweden during the nineteenth century38 In Germany the institutionalization of idealism first came in 1809 when Wilhelm von Humboldt was appointed director of cultural affairs at the Prussian Ministry of Interior39 Though his tenure lasted only one year his influence as both an idealist and state policy maker was responsible for the first state definition of ldquomodernrdquo academic study within the establishment of the University of Berlin in 181040

Humboldtrsquos ideas of the university partly reflected his own personal experiences while a student at the University of Gottingen as well as the ideas contained in the published lectures and writings of his early nineteenth- century contemporaries At the core of ideas about academic study however were his political ideals outlined in the Limits of State Action41 According to Humboldt it was not the role of the state to initiate policy in the form of administrative regulations regarding the purpose and goals of university study Instead the state set fundamental organizational boundaries within which the concept of university study was defined The lower boundary of definition set by the state through access The higher boundary of definition set by the state on the other hand was embodied in the regulation of state examinations

The definition of the areas within these boundaries was to be left as much as possible to the self-determination of the individual student Based on the idealism of Bildung durch Wissenschaft Humboldt stressed three main themes of freedom 1) Einsamkeit und Freiheit (autonomy and Freedom) which asserted the right of each scholar to pursue research uninhibited from external intervention 2) Einheit der Forschung und Lehre (the unity of Research and Teaching) which described a direct and important link between an individualrsquos research and the quality of what was taught in the lectures and 3) Lehr- und Lernfreiheit (the freedom of teaching and learning) which allowed professors to teach


whatever they wanted and the students to pursue only those topics which particularly interested them42

Students were expected to shape their own intellectual development Though lectures were the main conduit of knowledge from professor to students the important organizational unit which took shape at the German university during the nineteenth century was the seminar The early seminars were often held in professorsrsquo homes or funded out of a professorrsquos own pocket due to lack of state financial support These small seminars tended to follow the neo-humanistic tradition of Wissenschaft As state sponsorship of scholarly work increased however profound changes developed in the manner in which research was carried out As the number and size of seminars (and institutes) grew increasing research specialization and methodology became a key issue Organizationally power was gained though specialization in the form of separate institutes and seminars Such specialization occurred within each seminar too as ldquoearly in his scholarly career the young researcher washellipintroduced to habits of narrow thoroughness rather than the more universalistic drive characteristic of eighteenth-century writersrdquo43

The development of academic study in Sweden was based on the developments at the University of Berlin As early as the late 18th century Swedish intellectualism ldquowas characterized by a heavy German influencehellip Goethersquos and Houmllderlinrsquos poetry was imitated German political ideas were introduced and pedagogical ideas from the German-speaking world heavily influenced the school system at all levelsrdquo44

This strong influence of the German neo-humanistic ideals of Bildung can be seen by the importation of the concept as Bildning into the Swedish language sometime around the end of the 18th century45 The idea of Bildning originally referred to a broad social philosophy despite the fact that Bildningmdashas Bildungmdashhas experienced permutations of meaning and has been subjected to different interpretations over the past two centuries46 As in Germany many Swedish academics feared the consequences of mechanization and specialization on university education and incorporated the published lectures of Schelling Fichte Schleiermacher and Humboldt as into the Swedish academic ideal Most importantly the establishment of the University of Berlin in 1810 provided a concrete model for reform-minded Swedish academics such as Carl Adolph Agardh In the 1830s Agardh had argued that

all professional training should be located outside or at least at the periphery of the university the chief educational task of which was to remain the free universal and undirected Bildung of its students47

Debate over the purpose of study in Sweden led to the passing in 1852 of an important university statute ldquowhich corresponded fairly wellrdquo to the 1810 reforms in Germany48 It was the first time that the Humboldtian concept of laumlrofrihetmdashLehrfreiheit or the freedom of teachingmdashwas explicitly stipulated in Sweden49 This law stated that the professors should not direct their lectures to the confining demands of the examinations but rather gear them towards their own independent academic pursuit50 The Statute of 1852 established guidelines in order to keep lectures from only mirroring the content of the final examinations51 and declared the lecture format to be ldquothe only forrn of public instructionrdquo52 Until this time research had played a secondary role to teaching53


In Sweden the establishment of laumlrofrihet implied the establishment of its ideological corollary studiefrihet54 or the freedom of learning Though not clearly articulated by the Swedish statute the freedom of learning became an organizational reality which rested on the freedom of the professors55 The idea that professors were free to lecture as they wish implied that they ldquoshould waken the studentsrsquo independence without leading them more directlyrdquo56 Since there existed no attendance requirements for students students could also choose the courses they wished study57

In the Netherlands the Official Resolution of 1815 stipulated the academic education to be the purpose of the universities for the first time at the national level58 The Committee which drew up the decree had taken into account the reforms of universities occurring in the neighboring countries of Germany and France As in Germany the universities in the Netherlands had previously served as finishing schools or Ritterakademies for the nobility59 Though the Committee of 1815 tried to avoid the shortcomings of these old universities it also avoided following the French example of grandes eacutecoles60

Just as in Germany and Sweden Humboldtian neo-humanism underscored the ideal of the new concept of university study in the Netherlands Academic study was to be based upon the ldquoprinciple of the unity of Wetenschap (Wissenschaft) and the inseparable tie between research and teachingrdquo61 The neo-humanistic influences from Germany assured the continuation of the structural and ideological characteristics of the eighteenth century academic culture This preservation was chiefly in the ideal of studievrijheid which was the Dutch equivalence of Lernfreiheit62 Important to the university experience was the Dutch concept of academic vorming the equivalent to the German concept of Bildung Thus the general structure and organization of Dutch university study was not to be something stipulated by the state The 1815 Resolution in fact underlined the importance of a large amount of individual freedom in the pursuit of academic study as well as the freedom of professors to teach what they wish63 The statute focused more on regulations involving examinations which represented one aspect of external control by the state As Foppen points out at the time ldquoone spoke a great deal about academic freedomrdquo

The organization of higher education was characterized by the absence of an explicit structure at the time it was not centralized by a curriculum (nor was it classical) Students were not held to follow a fixed sequence [of courses] lasting a fixed period of time which really didnrsquot mean that there was no sequence in studieshellip Study guides were in fact not to be found64

As in Germany and Sweden academic study was reserved for a few select students to independently pursue the ldquocultivation and preparation towards independent practice of wetenschaprdquo as well as the preparation for a position in the society for which academic training (wetenschappelijke opleiding) is required65


THE TRADITIONAL CONCEPT OF UNIVERSITY STUDY

The loose organizational structure of university study in all three countries following the Second World War rested on academic idealism which developed in the nineteenth century Though university study in all three countries had always been a domain of the state the state in turn explicitly guaranteed the individual a large degree of freedom and responsibility to determine how his or her own course of study would develop

The traditional neo-humanistic idea of study was rooted in a concept of emancipationmdashor leisuremdashfrom normal social and work functions The concept was conceived chiefly with a bias toward the faculties of philosophy It established a domain which at least in theory protected against the forces of society which might corrupt the individual to mold his or her needs towards a one-sided utilitarian purpose It was conceived as a holistic way of life rather than a set of tasks to be fulfilled and it justified a rather loose administrative structure and the virtual lack of institutional control mechanisms over the individual students

Access to study was open in most faculties to those who completed an academic secondary examination In all three countries the Gymnasia or classical academic secondary schools had become the chief determinant for access to higher learning During the course of the nineteenth century these schools took over most of the general propaedeutic function of providing pupils with a strong foundation in the classics and humanities thereby freeing university study to allow for more independent academic pursuits As specialization of knowledge increasingly diversified disciplinary approaches in the latter part of the nineteenth century common entrance requirements maintained by the secondary schools acted as a gate keeper to university study Uniformity provided an illusion that all students regardless of what they studied shared a common experience culture and background

Though the formal general education was relegated to the Gymnasia the concept of general education existed informally in the studentsrsquo freedom to pursue self-cultivation unhindered by administrative restrictions The combination of self-cultivation and free inquiry was the essence of the concepts of German Bildung Swedish bildning or Dutch vorming Despite increasing specialization of the academic process in Germany the Netherlands and Sweden the neo-humanistic concept of study gave an illusion of a unified experience of the student career As will be discussed in the following three chapters this concept of university study provided a very strong context upon which the attempts to reshape and rationalize university study rested


Chapter Four Sweden

After the Second World War the basic structural characteristics of academic study in Sweden were still strongly based on the ideals covered by the Statute of 1852 (chapter three) Students who studied at the university in Sweden were still required to first attend the academic preparatory school the gymnasium and pass the studentexam the academic secondary examination The purpose of the studentexam was established as a ldquoshared set of cultural values which transcended disciplinary boundaries and set the students apart as a cultural elite1 Indeed those students who entered the university ldquowere few and privilegedrdquo2

During the first half of the twentieth century the gymnasium in Sweden was institutionally diversified based on specialization into three school forms the general gymnasium (allmaumlnna) the technical (tekniska) and the economic or commercial (handels) gymnasium In 1953 the general gymnasium was further divided into three additional sub-tracks a classical track (latinlinjen) a general or modern track (allmaumlnna linjen) and the science track (reallinjen)3 In addition each of these tracks was divided into two separate branches4 In the classical track one could learn in a purely classical branch or a semi-classical branch In the modern or general track one could chose between social studies or modern languages and the science branch split itself up into a choice between biology mathematics and technical branches Specialization also existed in the technical gymnasium In the second year students selected from about twenty different branches and in the third an additional choice of about 10 branches was added Many of these ldquobranchesrdquo however were chosen by few if any students the most common in the technical track were the mechanical design architectural design and telecommunications among others5 Of the three types of gymnasia the general gymnasium supplied the most students In 1957 of those who took the examination around 75 had attended one of the three tracks in the general gymnasium (28 science 25 Latin and 22 modern)6

Following the Second World War access to academic study in Sweden was characterized by a dichotomization between restricted (spaumlrrade) access to high demand subjects such as medicine or dentistry and open access to the so-called free (fria) or philosophical faculties which comprised philosophy humanities social and natural sciences (see below) These free faculties comprised by far the largest sector of study In 1957 for example around 58 percent of the newly matriculated students were enrolled in the philosophical faculties The so-called ldquoprestigerdquo areas of study such as medicine and dentistry where admission was regulated comprised on the other hand about 5 and 4 of the students respectively7

As the numbers entering academic secondary school expanded the proportion of students in the population grew accordingly Whereas in 1946 gymnasium students comprised only 8 of the secondary school age cohort by 1963 the proportion had

grown to 238 Those who successfully passed the studentexamen grew from 9425 in 1957 to 15904 in 1962 and then almost doubled five years later (1967) to 312539 Likewise the number of students first matriculating into study increased Whereas in 1957 5233 students matriculated into academic study in 1962 this grew to 9690 and then more than doubled by 1967 to 20603 Most of this expansion was absorbed by the ldquofreerdquo faculties which had no access restrictions Whereas in 1957 there were 3010 new matriculants to the philosophical faculties this number increased to 6578 in 1962 and later to 15762 in 1967 The proportion of all first university matriculants who enrolled in the philosophical faculty increased accordingly from around 58 of the new matriculants in 1957 to 68 in 1962 and to 77 in 196710

ACADEMIC STUDY TRADITIONAL STRUCTURAL CHARACTERISTICS

Just as in the nineteenth century academlc study in Sweden after the Second World War was not framed by a fixed course structure or normative duration There was no course preregistration11 Students were free to take courses without charge and present themselves for examinations when they felt ready Though it was not uncommon for some students to work during their studies to support themselves12 studiefrihet obviated any distinction between a part-time or full-time student The study of a subject was divided into marks which represented work lasting one term The Swedish first degree the filosofi kandidaat could be received after the accumulation of six marks of two or three related lsquosubjectsrsquo The degree of filosofi magister was given to those who studied a certain combination of subjects deemed important for public service positions Two or three years more of study and the submission of a minor thesis led to the filosofi licentiat and the filosofi doktor could be obtained after an additional two or three years and the submission of a major thesis13

Within the free faculties students were supposed to determine their own course of study as there was essentially no form of guidance within the administrative structure informing students of what was required of them Students chose freely to sit at lectures and essentially lsquoreadrsquo their topic quite independently14 Reflecting back upon his own studies at the University of Lund Professor Sven-Eric Liedmann describes his own personal experience with studiefrihet

When I started studying at the University of Lund 36 years ago I was met by an academic reality which was very different from that today One did not have to apply in advance to begin studying a subject one only came to the introductory session and found out a little about the course and lectureshellip All reasonable people warned of studying withm more than one discipline at a time I myself would study in three or four sections alongside one another I studied everything possible from Russian to genetics There were many loose threads and many unfulfilled study courses but for the field which at last became mine and which I in those days didnrsquot even know existed (history of ideas and learning) it was the right suitable preparation15

Sweden 25

Thorsten Huseacuten a Swedish professor who had studied some twenty years earlier than Liedmann at the University of Lund described his experience as a student in the 1930s as a ldquolimitless intellectual Scandinavian smoumlrgaringsbordrdquo

I venture to declare that university provided an almost euphoric experience of unlimited intellectual resources for those who wanted to increase their knowledge broaden their perspectives delve deeper into problemsmdashnot least for a nineteen-year-old in search of a philosophy of life hellip I did not at all feel that I had come to Lund to train for a profession but rather to avail myself of a golden opportunity entirely egotisticallymdashand legitimatelymdashof educating myself of making use of the intellectual stimulation offered by the university environment16

Before the 1960s much of what constituted university study still reflected the ideals and structures of the nineteenth century which placed a large degree of responsibility on the individual to choose a path of study whether it reflected a professional or academic pursuit For many students who were decidedly not studying for the purpose of entrance into a specific profession the purpose and goals of study were not always clear from the beginning As outlined in the two examples the nature of the traditional structure of study placed strong emphasis on the individualrsquos learning for learningrsquos sake rather than on teaching for the economic and social wellbeing of society

NEW PURPOSE OF UNIVERSITY STUDY

In the mid 1950s the general optimism in Sweden towards a new era of economic well being was also projected upon academic education and research This optimism was mirrored in the policies and ideals of the Swedish government which began to view university education as a potential engine for social change rather than a remote and loosely controlled domain unto itself Increased state interest in university education challenged the traditional structure and purpose of academic study and called for a stepped-up engagement of government policy makers and steering committees at the state-level into the daily matters of the universities17

In 1955 a planning committee (U55) was established by Parliament whose purpose was to make recommendations for the redefinition of the structure and purpose of university study The committee consisted of ldquoexpertsrdquo in the society ldquoprofessors highly placed civil servants and the minister in the department of educationrdquo18 U55 based its mission on an anticipated increase in the societyrsquos need for technological development and skilled personnel in order for Sweden to remain economically competitive19 U55 looked to the universities as the potential social foundations to meet the socio-economic needs of a modern industrialized country The Commission of 1955 anticipated an increasing need over the next few decades for technology and skilled personnel and clearly viewed the universities as the place for social investment Further the state viewed rational planning based on efficiency as a means to create new resources20

One of the most important influences U55 had on the reconceptualization of Swedish academic study came in the form of goal setting which lay the foundation for the


reforms which were to come over the decades to follow Lindensjouml lists five main goals which best outlined the philosophy of U55 First academic education should bring about general progressive social change Second university study should enhance the understanding of basic democratic principles within society so that they could become active participants Third university study should be restructured in order that it promotes social equality rather than inequality Fourth university study should promote free educational and occupational choice within society Fifth university study should fit the needs of the labor market This was to be done by planning and shaping university study based on projections of future demand for certain occupations and professions21

THE PROBLEM OF THE ldquoFREE FACULTIESrdquo

The free faculties posed a number of problems to the U55 Commission because they embodied characteristics which countered many of their goals With the overall increasing university enrollments the proportion of students within the free faculties was growing yearly resulting in overcrowding and under-staffing As more students enrolled in the free faculties traditionally long durations of study the non-chronological coursework pattern of individual students and the general high degree of individual student autonomy began to cause much concern among state policy makers interested in increasing efficiency22

Criticism about the level of ineffectiveness of students unnecessary study material lacking relevance to the labor market antiquated curricula and inadequate occupational direction arose repeatedly in one official report after the other23

The inefficiency of the free faculties was particularly exemplified through a comparison sponsored by the U55 Commission with the medical faculty24 First whereas the medical faculties had a clear vocational and social purpose the free faculties did not Second the free faculties had open access to all secondary school leavers making it difficult to plan for a determined number of study places across the board Third the success rates of students in the free faculties were much worse than those of the students in the medical faculties25 Comparison of graduation rates over a period of 15 semesters showed that whereas completion rates of students in the restricted faculties (ie medicine) were around 75 the completion rates of students in the free faculties hovered around 50 26

Despite the committeersquos unfavorable attitude towards the traditional form of study in the free faculties the U55 Commission recommended neither a reform of the traditional structure of study nor the implementation of access restrictions The reason for this was that the goal of restricting access brought about the difficult dilemma between the goal to enhance individual free choice and the goal to implement centralized social planning Further since planning had not yet been implemented leaving access unrestricted would allow for the free faculties to provide society with a supply of university trained individuals who could fulfill ldquounforeseen tasksrdquo which might arise within the labor market27

Sweden 27

CENTRALIZING CONTROL AND SEGREGATING PURPOSES

In 1958 some of the U55 recommendations to enhance central steering were implemented by the government The ldquomost profoundrdquo centralizing reforms directly affected university study in general28 Increased central administration of university study was embodied in two specific changes The first centralized the allocation of resources to the free faculties based on student enrollment into what was called an ldquoautomatic systemrdquo This essentially linked the number of students with the necessary educational resources meaning that as increasing numbers of students enrolled in study the system would automatically allocate additional resources for them29 Such automatization also meant that for the first time student flows cohort sizes and curricular matters fell under central regulation30

The second reform instituted a new type of lsquolecturerrsquo position specifically designated for teaching By removing the duty of research from this new position the government hoped to be able to keep pace with the rapid increase in the numbers of students enrolling into university study31 Lecturers were more efficient not only since they carried higher teaching loads but also because they did not have to be trained at the statersquos expense to be researchers as well The intention of this change was to better clarify the purpose of study by strengthening both ldquobasicrdquo education (grundutbildning) and scientific research32 This change set the stage for what would later become a clear split between teaching and research in the 1960s and 1970s33 Another change brought about by the U55 recommendations was a shift in the statersquos intended purpose of study towards the needs of the labor market which ldquotook over as the driving ideology of all levels of education in Sweden from primary to tertiary and between Even discussions of general education were framed by the needs of the labor marketrdquo34

U63 CHALLENGE TO STUDIEFRIHET

In 1963 the government set up a new committee called the 1963 aringrs universiteits och houmlgskolekommitteacute (U63) to evaluate different means of facilitating expansion35 As with the 1955 Commission the main concern of U63 was to increase the efficiency of university study especially in the free faculties Like U55 U63 was concerned ldquothat students were spending a considerably longer time in higher education institutions than was necessaryrdquo36 Similarly U63 also focused on the two factors which they felt contributed to inefficiency of study within the free faculties the loose administrative structure and open access37

Fixed Study Courses

The survival of studiefrihet from the first rounds of state reforms proved to be short lived Daunted by increasing study durations and dropout rates U63 attempted to remedy the loose organizational structure through the establishment of ldquofasta studiengaringngarrdquo (fixed study courses) within the philosophical faculties38 The U63 commission believed that university study in academic subjects should be organized within a ldquofixed chronological order within a certain time framerdquo 39 The underlying goal of U63rsquos plan was to increase


the effectiveness of study within the philosophical faculties ldquowhere the duration of studies was considered senselessly longrdquo40

The system of fixed study courses was meant to replace the overall ambiguous structure and purpose that characterized a large proportion of the student career by better regulating the studentsrsquo use of time and their choice of subjects Study was broken down into a series of study points One year equaled 40 points which corresponded to 40 weeks of study ldquothat a full-time student should normally manage within one year of studyrdquo41 Study was further broken down into separate years requiring students to choose one of 17 possible subjects during their first year but giving them more possibilities in the second and a free choice of subjects in the third year42 Each course carried a fixed number of points that represented a ldquocalculated proportion of the semesterrsquos workrdquo43 According to an Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) report breaking study down into required credits courses and subjects

should make it possible to follow the progress of the individual student more effectively and to intervene if he is unable to keep up with the pace of study prescribed by the time-schedule If the results prove clearly unsatisfactory the student should as a last resort be denied continued university traininghellip The fixed curricula system involves an earlier choice by the student of the goal to which his studies will lead This is considered defensible from an educational point of view because of the rather late streaming at the preceding levels of education44

The system of fixed study courses was implemented starting in the mid 1960s and by 1969 it had been completely established within the philosophical faculties This reform was particularly important to the change in Swedish academic education because it later ldquobecame the pattern for the organization of study within all higher education in the reform of 1977rdquo45

In addition to proposing the fixed study courses a commission on university research suggested strengthening the separation between research and teaching46 The commission recommended that additional non research teaching staff be hired to teach more pragmatic and occupationally oriented courses within the free faculties47 The result was that professors who had already been quite removed from their teaching responsibilities were further structurally separated from participating in the teaching process of students48 The establishment of the fixed study courses coupled with an increase in the role of the non-research oriented teaching staff set the stage for additional radical vocationalization in the 1970s In addition to the plans to establish fixed study courses the U63 discussion also touched upon the desire to introduce at some point a more occupational orientation to study courses which had been traditionally very theoretical49

The main goal underlying the establishment of the fixed study courses was to increase efficiency by increasing the throughput (genomstroumlming) of students Though throughput was originally proposed as a means of ldquosaving large sums of moneyrdquo through rationalization of the study process over the course of the 1960s the goal of increased throughput began to be influenced by more ldquosocial motivesrdquo50 As the number of students was increasing during the 1960s it was becoming increasingly apparent to policy makers that dropout rates and study durations were higher among students from lower

Sweden 29

socioeconomic backgrounds51 By the mid 1960s therefore increased simplification and rationalization of the study process was justified on two major fronts that it was important to increase both economic efficiency as well as social equity within society

Another important step towards increasing social equity came through the restructuring of student financial aid52 In 1965 the financial aid system was changed freeing students from means testing based on their economic status or income of their parents53 This new regulation granted the right to practically all Swedish students to receive financial assistance to support the cost of living The main purpose of these changes to financial aid was to ldquocounteract social barriersrdquo and ldquogive the student an autonomous choice independent of family incomemdashhigh or lowrdquo54 Aid was given partially in the form of a grant partially in the form of a loan In 1965 the portion of aid in the form of a grant was 2555

Another important concern of U63 was the inefficiency of open access in the free faculties Despite the desire to limit access the Minister of Education in the end did not choose to do so because restriction had to be based on some kind of measurable criteria such as the needs of the labor market56 Since it was not clear how graduates from the free faculties fit into the labor market restriction of access would require more planning and research The Minister also pointed out that there were no criteria to go by to limit access of the secondary school leaders from the non-occupationally oriented gymnasium into the free faculties Until this could be resolved restriction of access according to the Minister would be very difficult57

Another reason that access was not restricted at the free faculties was the fact that it ran counter to the goal of increasing free choice of the individual in society58 Leaving access to the philosophical faculties open provided a means to absorb the rapidly expanding numbers of young graduates of academic secondary schools who exercised their free choice to undertake an academic education59 Therefore despite the growing perception that open access was inherently inefficient the philosophical faculties escaped once again the restriction of access

According to Sven-Eric Liedmann after the implementation of the U63 reforms in 1965 ldquoone could no longer speak of the free facultiesrdquo in their original liberal arts meaning60 After U63 the use of the term free faculty changed from one denoting the free and liberal pursuit of knowledge (studiefrihet) described by Thorsten Huseacuten or Sven-Eric Liedmann above to one which merely denotes unrestricted access

With lsquofria fakulteterrsquo the 1963 official report on universities didnrsquot only mean the three offshoots of the old faculties of philosophymdashthe humanistic the social science and the mathematicsnatural sciencesmdashbut also the technological and law faculties The opposite of lsquofrirsquo was lsquospaumlrradrsquo (restricted) A free faculty was a faculty where everyone could begin studies provided that he or she was qualified through the studentexamen or the equivalent61

U63rsquos virtual redefinition of the meaning of the free faculty to denote open admissions instead of free and unhindered pursuit of knowledge played well into the reform discourse at the time Reporting on the dilemma of open and restricted access one OECD report stated that the ldquoSwedish Government has adopted a compromise solution it has


made a distinction between lsquorestrictedrsquo and lsquofreersquo faculties The first include the faculties of medicine and dentistry and the technological faculties The free faculties cover the arts humanities and sciencesrdquo62 The U63 recommendations towards rationalization of the study process based on the development of economic and temporal control mechanisms could be argued both on a somewhat conservative basismdashthat it was economically efficientmdashand on a more social democratic levelmdashthat it decreased social barriers to members of lower socio-economic groups

TOWARDS COMPREHENSIVENESS

The Comprehensive Grundskola

Since an important goal of Swedish educational policy was to enhance equality through education comprehensiveness instead of stratification became one of the main policy imperatives of the educational policy makers63 At the basic level the nine-year comprehensive grundskola was gradually implemented throughout the country64 The establishment of the comprehensive school was based on the concept that all children in the country should have the same educational opportunities in terms of common elementary schooling with a national ldquocore curriculumrdquo65 The comprehensive school was compulsory and was separated into three separate phases by age 7ndash10 10ndash13 and 13ndash1666

The comprehensive grundskola in 1962 was the first stage in a trend in Sweden towards comprehensiveness of the entire educational system The purpose of the national curriculum was to ensure that schools kept ldquothe individual class together in the sense that permanent groupings with respect to talents or ambitions would be avoidedrdquo 67 The next stage of reform towards comprehensiveness came with change to the upper secondary schools between 1965 and 196968 The third stage of comprehensiveness was implemented with the development of new unified sector of lsquohigher educationrsquo between 1968 and 1977 (see below)

The Amalgamation of Upper Secondary School

The development of a comprehensive grundskola set the stage for a comprehensive upper secondary school As the Swedish Ministry of Education points out

The decision in 1968mdashimplemented in 1970mdashto amalgamate the different types of upper secondary education into one school gymnasieskolan was a logical application of the principle of the comprehensive school also at the following educational stage69

Students were no longer formally selected at the basic school for continuation in the upper secondary making access to upper secondary school education a legal right for all young people in Sweden though it was not compulsory Changes in the labor market requiring increasing numbers of skilled members in the labor force ldquomade it more or less

Sweden 31

necessary for young people to seek additional qualifications after completing the 9 year compulsory schoolrdquo70

In order to absorb the expanding numbers of secondary school students the commercial gymnasium was extended from 2 years to 3 in 1961 giving it the same stature as the general gymnasium towards access to university study As a result the proportion of students entering the university from the commercial gymnasium grew from 5 in 1960 to 26 in 196471 In addition the government expressed the wish to divert students from the general gymnasium to the commercial and technical gymnasia in order to reduce the 80ndash20 ratio of students in general to commercial and technical gymnasia to 60ndash40 by the end of the 1960s72

In 1964 an additional type of post compulsory school was set up called the fackskola which was a ldquopara-professional continuation schoolrdquo73 Shortly thereafter in 1966 the gymnasium was reformed to reflect 5 lines of study humanities social sciences economics natural sciences and technologies74 It was also proposed at that time to amalgamate the three forms of gymnasia general commercial and technical into one integrated gymnasium The integrated gymnasium would require that around 70 of the courses be taken by all students during the first year regardless of their chosen line of study Differentiation of course requirements then would increase during the second and third years giving students increased freedom of choice of courses75 A further amalgamation of the secondary school system was instituted by creating a unified umbrella system to connect planning and funding of all three major types of secondary education the newly integrated gymnasium the fackskola and the strictly vocationally oriented ykresskola76 Further vocationalization occurred in regard to the mission of the gymnasium when former vocational education tracks of agriculture forestry and horticulture were added to the gymnasium77 In 1968 the Swedish parliament decided to create one school out of all three different tracks and in 1971 a new school was created carrying ldquothe traditional and honoured academic titlerdquo of gymnasium78

These reforms were based on two not entirely contradictory goals On one hand the goal of the reforms was to increase equal opportunity by increasing free choice in education through the creation of a unified secondary school system On the other hand a persistent goal of the Swedish government was to divert students away from traditionally academic studies and subjects into more socially relevant vocational and occupational training79 By elevating formerly vocational and technical training programs to the status of academic training that is to the gymnasium these study lines would at least in theory increase in social prestige and therefore attract students who might have shunned them otherwise80

Though the proportion of students who were ldquodivertedrdquo away from the more traditional and theoretical academic tracks into vocational secondary tracks did grow as a result of the redefinition of the secondary school sector the policy of integration was more semantic than it was structural81


TOWARDS ldquoTOTAL DIMENSIONINGrdquo THE PHILOSOPHY OF U68 AND THE 1977 REFORMS

The efforts of the Swedish government to integrate and unify secondary education set the stage for similar reforms to the universitles and other sectors of higher education In 1968 a new Educational Commission U68 was appointed by the then Minister of Education Olaf Palme82 U68 was charged with ldquoworking out an overall plan for the future of post-secondary education of the country covering in particular its capacity location and organizationrdquo83 U68 was not intended to deal with research or research training84 The Commission consisted of direct members and representatives of groups from the major political parties the educational system and the major labor market organizations85

The 1968 Commissionrsquos completed report was submitted in March 1973 to the Minister of Education The recommendations of U68 were based on the progression of reform goals and initiatives stemming from the late 1950s The difference in U68 was its expressed intention to recreate higher learning as one unified administrative concept Underlying the entire tenor of the report was a strong leaning towards the desire to rationally reorganize study towards occupational and professional training

The conclusion of the Commission which was shared by Government and Parliament was that a limitation in total resource availability was necessary for creating a system in which labour market and resource questions on the one hand and individual preferences on the other could be weighed against each other over the whole field on a rational basis86

During the late 1960s Sweden had experience a slowdown in its economy placing an emphasis on the rational use of state resources for education at all levels87 In light of the fact that the recent school reforms had reduced the selective effects of secondary schooling the policy of open access to higher education fell under more government scrutiny than ever before88 Since the 1958 reforms had directly linked enrollments to resources open access would put great stress on the system U68 claimed that the

choice is between having as present one free and one restricted sector of higher education and introducing a limitation on admissions for basic higher education as a whole The alternative of free admissions to all higher education is excluded simply by lack of resources For the same reason it is obvious that a free sector could only cover as at present such education as demands few resources in the way of teaching staff equipment premise traineeships etc89

Though U68 claimed that the ideal situation would be to retain an open sector of higher learning the necessary means to fulfill all the requirements of a well-designed sector of higher education ldquowould be difficult or impossible to implement as long as admission to certain higher studies is unrestrictedrdquo90

Sweden 33

To add to the argument of scarce resources was the concern about academic employment of graduates from the free faculties As the numbers of students grew in the humanities and social sciences so did the concern about the kind of employment the graduates could attain Resources spent on students in fields of study which were not clearly occupationally oriented took away from those areas of study which were more closely linked to the labor market91 For these reasons U68 proposed ldquothat admission to all higher education be restrictedrdquo92

The philosophy of U68 was realized as government policy over a period of about 7 years culminating in the reform of higher education in 1977 Based on the philosophy of what the Swedish government called ldquototal dimensioningrdquo the 1977 reform established a unified system of lsquohigher educationrsquo by ldquostipulating a total number of student places at the national level these being distributed between educational areas or programmes and institutions as the result of a planning processrdquo93

The Importance of Quantitative Planning

A key component of the U68rsquos concept of higher learning was based on Education Minister Olaf Palmersquos confidence in the establishment of an overarching centralized quantitative planning apparatus94 The proposal for quantitative planning was based on ldquocalculations on outflow and manpower needsrdquo95 U68 admitted that such planning was ldquobased on a great number of assumptions all surrounded by a greater or lesser margin of certaintyrdquo96 The Commission nevertheless based its new unified system on the assumption that quantitative planning would allow for a ldquoreasonable allocation of educational resources among the people and guarantee the national economy the knowledge and capabilities that it neededrdquo97 Most important was the assumption that one such allocation should not be based on ldquounreasonable educational choicesrdquo of the individual98

Broadening the Definition of Study Higher Education

A broadening of the concept of what was formerly university study was undertaken in the 1977 reforms both semantically and structurally First U68 recommended that all ldquopost gymnasial educationrdquo be redefined as houmlgre utbildning or lsquohigher educationrsquo99

the task of U68 covers the capacity location and organization of basic education in the sector customarily delineated by such terms as lsquopostsecondaryrsquo or lsquohigher educationrsquo It covers more than what is currently denoted in the official statistics as lsquouniversities and equivalent institutionsrsquo The Commission proposes that the term higher education be used to designate this sector of education100

U68rsquos main objective was to pull together the entire sector of post-secondary education to one uniform concept of ldquohigher educationrdquo in order to facilitate better planning and administration


Higher education which includes also research training can be essentially characterized as publicly provided education based on a higher level of schooling than the 9-year comprehensivehellip Given its scope higher education extends considerably beyond the administrative sphere of the Office of the Chancellor of the Swedish Universities the colleges of agriculture and other units currently termed collegeshellip In choosing the term higher education the Commission has tried to delimit for overall planning a sector held together by uniformity in the main in respect of the age of students and rules of admissionhellip The aim should be to achieve a more coherent organization both locally and centrally within which higher education can be treated as a unity with regard to quantitative planning the location of facilities and the development of new educational programmes101

In 1977 practically all former distinctions between universities and specialized post secondary institutions were to be engulfed by the all-encompassing term houmlgskola102 Established academic institutions took over control of other formerly non-academic post-secondary training programs through a process of amalgamation thereby upgrading the status of many programs103 In addition to the change in the post secondary sectors some secondary technical programs were promoted to the level of ldquohigher educationrdquo104

The reasons underlying the redefinition of the post secondary sector into one unified sector of higher education are very similar to those underlying the redefinition of all upper secondary sectors into one ldquogymnasiumrdquo The Swedish Ministry hoped that by linking all post-secondary education together in a large web called higher education the traditional borders between these areas would fall and positive interaction would occur between the sectors105 More importantly the Swedish policy makers wanted to reduce status differentiation by raising formerly vocational sectors to the same semantic status of traditional academic education The leveling of the semantic differentiation in both the academic and vocational sectors was part of an underlying policy to divert students away from exercising their free choice to pursue traditional academic studies by attempting to control for status106

Higher Education as Occupational Education

Redefinition of all post secondary education to a unified concept of ldquohigher educationrdquo was considered by U68 to have important structural ldquoconsequences for its capacity and organization and to some extent its locationrdquo107

The single most important definitional factor to the U68 concept of higher education was that it ldquostarts from the premise that higher education is to prepare students for subsequent occupational activitiesrdquo108 U68 did not concern itself directly with the function of research or research training though they admitted that these activities would be

affected by the Commissionrsquos proposals on institutional organization One of the functions of basic education although this applies to a small

Sweden 35

proportion of students is also to prepare for research training and indirectly for professional activities as researchers109

The U68 report states clearly that higher education should ldquoprepare forrdquo research training rather than incorporate it Academic training (vetenskap) was clearly avoided by U68 as a primary goal of the student career Instead academic training would constitute a separate goal for a ldquosmall pro portionrdquo of students who continue on for further academic education

Building Occupational Training Sectors

U68 proposed that higher education be subdivided into five basic occupational training sectors110 In 1977 the government reconstructed university study based on U68rsquos proposal into a system of study lines (linjesystem) which was to be ldquothe fundamental pattern for all forms of higher educationrdquo111

bull Education for the Technical Professions bull Education for Administrative Economic and Social Work Professions bull Education for Medical and Para-medical Professions bull Education for the Teaching Professions bull Education for Information Communication and Cultural Professions112

Students could choose from general local or individual study programs as well as among specialized short cycle or separate courses113 With the exception of health professions the same courses were offered in almost every type of higher education institution The larger institutions (the universities) would carry out research in addition to basic training114 The general study courses covered more of the standard professions such as training of lawyers and doctors but also covered subjects such as natural and social sciences115 The local study programs would tailor their training to the immediate needs of the region such as the specific managerial needs for a local manufacturer and the individual study programs could be set up by individual students116 Study courses could be very specialized offering training for a shiprsquos captain or opera singer117 The study courses were not all structured separately from each other inasmuch as many were made up of a variety of different course options which ultimately led to different types of certification118

Dismantling the Free Faculties

The 1977 reform called for central plans to be developed covering the content and goals of every general study program at the national level Many of the traditional and theoretical study programs within the former free faculties were dismantled or redirected towards occupational goals119 Students who had begun studies in the former philosophical faculties between the years 197475 and 197677 had a grace period to finish their studies under the old system until 1983120 To counter the appearance of rigidity U68 stressed the importance of maintaining a degree of flexibility and overlap between these sectors in order to accommodate trends and planning in the labor market121 U68 proposed to allow for additional structural subdivisions of higher


education into ldquodifferent fundamental educational fieldsrdquo or ldquobase fieldsrdquo122 The proposed base fields were

bull Physics and chemistry bull Chemistry and biology bull Behavioral sciences bull Social sciences bull Mathematics and systems sciences bull Linguistics bull History aesthetics and science of religion123

Not surprisingly most of these ldquobase fieldsrdquo were in the faculties of philosophy These base fields were intended to provide courses and instruction to a wide variety of students many of whom were studying in one of the occupational sectors Students learning to be a teacher for example would take courses in the base field of linguistics as well124 In addition these base fields were intended to be the foundation upon which the basic unit of study would be built the ldquosingle courserdquo

The Safety Valve Single Courses

If the study lines represented a molecular structure of study the basic single course was perceived to represent the more fundamental atomic structure The concept of the single course was based on U68rsquos recognition and that ldquo[n]ot all students in higher education intend to follow instruction in a complete educational programmerdquo125 To support their claim U68 cited from the Swedish Central Bureau of Statistics that had shown that of the students enrolled in the philosophical faculties in the late 1960s only around 50 really intended to actually follow through to obtain a degree Other U68 sponsored research had demonstrated that only around 25 of the students over the age of 24 indicated the intention of finishing a degree126

In order to accommodate students who were not aiming towards a degree but nevertheless wished to further their knowledge U68 proposed the designation of ldquosingle coursesrdquo which could be taken independently by individuals who had varied interests and needs The emphasis on single courses supported a related policy interest of the U68 philosophy recurrent education127 According to U68 investment in single courses would provide the ldquofastest acting measure to promote recurrent educationrdquo In addition U68 emphasized that though the single courses would ldquooften be occupationally gearedrdquo single courses would best provide a means to meet the needs of unplanned demand for education by the general society128

When the 1977 reform was implemented around 75 of all the courses which counted as ldquosinglerdquo or ldquofree standingrdquo129 consisted of courses traditionally offered in the philosophical faculty130 The remaining 25 percent had an ldquointerdisciplinary characterrdquo with or without a specialized occupational orientation131 The duration of each single course varied greatly from one week to one semester132 Many of the courses which were designed to attract the non-traditional students outside of the regular study programs were often evening courses or intensive courses some of which were taught off campus133 Many of the courses within the former humanities and social science faculties had a ldquomore lasting and general characterrdquo than shorter vocational courses and therefore

Sweden 37

provided many students an alternative to other structured occupational lines134 Courses which fulfilled this function were for example history social sciences and social geography135

The 1977 reform followed the U68 philosophy that the primary goal of the single courses was to serve students with vocational experience by giving them an opportunity for recurrent education136 However students were also allowed to piece together courses to design their own degree In 1979 this process became less certain when the process of restricted access to the entire system of higher educationmdashdown to the individual coursemdashwas completely implemented Students who planned ahead to string together a series of single courses to form a degree ran the risk of running into multiple restrictions of access if some of their planned courses were filled to capacity137 Consequently a student who wished to complete a study program in the most efficient way was wise to apply for entrance into one of the planned programs in the occupational study sectors

The structure of the single courses nevertheless acted as a safety valve to an otherwise highly-planned system Though the intention of the program was to serve more nontraditional students who were seeking recurrent education many of the students who signed up for single courses had 3 or 4 year secondary certificates preparing them for entrance into normal study lines In the 198182 academic year 64 of the new entrants had some sort of gymnasium study 40 of whom possessed a 3ndash4 year gymnasium study and 11 of whom had even taken the traditional studentexam138

In many ways the single courses provided a very similar function as the former philosophical or free faculties had The difference between the new system and the old was the modularized nature of the single courses Though studiefrihet no longer existed in Sweden in the holistic sense of the past the single courses offered nevertheless another degree of freedom in a more compartmentalized sense Though the intention of U68 was to provide this type of freedom to encourage recurrent education the single courses allowed traditional students a certain domain of choice and general bildning within an otherwise highly planned system

The Fundamental Elements The Standardized Point System

The U68 philosophy established a unified system of higher education based on the development of a standardized point system (poaumlngsystem) tied closely to a new standardized system of evaluation139 U68 believed that by establishing a standard number of points upon which each study program and single course would be based this would in turn bring about a standardization of all training and education programs across Sweden regardless of institution or faculty140

The standardized point system was intended to be a sort of glue that unified an otherwise very diverse system of study programs and single courses Based on the point system the 1977 reform shaped the student career in Sweden into a highly modular form consisting of a wide variety of study programs and other training programs that could be broken down to a series of individual building blocks These modular blocks were in turn constructed out of course credits Unlike the reforms in the Netherlands (see below) the 1977 reform intentionally avoided the institution of one overall normative time to degree to define the parameters of a unified student career Though higher education was a unified concept the duration of the student career was not The temporal component of


higher education in Sweden was determined chiefly by the accumulation of points The expected time to degree varied from under two years to over five years This varied within the five main sectors as well Full time study for one week equaled 1 point which then added up to 20 points for the entire semester Duration of study therefore was based on points for example some courses required 40 points or one year of study whereas others required 220 or 5 12 years141

Another aspect of modularization was that of part-timefull-time study Unlike Germany (see below) where no formal distinction has existed between part-time and full-time study the concept of part-time study in Sweden was so well defined it prevailed over full-time study The combination of all of these components led to different examination certificates and academic degrees reflecting higher learning which lasts 40 points as well as higher learning which lasts 220 points Students who completed a general study program for example were awarded a Certificate of Education stating the total number of courses and points as well as the grades received for each course142

The introduction of the point system brought about on the one hand a diffraction of the traditional single concept of study to a multitude of shapes and sizes durations and purposes Because of such compartmentalization fewer students had a consistent exposure to the process of research143 On the other hand this point system created at the same time an illusion of parity throughout the system of post secondary learning

Numerus Clausus and the 254 Reform

In 1972 the Swedish Parliament followed the U68 recommendations and limited access to the entire system of higher education to a number set annually by Parliament144 One of the main concerns of U68 had been to close the remaining window of open access to the free faculties Instead of open access sophisticated forecasting and planning would be employed to determine the precise number of places in each study line

Further U68 stipulated that the access system based on labor market forecasting had to be balanced with the goal of establishing equal access to members of society hitherto excluded from higher learning Instead of establishing a numerus clausus based solely on secondary school achievement the government decision in 1972 also made provisions to expand the selection criteria to give high school graduates additional credit towards access if they had work experience145 The main goal of the 1972 Parliamentary decision intended to reduce the strong relationship between educational tracks in the upper secondary with access to higher education

Aside from expanding the selection criteria to secondary school leavers U68 recommended that a certain number of study places be left open for older (25+) non-traditional students who had at least 5 years of work experience After a few years of experimentation in 1977 the government implemented a modified version of this 255 recommendation drop-ping the required number of years for work experience to 4 years146 The 254 rule was intended to ldquocompensate the generations that had not been able to profit from the build-up of secondary schoolrdquo by placing ldquopeople of at least 25 years of age and with 4 more years of vocational experiencehellip on equal footing as regards general eligibility to the programme concerned in terms of knowledge corresponding to certain subjects and courses in the upper secondary schoolrdquo147

Sweden 39

The 254 rule was essentially based on two longstanding trends one was the twenty-year goal to establish central control over the entire sector of higher learning This goal one of the most central of the reform ideology up until the late 1960s was coupled with the goal to further social equality through a broadening of access Broadening access had been a trend since the 1950s starting with the elementary schools moving on to the nine-year comprehensive secondary schools in the 1960s and then by the 1970s finally being instituted to higher education148 Once justified by the assumed need for increased manpower and economic growth the goal of broadened access shifted in the late 1960s towards an assumption based more on social equality149

The Meaning of General Education

U68rsquos philosophy behind the 254 reform was based on transformed assumption of what general propaedeutic education for higher education should be Formerly provided by the academic secondary schools the new concept of general education was broadened to include general knowledge and preparation gained in the workplace and through the process of maturing to adulthood150 If after all higher education was to be vocational should not job experience prepare students for higher education The change in the definition of general education provided a means to emphasize social equality as an underlying belief in higher education not only for future students destined for higher learning but also for those students who had been selected out of the education system under the forrnerly stratified school system

Managing the Demand

Despite the apparent technocratic rigidity of the system the admissions policy was set up by the 1977 reform to keep a planned centralized system as liberal as possible while allowing more stringent requirements to specific study programs151 This was done by making a distinction between general and specific requirements Specific requirements might apply to study courses requiring special prerequisites such as medicine natural sciences or technical areas 254 applicants who did not have these prerequisites would have to complete them within the realm of adult education152 General requirements on the other hand apply to all study programs The general requirements are related to two years of study in upper secondary school of subjects which students are all expected to have mastered such as English and Swedish153 Most single courses tended to have more general than specific admissions requirements154

In order to balance applicants with the more classical general propaedeutic education and those with the newly instituted vocationallife experience oriented general education the Swedish government set up a system of four different types of quotas to select students Selection would occur if the number of applicants for a specific program exceeded the number of places determined by the legislature155 Since the application procedure to higher learning was entirely centralized those wishing to study would fill out a form listing a series of choices of the five occupational study lines they wished to take and ranking their 12 top choices of where they would like to study Study programs admitted new applicants in January and August though some programs admitted students only on a yearly basis156


Though the quota system was rather complex some of the more aspiring students were able to exploit it to their own benefit The quota system was broken down in a point system basically in the following manner

1 Those possessing a studentexam from the three or four year upper-secondary school (gymnasieskola) get 5 points

2 Those possessing a leaving certificate from a two year upper secondary school get 5 points

3 Those possessing a leaving certificate from a folk high school get depending upon their final grade average between 1ndash4 points

4 Those that are at least 25 years of age and have accumulated 4 years or more of work experience get depending upon their score on a scholastic aptitude test up to 2 points In this category of applicant half of the places are reserved for those who have no other choice but to apply under this category157

The overall proportion of applicants between all four groups determined how many places were to be offered158 Those applicants representing the more traditional studentsmdashthose listed in groups 1 and 2mdashwere able to increase their chances by adding work experience When this provision was originally drawn up applicants with high school leaving certificates could earn up to 25 extra points by working for a total of 15 months 9 months of which had to be at the same job as well as volunteering at some public agency for more than two years159

U68rsquoS IDEAL AND THE 1977 REFORMS IN RETROSPECT

The U68 philosophy and the 1977 reforms took a deliberate and highly rational approach to reconceptualizing university study as higher education The 1977 reforms completed a long trend in the Swedish educational system of sharply reducing the strong relationship between type of secondary schooling and access to higher education They also attempted to introduce a vocational orientation to the entire unified system of higher education by organizing study into a system of vocational lines In the end the reforms attempted to compartmentalize study so that it could be broken down into supposedly equal units based on points courses semesters and lines

Lindensjouml summarizes the U68rsquos philosophy as one that shifted a system of study based traditionally on a loose combination of the demands for higher education from the labor market and the individual to a system that focused on the state-projected and perceived needs of the labor market and individual160 This ldquoradicalrdquo and ldquofundamental redraftingrdquo of the basis of study ldquounveiled ahellipbias in the technocratic planning strategy which came into practicerdquo under the 1977 reforms161 Unlike the more traditional system based on demands the technocratic ldquoapplication of data and forecasting methods did not lend themselves to giving any basis for decisions for a rational policy in terms of individuals or the labor marketrdquo162

Sweden 41

Access and Social Equality Reevaluted

The positive consequences of the compensatory access policies which pro vided working adults admission quotas and points for experience were offset by the negative effect it had on the ability for the Swedish educational system to recruit young people just leaving the upper secondary school163 This was especially apparent in regard to young people from disadvantaged socio-economic backgrounds who were displaced by adults164 Having recognized this problem the government made revisions in 1982 to the quota system by allowing a smaller proportion of the 254 students to enter and by changing the weight placed on work experience165

Despite the reforms and despite the efforts to equalize the status of all forms of secondary schooling and post-secondary training the traditional social class values and their related patterns of educational choice remained well intact166 Students from working class backgrounds streamed into shorter vocational programs whereas those students from families with an academic background tended to enroll in the ldquolonger and more prestigious programmesrdquo such as medical studies167 Changing the title of many vocational training programs to higher education did not seem to affect the traditional higher status of university or professional study

Though the reforms did serve to increase choice to young people and old people from working class backgrounds ldquonothing could prevent those with an upper or middle class background from benefiting from the new opportunities and from using working-life experience to the same extent as those with a working class backgroundrdquo168 Over time the commitment to the ideal of equality in Sweden ldquogradually blurred and in official documents rhetoric seems to have displaced serious analysis of ends and meansrdquo169

In the late 1980s the government reformed the secondary schools by adding a year of additional general courses to the two-year vocationally-oriented track thereby making it a standard three years This reform indicated a distancing from the policy to divert students away from entering into the traditional university study and towards vocational programs170

Purpose and Content Reevaluated

Following the implementation of the 1977 reforms the shortfalls of the ability of the new unified system to function in sync became increasingly apparent to members of the academic community Goals for increased social recruitment increased relevancy of study to the labor market and increased efficiency of the system were not met Over time the reorganization of study based on the 1977 reforms proved that ldquostudy lines with occupational-orientation were not suited for all higher learningrdquo171 As a 1993 report by the Swedish Ministry of Education and Science characterized it

This attempt to apply a vocational training concept within a field traditionally characterized by ldquofreerdquo combinations of courses was a subject of debate throughout the 80smdashaccording to the critics it was a sign of a lack of understanding of the fundamental values of universities and university studies Some of the new programmes had difficulty


finding their identity The programme system was soon blamed for one accelerating problem namely declining recruitment to post-graduate studies This was attributed to the fact that the new undergraduate programmes were structured in such a way that the students could not as easily as before embark upon deeper subject studies within the framework of their regular study path172

What many students did do however was to embark on a course of study which consisted of freely stringing single courses together In this way the students circumvented the planned system by pursuing courses of their own desire Thus U68rsquos original intention to foster recurrent education through the single course was countered by the traditional students demand for self-edification and free choice According to Sven-Eric Liedmann however this sort of freedom and self-cultivation was quite different from those he experienced during the 1950s

One who has the necessary intellectual preparation cannot throw him or herself in just any free study cannot let him or herself be driven by the hunger of knowledge and interests without having to subject oneself to a pile of regulations rules admissions decisions restrictions reserved placement among other things Well inside in the former free study come new regulations all fitting for some external needs The real preparatory studies for occupationsmdashthe fixed study linesmdashare regulated in detail The remains free courses and such which includes most of the humanities a great deal of the social sciences and all of the natural science studies contains at least a large reciprocal freedom so that one can combine one with the other according to onersquos own choice (and provided that one clears the obstacles which surround every new course) But freedom implies only that one is able to lay blocks togethermdashand the lsquofree coursesrsquo stand at most on the backup program173

REFORMING THE REFORMS

The growing disillusionment among policy makers faculty and students in the results of the highly planned system increased throughout the 1980s Over the years many of the students had expressed the frustration from being treated like machines in the U68 system174 In 1991 a new coalition was voted into power giving Sweden the first conservative head of state in 63 years The new Prime Minister Carl Bildt emphasized the necessity for a revitalization of higher education and research and promised to dismantle parts of the highly-planned and bureaucratic unified system by moving decision-making away from Stockholm down to the individual universities and higher education institutes175

Sweden 43

Emphasis on Freedom

In 1992 the Swedish Minister of Education Per Unckel spelled out his new governmentrsquos educational philosophy in the preface of the governmentrsquos recommendations on policy towards higher education Fria universitet och houmlgskolor (free universities and higher education institutes)176 Unckel wrote that the new policy represented a ldquoradical change not only in the system of regulations but also in the underlying controlling set of valuesrdquo177 According to Unckel the new ldquocontrolling set of valuesrdquo was to be freedom stating that ldquothe aim of freedom for universities and higher institutes should be united with the overreaching goal for higher learningrdquo178

Scaling back the Goal of Social Relevance

In an obvious departure from the values and philosophy of U68 the document emphasized that ldquohigher learning should be clearly distinguishable from other educationrdquo179 The fundamental goals of higher learning should instead focus more on the studentrsquos pursuit of knowledge rather than on his or her future occupational activity

In the recommendation towards the formulation of goals it is especially not mentioned that higher learning constitutes the foundations for a future occupational activity It underlines among other things that the fundamental goal for higher education is that students should dedicate themselves to an active pursuit towards knowledge It is through this that higher education can best prepare for different sorts of future occupational activities180

In addition the new document emphasized a clear move away from another U68 goal of the student career equal opportunity

The general goal of democratic conduct equality between men and women or between background characteristics should not be written in the higher education law Such types of goals are found in other laws which alsomdashin certain sectionsmdashare valid for activities at universities and institutes of higher learning That which concerns itself with the content in education should also not be regulated in these respects by the powers of the state181

The Reassertion of Research as a Goal of Study

The new document expressed the concern that the separation of teaching and research brought about a lack of research skills among the Swedish students compared to other European countries182 According to the recommendations basic higher education should ldquogive the students capabilities to make independent and critical judgmentshellipndently solve problemsrdquo and ldquopursue the development of knowledge within the field which the training requires Education should also develop the studentsrsquo capabilities to exchange


information at an academic and scientific (vetenskaplig) levelrdquo183 Therefore central to the new recommendations from the Ministry of Education was that research should play an important role in the fundamental principle of higher learning

According to paragraph 6 of the recommendations of the higher education law research training shall build upon a basic higher education The aim of research education is to train those who can independently produce new knowledgehellip Research training shall give the ability for critical examination for the individual pursuit of new knowledge with scientific (vetenskapliga) methods together with a deepening knowledge within a specialized field184

The new government stressed that a renewed freedom had to be inseparable to the interconnection between the academic pursuit (vetenskap) and higher learning Similarly any kind of studiefrihet was not desirable without the necessary interconnection with academic research (vetenskap)

The most important task for higher education policy makers in Sweden today is therefore in our opinion to reestablish this connection and maintain the fundamental relationship between research and teaching185

Questions of Individual or State Responsibility

The philosophy behind the recommendations was based on a renewed emphasis on and trust in the ldquoresponsibilityrdquo of the students in choosing their own individual paths of study The new official attitude towards higher learning was that

the developments in the workplace in society and in academic research happen far too quickly to make possible a narrowly centrally planned university study the demands of the society and of the individual knowledge change constantly making it difficult to foresee needs too far in advance186

An increase in the individualrsquos freedom needs to be instituted with an equal emphasis on the individualrsquos responsibility187 Just as the individual student must be encouraged to undertake an independent pursuit of knowledge so must the student ldquobear the responsibility to fulfill the education which he or she has chosenrdquo188

Return to Degrees

Instead of micro-managing study within nationally determined vocational programs the new government proposed dismantling the line system and orienting study towards centrally established examination regulations189 According to the new plan how higher education

Sweden 45

shall be organized within different study fields should be determined by every university or higher education institute This will most probably lead to differences between universities and colleges as well as variations between different fields of study which should reflect studentsrsquo different dispositions Variations can span from fixed study courses over recommended study courses to individual study programs which consist of freely chosen courses190

The intention of the new government in orienting study towards examination was to allow students and individual programs more freedom and flexibility in designing the content and approach The examinations would act as an external ldquoquality controlrdquo device191

A Call for Normative Durations of Study

Moving away from the U68 idea of certifying attendance in almost every single course the new government also recommended organizing study around a series of examen or degrees The government recommended dividing degree classifications into general qualifications and professional qualifications Within the general degree offerings study was eventually reorganized around three degree formats the houmlgskolexamen which required at least 80 credit points or two years of full time study the kandidatexamen (equivalent to the bachelorrsquos degree) which required at least 3 years of full time study or 120 credits 60 of which in a major study area and two types of masterrsquos degrees the magisterexamen with depth which required 4 years of study or 160 credits of which 80 are in a major subject area and a independent research worth at least 20 credit points and the magister with breadth which requires a general or professional degree of at least 120 credit points along with the 40 credit points of specialization including independent scholarship of at least 10 credit points192 In order to ensure that students get a ldquodeepenedrdquo knowledge in a specific subject 60 points of the kandidatexamen and 80 points of the magisterexamen had to be in the major area In addition the government recommended that 10 points of the kandidatexamen and 20 points of the magisterexamen represent ldquoindependent workrdquo193

The other vocational or professional examinations included

bull dentistry examination bull pharmacy examination bull dental hygienistsrsquo examination bull day care examination bull receptionistsrsquo examination


THE MARKET METAPHOR

From Access to Admissions

The new recommendations called for a shift away from the long-standing policy based on centralized access to higher education to a policy based on institutionally-based admissions and selection194 The new government believed that ldquoqualityrdquo would increase by establishing market-like incentives allowing institutions to both attract and select students Though central guidelines and standards would be established the authority over admissions would be rooted in the institution instead of a central organization in Stockholm Just as the new institutions would have the right to choose their own students they would also have a responsibility to see to it that they were provided an efficient service once they were enrolled In order to assure such ldquoqualityrdquo service the new recommendations established performance based financial incentives to the institutions195

Market Incentives

The new government proposed instituting an outcome-based system of financing which would be based on a series of performance indicators The new system would base 40 of institutional financing on yearly per capital enrollments of students and 55 on how well the students achieve reaching a minimum number of credit points each year The remaining 5 would be withheld based on the results of a quality assessment in a general account in Stockholm A review committee would travel around to undertake assessment of the undergraduate education and then give a grading of the quality If they did not do their job well they would only get 12 of the 5 back When the idea was first suggested by the Ministry the only thing they were going to evaluate was the ability for departments to develop quality enhancement committees This new system was based on an idea that market mechanisms would bring about increased output (or throughput) ldquoEfficiencyrdquo and ldquoqualityrdquo were redefined by the new government as a matter of how many students could be educated for what sum of money According to its critics it was an effective means for the government to cut back on its funding of higher education If only 60 of the students actually graduate from a program the program then effectively loses 40 of its funding Programs such as Languages in which many students take courses but from which few graduate would find themselves in financial trouble The effect of this system was to place an entirely new type of pressure on the students and faculty Risking the loss of funds some students who may have otherwise failed may have been pushed along in the system thus causing grade inflation Some feared that subject areas which did not attract many students but nevertheless enriched an academic environment by offering minor degrees would be forced to ldquosell themselves outrdquo or be phased out of existence196 Policy makers answered this concern with the acknowledgement that they needed to search for more ldquoindicators of qualityrdquo to better determine fair funding measures197

Sweden 47

Whereas departments were rewarded for increasing enrollment and throughput students were threatened with the withdrawal of financial aid if they did not show good progress and had no excuses to explain their situation As mentioned above since 1965 Swedish financial aid had been based on a mixture of grants and loans to students regardless of family wealth and social status The proportion of financial aid that came as a grant decreased steadily to around 6 In 1989 the system was revised to increase the grant portion to 30 of financial aid198 However if students took on a job to help them pay for their education they could lose the right to a portion or all of the grant depending on how much they earned This arrangement discouraged students from working and as a result encouraged them to take out larger loans199 Since the balances of the loans were tied to the national rate of inflation ldquomany students are never able to pay offtheirloansrdquo200

COMPARTMENTALIZATION

After the Second World War policy makers in Sweden began to view higher education chiefly as the engine of social rather than personal change Influenced by a new belief in the merits of planned social engineering Swedish policy makers used new theories of applied psychology to the management of higher education in order to reform the structure purpose and goals of higher learning With the aid of newly developed computer technologies and their related statistical methods educational policy makers were able for the first time to plan at the national level higher learning based on computer predicted forecasts of state determined needs of both the labor market and the individual201 With the coming of the planned system of higher learning the tension between the social and the personal came increasingly to the fore

Rational planning and forecasting was tied to an ideal of efficiency Together these new ideals to higher learning challenged the philosophical faculties as the keystone of the concept of university study in Sweden since the nineteenth century Based on data derived from statistical forecasting of the labor market studentsrsquo free choice to pursue study within the philosophical faculties appeared increasingly problematic The state however was not sure as to how it should deal with the primacy of the philosophical faculties to higher learning Since the majority of students were to be found in the philosophical faculties restriction of access would contradict other important democratic goals Instead the state first implemented fixed study courses to restrict the traditional studiefrihet Only later when U68 redefined the entire realm of post-secondary education to a unified idea of the houmlgskola were access restrictions placed on all aspects of higher learning

Semantic redefinition was accompanied by further structural compartmentalization of the process of study Breaking academic study down into the modular units of the single course which were in turn composed of credit points represented a new assumption that knowledge could be broken down and learned by students in a piecemeal nature Instead of the uninterrupted holistic endeavor that differentiated study from other pursuits at the end of the Second World War higher learning had to be ldquostudiablerdquo with clear outcomes attached to the learning process The intention of the reforms was to eradicate the long-term bias of the humanities in the concept of study and replace it with a more vocational


orientation The overall attempts to link the higher education system to the labor market however deregulated itself The students voted with their feet and chose to pursue single courses which reflected their own personal demands rather than the perceived needs of the state202

Despite their claim of ldquoradical changerdquo the state reforms of 1993 had many of the same intentions of the 1977 reforms Vocationalism remained a chief goal The difference is that instead of centrally planning vocational lines programs were supposed to be funded based on a combination of externally determined ldquoquality indicatorsrdquo as well as their relative marketability By implementing such quality assurance mechanisms university study becomes a marketplace for the student consumers Input and output criteria become a quality indicator in that programs compete in a free market to attract a high input of students and work hard to ensure an equally high output of students The centuries-old concept of the individual freedom to study is reasserted as individual consumer choice

The new market ideology was toned down when the Social Democrats regained power in September 1994 The new Minister of Education spoke of his predecessor

Mr Unckel was too impressed by consultants who told him that he could measure everythinghellip How can you measure the quality of humanities You canrsquot Ultimately the responsibility for deciding that part of the formula is forced on the government We donrsquot want to say who is better at everything We canrsquotmdashand shouldnrsquot203

The most striking aspect of the 1993 reform in Sweden was how it so strongly contrasted and countered the assumptions of the U68 and 1977 reforms One could see this from its title alone with its call for ldquoFreedom and Responsibilityrdquo Many of the passages of the law are noteworthy in their repudiation of almost 30 years of a trend in reform in Sweden One of the biggest problems that the 1977s reforms posed was how the Swedish system of higher education could possibly thrive in an increasingly internationalizing world with a structure of study that was tailor designed for the needs of the Swedish state One of the main reasons that the Ministry so readily abandoned the ldquolinesrdquo system in favor of a degree system was that Sweden ran the risk of isolating itself precisely at a time that many believed that it had needed to be more internationally competitive in its higher education degree offerings204 As with Germany and the Netherlands (see below) Sweden had increasingly begun to examine the relative attractiveness of its higher education system in an international and eventually a European context

Sweden 49

Chapter Five The Netherlands

Following the Second World War the Netherlands experienced rapid economic and industrial growth that expanded the demand for more professional and highly skilled labor Political leaders expressed a concerted interest in modernizing the entire educational system as well as clarifying and redefining the role of academic study At the time the formal Dutch educational system consisted of compulsory basic education and higher education There were otherwise few formal educational alternatives for those few who did not pass on to the academic preparatory schools (voorbereitend wetenschappelijk onderwijsmdashVWO) which consisted of the Gymnasium (classical language curriculum) and the Athenaeum (new language curriculum)1 As in Sweden and Germany academic preparatory schools were the primary conduit to university study Unlike Germany and Sweden however the VWO schools were not officially considered secondary education since the Gymnasium and Athenaeum remained by law within the domain of ldquohigher educationrdquo until 19602

Review of the Dutch educational system began with a 1946 reconstruction committee formed by the government to make recommendations for planning and change The committeersquos 1949 report criticized the entire system of education as being too ldquoclassicalrdquo claiming that it was ldquotoo intellectually onesidedrdquo in its purpose to prepare young people for academic study3 The report stated in addition that there was too little cooperation between the ldquorelatively autonomous school typesrdquo that the classical schools were ldquotoo one dimensional in characterrdquo that it ldquodid little to take the divergent talents of the pupils into accountrdquo and that it was ldquotoo intellectual in characterrdquo4 The educational system needed instead an increased practical orientation to meet the needs of the rapidly expanding economy

Despite the immediate post-war criticisms of the classical orientation of the academic preparatory schools the ldquoneo-humanistic vormingsideal nevertheless remained dominantrdquo evident in the fact that the Committee did not recommend the development of a more practical curriculum within the classical schools5 Instead the Committee recommended the development of a parallel general secondary school (alegemene middelbare schoolmdashAMS) to educate young people for leadership positions in society that did not require an academic education In order to facilitate transfer the committee recommended that the first year of the general and academic schools not be too different from each other

In 1962 the government approved the first comprehensive law to deal specifically with secondary education The Law for Advanced Education One of the results of the law was to redefine the gymnasium and athenaeum into the domain of secondary schools within the classification of VWO (preparatory academic education) What had been proposed earlier as the AMS (general secondary school) became the HAVO (hoger

algemeen vortgezet onderwijsmdashhigher general advanced education) which was intended to educate students for positions in middle management6

UNIVERSITY STUDY

Parallel to the recommendations to expand the advanced educational opportunities in the school system the 1946 Committee also considered modernizing the concept of academic study Similar to the Swedish U55 concerns (see chapter four) the Dutch reconstruction committee focused on what they perceived as a lack of social relevance in academic study At the most fundamental level the committee questioned why the primary goal of university study should be based on the neo-humanistic vormingsideal The committee recommended that academic study should provide beyond the personal intellectual concept of vorming a different kind of vorming rooted in a sense of social responsibility7 According to the committee academic education needed to develop more socially and economically relevant skills of the graduates than what was provided by traditional academic study Because of these concerns a new lsquosocialrsquo concept of vorming was added to law in 1952 along side the more traditional concept of academic vorming8

Following the Second World War the numbers of students streaming into academic study began to increase steadily Between 1945 and 1960 the numbers of students nearly doubled from 21800 to 407009 Faced with these increases leading members of the business community as well as policy makers in different branches of government began to consider the overall costs and benefits of academic study to the general society10 By the late 1950s the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Education Culture and Science in the Netherlands had made the goal of increasing the efficiency of academic study one of its main concerns11 As in Sweden Dutch policy makers and industrial leaders defined the principal indicator of what they considered inefficiency to be the long duration of university study and the increasing numbers of students who were leaving study without completing a degree12

In order to address the issue of study duration a Commission on Industry and Higher Education published reports in June 1955 and May 1957 calling for the shortening of the duration of study so that students could enter the workplace by about the age of 24 or 2513 Speaking before a assembly of the Academic Council in 1963 the director of the Commission on Industry and Higher Education JMeynen noted that as increasing numbers of young people chose to study not only did the average age of first entrance to the workplace increase the number of practically trained personnel decreased This caused problems in that the older the graduates were the less capable they were of making the transition to the workplace According to Meynen long duration of study was a problem that not only affected industry

but also the society as a whole experienced disadvantages from such a late entrance It is a two-edged sword on the one hand the investment of public resources increases with the lengthening of the duration of study on the other the shorter time of participation in the labor market harms the overall national income and with that prosperity14


External criticism from the business community focused on the increasing expenditures of public resources on students who were on the average taking longer to enter into the workforce and thus delaying their responsibility to become tax-paying members of the society Because of these criticisms the overall structure of university study was increasingly portrayed by policy makers and members of the business community as inefficient and potentially harmful to the future prosperity of the country In light of the expanding numbers of students Dutch policy makers and industrial leaders perceived structural and administrative changes to university study as imperative As in Sweden the government in the Netherlands called for the development of national educational planning to bring about a ldquocoordinated scientific actionrdquo incorporating ldquoa continuous processrdquo of ldquoscientific analysis forecasting decision-making implementation and controlrdquo15

A CHALLENGE TO STUDIEVRJJHEID

During the first two decades after the Second World War the perception that university study had become increasingly irrelevant to the needs of society grew among politicians industrial leaders and some academics Just as in Sweden the core of the discussion rested on the merits of the strong legal and structural tradition of studievrijheid as a guiding principle in academic study

Despite the growing skepticism just as in Sweden many academics within the university culture in the Netherlands strongly defended studievrijheid because ldquoit was highly valued that one had to seek onersquos own way in areas of knowledge and methods of academic research That was regarded as a cultivating effect of academic trainingrdquo16 Such ldquocultivating effectsrdquo of a loosely organized and highly individualized structure of study did not correspond well with the ideals of the Dutch government In their periodic Reviews of National Policies for Education the Organization of Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) also portrayed the structure and ideals behind studievrijheid as archaic and outmoded for modern industrialized economies In a mid-1960s report the OECD described Dutch academic study as having too much individual privilege with too little corresponding responsibility

The studenthellipenjoys a great deal of freedom Much is left to his own choice and initiative However the opinion is gradually gaining ground that complete freedom requires a greater sense of responsibility than most students can be expected to possess the freedom to study what and when a student wishes it appears is interpreted much too often as the freedom not to study at all17

Alongside the perceived imbalance between the high degree of personal student privilege and a corresponding low level of social responsibility critics focused on the lack of responsibility on the part of the university to help students follow their studies Spurred by an ever-rising duration of studies in the mid 1960s some critics called for a shift towards a model of study based more on interaction on the part of the university since the

The Netherlands 53

the revered studievrijheid ishellipreally an absolute detachment of the university from its students It reaches no [helping] hand out precisely when they need it the most18

As was the case in both Sweden and Germany (see below) decreasing the duration of studies in the Netherlands became a chief policy goal by the early 1960s Reducing the duration of study required attention not only to the structural and administrative aspects of study but also to the underlying academic belief in the importance of personal freedom which had been a legally guaranteed component of academic study since 1876 To counter the traditional academic ideal policy makers academics and leaders in industry who wished to shorten the duration of study placed emphasis on the social purpose of study

The university must be and remain an expression of life in societyhellip When we therefore accept that the university undergo the influence of the continuously and ever faster developing society it should become clear why now it is asked of you to reflect energetically upon structural change of academic education which these times so clearly demand The make up and duration of [university] study forms a portion of the problem19

As in Sweden the push by the reform-minded policy makers in the Netherlands to bring about increased efficiency of academic study went hand in hand with the goal of establishing increased social relevance Critics of the traditional Humboldtian structure of study demanded that academic teaching and research become increasingly responsive to the technological and industrial developments in society Though disciplinary-based academic research had become increasingly specialized in method and purpose20 the critics pushing for study reform claimed that academic study was still unable to meet the changing needs of a modern society

The flood of technical and societal development has taken academic study out of its restful corner in which it found itself before the war We would be really missing the target if we left the development of academic research and training completely within the play of free powers21

AN APPEAL TO NEW NORMS

Though it had set an international standard during the nineteenth-century the Humboldtian concept of the university found itself in a crisis of legitimization in the Netherlands As in Sweden and Germany the twentieth century American university provided policy makers in the Netherlands with a new model against which the more traditional systems of higher learning could be measured22 In all three countries study durations of 6 and 7 years were increasingly portrayed by the governments as abnormal in international comparison with the United States or Britain Unlike in Europe universities in the United States fulfilled a much broader spectrum of purposes and goals evident in their abilities to effectively carry out atomic research while at the same time


providing a strong social purpose through the absorption of nearly 15 million returning GIrsquos effectively preventing them from increasing the ranks of the unemployed23

Fixated on the apparent success of the shorter American bachelorrsquos degree industrialist and policy makers recommended creating a three-year first-stage vocational-oriented baccalaureaat which would have a ldquofixed duration of studyrdquo24 The baccalaureaat would provide basic academic education to all students reserving more advanced academic work for a minority of students who wished to continue for graduate work

Critics of the proposed baccalaureaat most of whom were members of the academic community viewed the implementation of a shorter vocationally oriented degree as entirely impractical in the Dutch context They claimed that the creation of a baccalaureaat degree would lead to a misguided attempt to import only partial components of an entire foreign educational system into a system for which they were entirely unsuited25 According to these critics based on the long-standing tradition of research and teaching the university was not considered the proper place to institute shorter degrees Further for ldquosociologicalrdquo and cultural reasons the ldquostructure and functionrdquo of academic study was not conducive to a more vocationally oriented role26 Instead some critics promoted the development of shorter more practical degrees outside the walls of the university in order to protect the traditional goals

hellipit is usually so that people who push for a better linkage of higher education to the needs of society are thinking about tuning [academic education] to practical occupationshellip The recognition of the needs of society however does not really mean to me that it should be desirable to realize shorter training at the universityhellip The university should greet the creation of short training courses outside its walls as the first step in the direction of a refinement of its mission The pursuit of academic knowledge (wetenschapsbeoefening) should come more to the forefront27

Thus the problem of increasing the linkage of academic study to the labor market was not merely a matter of adding a first-tier baccalaureate degree It rested more fundamentally on a choice between the integration and segregation of vocational and academic purposes The choices seemed clear either the student career could be reshaped to integrate vocational and academic education for all students as in Sweden or it could be redefined to incorporate separate domains of both academic and vocational study Regardless of which of the two options were considered the answer rested in a clear broadening of the definition of the student career

As was evident in the Swedish reforms the difficulty of even asking such questions rests on the unclear assumptions as to what constitutes the difference between vocational education and academic study Academic education had been characterized by an intentionally ambiguous and free structure clearly differentiating it from schooling or technical training The purpose of academic education was to cultivate individual scholarship and research skills considered necessary for either academic scholarship and research or a position in society that demanded such skills

Despite the fact that the idea of the baccalaureaat promised to redefine both academic and vocational education in the Netherlands in the end it did not take hold on a system-

The Netherlands 55

wide basis to provide a new model of the student career28 The idea behind the baccalaureaat ran up against ldquodominant definition of higher education as academic educationrdquo and therefore ldquowas not a suitable solution and was doomed to failrdquo29

TWO PHASES OF ACADEMIC EDUCATION

Though the baccalaureaat failed to redefine the student career during the first round of reforms the idea of instituting two separate phases of academic study did not die out Instead it continued to be the dominant idea for a solution to the ldquoproblemrdquo of academic study In 1964 a new idea for restructuring academic study was proposed by the then Minister of Education JML Th (Jo) Cals Cals proposed the implementation of a more structured five-year study program that would include a one-year propaedeutic or preparatory phase Increased structure of the first phase would be complemented by increased resources and attention for a second graduate stage of study through the creation of research assistantships for those who chose to undertake advanced research30 Though this idea rested on two phases the concept was quite different from the original two phases suggested in the baccalaureaat degree Instead of creating an entirely new degree it would only shorten the original (academic) first degree (doctorandus) adding only a one-year preparatory stage to it The second graduate ldquophaserdquo existed though rarely in the form of structured coursework The recommendation would enhance this stage while reducing the time and resources to the first

As with the baccalaureaat the general academic community did not receive this two-phase idea well After receiving the recommendations the Dutch Academic Council took four years to publish an ldquoextremely reservedrdquo reaction which

was characteristic of the position of the academic world in respect to all proposals that had been made towards the restructuring since then One resisted against any change in the structure especially against a shortening of the duration of study31

Given the financial pressures on the state Dutch educational policy makers did not let up on the goal to introduce mechanisms to increase external control over the duration of study programs Despite the negative reaction to the Cals recommendation in academic circles the Minister of Education Posthumus presented again in 1968 a similar structural recommendation calling it a twee-fasen structuur or twophase structure According to the plan the emphasis on the first phase of academic study would be more towards occupational goals and the second phase would emphasize academic research Similar to the Cals idea the duration of the first phase would be set to a total of four years one-year propaedeutic or basic preparatory studies and three years for the standard Dutch academic degree the doctoraal degree The purpose of the year-long propaedeutic stage was to provide on the one hand orientation to the students and on the other an additional selection mechanism to ensure that the students who embark on a particular study program were prepared academically and motivationally This would provide both the students and the institution the opportunity to reassess whether or not a different study program might be more appropriate32


This basic idea of a two-phase restructuring was first accepted by the parliament in 1975 Following the Posthumus recommendations the idea called for a normative duration of 4 years for all study courses The new regulation provided however an exceptional clause that allowed study courses an extra year if they could somehow justify the need It was this exceptional clause that continued the status quo as most programs opted to demonstrate their need for the five-year clause virtually nullifying the legislation33

In 1978 the government launched another attempt at implementing a fixed four-year standard duration of study in the Netherlands In a white paper entitled Higher Education for the Many34 the new Minister of Education APais envisioned not only the necessary restructuring of academic study but also an increased integration of vocational goals and purposes into the realm of the student career35 According to Pais vocational education should be expanded in a new separate sector of higher learning (see below) The plan for the restructuring of academic education did not differ much from the Two-Phase Structure outlined by Posthumus One important difference that the Pais plan offered was to give students extra flexibility in finishing their study courses by allowing students a total of 5 years to finish their four-year study programs

Not unlike change to the student career in Sweden the transformation of the student career in the Netherlands was marked by a structural and ideological compartmentalization of the study process over a period of years In the Netherlands the plans drawn up under Posthumus and Pais set the stage for the passing of key laws between 1981 and 1992 It was during this time that the student career was legally and structurally redefined to address both the question of increased vocationalism as well as the question of increased efficiency

Changes to the student career were brought about through two main reforms The first was the development of a separate sector of vocational education The second was to compartmentalize structurally and administratively what had always been known as academic study through the passing of the ldquoTwo Phase Lawrdquo in 1981 fully implemented in 1986 In 1992 both reform trends along with others dealing with the maintenance of quality36 were incorporated into on single law called the Wet op het Hoger Onderwijs en Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (WHW) (Law of Higher Education and Academic Education)37

REDEFINING DOMAINS AND CATEGORIES

A Separate Higher Vocational Sector

As discussed in the previous chapter vocationalism had played a key role in the redefinition of the entire Swedish student career In the Netherlands however similar political demands for vocational baccalaureaat had been consistently rejected within the universities Instead vocational higher education developed into a separate sector of higher education representing not only a new commitment to vocational higher education but also an old commitment to what was considered academic education

The establishment of a new sector of higher vocational education followed a period of ambiguity as to where vocational education should find its niche in Dutch Society

The Netherlands 57

Traditionally the vast majority of young people between 17 and 25 who did not enter the universities had few options to pursue tertiary studies However expansion of the proportion of students coupled with an increased demand for higher education during the 1960s meant that by the ldquoend of the 1960s the concept had been accepted that the 17 to 25 year old age cohort must be seen as one educational cadre namely that of higher or tertiary educationrdquo38

As in Sweden fulfilling this demand required a legal redefinition of what was considered the accepted domain of secondary education and what would be the domain of tertiary education The first step towards redefinition occurred in 1960 when propaedeutic academic education was removed from the legal domain of higher education and placed into a new domain of secondary education39 This move left only academic study within the do main of higher education

Despite having taken these initial changes it was not clear to Dutch policy makers into which domain (secondary or higher education) vocational education should be placed Should vocational education be a component of secondary or higher education or both In the 1960s vocational education consisted of a few hundred small mostly private trade schools Officially these schools did not really belong to the domain of secondary or higher education Though there was interest in the 1960s of integrating a component of vocational education into the first phase of university study this path was rejected at the time

In 1968 however the legal domain of many of these vocational schools was changed to secondary education when they were placed under the auspices of the Secondary Education Act After 1968 vocational education was housed in around 350 separate training institutes In the early 1970s the government drew up a draft to increase the interaction between the traditional universities and the numerous (secondary level) vocational institutes However due to legal differences in the two domains of education as well as a change in government the planned interaction between the higher academic and secondary vocational sectors did not occur40

The need to develop vocational training at the level of higher education did not diminish during the 1970s However instead of a move towards a unified integration of vocational and academic education as in Sweden ldquothere was talk of a connected system of higher education which fulfilled differentiated needsrdquo41

Under the ideal of ldquohigher education for the manyrdquo the education Minister Pais called for a law providing for higher occupational education in 1978 The law was drawn up in 1981 and implemented in 1986 The 350 or so mostly private vocational training schools and institutes began a consolidation process into approximately 80 and then were upgraded to the status of HBOs (hogre beroepsonderwijsmdashhigher vocational education) ensuring a separate vocational sector of higher education from academic education42 Though the law officially upgraded these institutions to ldquohigher educationrdquo in practice it had ldquobeen customary since the beginning of the 1970s to refer to both sectors [academic and vocational] as higher educationrdquo43

The Open University

Despite the clear bifurcation of the system into vocational and academic a safety valve to an otherwise highly stratified system was added in 1984 to allow for open admissions to


ldquohigher educationrdquo The Open Universiteit Founded in 1984 the Open University was designed to serve the need for distance learning44 Unlike the universities or the HBOs the goals of the Open University were quite integrative They were to prepare students for independent practice of a profession the use of research and scholarly skills and foster personal development and social responsibility45 The Open University was based on open access to students (no admissions requirements) and allowed students to design their own study courses at their own pace46 In comparison to the Swedish attempts to provide open admissions to a broad category of study courses based on revised selection criteria the Dutch Open University provided a different kind of lsquoopenrsquo admissions to a small part of the system of higher education However similar to the Swedish reforms the Open University acted as a sort of safety valve to an otherwise highly stratified system providing at the same time the political illusion of an open system

lsquoEQUAL BUT DIFFERENTrsquo SECTORS OF THE STUDENT CAREER

Unlike the Swedish U68 committeersquos intentions of integration of academic and vocational education the intention behind the creation in 1981 of a separate vocational sector of higher education in the Netherlands was to create an ldquoequal but differentrdquo counterpart of the university sector47 The separate ldquoequal but differentrdquo vocational and academic sectors of higher education were first reflected in the secondary schools that fed them Following primary schools children were separated into four separate tracks to prepare them academically vocationally or generally The sectoral stratification in the secondary stage was most clearly represented by the title of the finishing certificates students received Upper secondary led to preparation for either vocational or academic higher education Those who wished to enter into an academic (wetenschappelijk) study program at a university or related institution had to have a diploma in voorbereidend wetenschappelijk onderwijs (VWO) which meant lsquoacademic preparatory educationrsquo VWO schools were made up mainly of the traditional gymnasia (classical languages) and athenaeum (modern languages) Students destined to study at the newly created vocational hogeschool (HBO) had to have at least a diploma hoger algemeen voortgezet onderwijs (HAVO) which meant lsquohigher general secondary educationrsquo Students wishing to enter vocational higher education could also do so by obtaining a diploma in middelbaar beroepsonderwijs (MBO) which meant lsquomiddle vocational educationrsquo As mentioned above those students wishing to study at the Open University had no need to satisfy entrance requirements48 Lower secondary schools are not intended to lead to access to either academic or vocational higher education Lower secondary schools consisted of generally oriented and vocationally oriented schools49 Since the development of this stratified secondary school system bridging courses were put in place to allow for students to transfer up or down depending on their abilities

Though both academic and vocational sectors of education held the title of ldquohigher educationrdquo these sectors differed in the secondary selection criteria for entrance as well as the stated legal goals and purpose of the education Study at a university was intended to remain primarily wetenschappelijk (academic) in purpose whereas study at a HBO was intended to be chiefly beroepsonderwijs (vocationally oriented education) Despite the

The Netherlands 59

legal basis of the ldquoequal but differentrdquo separation of academic and vocational education the actual separation of the two sectors diminished during the 1980s This trend reflected a similar tendency in Sweden to establish a means to manage and control the entire system of higher education Outlined first in a 1985 white paper titled Hoger Onderwijs Autonomie en Kwaliteit (ldquoHigher Education Autonomy and Quality)50 the Dutch government called for an increased integration of the regulatory process concerning the three new sectors of higher education academic vocational and open As in Sweden the Dutch white paper called for the need to establish common goals for lsquohigher educationrsquo in general which ldquomust be realized within the premise of higher education for the manyrdquo51 These common goals of higher education were

a to deliver a preparation for the social function of individuals and to supply for the demand for the highly trained

b [to provide] individual development (ontplooiing) of the students c to make a contribution towards the development of science technology and

occupational practice d to fulfill a critical function within the society in the context of points a b and c52

Further the 1985 White Paper recommended that the separate laws for academic vocational and open sectors of higher education be brought under one law In 1992 the Wet op het hoger onderwijs en wetenschappelijk onderzoek (WHW) (Law of Higher Education and Acadernic Education incorporated all three of these sectors based on the common goals outlined by the 1985 White paper53

Article 11 of WHW differentiated the purpose of vocational and academic education

bull Academic education Education (onderwijs) that is oriented towards the preparation of the independent pursuit of academic scholarship and research (wetenschap) or the vocational application of academic knowledge

bull Higher Vocational Education Education (onderwijs) that is oriented towards the transference of theoretical knowledge and the development of skills in close relationship with vocational praxis54

Despite the integration of the legal and regulatory framework both of these separate tasks are institutionally differentiated by law The 1992 law stated clearly that ldquouniversities have the task of providing for academic education and the execution of academic researchrdquo whereas the ldquohogescholen (higher education institutes) have the task of providing for higher vocational education They were allowed to undertake research in so far as it is related to the education at the institutionrdquo55 Further the different goals and purposes of academic and vocational education have also remained separated by a stratified secondary education system that mirrors the legal differentiation between the university and the vocational institutes


COMPARTMENTALIZATION OF ACADEMIC STUDY

Though the separation of tasks between ldquoacademicrdquo and ldquovocationalrdquo was the broadest change to the Dutch student career other administrative restructuring occurred to what had traditionally been considered ldquoacademicrdquo education As discussed above the most important law to bring about change in the structure of academic study was the Two Phase Law passed in 1981 and fully implemented in 1986 The overall idea behind the Two Phase Law was to create a clearer distinction between what had always been considered academic study and doctoral studies The changes brought about by the so-called Two Phase Law however were less dramatic in creating two phases as they were in restructuring and compartmentalizing the traditional academic study into prescribed four-year study programs In a radical shift from the former concept of studievrijheid the new concept of study was grounded solidly on normative study behavior established and prescribed by the state Some of the structural reforms of academic study as a result of The Two Phase Law and other laws that were all incorporated into the 1992 Wet op het hoger onderwijs en wetenschappelijk onderzoek (WHW) are as follows

Centralized Regulation of Access

One result of the reform of academic study in the Netherlands was that access to study has been restricted based on two forms of numerus clausus manpower planning and capacity restrictions56 Similar to what occurred in Sweden and in Germany (see chapters four and six) students in the Netherlands who wished to study in any academic program first had to register through a national central office the Central Office for Higher Education Registration The purpose of this office was to coordinate the registration of students to all academic programs at universities as well as provide information about registration supply and trends in student demand for course programs for structural financial and curricular planning57 The total number of study places at all institutions was determined by this office on an annual basis This was done based on an annual calculation of the number of students in all stages of particular study courses including the propaedeutic stage in order to make predictions of the present and future numbers of graduates in a particular field If the Ministry calculated that the number of graduates in a particular field had exceeded the demand in the labor market the Ministry was able to compare this information with the numbers of students enrolled in different stages of the degree and restrict admissions if needed58 Increased student demand for access into a particular field of study such as medicine or dentistry could bring about increased restrictions as well For those areas of study which found themselves with numerus clausus (numerus fixus) the selection procedure was undertaken through a lottery Based on average examination results from academic high school education (VWO) students were given a lottery number by which they were selected59

Though Dutch higher education had not had a tradition of institutional entrance examinations in the past60 other selective demands were placed on applicants to study programs Depending on the study program students had certain subject requlrements that they were required to fulfill before gaining admission The law allowed a certain

The Netherlands 61

degree of flexibility to program administrators in making decisions to wave specific requirements for students if they saw fit61 Similar to the Swedish reforms the Dutch allowed for life experience to count for students who entered into study at an older age In the case of the Netherlands students over 21 could be freed from the preparatory requirements if they could demonstrate satisfactorily through a formal sitting with administrators that they are capable of successfully following the course of studies62

The Propaedeutic Stage

The Two Phase Law further subdivided the academic study process by dividing the first phase of academic study into two additional stages the one-year propaedeutic and the 3-year doctoraal (= first degree) stages63 The establishment of the propaedeutic phase was intended to not only provide an ldquoinsight over the contents of a study programrdquo but also provide the ldquopossibility for referral and selection at the end of the phaserdquo64 The chief function of the one-year propaedeutic phase therefore had been to act as a ldquoweed outrdquo mechanism of those students who did not demonstrate the capabilities required to continue studying in a particular study course Further following the first year of registration in the propaedeutic phase all full-time students were required to seek advice as to whether they were allowed to continue study ldquowithin or outside of the study programrdquo65 Institutional administrators had a legal obligation to review studentsrsquo performance to see whether they had satisfactorily completed their course work It was at that point that the administration had the power to make a decision as to whether the student should be barred from continuing his or her studies Students were required to complete the first-year propaedeutic phase and satisfactorily pass the related examination before they could continue in one or more of the areas of study that were related to the propaedeutic phase66

Credits

Just as in Sweden and in Germany since the end of the Second World War much of the debate in the Netherlands has centered on the problem of the long duration of study The way in which time was governed within the student career was mostly an individual matter inasmuch as no normative study regulations existed which allowed for a more prescriptive task allocation throughout the duration of a study program Without a more detailed and compartmentalized use of time it would be impossible to better regulate and control the study behavior of studentsmdashand the teaching personnelmdashin order to reduce the duration of study

In order to address the problem of study duration the Dutch government instituted in 1986 studiepunten or study points Similar to those introduced by the U68 reforms in Sweden study points served as the smallest normative administrative unit of time Also similar to Sweden was that one study point in the Netherlands equaled 40 hours of instruction and learning oriented activities during what was considered a normal work week If one multiplies 42 normal non-vacation weeks by the legal four-year norm established for the duration of study the result is a template of 1680 hours that represents a ldquonormalrdquo study load67


Study as a 9 to 5 Job

As in Sweden there had been a clear effort on the part of the Dutch government to redefine the process of study away from the classical ideal of a continuous and holistic process In the place of the traditional ideal a discrete and finite concept of a 40-hour a week lsquostudy activity emergedrsquo which was based on an established norm for full-time employment in most Western industrialized societies As the student guide from the University of Nijmegen defined it

Full-time study is an education which assumes a lsquodayrsquos work5 Lectures practica and the like are given during the day and the study program is of such a character that you must in principle spend an entire workday at it Part-time study programs are developed for those who have other activities during the day other than study but who still want to pursue study and get a degree68

Total Registration Allotment

The new law differentiated between the setting of norrns for degree completion for example 4 years for the first phase and the setting of a total allotted time a student may remain registered at the university According to the 1992 Law of Higher and Academic Education (WHW) students were allowed to remain registered in most programs for a total of 6 years to complete both the propaedeutic and ldquodoctoraalrdquo stages of the complete study course This meant that though the norm was set at one year for the propaedeutic stage and three years for the remaining doctoraandus students are allowed to devote a maximum of 2 years for the propaedeutic phase of the first phase and a maximum of 4 years for the second phase Additional flexibility was built into the Dutch study programs that allowed students to shift the additional allotted time from one stage to the next if a student finished the propaedeutic stage in one year he or she would be able to take the remaining five years to complete the 3-year degree69 Further the 6-year time allotment could be interrupted for reasons of personal illness or family emergency allowing even more flexibility to the student70

Differentiation between Part Time and Full Time

Within the traditional concept of academic study the idea of part-time study was ideologically and structurally absent An individual was either a student or not a student depending upon whether he or she was registered to study or not How the time was spent while this individual was registered was the individualrsquos responsibility and had no bearing on whether he or she was going about studies in a part time fashion or in a full time fashion There were no clear criteria or administrative mechanisms to differentiate among those who did very little towards degree completion those who had a job while studying or those who devoted practically every waking hour to the completion of coursework and the degree

Breaking down study to discrete units or study points allowed for the further differentiation of the student career between full and part-time study When the concept of study was compartmentalized based on the amount of time a student was supposed to

The Netherlands 63

spend on specific tasks it became possible to distinguish between what constituted full-time or part-time study As was discussed in chapter four similar compartmentalization of time occurred in Sweden The Swedish concept of part-time study however was designed to be flexible allowing students to construct their study load based on their own needs The Dutch idea of part-time studies conversely was tied to a standard study load as well as a maximum allotted registration time In the Netherlands a student was less able to move along at his or her own pace taking a course here and there while working full-time at a job Like the full-time students students who were enrolled part-time were tied to a maximum registration duration that was fixed but proportionally longer than what the full-time students were allowed Unlike their full-time counterparts part-time students were not permitted to receive financial aid The Dutch government defined part time students as based on a ratio of 23 to full-time students

2 Years (24 months) of full-time registration=3 years (36 Months) part-time

1 year (12 months) part-time=8 months full-time 1 year (12 months) full-time=15 years (18 months) part-time71

The implementation of the concept of part time study cannot be divorced from structural mechanisms that permit its existence In other words the implementation of study points allowed for the division of the student career into full and part-time components which was formerly not structurallymdashor ideologicallymdashpossible The importance of the

Table 51 Example of the total Allotted time for Registration72

Study Program Load Full-time Part-time

168 Study Points (4 year program) 6 years 9 years

210 Study points (5 year program) 7 years 10 years

Dentistry

Philosophy

Some engineering programs


Medicine

Veterinary Sciences

Pharmacy

42 Study points (follows a 168 point study program)

1 year 3 years

Teacher Training

Theology 8 years +6 months 12 years +9 months


structural mechanisms of part-time study in Sweden and the Netherlands can be better understood when compared to Germany where the concept of part-time study emerged as a defining concept of the student career without the requisite structural and administrative mechanisms (see chapter six)

Studiability

The idea behind the establishment of a total allotment of study duration while compartmentalizing the study processes was to create a more efficient use of time within the student career Requiring students to study faster and more efficiently however raised the question as to whether or not the average student given his or her best effort and intentions was able to actually navigate the demands of a given study program in a timely fashion to finish in four years73 In other words the question arose as to whether or not a given study program was studeerbaar or ldquostudiablerdquo

Just as in Germany as the demands on efficiency of time use increased the question of ldquostudiabilityrdquo became more important The concept of studiability first arose as a natural result of the normative compartmentalization of the study process in the Netherlands It is predicated on the assumption that a legal definition of a lsquonorm student a lsquonorm study loadrsquo a lsquonorm lecturersquo and a lsquonorm study programrsquo could be determined by breaking down the study process into small behavioral units Concerned that the norm student could be overburdened with expectations from individual courses or study programs the Vereiningung Samenwerkende Nederlandse Universiteiten (VSNU) produced in 1989 a report Studielast en Studeerbaarheid (Study Load and Studiability) defining studiability based on the following norms as well as outlining ways to determine whether a program was studiable or not

The Norm Student

Unlike the traditional concept of academic study the result of the reforms of the 1980s was a legal construct of a norm student Though the basic unit of compartmentalization is a study point the fundamental basis of the concept of studiability is that there exists a ldquonorm-studentrdquo who can successfully complete whatever the established requirements may be in a predetermined amount of time According the VSNU the

normstudent is a legal construction students of flesh and blood are allowed [to study] shorter or longer within the margins of the permitted registration duration74

The development of the idea of the normstudent in the Netherlands was based on the ldquodynamic development in the thinking about study load and study pointsrdquo since the 1970s75 Initially it was not clear to government policy makers whether the idea of a norm student should be a student who fell on the statistical mean or a ldquomodelrdquo student who was between ldquoamply sufficient to goodrdquo in his or her capabilities of completing a degree This was resolved by the government in 1981 when a normstudent was defined as ldquoone who fell on the 50th percentile of the reference grouprdquo76

The Netherlands 65

The VSNU determined that despite the different types of educational tasks and activities across study programs it was ldquopossible to make an estimate of how much time the average student needed in order to complete the requirements of a courserdquo77

The starting point is a course with a certain determined study load All activities of the student therefore are considered within the available time to be executable Extra tasks not necessary for the attainment of the desired end level are not taken into consideration Students who are slower must invest extra effort and could be given help in the form of extra learning tasks It is therefore important to have a clear picture of a desired end level78

Normative and Prescriptive Study Loads

Once the norm student is determined it is then possible to determine the normative study load (studielast) of a given study program Though students had a prescribed number of study points they had to complete (1 per 40 hours of learning) this did not control the amount of learning materialmdashor loadmdashthat the student had to actually deal with in a particular course or throughout a particular semester Based on the idea of studiability a norm student had to have a designated and determined norm study load which was calculated based on a quantitative task analysis of the norm studentrsquos instructional contact hours plus the corresponding number of preparatory hours the norm student had to spend for the planned contact hours According to the VSNU the study load should take ldquo8 hours per day or 40 hours per weekrdquo79 Therefore according to the VSNU based on a ldquodetailed task analysisrdquo of ldquohow many hours the norm-student must spendrdquo on each predetermined ldquotask or sub-taskrdquo one could determine ldquomore or less the studiability of a certain programrdquo80

The VSNU report recommended that for a course with a nominal study load of 3 points the following learning tasks should be calculated

bull Learning materials The written study materials consist of a workbook whose index spans 200 pages The structure study time consists of 40 hours (5 pages per hour) The exercises which are printed in the workbook are separated into three subjects and are illustrative for the requirements of the mid-term quizzes and the final examination Writing and controlling the exercises and the exam demands 4 times 12 hours in total therefore 48 hours of self study

bull Learning tasks study loads Studying the texts and workbook 40 hours

Completing and correcting the exercises 48 hours

bull Courses The course is a trimester course that lasts over 14 weeks Each four weeks there is a quiz thus in the fourth the eighth and the twelfth week and in the fourteenth week there is a final examination Per week there are two lectures given with the exception to when an exam is given The number of lecture hours therefore


amounts to nine times 2 hours which is 18 hours The mid-term exam take 2 hours plus an individual review each time The final exam takes three hours plus 2 hours review in the lecture form

bull Learning task study loads Conveyance (see section a) 88 hours

Attendance at lectures 18 hours

Execution and review of midterm quizzes 9 hours

Execution and review of the final exam 5 hours81

The compartmentalization of the study process and the establishment of the concept of studiability set the stage for external program evaluation As in Sweden the establishment of norms and concepts of studiability allowed the VSNU to use them as indicators to measure the ldquoqualityrdquo of particular study programs in the Netherlands (see below)

Study Fees and Financial Assistance as a Control Mechanism

In 1988 fees for both the academic and vocational institutions were ldquoharmonizedrdquo meaning that from that point on students were required to pay a uniform amount of money for all study programs at universities and HBOrsquos82 Though fees were harmonized across institutional type and educational program fees nevertheless differed depending upon whether or not the individual was enrolled 1) as a full time or part time student 2) as an auditor (had over run the maximum registration allotment) or 3) as an ldquoextraneusrdquo (registered for examinations)83

Though all students were charged fees financial aid had been provided to most if not all students to cover the fees outlined above as well as costs of living since the early 1960s Beginning in 1986 all students have received regardless of parental income a direct basic grant that did not have to be paid back if study was completed within the maximum time for study prescribed Alongside the basic grant students could also receive government loans or additional grants depending on their income and cost of living The level of assistance was determined on an individual basis84

One of the most important control mechanisms in the Netherlands to ensure that students strived towards completion of their studies within the allotted time was provided by the relationship between fees and financial assistance Threat of the loss of financial assistance to pay for fees was intended to provide students a strong economic incentive to undertake their studies as efficiently as possible Students who did not wish to pay fees out of their own pocket had to be careful about planning their entire study program Whether or not a student was able to receive financial assistance was dependent upon a few key restrictions

bull Full-Time Enrollment Financial aid for study in the Netherlands was available only to students who were enrolled as full-time students Further students had to be ldquoregistered for an official day-time studyrdquo and indeed as a student thus registering as an auditor an extraneus or registering as a part-time student had no right to financial aid85

The Netherlands 67

bull 5+2 Rule Financial aid was intricately tied to the total number of years allowed for registration For most standard study programs there was a standard 5 year maximum time allotment that students could receive financial aid In addition students could take out interest bearing loans for an additional period of 2 years This rule was called the 5+2 Rule Study programs with higher minimum study points (medicine) were lengthened accordingly to accommodate the time needs86 Since students who overshot the allotted 5 +2 rule were required to pay a higher level of fees and could lose their right to loans the financial assistance program of grants and loans provided a carrot and stick control mechanism that was at the time not found in Sweden or Germany

bull Only One Allotment In some cases students who finished a first degree at a HBO might wish to pursue an academic degree at a university Those who wished to do so however ldquogot nothing extrardquo87 Under the 5+2 rule if a student had already received the allotted 5 years of funding as well as one extra year of loans the student could only make claim to the right of one more year of interest-bearing loans to study at the university88 Students committed to an additional degree therefore were required to pay out of their own pocket fees and costs of living

bull A 27-Year Age Limit The age limit for a student to receive financial assistance was reduced by law from 30 to 27 Students who had been registered as of July 1991 were on a grandfather clause allowing them to continue receiving assistance until the age of 3089

The Second Phase of Study

As discussed above the attempt to divide structurally the academic study process to serve separate educational functions had been debated for many years in the Netherlands as well as in Germany and Sweden Evident in its name the ldquoTwo Phase Lawrdquo proposed to divide aspects of academic education into two stages designed to ldquoreflect the original difference between the separate main goals of academic educationrdquo90 At the time of the two phase reform the two purposes stated in Dutch higher education law were

the education (vorming) towards independent practice of scholarship and research (wetenschap) and the preparation towards an occupation of a social position for which the requirements of an academic training can be of service91

One of the intentions of the Two Phase Law was to develop a more clearly-defined domain of advanced academic training in the second phase while at the same time de-emphasizing its importance in the first phase Until the mid 1980s Dutch students pursuing advanced research degrees such as a doctorate were not required to follow a structured graduate curriculum before undertaking their own research92 The Two Phase Law intended to implement a structured doctoral program through the development of


departmental research assistantship positions called AIOrsquos Assistenten in Opleiding (Assistants in Training) who would participate together in a formal curriculum93

After the implementation of the Two Phase Law however most AIOrsquos did not at the time follow a formal curriculum as was originally planned in the drafting of the law Individual departments did not have enough AIOrsquos on hand to justify the establishment of a curriculum94 Partly in order to solve this problem around 24 research schools were established in 1992 that consolidated the curricula from various second phase programs throughout the country95 As a result AIOrsquos in the same field of study at different universities would be required sometimes to travel elsewhere in the country to participate in courses96

The development of the second phase follows a trend to compartmentalize structure and function of the study process into more clearly defined domains Just as the development of the separate domain for vocational higher education (HBOrsquos) was intended to purify the overall purpose of academic education so was the development of a second phase intended to clarify the two purposes of academic education defined by Dutch law Despite the emphasis on advanced academic training the second phase of study was also designed to provide advanced vocational training for occupations in teaching medicine and engineering97

Titles of Dutch Graduates

The attempt to separate and compartmentalize the study process was also reflected in the myriad titles granted to graduates of Dutch higher vocational and academic education Since 1960 students who successfully fulfill the requirements of study courses were awarded titles guaranteed by law98 As of 1992 the titles of Dutch graduates of ldquofirst phaserdquo of higher education at the universities and higher vocational institutes were stipulated by law as such

a the title of engineer shortened to ir in which the academic education pertains to the area of agriculture and the natural environment or to the technical areas

b the title engineer shortened to ing in which the higher vocational education pertains to an area of agriculture and the natural environment or to the technical areas

c The title meester shortened to mr in which the academic education pertains to area of law

d the title of doctorandus shortened to drs in which the academic education pertains to that which is not applicable to sections a and c

e the title of baccalaureus shortened to bc in which the higher vocational education pertains to that which is not applicable to section b99

Titles were clearly segregated at the first degree level as either academic or higher vocational Therefore Ir Mr and Drs indicated the completion of academic first degrees whereas ing and bc indicated the completion of vocational first degrees In an international context the Dutch titles have been somewhat problematic in that they have been and can be confused with more well-recognized academic and social titles in the Anglo-Saxon cultures Thus mr can be confused as the Anglo-Saxon Mr (the usage of which is not incidentally consistent between the American and British cultures) and drs is often misinterpreted as a plural of dr100 The problem has been apparent to Dutch

The Netherlands 69

policy makers at least since the passing of the 1960s law during which time the suggestion was made that the title of drs (doctorandus) be replaced with the title ldquomagisterrdquo used in Germany This idea was dropped because as Groen points out the abbreviation of mgr conflicted with the ldquostanding title within the Catholic Churchrdquo101

This long-standing problem was not resolved completely by the passing of the Two Phase Law Because of the fact that Dutch academics themselves admit to the confusion between degree titles abroad102 the Dutch may substitute the title of Master for the completion of all academic oriented educational programs in the university and the title of Bachelorrsquos for the successful completion of all vocational oriented programs in the HBOs103

As will be discussed in the following chapter like in Germany policy makers in the Netherlands ensured legal differentiation between the titles of students finishing first degrees in the academic sector (universities) from those who finished in the vocational sector (HBOrsquos) Students wishing to undertake study in the second phase of study could apply from both the HBO sector as well as from the university sector To increase confusion this phase was called ldquopost-doctoralerdquo training and led to the title of doctor shortened to dr104

THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE STUDENT CAREER COMPARTMENTALIZATION lsquoQUALITYrsquo AND

lsquoSTUDIABILITYrsquo

As in Sweden the reforms of the 1980s in the Netherlands represented an attempt to redefine the student career to accommodate three main goals 1) to increase access to a larger constituency of the population 2) to introduce a vocational component and perhaps most importantly 3) to increase the economic efficiency of the academic student career However unlike the Swedish U68 reforms of integration and comprehensiveness the Dutch reforms of the 1980s were based on a clear legal and institutional separation between the goals and purposes of academic and vocational higher education

As in Germany (see chapter six) the bifurcation of the student career into vocational and academic sectors however was based on the assumption of the existence of a clear differentiation between academic and vocational higher educationmdashsomething that was at least in theory negated in Sweden Bifurcation was also predicated on the assumption that such assumed differences would remain static over time The idea of separate sectors was also based on an assumption that the two sectors academic and vocational were ldquoequalrdquo in social status Despite the law there is little evidence to prove equality of social status quite the contrary According to an OECD evaluation

There is clearly no equality in economic status There is full acceptance of the fact that a graduate from HBO can anticipate making a substantially lower initial salary than a university graduate in a cognate field (engineering etc) and this differential is likely to persist throughout the individualrsquos work life105


The status differences between these sectors not only reflect very different entrance standards they are built upon the hierarchical and highly stratified system of secondary schools which despite the evidence that it ldquoreinforces social inequalityrdquo any kind of move towards a more comprehensive secondary school system does not have much popular support106

Though the traditional academic education the doctorandus was structurally and legally sheltered from incorporating a ldquovocationalrdquo dimension the Two Phase Law altered the administrative structure of academic study in many ways similar to what occurred in Sweden Despite the title the Two Phase Law did not in fact create two new phases out of the traditional study pattern per se The law did not that is split academic study into a general bachelorrsquos and a more advanced masterrsquos type degree as was recommended in the 1960s Instead the law instituted structural and administrative control mechanisms over the established first degree (doctorandus) while at the same time initiating the establishment of a more structured doctoral study

As a result the first university degree the doctorandus prevailed over early attempts in the 1960s to institute an across the board general vocational bachelorrsquos degree Even after the 1982 Two Phase Law and the subsequent 1992 law of higher education (WWO) the lsquoacademicrsquo doctorandus maintained its monopoly over what was to be considered the proper first degree at the university Since vocational education was relegated to a separate lsquoequal but differentrsquo institution the traditional form of the student career in the Netherlands was protected from a ldquoradical vocationalizationrdquo that characterized the U68 reform philosophy in Sweden

Despite the effort to protect the particular academic nature of university education the Two Phase Law also brought about a profound change to it Perhaps the most notable outcome of the two-phase reform was that it had been successful in decreasing the overall time to the first degree from 72 to 54 years107 However the restructuring of academic study to be rigidly defined by fixed temporal norms and administrative controls removed much of what used to be the chief defining factor of lsquoacademicrsquo study studievrijheid Since students were expected to get through their studies as fast as possible in the most rational fashion some academics and government policy advisors began to fear in the mid 1990s that the reforms of the 1980s might have endangered the lsquoacademicrsquo character of university education108 According to an OECD review panel

University representatives and employers alike complain that the new degree is of lower quality than under the old model Whether or not this is true it seems likely that the quality of the experience of students who rush through a largely unrevised curriculum is diminished109

Quality however is in the eyes of the beholder Since publication in 1985 of a white paper Hoger Onderwijs Autonomie en Kwaliteit (Higher Education Quality and Autonomy)110 the government has emphasized lsquoquality improvementrsquo in the sense of increased efficiency and output of the student career As in Sweden the compartmentalization of the study process set the stage for a growing state apparatus for ldquoquality controlrdquo Breaking the study process down into set norms based on hourly units quantitatively normalized study loads and the statistically-determined norm-student behavior permitted the rise of external quality control In this context quality was based

The Netherlands 71

on new criteria of what was normal and abnormal concerning study behavior Compartmentalization of the study process had therefore made it possible for the establishment of indicators to measure the lsquoqualityrsquo of a study program based on collective normative data on for example persistence and attrition rates and study loads Collective data on student persistence and attrition rates graduation rates could not only be used as indicators of efficiency but also to measure the qualitymdashthat is studiabilitymdashof the educational program or the institution111

Quality Control

In the latter half of the 1980s the Vereiningung Samenwerkende Nederlandse Universiteiten (VSNU) and the HBO-Council took on the primary role of establishing a system of quality evaluation for the universities and the HBOs respectively through peer review112 Much like the longstanding tradition of accreditation review in the United States the review committees were composed of academic experts within a particular field The committees were designed to visit every 6 years or so individual study programs within faculties to evaluate among other aspects the lsquostudiabilityrsquo of each of the programs Before the committee arrived to evaluate a faculty each individual study program was required to undertake its own ldquoself studyrdquo or written evaluation of the organizational structure quantitative information about student participation and persistence goals of the individual study programs the organization management and process of teaching as well as a profile of the graduates113 The visitation committees spent about 2 days interviewing members of the faculty and gathering information which was then included in a written report of recommendations114 These written reports were meant only as recommendations for improvement and therefore did not hold the individual programs accountable to the changes suggested by the visitation committees115 Given the high expense of carrying out visitation committees some officials criticized the lack power to apply sanctions incentives or follow-up to make peer review more effective in bringing about change116

During the first phase that the VSNU was undertaking visitations the Dutch government had increased its emphasis on the measurement and ex-ecution of this method of quality control It called for a strengthening of the evaluation process of academic study based on standard measurements and norms Study programs for example were to be evaluated as to how they defined and adhered to clear goals relevant to both the academic disciplines and the labor market117 More importantly the government increasingly stressed that the quality of a program be evaluated based on its overall productivity and output which was quite simply a calculation based on the number of graduates and dropouts in a given program

Studiability

As a result of the governmentrsquos interest in productivity and output the concept of studiability became a central issue in the early 1990s In 1993 the government launched a new effort to economize the student career claiming that ldquohigher education must get lsquobetterrsquo it must become more lsquoefficientrsquo and more lsquostudiablersquo it must produce more lsquooutputrsquo and be organized more lsquomanageriallyrsquordquo118 Despite the fact that the Two Phase


Law had barely enough time to take hold as the new pattern of study119 and despite the fact it had been nevertheless successful in shortening the overall time to degree by nearly two years the government was set on shortening the overall time to degree to three years

Plans to implement additional reductions in the overall time to degree began to be proposed by the government in the summer of 1994 Behind the main idea of restructuring was to resurrect the decades-old idea of the gerieral propaedeutic bachelorrsquos degree that would provide all students with a three-year general qualification The Minister of Education Culture and Science Jo Ritzen stressed that higher education had to be ldquobetter and cheaper for the taxpayershellipbut not via the blunt axerdquo He stated that by shortening the average duration of time students took for their degrees there would be ldquomore money per studentrdquo meaning that the ldquoquality of education is not reduced but rather quite the contraryrdquo120

The idea of the bachelorrsquos degree was not only supported by the government but also by some members of the academic community A February 1995 report lsquoHigher Education in Phasesrsquo published by the Academic Council for Government Policy (Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid) claimed that the most pressing problem of lsquoqualityrsquo was the ldquodisappearance of the specifically academic character of academic (wetenschappelijk) education through the shortening of studies to four years in 1982 and through increasing specializationrdquo121 In order to ldquorescue academic vormingrdquo the council recommended developing a three-year ldquogeneral academic bachelorrsquosrdquo for all students which would be followed by a two year second tier of studies the doctorandus (masterrsquos) for a select 50 percent of the students122

Thus according to its proponents the bachelorrsquos degree would solve two lsquoqualityrsquo problems On the one hand it would increase quality by economizing the entire system by shortening the duration of studies to three years instead of four On the other it would save what was left of the traditional lsquoacademicrsquo quality of the doctorandus

As happened almost thirty years before the idea of a bachelorrsquos degree received a negative reaction from other members of the academic community Despite the claims by the proponents that the bachelorrsquos degree would represent a first-stage socially relevant degree critics claimed that ldquothe society [was] not making it a valid phase of studymdashthat [was] being done by the governmentrdquo123 Since the bachelorrsquos degree had not proved itself to be relevant to the labor market or society in general in the 1960s critics asked why it should prove itself to be relevant in the 1990s124

In the face of a ldquostorm of protestrdquo against the ldquoAngloSaxonrdquo pattern of study the government backed away from the three-year plan and instead sponsored a nation-wide discussion to bring about a solution As a result discussion shifted away from the unpopular three-year degree towards a ldquodesire for differentiationrdquo through the creation of ldquodifferent lengths from the average study durationrdquo125 Also a fundamental philosophy of the Swedish U68 reforms varied lengths in degree duration allow in theory for greater flexibility for the students and the academic programs By allowing some students to receive a degree after 3 4 or 5 years would lessen the likelihood of a great number of students entering the labor market defined as a dropout126

Critics of the governmentrsquos concerns about improved lsquoqualityrsquo claimed that the government was hiding behind the definition of quality improvement as ldquomore value for less moneyrdquo in order to legitimize additional proposed retrenchment of funds by about one sixth of the annual appropriations (300 million dollars)127 The rector of the

The Netherlands 73

University of Limberg MCohen pointed out that ldquodespite the years of successive reduction in expenses despite years of increaslng productivity in the areas of research and education despite the enormous growth in student numbers despite the importance of higher education and research to the societyrdquo the universities were being forced to take additional cuts128 Cohen blamed the problem on a fundamental ldquodifference in perceptions from the society and the academic world over how the universities carry out their businessrdquo129

Critics of the governmentrsquos fixation on quality claimed that the whole idea of lsquostudiabilityrsquo was unclear what was ldquoqualityrdquo in the context of academic study What was an average student What was a normative study load130 Like ldquoqualityrdquo in the late 1980s studiability had become the magic word of higher education by the mid 1990s Some faculties interested in improving the studiability of their programs drew up contracts with students committing them to do their best to fulfill the requirements of the course (visiting the lectures weekly etc) In return the faculties were committed by contract to maintain their study programs as ldquostudiablerdquo as possible defining study loads and learning tasks down to the last detail This process also meant that some students would hold professors to the norms of ldquostudiabilityrdquo As one professor at Rotterdam experienced ldquolsquolt was claimed that three study points equaled the reading of 350 pages As I then asked them to read 420 pages they asked me which 70 pages should be skippedrsquordquo131 This trend left the students in an interesting position in the debate over the course of the student career While they demanded for more ldquostudiabilityrdquo they contradicted their desire at the same time to retain as much study freedom as they could According to the former rector of the Catholic University of Barbant and member of the VSNU professor De Moor ldquolsquostudents should not stare blankly when they get more commitment and education becomes less freersquordquo132

As a result of compartmentalization therefore the transformation of the student career in the Netherlands meant that much of the onus for change had been placed squarely on the study behavior of the students Clearly moving away from the traditional calls for freedom for the pursuit of knowledge students in the Netherlands were asked to give up much of their freedom in exchange for increased efficiency in the educational process By the mid 1990s Europe had begun to play a bigger role in the minds of policy makers Just as in Sweden policy makers began to think of Dutch higher education institutions in the context of whether or not they might attract students from beyond their borders As will be discussed in chapter seven in many ways the Dutch led the way towards establishing the context of European dimension of the student career


Chapter Six Germany

Underlying the questions about purpose and structure of university study in Germany following the Second World War was the specter of the university during the National Socialist regime The ldquoindisputable political and moral betrayal of the German universities and academics during the NAZI regime provoked numerous questions about the ethical and political values of university study and academic and scholarly workrdquo1 As a result of the war many of the universities in Germany lay in ruin Years of control by the National Socialists had left a void of academic personnel many of whom had been driven into exile or executed

The failure and demise of the German university under the Hitler regime fostered an active reform discussion among leaders of the occupying forces and academic personnel during the period of reconstruction after the Second World War2 Against the backdrop of rapid economic growth and industrial renewal there existed a general feeling in the academic community that the German university had to catch up with the rest of world3 Though the main academic concern was the reconstruction of the universities the principal leitmotif behind the push for university reform was ldquomodernizationrdquo As in the Netherlands and Sweden modernization ldquowas understood above all as rationalizationrdquo4 and was supposed to help bring about growth and competition in economic and technological areas5 Though the main idea behind modernization was economic the concept of modernization also meant the establishment of equal opportunity ldquofor groups which up to that point had been hindered in a broad sense based on the perception of their rights as citizens (children of the working class Catholics some members of the provincial population women)rdquo6 Terms such as ldquolsquosecuring economic growthrsquo lsquomaintaining international competitivenessrsquo lsquoequality of educational opportunityrsquo [and] lsquooccupational mobilityrsquordquo became standard in the discourse surrounding the purpose of study7

The reconstruction of the universities in Germany was accompanied by an expansion of the numbers of students that came in the wake of a broadened access to academic secondary schools8 Whereas fewer than 4 of the 18ndash19 year old population had successfully earned an academic secondary degree (Abitur) in the early 1950s by the early 1960s this number had doubled to almost 89 The demand for access to university study coupled with a climbing standard of living during the 1950s caused the number of students entering the universities to almost double from 32908 in 1950 to 60062 in 196010

At the same time university study became increasingly a ldquocherished consumer itemrdquo11 among the budding new middle class striving for increased chances through access to study12 In concert with this growth in students the labor market became increasingly ldquoacademicizedrdquo with an increasing number of positions being filled by or requiring academically trained personnel

Control of Education

On May 23 1949 the German Basic Law was signed into power forming the Federal Republic of Germany The German Basic Law stipulated that the control of education would be divided in a balance between the Federal government and the 11 Laumlnder13 (state) Governments14 Unlike Sweden and the Netherlands the newly founded Federal Republic of Germany avoided strong central control over education on account of the extreme centralized control of education under the National Socialist Dictatorship Whereas the Laumlnder were given a primary responsibility for basic and higher education the Federal Government was to have control over the advancement of scientific research as well as some forms of non-institutionally based vocational education15

Despite the lack of a strong Federal control over the universities university study in Germany remained a unified concept across the Federal Republic with regard to access (through secondary preparatory education) the overall content and goals and the granting of final degrees The strong uniformity of university study was based on the century-old traditional emphasis on the idea of the German university as having a single standard across institutions Quality therefore was to be determined by equality of standards rather than competitive differentiation The unified standard of equality was held in place by the historically strong role of the primary and secondary schools in selecting out those who merited the right to access to the universities16

Access to study

Selection to university study occurred first through the separation of pupils based on their performance in primary school into three separate secondary tracks the Hauptschule intended for vocational and industrial training the Realschule intended for the higher vocations and the Gymnasium intended for academic study17 The three-way division of the German secondary schools tracked pupils into essentially three social and occupational strata the highest being the academic Immediately following the war this educational structure was criticized as elitist and undemocratic by George F Zook president of the American Council on Education who headed a commission in 1946 to survey the status of German education18 In the post war climate lsquodenazificationrsquo lsquore-educationrsquo and lsquodemocratizationrsquo were central issues when discussing public education According to the Commission in reconstructing the schools system all citizens should have the same rights for education and employment In spite of these strong recommendations the unification of all three schools into an integrated secondary school did not happen at this time In the face of an urgent need to train more teachers and construct schools traditionalism prevailed with the aid and influence of powerful stakeholders academics academically-based professions and the churches Similar to the Netherlands traditionalism was also reflected in the purpose and the content of the Gymnasium in that it rejected pragmatism and grounded itself once again in the humanities and philosophy19 In the 1960s the focus of concern shifted to the lack of academically-oriented high school graduates (Abiturienten) in international comparison and on the need to increase the numbers Critics claimed that the lack of Abiturienten reflected a potential weakness in the countryrsquos ability to compete on an international basis20


Successful completion of the academic finishing examination at the Gymnasium came when a student passed the Abitur which was the primary selection mechanism granting the studentsrsquo legal right to study The Abitur meant that the students had attainted the Hochschulreife or ldquomaturity for studyrdquo and therefore had the right in principle to study at whichever university they chose and whatever subject they wished21 This system of access was based on the assumption that on account of the Abitur a system-wide equal standard of university students would be ensured For this reason the secondary schools set the lower definitional boundary for the German concept of study as universities had no means of additionally selecting their own students

ACADEMIC STUDY STRUCTURE CONTENT AND GOALS

Whereas the lower definitional boundary of the student career was within the domain of the secondary schools the upper boundary was the final university degree Following the Second World War the internal structure of university study in Germany was characterized by a loose organizational structure providing a relatively high degree of freedom to students to choose where and what they wished to study As in Sweden and the Netherlands

in many of the study courses there were no study regulations in the sense of having occupational demands training goals proof of curricular efficiency and choices in the makeup of study well enough coordinated with each other in order to determine a reasonably challenging study plan in a temporal sequence within the framework of a representative study duration22

Similarly the responsibility of planning and executing a course of study was placed almost entirely on the student Few study guidelines existed in Germany and those that did were brief No concept of a normative study duration existed Students themselves were to determine themselves when they were ready to take their exam or in some cases leave study and undertake something else more suitable23 During the 1950s the traditional unified nature of academic study throughout Germany was strengthened by the formation of cooperative Federal and Laumlnder commissions under the auspices of groups such as the Westdeutsche Rektorenkonferenz (West German Rectors Conference) and the Wissenschaftsrat (German Science Council) The Wissenschaftsrat was founded in 1957 based on an agreement between the Federal government and the Laumlnder The members consisted of academics that had been nominated from scientific associations as well as ldquorecognised public figures and representatives of the Federal Government and Laumlnder governmentsrdquo24 It was a mixture of representatives from the universities the public sphere the federal government as well as one member from each of the 11 states25 The Wissenschaftsrat was designed as a bridging organization between the states and the federal government and was intended to present yearly priority programs and suggestions for change26 Though the original purpose of the Wissenschaftsrat was to provide a central body to make recommendations on the development of scientific research it soon

Germany 77

directed its attention toward the ldquoquantitative structural and organizational development of the higher education systemrdquo27

Post War Reform Efforts

Following the war alternative structural reforms to the German university were recommended in some cases by the administrators of the British and American occupying forces28 Despite the apparent need for change however any real attempt at radical reform at the national level (such as in the case of Sweden in the 1950s) ran against the aversion to overly centralized state control29

One area of reform that did get support was the student financial aid system The dire economic situation in which most students found themselves in postwar Germany threatened to force students to work while trying to carry out their studies In order to alleviate the external economic pressures on students the Westdeutsche Rektorenkonferenz and the Standigen Konferenz der Kultusminister30 mapped out a new plan for student financial aid at a higher education conference at Bad Honnef in 1955 The conference delegates noted that after having lost the Second World War

the student need became so great that an effective form of [student] aid must be implemented so that the German student should not be destroyed by the contradictory demands of university study and employment31

The conference members stated that student aid had been cumbersome and difficult to understand because of its ldquofragmentation and multiplicity of conditionsrdquo across institutions and Laumlnder32 The conference brought about a new reform of students aid based on the ldquoHonnefer Modelrdquo which created a more unified support system for students throughout the newly founded Federal Republic

There were numerous other reform recommendations following the Second World War that according to the Wissenschaftsrat could be broken down into three main groups 1) those that foresaw the need to break university study into two tiers based on the American pattern of higher education 2) those who wanted to create ldquoeliterdquo training schools based on the French grandes eacutecoles and 3) those who wanted to create separate research institutes leaving the universities to concentrate on teaching33 As discussed in the preceding chapters many of these recommendations were similar to those made in Sweden and in the Netherlands

Two Tiers of Study

The recommendation of breaking study into two separate tiers or phases of study was based on the idea that the Humboldtian Ideal of Forschung und Lehre (research and teaching) can not exist in a mass university As proposed in the Netherlands the solution to the massification of higher learning would be to divide academic study in two The first three or four years would be intended to educate the normally talented students The second tier would be intended for about 50 of the graduating students and would be as in the United States more research intensive Those who proposed this reform idea saw


the two-tiered approach as the only way of rescuing the Humboldtian ideal of Forschung und Lehre from the effects of massification while at the same time still catering to a larger group of students34 As in Sweden and the Netherlands this reform ideal had been present in Germany since the end of the Second World War These ideas were modeled after the American two-tiered undergraduategraduate study pattern (an idea that would resurface later in the German reform discussions of the late 1980s)

The Wissenschaftsrat rejected this first idea of the division of German university study in two separate phases based on ldquoforeign patternsrdquo35 They believed at the time that such a division would endanger the university either by isolating the selective research function or by creating a situation by which the entire university would suffer from a sort of downward drift bringing all institutions of higher education down to the level of mere ldquotraining institutes

The Wissenschaftsrat therefore has not spoken out for a division of the study courses in our universities based on foreign patterns but rather recommended that the problem of massification be met through the establishment of additional professorial chairs through the strengthening of the administrative personnel and through the founding of new universities These measures should make it possible again to allow for the different interests and talents of the students and to recognize and care for unusual abilities36

Elite Training Schools

Another solution to overcrowding prevalent in the German reform discussions after the War was to establish ldquoeliterdquo training schools based on the French grandes eacutecoles As in France these schools would be oriented towards the intensive training of highly skilled engineers and civil servants and less on individual research The universities would continue to provide research and teaching as before37

The Wissenschaftsrat rejected this concept as well for three basic reasons The first was that ldquothe German university traditions above all the connection between research and teaching and the freedom of a self-determined study have benefited up until today especially the talented students and their possibilities to developrdquo38

The second reason was that the Wissenschaftsrat believed that universities would run into danger of falling into the second rung after the newly founded elite training schools ldquothe best among the professors and students would push to get inrdquo the elite schools leaving the remaining professors at the universities ldquorobbed of the stimulating effectrdquo that the high quality students and professors have39 Lastly the Wissenschaftsrat believed that if the training institutes developed also into elite research centers the judgment of research work on the universities would fall increasingly into the public sphere thereby endangering the financial resources of the universities40

Separate Research Institutes

The third group of thought according to the Wissenschaftsrat supported the development of additional institutes with fewer faculties and specialized research areas Though the

Germany 79

Wissenschaftsrat admitted that such a format had worked in the field of medicine ldquoit should however not be expanded without pressing reasons since a specialist center is not the ideal of German university trainingrdquo41

According to the Wissenschaftsrat the problem of overcrowding of the university was based neither on the structure nor the purpose of university study but rather on the fact that facilities and personnel had not kept pace with the expansion of the numbers of students Student ratios could therefore be best held down by increasing the numbers of teaching personnel

Expansion of the Same

Despite the plethora of innovative ideas none of these ideas ever came close to implementation Instead in the rather hectic political climate of reconstruction expansion and economic growth the academic community looked back to the university ideal of the early nineteenth century with renewed reverence42 The Humboldtian ideal became a sort of default in the system the result being that despite the climate of modernization in the overall society traditionalism prevailed in education policy in Germany43 Part of the reason for this was that any kind of strong state centralized reform policy concerning the universities was not only undesirable following the Second World War but also difficult given the diffused power of the Laumlnder over educational policy44 Further despite the need for major structural reform it would have threatened to soak up the fiscal resources that might be better used to expand teaching and research staff45

Consequently the reaction from the new Federal and Laumlnder Governments and their related advisory panels to the rapid expansion of student numbers was cautious The Westdeutsche Rektorenkonferenz (WRK) represented the most conservative reaction to expansion resisting even the idea of building new universities to accommodate the growing number of students The WRK even rejected the promotion of the engineering schools to the status of ldquohigher educationrdquo46 As in the Netherlands the neo-humanistic concept of Wissenschaft (discussed in chapter three) was underlined by most if not all interest groups to be the only criteria that should determine academic study The fact that traditionalism prevailed not only on account of the recommendations of the Wissenschaftsrat or the WRK but also ldquoon all of the old frontsrdquo47 ldquoledhellipto demands for a stricter safeguard of academic freedom which eventually was incorporated in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Germanyrdquo48 As expansion became the main vehicle to accommodate the increasing numbers of students the university had been deemed by policy commissions to be im Kern gesund (healthy to the core)49

1960S A SHIFT TOWARDS STUDY REFORM

The Federal Republic of Germanyrsquos decision for more of the same resulted in an expansion of university facilities based partly on the 1960 recommendations of the Wissenschaftsrat50 Despite the expansion of the facilities and teaching staff the universities had not been able to accommodate the expansion of students as originally planned51 Even though the traditional structure of university study had survived the first round of criticism that it was inefficient or anachronistic by the mid 1960s the ldquocrisisrdquo of


the overcrowded and inefficient universities was well documented by academics and the popular press Just as in Sweden and the Netherlands long study durations and climbing dropout rates in Germany provided an ldquoalarm signalrdquo calling again for a discussion about substantive structural changes52 Through the administrative ldquorationalizationrdquo of the study process in Germany the average time it took students to finish their studies could be decreased thereby solving the overcrowding of the universities as well53

Structural Differentiation of the Universities

In 1965 the German sociologist Ralf Dahrendorf published a book titled Bildung ist Buumlrgerrecht (education is a civil right)54 which stated that German society was in imminent need for an ldquoactive educational policyrdquo to reshape university study Dahrendorf pointed out that in order to maintain the principle of quality while emphasizing an increase in quantity it was necessary to bring about differentiation of the unified structure of study

Itrsquos called structural differentiation (Gliederung) we must transform the university into Clark Kerrrsquos idea of the lsquomultiversityrsquo55

Dahrendorf predicted that short of such ldquoradical reformrdquo expansion of the German university would be in vain

If our higher education system is to withstand the planned and approaching expansion [the system] must be changed in its entirety as well in the structure of its single universities from the bottom upmdashand only this makes such an upheaval likelyhellip56

What Dahrendorf proposed was a schism between teaching-oriented undergraduate study for the many with a strengthening of research-oriented graduate programs In this way German university study could maintain a strong research orientation while at the same time establishing an orientation towards teaching and learning more in the fashion of the British first degree Dahrendorf suggested that along with a structural differentiation administrative changes needed to be made within each study course to increase organizational efficiency These inner structural changes however could not be brought about without a mechanism to limit access to the individual university57 Demands for increased access should be met with planned expansion of universities and facilities rather than increasing numbers of students

Alongside his proposals for structural changes Dahrendorf challenged the traditional principles which had been re-embraced following the Second World War and which provided the ideological basis for teaching and learning

lsquoEinsamkeit und Freiheitrsquo (individuality and freedom) are very problematic points of orientation for a general education (allgemeine Ausbildung) as much as they may represent the conditions of research in many disciplines Wissenschaft is also a concept that is all too gladly used

Germany 81

as an alibi for many sins It will be necessary to acknowledge that our universities as high-flown as they might be are to a great part really schools places of teachinghellip58

Dahrendorf elaborated on his ideas for structural differentiation in a 1967 publication by the Ministry of Education and Culture of BadenWiirttemberg known after him as the ldquoDahrendorf Planrdquo59 As chair of a reform committee for the Land Baden-Wuumlrttemberg Dahrendorf outlined a ldquodifferentiated comprehensiverdquo model of university study that was based on his earlier ideas60 According to the Dahrendorf plan university study would be separated into two paths the traditional research-oriented long-term programs and shorter-term three-year courses ending in a Bakkalaureus Similar to the idea proposed at the same time period in the Netherlands both in principle and title the short term courses would emphasize teaching and vocational training and would offer transfer possibilities to the longer term study61 Ideally both types of courses would be found in the same institution thus the term ldquodifferentiated comprehensiverdquo university (Gesamthochschule)62 According to Dahrendorf the plan was to help avoid what he saw as an otherwise inevitable ldquoinversion of the educational pyramidrdquo in which the majority of students entering higher education would be in longer in-depth research oriented programs and the minority would be in shorter praxis-orientated courses63

The ideas outlined in the Dahrendorf Plan were echoed one year later by the Wissenschaftsrat who only a few years before had declared that academic education was in need of expansion rather than structural change Similar to the Dahrendorf plan the leading principle outlined by the Wissenschaftsratrsquos Recommendations for the Re-organization of University Study was ldquothe differentiation of educational goals into stratified study programsrdquo64 The Wissenschaftsrat believed that any ldquostructural transformationrdquo of the universities must be ultimately grounded in the change of the concept of academic study and therefore made the statement that ldquoa question of educational goals was the central problemrdquo65 What the Wissenschaftsrat proposed was to separate university study into three separate subdivisions a ldquoStudium (university study) for all students which would end with an exam that confirms their occupational capabilitiesrdquo 2) an Aufbaustudium (advanced university study) for students ldquowho are interested and capable of researchrdquo and 3) a Kontaktstudium (contact study) which was intended to provide the possibility to graduates in the labor market who wished to ldquofreshen uprdquo their academic education66

The first stage das Studium was to be further divided into two phases by a sort of qualifying examination (Zwischenpruumlfung67) The purpose of the Zwischenpruumlfung would be to facilitate the ldquosteering of unqualified students who have chosen a certain discipline to other [educational] tracksrdquo as well as to provide a much more structured environment to help students get their bearings before being allowed to study in the second ldquofreer phase of studyrdquo68 The doctoral stage of study Aufbaustudium was intended to serve those who proved themselves especially capable to realize the ldquohitherto valid goal of academic study which would give the students the possibility to carry out independent researchrdquo69

Perhaps the most important recommendation was that the first stage of study be limited to only four years In order to ensure compliance to a four-year degree the Wissenschaftsrat recommended that


the limitation of the duration of study has the consequences that students can be matriculated only for the duration of the study period and the final examination and that for a four-year study duration the matriculation runs out after 4 and 12 years70

The reactions to the plan put forth by the Wissenschaftsrat were at first positive among student groups (German National Union of Students) and the Westdeutsche Rektorenkonferenz (WRK)71 The Conference of Ministers of Education proclaimed that the recommendations of the Wissenschaftsrat needed to be implemented ldquoas soon as possiblerdquo72 The following year however the support of the WRK turned to opposition as increasing numbers of professorsmdashespecially in the arts and humanities facultiesmdashbegan to protest the proposed government attacks on Lernfreiheit73 The WRK began to realize that the recommendations to institute administrative control mechanisms on the study behavior of the students ran against the traditional principles of research and teaching

The proposed controls also acted as a ldquodetonatorrdquo of the student movement74 Though the political-administrative views of the students and the WRK were very different concerning the university at large both camps fought against any administrative change to the structure or administration of university study itself In the end the WRK saw the Wissenschaftsratrsquos recommendations of a two-phase study system as too hasty calling for reflection before change75 Just as the Wissenschaftsrat itself had argued several years earlier the WRK claimed that such a move would bring about an overall loss of quality76 The WRK was fundamentally interested in ldquopreserving some sacred tradition against the modern onslaught of spoon-feeding specialization and vocationally-oriented instructionrdquo77

The representatives of the student movement on the other hand saw the Wissenschaftsratrsquos idea as the creation of elite and mass sectors of study and therefore ultimately rejected them78 ldquoUniversity reformrdquo according to the student groups should not mean increased administrative control of student study behavior but rather a fundamental change to the old oligarchical political decision-making system within the university The studentsrsquo interest in political-administrative reform shifted the emphasis on university reform in Germany to one more focused on ldquodemocratizingrdquo decision making Traditionally decision making had been the sole role of the Ordinarien or professorial Chair holders Student groups emphasized a more democratic tripartite control over decision making dividing equally power among the professors the students and academic staff and the non-academic staff As a result of the student movement the debate over democratization of the administration of the university dominated the discourse about university re form until the beginning of the 1970s79

Cooperative Federalism Unified Standards

At the same time that the public reform discourse was focused on the administrative control of universities during the latter part of the 1960s important changes were taking place at the federal level to establish a ldquobetter guarantee for uniformity in the university systemrdquo through ldquogreater rationalization in university planningrdquo80 Whereas the Basic Law of 1949 supported regional and cultural diversity throughout West Germany by guaranteeing the Laumlnder control of educational planning the same law also stressed the

Germany 83

Federal role maintaining a uniform standard of education among the Laumlnder81 More specifically the 1949 Basic Law stressed that all citizens have the fundamental rights to educational and occupational choice as well as the right to move to and live anywhere within West Germany82

In order to ensure the maintenance of a uniform standard of living throughout the Federal Republic of Germany the German Basic Law was amended in 1969 to include a number of Gemeinschaftsaufgaben or common tasks between the Federal government and the Laumlnder on many basic policy issues These issues included areas such as economic transportation and education policies83 This amendment set the stage for enhanced Federal coordination and planning of the entire higher education system an example of which can be seen in the increased Federal role towards student financial aid which was outlined with the passing of the Bundesausbildungsfoumlrderungsgesetz (Federal Financial Aid Law for Education popularly know by its acronym BAfoumlG This law has been updated frequently over the years)84

The Federal policies related to higher education were largely oriented at first towards joint planning for expansion of universities However the Federal government also gained the authorization to develop a comprehensive set of regulations that were to ldquoframerdquo the German system of higher education85 This authorization allowed for the drafting and development of the Federal Higher Education Framework Law (Hochschulrahmengesetz HRG) which was intended to be a centralizing mechanism to maintain system-wide standards across the Laumlnder The HRG was first passed into law in 1976

THE DECADE OF STUDY REFORM

The perception of ldquocrisisrdquo of the German university continued unabated into the decade of the 1970s bringing about renewed cries for change Despite the traditionalism that characterized the discourse towards reform in the 1950s and 60s by the early 1970s many of the issues that had surrounded study reform a decade earlier in Sweden (see chapter four) had become part of the reform discourse in Germany The basic tenor of the discussion surrounding reform in Germany was decidedly against the principle of the nineteenth-century ideal of an individually oriented pursuit of knowledge Instead the traditional university ideal had been pronounced ldquodeadrdquo evident in an OECD examiners report of 1972

Many experts on all levels have told us that the old university is dead On the whole with some notable exceptions this seems true But the new university is not yet established and there is some question as to how it will be able to fulfill the essential functions of the old university We are told that German universities are in a period of transition Some of us think that they are in a period of crisis with no certainty concerning how they will emerge from the upheaval86

At issuemdashagainmdashwas the traditional Lernfreiheit built into the structure of university study though now it was under attack on multiple fronts Though in the 1960s the basic


tenets of Lernfreiheit had been criticized by the Wissenschaftsrat as economically inefficient for a modern society in the 1970s Lernfreiheit began to also fall under the criticism that it ldquomight have served an educational elitehellipand reinforce disadvantages for new studentsrdquo87 Just as the concepts of studiefrihet and studievrijheid in Sweden and the Netherlands were challenged respectively critics in Germany began to charge that the loose structure of study was not organizationally conducive to the large number of new students entering the university representing a broader socio-economic background than before Moving decidedly away from the reform discussion of the late 1950s ldquointensive guidance and detailed structuring of course programmes were deemed more efficient and socially justrdquo88

As in Sweden the assumption behind the formulating reform movement was that occupational relevance economic efficiency and equal opportunity were all complementary goals and that these goals would be achieved through the strengthening and promotion of Studienreform or study reform89 The new emphasis on ldquostudy reformrdquo was evident in a report by the Wissenschaftsrat which intentionally placed increased emphasis on study reform rather than Hochschul-reform to steer the debate away from the discussions of political and democratic control of university administration and policy which had dominated the public discourse on reform since the mid to late 1960s Building upon their 1966 recommendations for a reorganization of study the Wissenschaftsrat published a new set of recommendations in the 1970s stating that whereas study reform was

generally accepted and emphasized the disputes over the organization of the universities repressed the central questions of concrete study reformhellip Only within the framework of concrete study courses can educational policy goals be realized The center of higher education reform which is intended to realize educational policy aims must therefore be questions of [university] study and study reform90

The Wissenschaftsratrsquos ideas for ldquosensible organizational solutionsrdquo were on track with their suggestions made four years before it focused on the ldquofuture structural makeup of study courses in higher educationrdquo91 However unlike the lsquoradicalrsquo changes planned around the same time in Sweden by the U68 Commission the reform ideas were still cautiously traditional The idea was to change university study within its traditional boundaries to rationalize it and make it more efficient however this had to be done without disrupting the underlying Wissenschaftliche character of university study which needed ldquoregeneration while at the same time freeing university study from antiquated material through structural changesrdquo92

Just as before the reforms faced strong opposition from both students and professors on both sides of the political spectrum Just as before ldquocritics argued that studies would become too lsquoschool-likersquo and that an academic education could not be obtained in three yearsrdquo93 Despite the resistance to internal change to university study however German university study did undergo key changes during the 1970s These changes came in the form of 1) a national regulation of the ability to restrict access to study programs (numerus clausus) 2) the development of a praxis-oriented sector of higher education Fachhochschulen (similar to the Dutch HBOrsquos) 3) the development of a limited number

Germany 85

of integrated comprehensive universities (Gesamthochschulen) which were intended to represent the new model into which all universities and Fachhochschulen eventually would be incorporated 4) the establishment of the Hochschulrahmengesetz Federal Higher Education Framework Law which at least in theory was to provide guidelines for the Laumlnder and 5) the institutionalization of the concept of ldquostudy reformrdquo into that law

According to Ulrich Schreiterer the goal of the ldquostudy reformrdquo movement was based on three basic assumptions the first was that university study must be fundamentally ldquowissenschaftlichrdquo in character The second was that university study must be oriented towards ldquoexactly definable qualifications needed in the labor marketrdquo and the third was that these two first goals could be realized ldquothrough a newly planned and organized learning processrdquo94 These tensions between the insistence on the one hand to maintain the strong theoretical orientation of Wissenschaft and on the other to increase the praxis-orientation were not new Nevertheless many reform debates rested on the assumptions that a clear differentiation between praxis and theoretical orientation could be established and structural reform could be set up to both reflect these differences and integrate them into a new unifying purpose Study reform in Germany was characterized by two somewhat incompatible trends The first trend was intended to increase institutional and programmatic innovation in study The second was to reform study at the system level to ensure sameness and equality of programs across the country

Restricted Fields of Study Numerus Clausus

Based on the constitutional right for free choice of occupation all citizens with an Abitur had enjoyed the right to a free choice to study in whatever field they wished Until the early 1970s therefore Germany had no uniform restrictions (numerus clausus) on the access to study programs Because of the extreme demand for medical school admissions at some of the large universities in the early 1970s some individual universities began to limit the number of entrants

This practice was struck down however in 1972 when the German constitutional court ruled that ldquolimitations on admission to university were lsquovirtually unconstitutionalrsquordquo95 What this meant was that the only way that a student could be turned away from the right to study medicine was if it could be proved that an institution had reached capacity and that there were no places free in all of the German medical programs throughout West Germany96

This ruling had a major impact on the German student career inasmuch as it set a precedent for the establishment of centralized control of certain study programs in order to ensure nation-wide co-ordination97 First compliance with the ruling called for centralized allocation of study places to ensure fairness In 1972 the Central Agency for the Allocation of Study Places (Zentralstelle fuumlr die Vergabe von Studienplaumlzen-ZVS) was established in Dortmund Second up until that point in time it was impossible to know whether or not the capacity of a particular study program had been reached throughout the Federal Republic of Germany In keeping with the loose administrative structures of the traditional German university individual institutions did not manage the matriculation of students in any consistent or organized manner This made the determination of capacity for German medical studies practically impossible As a result


in 1974 increased centralization of the control of study programs was established when the Laumlnder governments developed a detailed nation-wide capacity decree

The establishment of the ZVS and the capacity degree ldquohad a major directive impact on content modes of teaching and learning in those fields where numerus clausus appliedrdquo99 For the first time selected fields of academic study were subjected to a centralized and quantified bureaucratic control in Germany100 The regulations defined and designated over 30 different types of teaching activities and assigned them a numeric value The regulations assigned values from 01 to 10 giving larger values to the lecture format and less value to the seminars and practical courses that catered to fewer student numbers The heavier weight placed on the lecture format resulted in ldquopromoting the monologue of the classical one-man lecturerdquo which countered the modern innovative teaching methods which had arisen as a result of the interest in study reform101 As a former President of the University of Munich pointed out

all this induced a thoroughgoing uniformity both of German universities and their professorshellipstudents could no longer decide which university they would attend they were allocated all over Germany by a central computer located at Dortmundhellip Students had to stick to thoroughly legalized curricula and examination requirements To change subject or university or to study another subject after one had completed work for a degree though not prohibited was clearly discouraged102

Numerus clausus had other unintended effects In order to bring balance to the admissions process to restricted fields of study the Central Agency for the Allocation of Study Places (ZVS) placed around 60 percent of the admissions criteria on secondary school achievement and around 40 percent on the amount of time an applicant waited for a place to study Many students who had to wait for a place to study medicine chose to enroll in related fields such as chemistry to ldquoparkrdquo (as it was commonly called) until they were accepted as medical students Other high demand fields such as architecture pharmacy dentistry veterinary sciences and business economics were also included in this national distribution scheme As a result there was a rise in the phenomenon of Parkstudenten who enrolled in and taxed the capacity of fields of study in which they had no desire to finish a degree As a result of this behavior a sort of domino effect developed where increasing numbers of study programs were subjected to numerus clausus103 Further some feared that the ruling would fundamentally change the meaning of the Gymnasium and Abitur which held a constitutional monopoly over the access to academic study104 The result was to uncouple further the relationship between the secondary experience and the student career Concerns were also expressed in the media about the effect it would have on the secondary school experience where grades would become overly important in the educational experience Some felt that imposing a numerus clausus would select students for professions for the wrong reasons

One can become alarmed and worried of a profession of doctors who have been recruited in the future only from of a bunch of model school boys rather than from those who really bring to this profession the prerequisitemdashthat is the true calling105

Germany 87

Throughout the 1970s numerus clausus became an increasingly powerful fixture as a determining factor of the student career The politics of numerus clausus has been complicated in Germany because it had been dealt with as a constitutional problem without any consideration of the overall mission or goal of university study Since the basis behind numerus clausus had not been to select qualified students but rather to act as an emergency regulatory measure to restrict capacity of certain fields of study the total number of students was not limited but rather channeled in a highly inefficient manner through other Parkstudien106 Despite its ldquoemergency statusrdquo numerus clausus has always conflicted with other basic rights of equal opportunity and free occupational choice spelled out in the Constitution Basing access purely on the grade point averages of the applicants was considered by many including the government at the time to be against the basic principle of equal opportunity The fact that preference was given to those who had a higher grade point average was considered socially unjust since students from higher socioeconomic backgrounds had economic social and academic advantages others did not This concern in turn brought about an increased need for nation-wide planning between the Laumlnder ministries of education107 In 1976 the Federal Higher Education Framework Law (Hochschulrahmengesetz) attempted to alleviate this conflict through the institution of a lottery which still gave a greater weight for those applicants with higher grade point averages108

Opening the Universities

In 1977 the trend towards nation-wide controlled access restrictions took a new course when under the political leitmotif of ldquoopening the universitiesrdquo the Federal and State governments attempted to reverse and reduce the effects of numerus clausus Instead of enhancing a policy of selection however the Federal and State governments issued a resolution intended to bring about an ldquoopeningrdquo of the universities by reducing the number of study programs which would be subjected to the selection procedures at the ZWS109

The idea behind this policy was that each applicant should have a place to study even if the provided place was not at the university of his or her choice or in the subject area that the applicant desired Instead of selection the new resolution called for a policy of redistribution of students throughout the system Redistribution would be brought about through an increased rationalization of the use of the existing capacity110 Fields such as medicine and dentistry would retain a selective numerus clausus because of the constant high demand

The policy of ldquoopening the universitiesrdquo was partly based on calculations made through system-wide demographic planning According to the data the universities were expected to experience a growth of the university-age cohort until around the mid 1980s at which time the cohort size was supposed to subside again In order to avoid an unnecessary short-term expansion of the facilities and the instructional staff the universities were expected to tolerate an ldquooverload quotardquo (UumlZberlastquote) of around 15 based on a statistically calculated capacity of an institution111 It was also feared that if the universities did not subject themselves to a short-term overloading and became instead more selective many of the qualified graduates with an Abitur would be forced to follow vocational training apprenticeships thereby displacing graduates from the other


two non-academic high schools112 Universities therefore were asked to ldquotunnel underrdquo a ldquomountain of studentsrdquo until the mid 1980s despite the fact that many of the resources remained the same113 This strategy however did not work for reasons that will be discussed below

Study Reform

During the course of the 1970s the concept of ldquostudy reformrdquo which became an institutionalized component of the German student career was marked by two contradictory trends The first was towards increased institutional or programmatic innovation through pilot projects These reforms implied a trend toward increased differentiation throughout the system of higher education The second reform trend was towards enhancing the unified nature of study programs and degrees across all institutions throughout the federal government This trend leaned clearly away from any real differentiation within the landscape of higher education

The trend towards pilot projects was really started as a result of individual Laumlnder and institutional initiatives However shortly thereafter the Federal government became involved Fearing that individual Land reforms might lead to increased difference and incomparability among the universities in the 11 German states and therefore threaten the principle of equality among institutionsmdashthe Federal government provided funding together with the Laumlnder to undertake ldquomodel experimentsrdquo to ldquostimulate reform in content and structure within study coursesrdquo114 The co-ordination of these pilot projects was carried out by a special working group established by a Federal-Ltfwder commission Funding for model programs was made available after review through the Land Ministry which would upon approval ask the federal government to share the cost115

Whether a proposed experimental project received funding or not depended on whether it met certain basic criteria necessary to ldquostimulate change and contribute to the reorganization of the system of higher educationrdquo116 A program had to be for example not only innovative in nature but also ldquoapplicable to other areas in higher educationrdquo117 Some of the pilot projects were oriented towards increasing the occupational orientation to study through creating ldquonew forms of praxis orientation to studyrdquo whereas others tended to attempt to increase the efficiency of study through the ldquorational utilization of higher education facilitieshellipincreasing the efficiency of the student advisementrdquo or ldquodeveloping three year study coursesrdquo118

During the 1970s and early 1980s around 200 pilot projects were funded Though these projects were supposed to foster system-wide change they failed in the end to transfer any results at the national level to affect the mainstream administrative structure of university study119 In many ways the pilot projects ran counter to the nation-wide study reform trend that set out to increase the overall sameness and equality of study programs and degrees throughout the country As mentioned above the trend towards increased Federal standards resulted in the drafting by the Hochschulrahmengesetz that was intended to ensure a certain degree of uniformity in regulations throughout the federated system

As in Sweden and the Netherlands one of the chief goals behind the nation-wide study reforms in Germany was to bring about clearer administrative controls and structures to

Germany 89

the process of study The two nation-wide reforms that were undertaken at the beginning of the 1970s to standardize academic study in Germany are normally referred to as the ldquokleinerdquo (small) and ldquogroszligerdquo (large) study reforms120 The ldquokleinerdquo study reform was intended to unify the requirements for the academic degree the Diplom across the Laumlnder121 Advisory committees were established by nominees from specific disciplines to counsel the Ministry of Culture on the development of common study and examination regulations122

The ldquogroszligerdquo study reform was as its name indicates larger in scope It established study reform commissions that ldquoexplored both the innovation to be recommended and the indispensable common elements of course programs in each disciplinerdquo123 The reform commissions were discipline specific and made up of representatives from various interest groups The majority of the voting members were academic (four professors and one member of the academic support staff) balanced by three voting representatives from the state The commissions also consisted of a few non-voting representatives from the business community or trade unions Ideas generated by the reform commission were then circulated to academic faculties at all of the universities for their comments and afterward sent to the Conference of Ministers of Education124

The goals of these commissions were to continue on the path set by the Wissenschaftsrat in 1970 to construct curricular frameworks that would help ldquoseparate the subject material and main points in a more transparent fashionrdquo125 This basic goal was partially achieved during this time through the development of state study and exam regulations as well as a differentiation in many study programs between what should be considered a basic study phase (Grundstudium) which was supposed to be more organized and prescribed in nature and a main study phase (Hauptstudium) which would still retain a degree of Lernfreiheit so as to retain the academic nature of independent scholarship126 These reforms however were accompanied by few sanctions and therefore had no affect on bringing about the desired change in study duration

These changes notwithstanding many of the goals of the reform commissions were far more encompassing setting out to increase the efficiency of study while at the same time raising the social relevance through a more direct coupling of study to the labor market Despite the large amount of time spent by commissions to redefine the purpose of study little in the end was accomplished over the years In the end it became clear to many involved in the study reform process that it was almost impossible to reform study towards the moving target of a rapidly changing labor market127 As a result many of these reform commissions died out in the mid 1980s

ESTABLISHING A PRAXIS ORIENTATION INTEGRATION OR SEPARATION

One key issue regarding study reform in all three countries was the establishment of a more practical or vocational orientation to the traditionally theoretical and academic nature of the student career As discussed in chapter four Sweden had attempted to establish praxis-orientation by establishing a differentiated but nevertheless unified system of higher education that would incorporate many kinds of post secondary education into the concept of the student career In the Netherlands praxis-orientation


was established through the promotion of a new separate sector of non-academic education in the HBOs with the intent of protecting the academic character of university study (see chapter five) In Germany however the path of reform did not follow a clear direction towards an integrated or separated praxis-orientation during the 1970s Instead parallel attempts were made towards both integration and separation of academic and vocational components On the one hand a separate sector Fachhochschulen was developed similar to the HBOrsquos in the Netherlands (see below) On the other hand the Wissenschaftsrat had recommended in 1970 that the integrated comprehensive university the Gesamthochschulen represent the future model for all higher education in Germany128 This recommendation was written into the Federal Higher Education Framework Law (HRG) in 1976 The Gesamthochschulen were by design supposed to accommodate both the more traditional pattern of university study as well as the new praxis-oriented study pattern at the Fachhochschule

Separation ofFunction The Fachhochschulen

In 1969 an agreement between the Federal Government and the Laumlnder allowed the Laumlnder to develop new Fachhochschulen through the founding of entirely new institutions or by promoting existing technological or engineering schools to the rank of Hochschule129 Because of the fact that the Gesamthochschule was written into the Higher Education Framework Law (HRG) as the future institutional model in Germany the role and place of the Fachhochschule within the system of higher education was very ambiguous at the beginning of the 1970s

The Fachhochschule was nevertheless successful in finally bringing a much more structured and planned dimension to the German student career Courses at the Fachhochschulen were designed to follow a ldquostrict organizationrdquo and were divided into a first phase of basic studies lasting from 2ndash4 semesters and a second phase of main studies lasting 2ndash4 semesters as well130 Unlike the universities Fachhochschulen were to subject the students to a ldquocontinuous assessment of course work frequently in the form of individual course testing or in the form of project assignmentsrdquo131 Students were expected to complete a final project at the end of their studies which should last 3 to 6 months132 The standard course duration at the Fachhochschule was originally intended to be 3 years with 1 year of practicum133 Many study courses at the Fachhochschulen divided the standard four year course into 3 years (6 semesters) of course work and 1 year (2 Semesters) of internship or practicum at a company or organization134

The type of student to which the Fachhochschule was originally intended to cater was evident in the access criteria Originally the Fachhochschule was intended for secondary school graduates with a leaving certificate specifically created for the Fachhochschule (Fachhochschulreife) which was obtained at a 12-year Fachoberschule (higher technical school) instead of the 13-year Gymnasium135 Since the early 1970s the Fachhochschule had become an increasingly more important component of the German student career especially after it became clear that the Gesamthochschule would not be adopted as the primary ldquomodel of a differentiated higher education systemrdquo throughout the Federal Republic136

Germany 91

Integrated Gesamthochschule

While the Fachhochschule was developing its own separate identity the idea of the integrated Gesamthochschule prevailed during the early 1970s among idealistic policy makers as the preferred solution to the massification of university study137 The idea of an integratedmdashor comprehensivemdashuniversity was not new Not only had it been a key component to the Dahrendorf Plan the idea of an integrated university had surfaced as early as the Weimar Republic138

The principle underlying the Gesamthochschule was based on the assumption that integration would help rectify many of the structural problems plaguing traditional German university study such as the perceived lack of occupational relevance and the lack of equal opportunity139 Unlike the separated differentiated system consisting of the Fachhochschulen and the universities the integrated Gesamthochschule was based on ldquotransferabilityrdquo140 which would allow students to move more freely from one type of study course to another thereby decreasing status barriers between the academic and practical courses

Two major types of integration were envisioned in the planning period of the comprehensive university one which brought the structures of study programs from the Fachhochschule and the university under the same roof but maintained separation and the other which integrated the structure of study programs intended for Fachhochschulen and universities into a unified interdependent pattern141 The problem of how the separate traditions (academic and vocationalpractical) were to be integrated produced a variety of innovative curricular plans Some of the early plans for an integrated and unified structure were similar to the Swedish U68 idea (see chapter four) in that it called for a modular structure of course work allowing students to piece together 6ndash8 week modules to form a degree Most likely on account of its radical departure from the traditional system of study this plan was not implemented142

On the other end of the spectrum of potential structural patterns a more conservative ldquoVrdquo shaped model that clearly differentiated study paths between the longer traditional form of university study and the shorter Fachhochschule study from the very beginning Based on the 1967 Dahrendorf plan this model essentially placed a lsquoseparate but equalrsquo idea within the walls of the same institution143 but tended to disfavor the integration of the academically and practically oriented students within the study courses Instead it forced students to make a choice at the beginning of their studies towards an academic or a practicalvocational course which ldquoeffectively pushes the point of differentiation back to the stage of secondary schoolrdquo144 This ldquoVrdquo shaped model appealed more readily to the conservative political and social groups within society because it did not really challenge the status quo Though the development of this model was originally supported by the State of Baden-Wiirttemburg as an offspring of the Dahrendorf Plan the ldquoVrdquo model did not become successfully implemented there in the end145

Another alternate pattern for a Gesamthochschule was the consecutive model that was intended to integrate all students in courses from the beginning allowing students to either continue after a certain point or leave with certification This program was intended to be highly integrative giving options and choices to students to leave after maintaining the first level of study without becoming lsquodropoutsrsquo This pattern appealed to people with more progressive political perspectives and was adopted by the Gesamthochschule Kassel in Hessen The third model which represented sort of a


compromise between the V form and the consecutive form was the Y form This design kept students together during the Grundstudium phase but then differentiated the students afterwards into separate degree courses This model was also known as the Nordrhein-Westfalen model (NRW) since NRW developed 5 Gesamthochschulen based on this idea in 1972146

Despite the fact that Paragraph 5 of the 1976 Higher Education Framework Law stated that all of the various institutions of higher education were to be eventually incorporated into the pattern of the Gesamthochschule147 the idea of the Gesamthochschule was already politically dead when the law was passed In the end only a few of the 11 states had constructed Gesamthochschulen to complement rather than replace the universities and Fachhochschulen Ironically since the passing of the 1976 HRG which held the Gesamthochschule as the central model for study reform not one new Gesamthochschule has been constructed within the Federal Republic of Germany148

One of the chief reasons for failure of what seemed to be such a firm state and federal legislative policy was rooted in the overall lack of system-wide governmental control in comparison to Sweden and the Netherlands to ultimately affect change Neusel and Teichler state that the main reasons for failure in the establishment of the Gesamthochschule as the integrated model of higher education in Germany were multiple For one the choice ultimately fell along lines of political ideology In those states controlled by the more conservative Christian Democrats the concept of the Gesamthochschule was not ultimately embraced Another reason was that the entire concept of the Gesamthochschule was not unified but rather represented a variety of structural plans and educational goals throughout the Laumlnder149 In the end even the chief principle behind the Gesamthochschule that is to somehow mix together academic and vocationalpractical courses was not clearly outlined150 These factors together with a swing towards a more conservative mood at the end of the 1970s placed the Gesamthochschule in a ldquocrisis of legitimizationrdquo151 as the future model of the student career

After a decade of reform activity during the 1970s the 1980s was marked by a respite in the efforts to reform the student career with no new national plans on the political horizon If anything the 1980s represented a reversal of some of the centralizing trends In a 1985 revision of the Higher Education Framework Law the Gesamthochschule was removed as the future pattern of German higher education Further the 1985 HRG transferred some of the centralized decision making power over the make up and content of study programs to the individual universities152 Despite the apparent failure of study reform in the 1970s one key successful reform to the student career is apparent in the establishment of the Fachbochschulen which during the 1980s began to define their place in the higher education landscape

The Success of the Fachhochschulen

The failure of the Gesamthochschule in the 1970s to provide a new domain for the German student career resulted in a defacto policy of dichotomization along the two fundamental assumptions of purpose theory and praxis Though the Fachhochschulen originally had an ambiguous role in the higher education landscape in Germany by the late 1980s they had become mature successful institutions that stood on their own

Germany 93

The increasing success of the Fachhochschulen during the 1980s and early 1990s was well indicated by the growing number of the proportion of their students who had attained an Abitur Throughout the 1980s increasing numbers of young people with academic secondary examinations were opting for a shorter course of studies within the Fachhochschulen instead of the universities Whereas in 1983 around 375 of the Fachhochschule students had received an Abitur in 1988 this number had risen to 45 153 This trend demonstrated that the Fachhochschulen were successful in attracting students who also had the choice to study at the university and thus ldquohad become a real alternative to university studyrdquo154 In some cases study programs offered at the Fachhochschulen attracted a greater proportion of applicants than similar programs did at the universities155

The reasons for the increasing attractiveness of the Fachhochschulen to Abiturienten are telling In a survey cited by the Wissenschaftsrat the majority of Abiturienten who chose the Fachhochschulen (77) stated that they had done so because ldquouniversity study is too theoreticalrdquo Sixty two percent of the Abiturienten also claimed that ldquouniversity study was too longrdquo and 44 believed that there were ldquobetter occupational opportunities after study at a Fachhochschulerdquo156 Conversely only 16 of the Abiturienten stated that they were attending the Fachhochschule because of entrance restrictions at the university and only 13 stated that their reason for attending was that the universities did not offer a similar study program157

As a result of the attraction of the Fachhochschulen to the Abiturienten the originally targeted clientele of the Fachhochschulen found themselves at a disadvantage in competing for access In relation to the growth of Abiturienten the proportion of students entering the Fachhochschule who have attended the Fachoberschule (technical high school) had decreased from 68 percent in 1982 to 50 percent in 1991158 The changing character of entering students at the Fachhochschulen affected the institutionbecause fewer and fewer had a vocational background159

As a result of the developments of the Fachhochschulen over the past three decades increasing numbers of study programs fell under numerus clausus in the Fachhochschulen especially in the areas of business economics computer science mechanical and electrical engineering In some specialty cases such as European business economics the ratio of applicants to study places has reached 101160 According to the KMK ldquothe demand of the applicants for places at the Fachhochschulen can not by any degree be filledrdquo causing a ldquonation-wide numerus clausus at the Fachhochschulenrdquo161 The fact that some study programs became more selective than the universities had caused some students to ldquoparkrdquo at the university in order to wait for an opening at the Fachhochschule

The success of the Fachhochschule could also be seen by the number of graduates in the labor market Over the past decades increasing numbers of Fachhochschul graduates are to be found in the expanding areas of the economy Especially in engineering and business economics Fachhochschul-gtaduates filled the middle management positions though some even moved into upper management positions In fact the proportion of unemployed business economics graduates was higher among the university graduates162

Though many graduates of Fachhochschulen found good employment in the private sector mechanisms existed to ensure status differentiation between Fachhochschule and university graduates Though the degree corresponding to study at a Fachhochschule was


also called a Diplom it was distinguished by a ldquoFHrdquo after the title to avoid confusion with a university Diplom The most blatant status differentiation to the Fachhochschul-graduates was in the public sector whose remuneration and promotion regulations heavily favored the university graduates163 Students graduating from the Fachhochschulen were given an entry-level status of ldquohigher civil servantsrdquo whereas university graduates were automatically given entry-level status of ldquosenior civil servantsrdquo164

Status and Hierarchization

The bifurcation of the student career into a shorter praxis-oriented program at the Fachbochschulen and a longer theoretically-oriented pursuit at the university implied a hierarchization based on status rather than mere differentiation From the beginning the difference between the universities and the Fachhochschulen had been clear in their official titles universities were ldquowissenschaftlicherdquo Hochschulen whereas the others were ldquoFachrdquo Hochschulen As was discussed in chapter five the same stress on maintaining the purity of ldquowissenschaftrdquo separate from technical or occupational training was also evident in the Dutch terminology differentiated the ldquowetenschapplijkerdquo universities from the ldquohoger beroeps-rdquo (vocational) institutes (HBOs) (see chapter five) Though the differentiation between theory and praxis in both Germany and the Netherlands was justified by government statements to the effect that universities and technicalvocational institutions were of ldquoequal worthrdquo status differentiation as discussed above did in fact exist

Fearing the image of hierarchization the Federal government tried to counter status differentiation by stating clearly in the revised German Framework Law of 1985 that ldquothe different forms of institutions stand next to each other as elements of equal worthrdquo165 Underlying the fear of hierarchization in Germany was the status of the hallowed term of ldquoWissenschaftrdquo which was used to denote the universities but not the Fachhochschulen During the mid 1980s reformers were finally confronted with their own competing and paradoxical ideals The first was the desire to differentiate between theoretical and practical oriented study courses and the second was the desire to maintain the ideal of equality within the concept of the student career The paradox in the German Framework Law is summed up best by the Wissenschaftsrat itself

Fachhochschulen are of course not lsquoWissenschaftliche Hochschulenrsquo [academic institutions] in the traditional sense and should not become so Concepts such as lsquoWissenschaftliche Hochschulersquo and lsquoFachhochschulersquo should nevertheless lsquonot be misunderstood in the sense that it would place the wissenschaftlichkeit of the Fachhochschule in questionrsquo In order to avoid such conscious or unwanted misunderstandings which can easily lead to a hierarchization of the institutions a differentiation of universities and Fachhochschulen is recommended For these same reasons terms such as lsquowissenschaftlichersquo study courses or lsquowissenschaftlichersquo study (Studium) should not be used any more to characterize university study courses166

Germany 95

Thus the dilemma between equality and differentiation of function and purpose was rationalized chiefly through the creative use of semantics The fact that university education set itself apart from Fachhochschul education through ldquoWissenschaftrdquo ultimately implied status hierarchization thus negating the legal declarations that both sectors were ldquoequalrdquo Recognizing this dilemma paragraph 2 of the Framework Law of 1985 stated that these differences were not to continue to play a role in higher education policy167 The push for an increase in similarity is also evident in the fact that the Framework Law of 1985 stresses that study courses at

universities just as those at Fachhochschulen should be aimed towards hellipan occupationally-enabling cultivation and training (Bildung and Ausbildung) to an occupationally qualifying degree at the same time study at the university is primarily oriented towards theory and basic research and study at the Fachhochschulen is primarily oriented towards application method and occupational fields168

Instead of the use of the term ldquoWissenschaftrdquo to differentiate study between the university and Fachhochschule differentiation was stressed through the ldquoprimary orientationrdquo of each separate study track Though the tasks of the Fachhochschulen were originally envisaged by law makers to focus on the teaching of praxis-oriented subject matter with time the Fachhochschulen have come to rest on somewhat similar legal ground as the traditional universities Conversely however German law states that both types of institutions should strive for the ldquopreparation for occupational tasks through teaching and learning (study)rdquo169 The intended difference between the two types of institutions has evolved to a matter of how much stress each type of institution should place on academic research and teaching as opposed to occupational training

THE FAILED PROGNOSIS

Despite the success of the Fachhochschulen during the 1980s and early 1990s the relationship between the universities and the Fachhochschulen still represented as Ralf Dahrendorf had originally feared in the mid 1960s an ldquoinverted educational pyramidrdquo Unlike the relationship between the HBOrsquos and the universities in the Netherlands in Germany an overwhelming majority of students remained enrolled in the universities And despite the fact that the proportion of students studying at the Fachhochschulen grew from around 21 in 1975 to 28 in 1989 by far the majority of growth of students had been within the universities where students continued to study on the average 13 longer than those in the Fachhochschulen170 As a result the successful development of the Fachhochschulen during the 1970s had a limited effect on steering away the ever-increasing numbers of new students at the universities

The failure to appreciably expand the Fachhochschulen increased the burden on the universities which as a result of the 1977 policy of ldquoopening the universitiesrdquo were purposely subjected to an overburden quota This overburden was supposed to last until the mid 1980s when the demographic bulge of the 18ndash21 year-old cohort subsided and enrollments dropped off rapidly171 In actuality however while the proportion of the 18ndash


21 year old cohort did slowly rise from 1980 to 1985 from 900000 to 1000000 and then decrease each year to under 850000 in 1990 the total number of students continued to grow between 1980 and 1990 from around 800000 to around 112 million university students and from around 200000 to about 380000 Fachhochschule students172

What the higher education planners had failed to take into consideration was that any decrease in size of the 18ndash21 year old age cohort might be offset by the rapid growth of the proportion of young people who attained the right to attend higher education in academic secondary schools during the mid 1970s and mid 1980s173 Though the number of students entering higher education actually did drop off for around 2 years between 1983 and 1985 it began to grow again after 1986174

The failed prognosis revitalized the old crisis facing the German student career Though the growing numbers of entrants to post-secondary study in Germany had been a problem in Germany since the early 1960s the continued growth during this period ran counter to the planning objectives based on a calculated outcome of a projected demographic development The constant growth had a profound effect on the university especially on teaching Despite a growth in expenditure across the board from 1975ndash1987 the total amount of real expenditures (less medical clinics and adjusted for inflation) on higher education in Germany actually dropped 50 during this same period175 From 1977 to 1989 the number of academic staff at the universities remained practically the same rising from 54000 in 1977 to 54300 in 1989176

Overcrowding and under funding did not only effect the teaching environment (overcrowded lecture halls and seminars inaccessible professors) it also affected the core of the German university ideal the ability for students to carry out independent research This problem was outlined in 1992 in a report by the Conference of Universities Rectors (Hochschulrektorenkonferenz)

The basic university facilities for research in the areas of personnel space and equipment are no longer adequate There is a lack of scientific equipment and space laboratories do not fulfill their purpose and communications networks are not sufficiently operational The libraries can not acquire the newly published literature to an adequate extent for research and teaching on account of the lack of meanshellip The increased need for re-investment funds which has come as a result of the outdated physical plant and equipment is not by far covered177

Thus what was planned as a temporary situation of overcrowding within the universities ldquodeveloped into a constant pressing condition of normalityrdquo178 To make matters worse within the academic community it seemed clear at the time that there was no sign of relief on the horizon and that overcrowding would be the status quo well into the next century

Reunification The Lost Opportunity

The story of the transformation of the student career in the Federal Republic of Germany has an interesting and equally involved counterpart in the former German Democratic Republic Despite the common roots university and higher education in both East and West Germany had taken very different paths since the end of the Second World War

Germany 97

The systems differentiated on almost all levelsmdashsecondary schools access research and teaching and employment of graduates In the East for example the school system was more unified than in the West179 Furthermore since the end of the 1960s the German Democratic Republic had instituted a strong separation of research and teaching in the realm of post secondary training and education Academic research was separated out into scientific academies relegating the universities to pure teaching institutions whose curriculum was strongly tied to the ideals of the ruling Communist Party the SED (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands)180 As a result the structural and administrative nature of university study in the East was controlled and school-like and the universities did not suffer from the over-crowding of long-time students as in the West

During the early stages of ldquoreunificationrdquo of the German Democratic Republic into the system of the Federal Republic of Germany the entire educational system in the East was re-evaluated from primary schools to advanced scientific research In 1991 over 200 evaluators from the West undertook an extensive evaluation of academic research and universities in the former GDR on behalf the Wissenschaftsrat181 Some of those in the West still concerned with the dire need for study reform saw an unprecedented opportunity to extend this process of evaluation to the West German system of higher education as well These hopes never came to fruition On the contrary as Frackmann and de Weert explain the system of the West gained a new false sense of legitimization

with the fall of the system in the East the West German higher education system was proved to be lsquocorrectrsquo with all of its strengths and weaknesses In spite of a few lsquoideasrsquo which had been formulated at the beginning of the reunification process nothing happened so that one could profit from this opportunity with a lsquorejuvenationrsquo such as for example to create at least one or two lsquounconventionalrsquo lsquoexperimentalrsquo higher education institutions182

At the beginning of the reunification process many in the West feared that the situation of overcrowding would be made even worse by the sudden influx of East Germans whose secondary finishing examination which was still called Abitur was held at par with those in the West The goal of the Western reformers therefore was to create in the East as fast as possible the same study programs with the same qualified teaching staff in order to avoid an exodus of East German students183 As in the West the most lsquoefficientrsquo policy decision would have been for the Federal and Lander government to spend a much larger amount of resources developing new Fachhochschulen to reduce the effects of an ldquoinverted pyramidrdquo The five new Laumlnder in the East however were primarily interested in developing more prestigious research universities of their own184

The fact that the entire West German system of higher education was ldquotransplantedrdquo to the East beginning in the 1990s was therefore somewhat ironic185 Despite much hope and fear stirred up by the media in the early stages of reunification the effects of the fall of the Berlin wall had been only to extend the Western conceptual structure of the student career into the five new Laumlnder During the first half of the 1990s the situation of overcrowding and under funding worsened exacerbated by the financial constraints brought on by resources pouring into the newly adopted Eastern states By early 1992 the


total number of students enrolled in both in the old and new Lander reached 178 million186

THE STUDENT CAREER TOWARDS THE 21ST CENTURY

In the early 1990s the German student career had become a day-to-day struggle devoid of any real consensus of what the underlying philosophy of university study should be Instead of structural change to the student career what characterized the student career during the late 1980s and early 1990s was the rise of a series of definitional themes within the reform discourse that attempted to describe developments within the otherwise oblique and structurally undefined process of study Concepts such as long-term students part-timefull-time students multiple qualifications student culture as self-determination and ldquophantomrdquo students all began to shape the concept of study

Long-Term Students

Despite the attempts to establish normative durations of study programs the German reforms of the 1970s and 80s failed to tie the prescribed changes to new structural control mechanisms sanctions or administrative changes Continually since the 1960s not only was the average study duration increasing but students were also becoming progressively older This trend had continued throughout the 1980s Whereas in 1980 around 40 of the students were under 24 years of age this number slipped to around 28 in 1990187 On the other end of the scale 21 of the students were 28 or older in 1980 30 percent of the students were 28 or older in 1990188

In the 1990s the growing average duration of university study coupled with an ever-increasing average age of university students raised new con-cerns in the media about how the society should deal with the phenomenon of Langzeitstudenten or long-term students The concept of long-term students was not new In the past they were referred to as eternal studentsmdashan eccentric type who ldquostudiedrdquo forever without concern of the external world In the age of mass higher education however when around 30 percent of 18ndash21 year-old age cohort was choosing a student career long-term students presented themselves as a major social issue

Despite the concern a long-term student was difficult to define inasmuch as there was no clear definition of just how long a student had to overshoot the prescribed limits to be classified as long-term student189 It was difficult to pinpoint a long-term student for a few reasons Unlike in the Netherlands and Sweden years of higher education reform in Germany gave the state or the institution little increase in control over the individualrsquos actions within the study process This was coupled with the fact that the study process itself despite the years of attempted reform has remained somewhat ldquoKafkaesquerdquo to any beginning student and very intractable to students wishing to finish as quickly as possible190 Though study and examination regulations instituted in the late 1970s brought about an increase in clarity to the make up of study courses for incoming students any help these regulations brought were countered by the chronic overcrowding and under funding of universities This coupled with the fact that the institutions or faculties had very little control over the study behavior of the students

Germany 99

Multiple Qualifications

Though the issue of the increasing average age and study duration of students had been increasingly portrayed by state reformers as an indicator of inefficiencies and need for ldquoqualityrdquo improvement of academic study the reasons for longer study and increased average age were not only based on the misguided and lost individual floundering in an uncaring environment Instead in some cases individual students had clear goals and intentions to undertake multiple qualifications through different educational domains formal vocational apprenticeship study abroad practica and part-time employment in areas that mirrored their future occupational interests

In the mid-1980s increasing numbers of students began undertaking ldquodouble qualificationsrdquo by enrolling in vocational training programs as well as academic study191 Between 1983 and 1989 the proportion of university students who finished an occupational training course increased from 13 to 23192 This proportion differed from one academic subject to the other Clearly the largest proportion of students (48) who had completed an apprenticeship before enrolling in studies in 1989 was in business economics193

This trend towards double qualification of students represented an unplanned development of vocational training on the part of individual students Originally developed as an important vocational education path for young people without a secondary academic qualifying examination many apprenticeships in banks and industry were competed for by some of the best of the secondary graduates with Abitur The informal educational pathway of Gymnasium Abitur bank apprenticeship followed by academic study became the ldquokingrsquos pathrdquo to high positions in industry and commerce during the 1980s194 As a result employers in business and industry began to expect a formal double qualification from university graduates At the Deutsche Bank according to an interview in Der Spiegel with the Personnel Director Gunther Mangold ldquocandidates without occupational experience have no chancerdquo195

In addition to the attraction of university students to vocational apprenticeships the increased competition for upper-level management positions prompted university students to pursue ldquosupplementalrdquo qualifications196 In 1988 over 65 of university students had undertaken some sort of ldquosupplemental trainingrdquo in the form of foreign language training practica or computer programming outside of their formal course of study197

The increasing number of students pursuing double or multiple qualifications had the obvious effect of pushing the average age of students higher and higher running counter to a long-standing policy desire to reduce the age of the average university graduate In the late 1980s only 28 of the total (West) German student population was under 24 years old The most important factor leading to the increasing age of students was the trend towards multiple qualifications after academic secondary schools As shown in Table 61 the average time students took between finishing high school and entering university was on average 17 months (19 months for men and 14 months for women)198 For most men the average of 19 months was explained by the required civil or military service For women the average of 14 months was explained mostly by vocational training and ldquoindecisivenessrdquo towards undertook study199 The university students who undertook a vocational apprenticeship after secondary school entered university on average 42 months later (43 months for men and 42 months for women)200


On the other side of the study process increasing numbers of university graduates undertook further practical training in private institutes after prolonged study courses in order to gain experience necessary for emerging markets such as ecological consulting201

Table 61 Average Time Students Take between Abitur and University Study1

Without Apprenticeship With Apprenticeship

Men 19 months 43 Months

Women 14 Months 42 Months

Total 19 Months 42 Months 1 Source BMBW 13 Sozialerhebung des Deutschen Studentenwerkes 124

As discussed above in the Swedish section the coordination of academic study towards a clear occupational relevance is in many cases very difficult Since the early 1960s the German government industry and media have raised criticisms about the lack of practical and vocational qualification of the theoretically-educated German student Despite the reform efforts of the 1970s and despite the purpose of study being outlmed in the Hochschulrahmengesetz as an ldquooccupationally-qualifying degreerdquo academic study had failed in key areasmdashespecially in the social sciences and humanitiesmdashto develop any clear link to the labor market

In the early 1990s an increasing level of unemployment of university graduates in general raised the criticism again in the media that the ldquouniversities limp behind the developments in the labor marketrdquo202 As an employee at the Hamburg employment office stated ldquonever before have so many bright young well-educated natural scientists registered at our office as unemployedrdquo203

Despite the structural reform efforts of the 1970s and 1980s individual student freedom continued to define the study experience of the 1990s With a growing proportion of students in the German population many students realized the importance of their own personal cultivation in a competitive labor market Left to their own power of decision increasing numbers of students exploited the structural and legal characteristics of the German educational system to undertake vocational theoretical and personal formation that includes far more than what was intended by the state defined formal educational options Students who wanted to formulate their concept of arsquoqualityrsquo education were thus taking even longer to emerge from the overall educational process than before As one student pointed out

I donrsquot think that an over-arching knowledge is delivered in [university] study But during study one has the time to further onersquos knowledge in other ways I can simply do more things during my free time for which I would have no time to do if I were working full time204

Germany 101

Self-Determination and Leisure

The struggle over the redefinition of the student career in Germany is still based on the question of the right to leisure and self-determination of the student Despite the rather rational and operationalized images of the student career portrayed in government recommendations compared to Sweden and the Netherlands the German student career still retained a strong aspect of student culture external to the daily operations of the university As discussed in chapter three the original ideal behind Lernfreiheit had been based on the nineteenth-century precepts of leisure from toil of the daily social requirements for the pure pursuit of Wissenschaft In the 1980s the loose structure of the German student career coupled with an increase in the proportion of students studying at the university and a strong economy fostered the development of a student culture and lifestyle that according to one student ldquoresemble[d] to a shocking degree a roll-your-own cigarette advertisementrdquo205

The ldquocivilized societyrdquo of the late 1980s in which everything was ldquodiscussedrdquo in which everything was more cuddly and cultural more fun and leisurely was of course quite especially cultivated out of the student milieu The student existence became to be a leading social standardhellip Student consciousness is thus something like the result of that wonderful comfortable social democratic era which is now almost overhellipin the shadow of the Wall we lived in a social ideal in which poverty seemed to appear only in the Anti-imperialism seminar206

Practically unlimited university study paid for by the state together with government subsidized living transportation eating and health insurance costs manifested themselves in the 1980s in an exemplary student lifestyle largely protected from external sanctions and demands Part of the problem with long-term students outlined above was that unlike student life in the United States the boundaries of this lifestyle have always defined themselves well outside the context of the university One student asked if he centered his life on the university answered with

There is no attractionhellip I go to the university go to my courses perhaps also I eat but thatrsquos it in the end I immediately leave again It is too uncomfortable too loud too stressful207

ldquoPhantomrdquo students

The fact that students in Germany received social subsidies such as reduced health insurance (until 30 years of age) and transportation costs created a good incentive for some to register just for the student identification card208 Since students paid no tuition and within many disciplines the university had no clear means of accounting for their students an undetermined number of Scheinstudenten or ldquophantom studentsrdquo registered every semester chiefly to maintain their social benefits rather than to finish their studies


Though these types of students had always existed in some form or another209 the growth in the numbers and proportion of students during the 1980s meant that they no longer represented fewer than 2 or 3 percent of an age cohort

The problem however was how to recognize these students in the context of an overcrowded and under funded university culture Because overcrowded facilities and personal financial burdens that forced many students to work had also lengthened the time to degree it was difficult to distinguish Scheinstudenten merely by looking at who did not register for examinations within the prescribed time Diederich Behrend the Director of Student Affairs at the Ludwig-Maximillians-University of Munich pointed out that

One becomes an Scheinstudent only with the course of time Only a portion of the people registers from the beginning with the intention that lsquoI want my identification card but nothing else to do with the universityrsquo The others want to study but donrsquot manage the right start in university study210

Some study programs such as Germanics seemed to have far more Scheinstudenten than others partly because of the relative numbers of students enrolled In 1992 Germanics was the largest field of study at the Free University of Berlin with 8796 students enrolled Of the 8796 1401 were enrolled in the 19th semester or higher (95 years or more) and 10 percent of the total number of Germanics students was enrolled between 35 and 57 semesters (between 175 and 285 years)211 When the Germanics department contacted these ldquolong-term studentsrdquo personally they were subjected to ldquothe saddest stories of their lives Pregnancy test anxiety lack of money depressionhelliprdquo212

There were a lot of reasonsmdashand ideasmdashabout why the average time students take to study had steadily increased over the past 30 years However due to the lack of clear structural parameters to determine norm duration of study and behavior of students the concept of long-term students continued to generate much discussion among policy makers and within the popular media

Part-TimeFutt-Time Study

Also related to the confusion over long-term students and phantom students is the concept of part-time studies which had arisen in the media and reform discourse as a new portrayal of the student career213 Just as it has been difficult in Germany to determine who is really a ldquostudentrdquomdashand who is just using the status for other social or individual purposesmdashit is also difficult to determine what a ldquopart-timerdquo student is

Whereas the establishment of part-time studies in the Netherlands and Sweden were clear policy decisions grounded in the establishment of credit points and administrative sanctions in Germany the ever-growing popular idea of part- time student had been almost purely speculative Since the German system lacked any formal means to distinguish full and part time study the term had increasingly appeared in the public discourse without any clear structural or functional grounding In most cases the term part time had been used for those students who undertook other activities during their studies such as employment or child care and as a result become long-term students

Germany 103

However even these definitions were flawed inasmuch as some students finished their studies in the shortest time possible while working at the same time and others overshoot the normative study time by years though they have never held a job214

Despite the lack of mechanisms to determine part-time students the long-term student phenomenon spawned much speculation as well as some empirical research to determine the proportion of ldquopart-time studentsrdquo based on student ldquotime budgetsrdquomdashthat is how students managed their time over an average week between ldquostudent-orientedrdquo as opposed to ldquonon-student-oriented activitiesrdquo215

Such research is problematic however because it is based at the most fundamental level on very speculative assumptions of what full-time study is As researchers at Hochschul-Informations-System (HIS) point out if one assumes the social norm of 40 hours a week to be full-time study then one must raise the question as to whether the requirements of a study program can be successfully completed in 30 or even 20 hours a week216 On the basis that ldquosome study programs seem to be studiable with effective organizational skills with a time expenditure of almost 30 hours a weekrdquo and that ldquoa regular full-time study is hardly possible with a weekly time expenditure of under 25 hours a weekrdquo HIS researchers established two separate models of full-time study one based on the lower limit of 30 hours a week and the other based on the lower limit of 25 hours a week217 Naturally the 30 hour-a-week model produced fewer ldquofull-time studentsrdquo (74 percent) than did the 25 hour-a-week model (856 percent)218 Of the 856 percent of the students who claim to spend 25 hours or more for example 121 percent also carry a ldquoheavy work loadrdquo from outside employment

As compelling as they might be such snapshots of student time budgets had its limitations within a study process which was relatively non-compartmentalized based on the basic unit of measurement of time As long as the individual rather than the system remained the primary master over the temporal breakdown of his or her own study process the concept of full-time and part-time remains strictly a matter of conjecture Further differences between the nature of study and inquiry had been present between the more structured applied sciences and the more loosely organized humanities in all three countries since the nineteenth century These differences are also apparent in the empirical research undertaken by Greisbach and Leszczenksy which show a large difference in how the concept of part-time student is portrayed among the social sciences and the natural sciences In a rationalized concept of time budgets ldquostudy-oriented behaviorrdquo takes on a much narrower definition even within the social sciences and humanities

All of these concepts and issues (part-time study long-term students multiple qualifications self-determinations) are related to the fundamental way in which time is compartmentalized within the structure of the German student career Lacking the most basic temporal unit the study point semantic changes to the German student career such as labeling something ldquopart-timerdquo or ldquolong-termrdquo is as demonstrated above conjecture Though lack of temporal structure has been portrayed by reformers as problematic to the entire student career many students exploited the loose structure to their own personal and many times educational benefit


STUDIABILITY NEW EFFORTS AT COMPARTMENTALIZATION OF THE STUDENT CAREER

By the early 1990s the combined pressures of overcrowding under financing long-term students and graduate unemployment brought about another wave of study reform euphoria After the failure of the combined Federal-Laumlnder reforms in the 1970s and 80s many of the individual Laumlnder began to take reform matters into their own hands reframing the old problems and issues as well as the solutions and plans in a new light In 1991 all the minister presidents of the Laumlnder governments (Ministerprasidentenkonferenz) requested that the Ministers of Finance (FinanzministerkonferenzmdashFMK) and the Ministers of Culture and Education (KulturministerkonferenzmdashKMK) formulate recommendations for a ldquostructural reform of studyrdquo across the Laumlnder219 As a result in 1992 the FMK and the KMK published an ldquoactualization paperrdquo which was intended to ldquomake the reform recommendations more concreterdquo220 By the time this report had been published the ldquofeeling towards a necessity of a radical structural change in the area of higher education had clearly grownrdquo to include support from the Wissenschaftsrat and the Conference of University Rectors (HochschulrektorenkonferenzmdashHRK)221 Based on the preliminary outline the Conference of Rectors and the Conference of Ministers of Culture established a work group which published in 1993 the report Umsetzung der Studienstrukturreform (Transformation of structural reform of study)222 In this report the KMK and the HRK stated that the core of the reform was to ldquodesign a clearer structure of university study with the goal of retaining the academic nature of study (Wissenschaftlichkeit der Ausbildung) also in the mass universityrdquo223

As the new reform effort gained momentum it became a national issue Because of the renewed ldquocrisisrdquo portrayal of the student career the new reform effort was tied to a national educational summit in November of 1993 where final reports and recommendations would be presented to the Chancellor as well as all the minister presidents of the individual Laumlnder In preparation for the summit a special Federal-Land work group developed a detailed blue print for the restructuring of university study for the entire country224 Preceding the summit the minister presidents from all the Laumlnder met in October 1993 and agreed to adopt a series of reforms based on the various recommendations outlined by the different participating groups In an end report published by the KMK in 1993 the new nationwide reform standards were outlined along with the main themes that were mirrored in many of the reform ideas of the Laumlnder

Expansion of the Fachhochschulen

On account of the success of the Fachhochschulen the most important structural recommendations that the KMK and HRK put forth was a ldquoqualitative and quantitativerdquo expansion of the Fachhochschulen to make them even more competitive with the universities This meant expanding the physical plant the study programs allowing highly qualified FH graduates to undertake doctoral work at universities and increasing the accessibility to public service employment225 By expanding the Fachhochschulen the university would be allowed to continue its mission of offering longer more theoretical and academically-oriented degree programs Despite the inverse pyramid

Germany 105

effect in having fewer FH students than university students ldquothe Fachhochschule sector canhellipact as a safety valve for the universities It takes pressure of the high numbers of students off the university sector and helps it to maintain its elite characterrdquo226 Consequently the most imperative policy decision seen across the board was the expansion of the number of places at the Fachhochschulen In 1992 the proportion of Fachhochschulen students to university students was 2080 The goal of the KMK was to bring this level up to 3565 by the year 2000 and 4060 thereafter227

Another Attempt at Two Tiers of Study

Aside from the recommendations for the expansion of the FH sector the KMK report called yet again for a ldquodifferentiation of study at the universitiesrdquo into two stages Much like the series of recommendations from the past the first stage would be ldquoan academic (wissenschaftliches) occupationally-qualifying (berufsbefaumlhigendes) first [tier] studyrdquo and the second ldquoa more advanced study especially for the training of future academic personnelrdquo228 As in the Netherlands the second tier study would find itself within the context of a more structured doctoral study

The chief goal of this reformmdashas the reforms in the pastmdashwas to increase the efficiency of the first degree studies by trying once again to increase the clarity of the structure and purpose of study This in turn was supposed to reduce the average time to degree the percentage of dropouts and the number of students switching to a new study program midway throught thier studies229

A Normal Study Duration

The 1993 KMK report recommended that study duration should be strictly tied to prescribed norms It is interesting to note however that at the time of the report all of the Laumlnder had already determined their own study durations for the universities For the humanities and social sciences the maximum was set at 9 semesters For the natural sciences some states allowed a 10th semester as an exception and all states set the norm for engineering at 10 semesters In North Rhein Westfalia all study programs were set through law at nine semesters with an allowance of an additional semester for study abroad or practicum For the Fachhochschulen all Laumlnder set the duration of study at 8 semesters230 The difference between the attempts to establish norms in Sweden and the Netherlands and those attempts in Germany came down to the role of the Laumlnder

Studiability Study Loads and Study Parameters

As in the Netherlands the concept of studiability became a popular way of characterizing the goal of an efficient means of study based on setting normative study loads or study volume By the time of the 1993 report many Laumlnder had set normative study loads on the basis of the number of hours per week Just as in Sweden and the Netherlands study volume was measured by units (weekly semester hours) such as 40 per year (20 per semester) In the humanities and social sciences the norms varied from state to state from


120 in North Rhein Westfalia to around 160 in Hamburg Natural sciences varied from 160 in Hamburg to 220 in Bavaria231

Though the establishment of the norm study duration into many of the Laumlnder laws had been an unprecedented change to the concept of study in Germany ensuring that this normative duration was followed was another matter altogether As was demonstrated in the Netherlands the only way to ensure a change in the overall study duration was to provide incentives and sanctions to both the individual student and the institutions In earlier reports the KMK had suggested that sanctions be established for those students who had overstepped the new normative boundaries They suggested charging students study fees for those who overshot the limit by 2 Semesters and ldquoexmatriculationrdquo (expulsion) for those who remained an additional 2 semesters after that232

Recognizing however that the overcrowded conditions of the universities made it impossible for some of even the most diligent students to complete their study programs within a norm time many of the Laumlnder ministries proclaimed that they would not implement proposed sanctions until study programs were actually studierbarmdashor ldquostudiablerdquo Studiability meant that structural reforms had to be implemented by the higher education institutions first in order to ldquoallow the average talented student to finish his or her studies during the prescribed normative study time if they really want tordquo233 In order to achieve studiability many Laumlnder began to establish ldquostructural quantitative parameters (Eckwerte) for university studyrdquo which outlined the normative study duration the number of examinations and the overall volume of curricular material to which study programs would be held accountable

Reformers claimed that many disciplines had been subjected to an explosion of knowledge that had over-loaded study programs with ldquoirrelevantrdquo academic material In the field of biology according to the Bavarian state institute for higher education research the amount of learning material had increased by about three times within the same organizational framework of the first two years of study the Grundstudium over the past 20 years234 Part of the idea behind ldquostudiabilityrdquo was to undertake a ldquopurge of the extraneous curricular content of the first degree studiesrdquo (inhaltliche Entfrachtung des Erststudiums)205 According to the reform recommendations a purge of academic content was necessary since ldquoroom has to be made for the transmission and acquisition of methods and their practical use in studyhelliprdquo236 Just how this would be done however was not spelled out

Further study parameters would set limits on the duration of time a student would be allowed to work on his or her thesis Over the years the size of the final theses students had been required to write to receive a Magister or Diplom has increased in size This trend had gone so far that ldquono one dares anymore to turn in a thesis of under 60 pagesrdquo237 In many cases the length of a thesis was approaching that of a dissertation238 though this was not necessarily reflected in an increase in the level of quality of the work239 The result of this trend meant that students were taking longer and longer to write their theses therefore also increasing the overall average study duration for students In order to remedy this the Land North-Rhein Westfalia recommended that the student spend no more that three months on the thesis Limits would also be placed on the length of the thesis which as in the case of North-Rhein Westalia a thesis limit of no longer than 60 pages had been proposed240

Germany 107

Exemplary Learning

Similar to the reform efforts in the Netherlands and Sweden the study parameters represented an effort to increase compartmentalization of the study process as a means to decrease the level of freedommdashor ambiguitymdashthat was inherent in the student career Instead of freedom of learning the key word of the new reform effort was ldquoexemplary learningrdquo By reducing strong emphasis on comprehensive examinations and the resultant over-specialization the

extra room that was gained could be used to strengthen the interdisciplinary component of study the acquisition of the so-called key qualifications (Schluumlsselqualifikationen) (foreign) language competence the appreciation of cultural offerings as well as study in small groups In this way it would be possible to strengthen self-determined study again in todayrsquos mass university while at the same time strengthening academic competence as a component of occupational competence that is now being established at the university241

The first German state to establish legal study parameters was North-Rhein Westfalia242 which educates by far the largest number of students of any of the Laumlnder243 North-Rhein Westfalia had anchored the ideas of study parameters and studiability into a larger reform theme called ldquoQualitaumlt der Lehrerdquo or quality of teaching244 Launched in November 1990 this program set out to restructure academic study much in the same fashion that was recommended by the report to the minister presidents in 1993 Study parameters had been established or were in the process of being established at the time of the report by many of the other 15 Laumlnder as well

Efficiency and ldquoQualityrdquo

Since the 1960s the main goal behind the various waves of reforms in Germany has been economic efficiency based on measurable outcomes The Laumlnder ldquoaction programsrdquo of the 1990s were no different By the time of the publication of the recommendations by the KMK and HRK report all Laumlnder had developed quantitative productivity parameters that were intended to measure the efficiency of academic study and the productivity of universities As in Sweden and the Netherlands productivity measurements were based on

bull The number of students who finished within the prescribed study duration bull The average time to degree bull The ratio of newly enrolled students to successful graduates bull The quota of how many exams were passed at the first try bull Quota of the number of drop outs and changes of major field245

The move towards quality indicators as in Sweden and the Netherlands had the intent of shifting the primary responsibility for quality of study away from the individual student and onto the mechanisms of the system at large In the past the quality of study had been assured chiefly on an input-oriented basis that is the quality of student was determined


by the common experience of the secondary qualification examinations What followed was an individually-oriented process of study where quality was measured more on a personal experiential process than on norms and output criteria As discussed in the previous two chapters with the drive to increase ldquoefficiencyrdquo of study output-oriented parameters became increasingly prevalent as measurements of ldquoqualityrdquo

In spite of the increased market-oriented discourse in Germany the ldquoqualityrdquo debate in Germany differed in the mid 1990s from that in Sweden and the Netherlands A market-based ideology remained at that point antithetical to the well-rooted idea that all universities were of equal quality The external ldquoquality controlrdquo system in the Dutch sense had not yet been as popular in Germany due to a lack of consensus246 Instead the German academic community began to examine in the latter part of the 1990s the idea behind the US form of ldquonon-governmentalrdquo accreditation as a possible answer to the more centralized state quality control system What evolved eventually was a sort of hybrid system that kept recognition of study programs at the Laumlnder ministries but relied on external accreditation review as a prerequisite for acceptance

CONTINUATION OF THE STATUS QUO

In comparison to Sweden and the Netherlands it appeared by the mid 1990s that the student career in Germany was stuck in a rut This was especially apparent following the Educational Summit of November 1993 Despite the great expectations the summit accomplished in the end very little According to the president of the German Organization for Student Services Albert Mutius the meeting portrayed itself ldquoless as a summit than as a dampener of expectationsrdquo247 The Suumlddeutsche Zeitung described the summit as such

for barely an hour the minister presidents of the Laumlnder and the Chancellor [Helmut Kohl] discussed higher education reform and the shortening of the number of years at school After that the summit was over andmdashthe nation is laughing itself to deathmdashtwo new work groups are supposed to continue to plan though they are already surrounded by a flood of papers concepts and explanations248

After a twenty-month build-up to the Educational Summit the only agreement that arose among the members of the summit was to continue to set up and fund committees As in the past the problems and the solutions to the ldquocrisisrdquo of the German student career were well-known to everyone involved The Laumlnder however felt that the issue of federal fiscal responsibility had not been fairly addressed in the discussions of reform Despite the large increase (728) of students across the nation since the ldquoopening of the universitiesrdquo in 1977 the proportion of funding from the federal government had ldquodecreased substantially to the detriment of the Laumlnder over the past yearsrdquo249

Though the students were in agreement that the German student career was in crisis student groups across the country came out in strong opposition to the reform recommendations250 Just as in the Netherlands it was clear to the students that ldquostudy reformrdquo and ldquoquality improvementrdquo did not mean an increase in expenditure towards the

Germany 109

overall infrastructure but rather a rationalization of resources that threatened what they understood and underscored as important qualities of the student career Opposition from student groups was underscored by two main fears The first was that the implementation of study parameters and the resulting rationalization of the study process would ultimately create a ldquosocial numerus claususrdquo which would shut out those members of society who did not possess the resources or social background to participate The second was that the ldquodivision of studyrdquo into two stages threatened to bring about the Entwissenschaflichung or ldquode-academizationrdquo of the first study phase leaving ldquoWissenschaftrdquo only to the more ldquoeliterdquo doctoral phase According to students years of progression towards the democratization of access to study would be countered by the division of study Perhaps worse in their opinion was the fact that the university graduate would slip in social status As a result of Entwissenschaftlichung

The lsquonormalrsquo university graduate would have more or less the same social status as those who used to visit the middle educational tracks (realschule vocational apprenticeships and occupational training) At the same time study would be just a lengthening of school and occupational training The graduates of the ldquowissenschaftlichenrdquo second phase would form again a clear and limited elite251

The students believed that the institution of highly structured and prescribed courses of study ultimately meant a social demotion They feared that their generation had been singled out and forced to accept an economized version of university study They asserted that any further rationalization of the student career would only worsen the study conditions

Students who are studying at this moment especially those who are starting now or who want to start soon will be left to themselves as the lost generationhellipthe authors want they know already A self-determined study for all252

Instead of economic and social rationalization student groups argued for an increase in resources so that all could pursue their right to a ldquoself-determinedrdquo academic study that had been enjoyed by the previous generations Under the organization of AStA (Allegemeiner Studierendenausschuss) students affirmed the traditional student career and rallied against the reforms on the grounds that they would lessen the quality of the student career for the majority rather than improve it253

The planners and reformersmdashmany if not all of whom were former students themselvesmdashmodeled their goals after an ldquoideal typerdquo of student which was far from the daily reality of the students protesting in the streets Throughout the course of reform discussions

it became shockingly clear that many who had been participating in the discussion about the real condition of the universities about the reality of everyday student life about the life goals of young people about their expectations and fears had scarcely a close idea of reality254


Reform discourse instead was intended to counter the real situation of the students by focusing

much more on a student type who raced through the university in the shortest time possible and who had concentrated from the beginning only on finishing a degree The fact that up to 25 of the students already have occupational training and that 20 percent of the students have consciously decided to complete a ldquopart-time studyrdquo and that 56ndash61 percent of the students is employed either during the regular semester or during the semester break is either unknown or is not taken into consideration255

To the planners and reformers the loose framework of study represented in itself poor quality Based on an ideal type of student a more rational student career was conceived which took the play out of the system and allowed for a more output-oriented controlled learning environment (exemplary learning) in lieu of a more process-oriented pursuit of knowledge As Laumlnder governments focused on the increase of the quality of teaching many students were defining their own student careers in many cases outside the purview of the course and study program by exploiting the chance to pursue multiple qualifications and experiences Convincing students to strive towards a normative state ideal is especially difficult when those students who have undergone apprenticeships worked during their studies learned a few foreign languages and studied or worked abroad have been rewarded in the labor market A quality process experienced by a student can be quite different than a quality output produced by state criteria and indicators The Laumlnder ministries felt rightly that fundamental problems noted in the late 1950s were the same as in the 1990s students were studying too long they had too much freedom university study was not relevant enough to the occupational world and university study was inherently inefficient The only consensus that existed by the mid 1990s was that some kind of change had to happen

Despite the recalcitrance of the traditional pattern of German university study towards ldquoreformrdquo the German student career had as a whole undergone important changes The development of the Fachhochschulen brought a shorter more directed study component to the purview of the student career the success of which was demonstrated by their increasing popularity with the Abiturienten Furthermore the Gesamthochschule had also provided limited alternatives to the unitary concept of German university study despite its failure to redefine the overall concept of the German student career

These few changes have provided a more flexible and differentiated student career than what is normally considered within the discourse of reform For the overwhelming majority of students the traditional form of university study remained the defining experience with its strong em-phasis on self-determination and Lernfreiheit Despite the resilience of this tradition over the years of reform discourse the ideal behind the meaning and purpose of study had been somehow buried under government reports256

The highly mechanistic and compartmentalizing qualities of study reform present in all three systems however have been countered in Germany by the fear of ldquoEntwissenschaftlichungrdquomdashor de-academizationmdashon the part of students professors and most notably the individual Laumlnder governments Given the choice of the more output oriented and ldquoefficientrdquo Fachhochschulen the new states in the East put more

Germany 111

weight on the development of more prestigiousmdashbut less ldquoefficientrdquo universities The claim in the mid 1990smdashas it was in the 1970s and 80smdashwas that it is possible to rationalize the structural form of study toward clear occupational goals while at the same time retaining the underlying academic nature as defined by Wissenschaft The concept of Wissenschaft however has a very strong tradition of being defined as process-oriented rather than output-oriented despite the trend towards the latter Fear of ldquoEntwissenschaftlichungrdquo therefore may continue to challenge for the time being the state reform efforts towards a highly output-oriented student career

The German student career had by the mid 1990s proved to be more resilient than its Swedish or Dutch counterparts Nevertheless many of the reform ideas that were stalled in the mid 1990s took on a new meaning in Germany near the latter half of the 1990s Just as in Sweden and the Netherlands the context of international comparison provided German academic policy makers the impetus to look beyond national goal planning toward a broader purpose of the student career As will be discussed in the last chapter of this book in doing so policy makers began to embrace reforms similar to those in Sweden and the Netherlands including norm study times required contact hours study points and credits and quality assurance However these ideas were embraced in a new international context If one takes into consideration the struggle for change over the past 40 years in Germany this new direction has been substantial


Chapter Seven The Transformation of the Student Career

The previous three chapters have discussed how Germany the Netherlands and Sweden tried to redefine the student career from the mid 1950s to the mid 1990s Since the nineteenth century the goals purposes and definitional boundaries of the student career have been defined in law by each state The student career of the past was defined exclusively as academic study only loosely tied to national goals and purposefully devoid of administrative control mechanisms ldquoStudyrdquo was a process a phenomenon in itself with its own ideological traditions and ideals The student career of today is a mixture of many different and sometimes conflicting purposes and goals having incorporated over the years different social expectations and new structural components

Displacing the traditional idealism of individualism governments in each country constructed commissions and central offices charged with issuing recommendations for change based on scientific planning and forecasting Since the 1960s centralized reform has become one of the most dominant determinants of the purpose and structure of the student career Most notably reform has institutionalized a ldquoconstant appeal for changerdquo1 to the concept of the student career

COMPARTMENTALIZATION OF THE CONCEPT OF STUDY

The key transformation of the student career has been the compartmentalization of the study process into more discrete and definable units of time and function This trend reflects an assumption that an individual student defines his or her experience in the context of a clear separation between being engaged or disengaged in ldquostudy-oriented activitiesrdquo In all three countries governments struggled to gain control over the loosely defined study process by increasingly defining measurable indicators of productivity These indicators help define the new concept of ldquostudiabilityrdquo which is based on normative study behaviors study loads units of credits modularization and specific degree durations In each country this transformation has been gradual and has reflected each governmentrsquos desire to define a historically process-oriented individual experience as more output oriented Compartmentalization of the student career has occurred in each country in two parallel and overlapping ways 1) on the basis of time (temporal) and 2) on the basis of orientation (functional)

1) Temporal Compartmentalization

Since the 1950s one of the chief determinants of efficiency of the student career has been time and the manner in which it was spent or structured As Niklas Luhmann has observed as an increasing number of social expectations were placed on everyday experiences (such as employment or university study) time has been increasingly

perceived within the public sphere as scarce2 In the context of the student career new social expectations gave rise to demands that the study experience consist of a much better and more efficient use of time This was first evident when reform commissions in each country began to view the duration of study as abnormally long in relation to more ldquonormalrdquo study durations in other countries (ie the United States or Great Britain) The problem of degree length was paralleled by a concern as to how the student career was temporally compartmentalized internally that is how the entire process of study could be broken down into more discrete modular units Rejecting the more loosely-defined process of individualized learning reformers re-defined academic study to be based on increasingly normative concepts of ldquostudentrdquo ldquostudy oriented behaviorrdquo and ldquostudy loadsrdquo The student career was viewed less as a the traditional holistic life experience and more as a sequence of discrete temporal units

The study process in Sweden was first temporally compartmentalized with the implementation of fixed study courses in 1965 when study was reformulated to be based on a series of points (40 points a year) and fixed study durations The philosophy of U68 and the resulting reforms in the 1970s refined this process further attempting to divide the student career into discrete modular and interchangeable units of study This resulted in giving the student career not only a clear part-timefull-time distinction but also a multitude of varying degree durations Thus a student theoretically would be considered successful in his or her own studies by receiving certification for a month-long or a five-year long course This policy was a clear repudiation of the traditional idealism stipulating a depth of experience unhindered from the daily travail of employment or family Instead the prevailing concept of study of the U68 ideal became a discrete activity that most students would do alongside other social or personal responsibilities such as employment or raising a family

The thirty-year trend towards temporal compartmentalization in Sweden was reversed somewhat in the 1990s when the new conservative government stipulated that degree programs in higher education be distinguished from other activities through the establishment of minimum degree durations and titles in the form of the Houmlgskolexam the Kandidatexam and the Magisterexam3 As in the Netherlands Sweden finally opted for a more normative degree format and duration that were based on the stipulation of normative study points and fixed study courses Part of the justification of such a change was to give the Swedish student career more currency in the international realm thus making it more attractive Another justification was the reaffirmation by the Swedish government that a study experience should have at least a minimum standard duration reflecting a depth of experience The basic reforms undertaken in the 1990s have held into the current century and have set the stage for Sweden to conform to the new European reforms grounded in the bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degree format However as will be discussed later the struggle towards conceiving the student experience in the form of modular versus fixed degree components remains at play in the European reform discourse

Temporal compartmentalization also occurred in the Netherlands and to a lesser degree in Germany by the mid 1990s As in Sweden the chief goal in both Germany and the Netherlands was to shorten the average time to degree through the establishment of shorter fixed degrees One idea which surfaced early in both countries was to divide the student career into two separate (and shorter) cycles in the form of a three- or four-year


bachelorrsquos degree for the majority of students followed by a second masterrsquos phase for a select number of students Though this pattern of compartmentalization was also based on the desire to bring about functional compartmentalization (see discussion below) shortening the time individuals spent engaged as students was a fundamental policy objective in the Netherlands This was evident in the establishment of the ldquoTwo Phase Lawrdquo which despite its title essentially compartmentalized the first phase of the study process into discrete units of time or credits and ensured that students followed the prescriptive norms by instituting control mechanisms and incentives tied to study fees access to financial aid and the threat of expulsion4 Despite the original intent the law did not functionally differentiate the purpose of the first degree (doctorandus) by creating two separate phases Instead the term ldquotwo phaserdquo targeted the strengthening of doctoral or research training to be more in the structured fashion of training in the United States In spite of its success in reducing the average time to degree by almost two years the Dutch governmentrsquos interest in creating a differentiated first degree continued to drive the policy recommendations in the 1990s This was evident in the resurrection of the idea for a three-year baccalaureate or in the suggestion that the standard four-year doctorandus be replaced with different degrees of varying lengths The differentiation of degrees into a bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degree was eventually realized for all new degree programs in the Dutch higher education law of 20025

The concept of time to degree in the German student career has perhaps been the most exhaustively debated because of the inability of government policy makers to tie controls and incentives to the standard degree lengths stipulated in laws throughout the country Unlike Sweden and the Netherlands the German student career remained in the 1990s loosely organized with no structural means of clearly defining ldquostudy-oriented behaviorrdquo study loads or full- andor part-time study activity Thus the desire of government policy makers to change the temporal structure of the student career remained a key issue because an ever-increasing number of students had not been matched by an increase in state expenditures6 As occurred in the Netherlands in the latter part of the 1990s the German student career finally saw a move towards a differentiated first degree in the form of bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degrees However in spite of the differentiated degrees important differences were retained in this structure between the academic and the vocational functions of the first degree

2) Functional Compartmentalization

Parallel to the increased temporal compartmentalization of the student career has been an increased functional compartmentalization In the 1950s the primary function of the student career was distinguished from other forms of education in Germany the Netherlands and Sweden through the academic ideal of Wissenschaft wetenschap and vetenskap respectively Though praxisvocational or professional orientation had always been a tacit function in many areas of study (eg medicine dentistry and law) the reform discourse in each country had played down these characteristics over the years With the rise of interest in the social relevance of university study state policy makers in all three countries emphasized the need for a vocationalpraxis orientation for the majority of students inasmuch as they did not believe that the academic function of study related well to the specific and planned needs of the labor market Over time the


definition of the student career became fractured on the one hand by a split between academictheoretical and vocationalpractical orientations and on the other by a differentiation between the teaching function and the research function

Despite the frequent use of the terms ldquoacademicrdquo or ldquovocationalrdquo in the policy discourse the use and the meaning of these terms have been unclear further muddled by attempts to redefine them based on changing policy imperatives over time Nevertheless in each country much of the reform discourse centered on how the different perceived functions of the student career should be unified andor separated within a degree program or an institution In most cases the focus was on the degree to which the ldquoacademicrdquo function should be separated from or integrated with the ldquovocationalrdquo Further policy makers struggled with the issue of whether such separation should be structured in the form of separate stages within a degree program separate institutional types or both

Functional compartmentalization of the Swedish student career occurred first with the attempts to separate research and teaching in the 1950s and continued as policy makers minimized the more traditional academic orientation of university study stressing instead vocationalism The Swedish governmentrsquos intention was to relegate the academic orientation of study to a more advanced stage for students aiming to become academic researchers The government later attempted to resolve the dilemma between the academic and vocational functions within the U68 ideal of ldquocomprehensivenessrdquo The U68 ideal and the ensuing reforms of the 1970s further compartmentalized the vocational function of study by tying it to clear ldquolinesrdquo that were intended to reflect the needs of the labor market The idea behind these reforms was to mitigate the arbitrary nature of the student career based on individual self-determination by maximizing the direct connection of study lines to the needs of society7 The policy objective of U68 was to make all forms of study equal within the all-encompassing concept of ldquohigher educationrdquo and thus avoid the possibility of fostering a status differentiation between the traditional academic and the vocational functions All basic study programs were designated by law to be primarily vocationalpractical in purpose leaving the traditional academic function to the doctoral stages of study In the 1990s the trend toward comprehensive vocationalism and modularization of the Swedish student career changed course when the 1993 law called for higher education to be more attractive by distinguishing it from other forms of education As a result the Swedish student career was recast as fixed degrees recognizable on a more international market tacitly based once again on the academic ideal of vetenskap

The dilemma between the academic and the vocational function of study was finally relegated in Germany and the Netherlands to different sectors despite the fact that in Germany a comprehensive approach had come so far in the early 1970s as to be written into national law in the form of the Gesamthochschule Whereas the need for a more practical and vocational orientation of the student career was recognized in both Germany and the Netherlands since the 1960s adherence to the academic ideal of Wissenschaft or wetenschap offered strong counter pressures to protect and retain the traditional ldquoacademicrdquo function of university study In both countries functional compartmentalization was evident in the early calls to establish a clear difference between basic studies and advanced research through the construction of an American-style split between a bachelorrsquos and a masterrsquos degree One of the primary intentions


behind the attempt to create a baccalaureate degree was to shorten the time to degree The idea behind a two-tier split was also argued on the basis of creating a separation between the primarily vocational and the primarily academic functions of the first degree Despite the attractiveness in both countries of a shorter time to degree the idea behind a bachelorrsquosmasterrsquos split could not reconcile the tension between the academic and the vocational functions Instead both Germany and the Netherlands eventually established separate vocational practical sectors of higher education thus in theory protecting the primary academic nature of university study

Thus both Germany and the Netherlands took the path of attempting to preserve a particular ldquoacademicrdquo nature of the student career within the universities relegating in the reform discourse vocationalism and praxis orientation to the German Fachhochschulen and the Dutch HBOrsquos (universities of professional education) respectively Whereas the strong re-affirmation of the concept of ldquoacademicrdquo had served to underscore the bifurcation of the student career it clashed with another goal to bring about equal opportunity Recognizing the potential problems of status hierarchization between the two sectors both governments attempted to enhance the impression that the vocationalpractical sector was ldquoequalrdquo to the academic through changes in their higher education laws Faced with an irreconcilable dilemma the Wissenschaftsrat went so far as to suggest the abandonment of the term ldquoWissenschaftrdquo when referring to university study in order to avoid ldquoconscious or unwanted misunderstandings which [could] easily lead to hierarchization of the institutionsrdquo8 The attempt to ldquorescuerdquo the academic nature of study however clashed in the end with the persistent drive towards vocational orientation which in Germany did not stop with the creation of the Fachhochschulen This was evident in the 1980s when the German Framework Law stressed that the function of the universities like the Fachhochschulen was to provide occupational training9 Thus attempts at a clear differentiation between ldquoacademicrdquo and ldquovocationalrdquo lost its idealism in the policy discourse and became increasingly unclear In the 1990s the focus of the reforms seemed to make university study more like study at the Fachhochschule while ironically the Fachhochschule seemed to be becoming increasingly academic in nature

A similar shift in terminology was evident in the Netherlands in the 1992 Law of Higher Education and Academic Research10 Instead of following separate laws for separate sectors this 1992 law oversaw the universities and the HBOrsquos emphasizing common goals between sectors to ldquofulfill a critical function within societyrdquo through occupational training personal development and scientific development The difference between the universities and the HBOrsquos was not to be based so much on the separation of academic from vocational but instead on the relative emphasis placed on these functions11

Comparison between countries shows that the underlying concept of the ldquoacademicrdquo nature of study may also change its meaning in the context of compartmentalization In the Netherlands the concept of ldquoacademicrdquo education was at first preserved avoiding functional integration with vocationalism as in Sweden what remained ldquoacademicrdquo education was compartmentalized purging many of the structural freedoms which originally defined the student career as academic in the past by grounding it on norms Questions were raised in all three countries as to whether there existed a particular structure necessary for ldquoacademicrdquo andor ldquovocationalrdquo study In the Netherlands for


example the Academic Council for Government Policy lamented the loss of the specifically academic character of wetenschappelijk education because of the shortened and compartmentalized degree12 Resistance to major structural reforms in Germany similar to those in Sweden and the Netherlands were fundamentally grounded on fears of de-academization or Entwissenschaftlichung of the student career The reform commissions in Germany answered back that it is possible to ldquomake roomrdquo for improved academic and occupational functions by increasing the ldquostudiabilityrdquo of university study13 For some students and faculty however the concept of ldquostudiabilityrdquo described in the German and Dutch sections was thought to be antithetical to the traditional idea of Wissenschaft

The problem of redefining the academic pursuit has plagued reformers since the 1950s The nineteenth century idealism outlined in chapter three underscored the importance of the humanitiesmdashespecially philosophymdashas the guiding principle behind Wissenschaft The historical emphasis on the humanities has posed one of the greatest problems in creating a ldquorationalrdquo solution to the student career in all three countries Despite efforts in each country to enhance the connection between university study and the labor market the humanities remain only loosely connected to jobs and employment and have registered some of the longest average times to degree in Germany

Solutions to the ldquoproblemrdquo of the humanities had been mixed mainly because the approach to this perceived problem shifted along with the underlying ideological frames of reference In a climate of rational manpower planning the humanities posed a problem because of their unclear connection to the needs of society The efforts of the 1977 reforms in Sweden however demonstrated that the tradition of humanities and philosophy is not easily purged from the system merely by redefining everything within a new framework of vocational tracks Many students voted with their feet choosing to construct a freer more humanities-based approach through loopholes in the system In a climate of a rapidly changing labor market and an increasingly internationalized workforce the underlying concept of the humanities also provided flexibility in a highly unpredictable future This example is evident in Germany where in a tight labor market business and industry demanded ldquoBildungrdquo above and beyond sheer specialization when seeking new recruits Students who sought out multiple qualifications in languages computers apprenticeships and other work experience alongside their academic careers by and large continued to find an edge over those who only followed the requirements of a university degree What is important is that the flexibility of the German system that fostered such creativity to a few students also at the same time leads to what state policy makers observe as inefficient for the majority

Similar developments could be observed in the early 1990s in Sweden The conservative Swedish government espoused at least rhetorically the traditional idealism of a free academically based (vetenskaplig) student career as the appropriate government policy to prepare youth for a rapidly changing workforce and society14 The government seemed to have come full circle embracing traditionalism in the form of studiefrihet (freedom of study) as the most effective ideal for the 21st century In the context of a highly compartmentalized study process however studiefrihet was viewed from an economic perspective more as a matter of consumer choice than of self-determination


The Rise of Quality

The abandonment of the traditional academic idealism by the middle of the 1990s has left a vacuum in the reform discourse begging the question ldquowhat is academicrdquo In the attempt to ground the student career in vocationalism the idea of ldquoacademicrdquo was in transition stuck somewhere between the old and the new with governments holding no clear vision or ideal for the future Shifting meanings in the concept of ldquoacademicrdquo also have implications of another important concept Quality Chapters four through six examined how each government became increasingly fixated on determining and assuring the quality of study programs during the latter part of the 1980s and the early part of the 1990s Cross-national comparison among countries however shows that determining measuring and ensuring ldquoqualityrdquo is also rooted strongly within the structure of the system Structural compartmentalization of the student career in Sweden and the Netherlands allowed for the rise of new normative definitions of ldquoqualityrdquo through the establishment of normative indicators and measurement techniques which had remained difficult to carry out in Germany despite the strong interest at the federal and Land levels

Concerns about the quality of the student career were of course not new What was new was where and how quality was being defined Crossnational comparisons reveal that the definition of ldquoqualityrdquo depends largely on how the fiscal and legal control over the student career is balanced In the past the state responsibility for the student career was checked by the idealism of limited state action15 As this idealism became increasingly discredited as antiquated and elitist the student career was defined more and more as an arena for increased state action

In the political climate of the early 1990s governments were understandably concerned about increasing the economic ldquoefficiencyrdquo and ldquoproductivityrdquo of the student career It is not surprising therefore that governments had defined ldquoqualityrdquo largely by how well the student career fit normative productivity parameters Some critics claimed that the quality of the student career had been increasingly defined by the Dutch government as lsquobetter and cheaperrsquo yielding products for less money The rationale behind this idea of quality was that if the same thing can be done in a shorter amount of time (ie three years instead of four) then the efficiency of the student career improves appreciably Quality would be enhanced because there would be more money per student if students studied for a shorter amount of time The Dutch also defined a quality program as ldquostudiablerdquo that is a statistically determined normstudent should be able to fulfill the course requirements within a quantitatively determined number of hours (see chapter five) The ideological antithesis of the neo-humanistic idea of Bildung ldquostudiabilityrdquo defined the student career in terms of statistical norms and outcomes

In Sweden the government followed similar goals to define the ldquoqualityrdquo of the student career however it also began to emphasize in the 1990s the idea of competition in the metaphor of a ldquofree marketrdquo As discussed above study programs were increasingly under pressure to attract a high number of students (high input) and graduate a large number of students (high output) Thus just as with a consumer item the ldquoqualityrdquo of an academic program was to be determined by its attractiveness (appeal) and sustainability The combination of structural change based on the new market idealism


allowed for a more efficient assessment of whether or not ldquoqualityrdquo improved in spite of the fact that critics have complained that such constructions of ldquoqualityrdquo are based on a misunderstanding of what universities do and a false premise namely that the business world and consumerism provide an appropriate frame of reference to judge ldquoqualityrdquo

Up until the mid 1990s the German approach to quality offered an interesting contrast to approaches in Sweden and the Netherlands Despite years of ldquostudy reformrdquo and despite the prevalence of very similar rhetoric of ldquoqualityrdquo and ldquostudiabilityrdquo at both the Land (state) and federal level the reform rhetoric had not been followed by the implementation of structural control mechanisms By the mid-1990s no credit hours registration requirements and most importantly no clear monetary sanctions had been exercised to ensure the desired increases in ldquoefficiencyrdquo and ldquoproductivityrdquo of the study process Despite the attempts to curtail student freedom and self-determination students for the most part still defined their academic programs quite freely and individually

The result of this intransigent tradition has had its obvious down side the crisis of the early 1960s remained the crisis of the mid 1990s German universities were plagued by chronic overcrowding and underfunding The everincreasing average duration of university study continued to remain a thorn in the side of the state and federal governments16 In comparison to Sweden and the Netherlands the situation in Germany portrayed an inverse image of the picture of ldquoqualityrdquo control By the mid-1990s still adhering to the traditional principles of academic freedom of the student and the fear of de-academization as the precursor to ldquoqualityrdquo the German student career still found itself in a perpetual crisis of overcrowding As will be discussed below however the almost forty-year long resistance to overall structural change was destined to change in Germany as well By the end of the 20th century individual Laumlnder too had finally embraced a more lsquorationalizedrsquo and compartmentalized sys tem of study as the overall framework of the student career

THE BALANCE OF RESPONSIBILITY

The student career has been characterized by a tension between self-determination and state control a tension that has not been easily balanced over the years At the root of this problem is a question of responsibility What responsibility should the state have vis-agrave-vis the individual What stake does the state have in maintaining a high level of responsibility towards educational expenditures given an increased internationalization and privatization of the European labor market and economy Likewise to what extent should the individual student be held fiscally responsible for his or her study experience

Up until the mid 1990s all three systems of higher education had given no indication of being prepared to commit substantial increases in expenditures merely to keep pace with the growing demand for access On the contrary each system had set out to devise means to justify an overall reduction in the growth of expenditures across the board while demand for access continued to increase In this context the disproportionately large share of state responsibility needed to be re-evaluated Increasingly it could be argued that it would be counter-productive to charge the state with the full responsibility of devising ways for full financing or retrenchment when a broader spectrum of


constituenciesmdashsuch as multi-national enterprises individuals members of other nationsmdashmight also benefit from an overall increase in expenditure on higher learning

Responsibility however also falls on the individual student regardless of how politically difficult the question might be the right to participation in fully-subsidized lectures and courses has come under increased scrutiny especially when the successful completion of university study increasingly bestows an economic and social advantage and privilege to the individual17 Over the years the question of the balance of responsibility has been at the periphery of the major reform debates despite the fact that the universities tend to serve inequitably the sons and daughters of parents in the higher income brackets18 The social expectation that such a select group of young adults have a legal right to fully subsidized higher education (and in some cases cost of living allowances) when the benefits are increasingly perceived as personal had come under greater scrutiny in all three countries This scrutiny has lead to uncomfortable and revealing contradictions between the statersquos ideal of social equity in society and the commitment to ensure full-financing of study19 Nowhere has this issue been more apparent than in Germany where the issue of tuition and social equity has remained an insurmountable political issue into the current century 20 Regardless of whether the tuition issue is raised as a matter of personal responsibility or as a punitive means to encourage more efficient study behavior (or both) the issue of tuition has faced a strong counter force by those who believe that university study should remain fully subsidized solely for reasons of social equity The issue in Germany has become so charged that few politicians dare mention the word ldquotuitionrdquo21 Because of the power of this issue the political response in Germany has been to forbid the charging of tuition in the Framework Law22 In spite of the political setbacks individual states (Laumlnder) have increasingly pursued the goal of shifting more financial responsibilities to students who take too long in their studies or who as described in chapter six are not seriously engaged in ldquonormativerdquo study behavior Such arrangements have shifted the balance of responsibility towards the student and have subsequently put pressure on the student to change his or her study behavior to fit the state norms This approach strikes a fragile compromise between the rights and responsibilities of the individual as opposed to the state

Shifting more responsibility to the individual to help finance his or her own studies may in the end do more to change the student career for better or for worse than 40 years of other attempts at reform It introduces an element of privatization at the most basic levelmdashthe individual student This form of privatization might promise to decentralize fiscal responsibility by requiring students to contribute more to the costs of education However at the same time such a shift would reduce their degree of self-determination with respect to their own study process which may lead to an imbalance of control over the study experience in favor of the statersquos normative goals In the climate of increased globalization of industry and labor markets however this problem of balance will become ever more apparent as the goals of individuals assert themselves more and more challenging the goals of the national interests As the context of the student career becomes more European more international or even more private what stake does each state have in attempting to ensure a more level playing field for all members of the society in regard to higher learning Based on past developments in all three countries a significant increased investment in the infrastructure of higher education to accommodate the increased demand from a more representative segment of the population is not likely


to occur The balance of responsibility becomes more complicated within the international context as institutions begin to seek out external resources in the form of fundraising from industry alumni or the local community However successful fundraising is highly related to a perception of quality that might be quite different from that which is defined by the state Alumni for example most often give to an institution only if they perceive the institution to be part of their identity and their success23

In sum the student career found itself in a sort of paradox by the mid 1990s After 40 years of building up the state reform apparatus each state seemed ready to use it to justify its retreat away from the responsibility it formally took upon itself It was not clear however what new idealism would fill the void if the old reform apparatus were ldquoturned offrdquo One alternative decentralization had mainly meant shifting control down to lower levels while at the same time increasing the state demands for accountability In the end what has occurred has been a diffusion of the same centralized control rather than a real decentralization of responsibility Any real changemdashin the form of decentralization and perhaps even increased privatizationmdashdid not seem possible without ultimately abandoning the rigid 40-year old state idealism of institutionalized reform for a more inclusive and flexible balance of responsibility and commitment between the state and the individual

TOWARDS A EUROPEAN DIMENSION OF THE STUDENT CAREER

The reform efforts in each country discussed in the previous chapters set the stage for a more comprehensive reconceptualization of the student experience at the turn of the current century the pursuit of a European dimension of the student career As was demonstrated previously past reform efforts of the student career often mirrored the overall political aspirations of the time The push behind an international and consequently a European dimension of the student experience has been no exception During the latter part of the 1990s the increasing globalization of the economy and international competition began to be reflected in the reform discourse in each country International comparison and competition began to play a larger role in the discussion of the goals of what was expected of graduates in all three countries24 Just as in the Swedish reforms of the early 1990s many higher education policy makers and academics began to question the level of attractiveness of their higher education system relative to systems in other countries especially the United States which was attracting over 500000 tuition paying students from around the world to its technical institutes community colleges and research universities by the end of the 1990s25

Despite the growth in importance of the European Union in many key areas of policy over the past two or more decades basic and higher education policy had been excluded as part of a ldquocommon European policyrdquo leaving control over this area explicitly to the individual member states Therefore instead of the adoption of a common European education policy the Treaty of Amsterdam called for the European Community to ldquoencourage cooperationrdquo among Member States in the area of education policy26 Such encouragement of cooperation in Europe began in the mid 1980s when the European Commission established a number of innovative initiatives to nudge quietly European


institutions of education towards more cooperation in the areas of basic education teaching research curriculum development and student mobility The program that impacted students most was the European Community Action Scheme for the Mobility of University Students (ERASMUS) which was intended to provide increased mobility to students in the countries of the European Union through stipends to the students and small grants to participating institutions The residual impact on the national systems of higher education and their study careers as a result of these programs was by no means inconsequential ERASMUS for example added a new international dimension to the student career that did not in any organized fashion exist up to that point Though these early European-wide programs were peripheral to the existing defining goals of student experiences at the national levels the Commissionrsquos efforts established important administrative innovations that allowed students to receive recognition for their study period at their home institutions which in many cases did not have the means or mechanisms to determine credit Such mechanisms came in the form of schemes such as the European Credit Transfer System (ECTS) which were purposely designed to involve individual faculty members or institutes in the recognition of credits earned by students thus skirting nonexistent or idiosyncratic credit schemes at individual institutions and creating a new system for the sole purpose of this program27

The impact of these programs in adding an important new dimension to the student career was undeniable In remarks made in 2001 celebrating the one millionth student to participate in ERASMUS Romano Prodi President of the European Commission stated that the ERASMUS Program alongside other Commission programs had ldquoproved to be powerful tools for opening up and Europeanising the world of [the] universitiesrdquo28 Further tracking the relatively large numbers of student flows per year provided an important means to compare the relative attractiveness of systems of study throughout Europe

The idea of Europe moved quickly from the periphery to the center of the reform discourse with the signing of the Bologna Declaration by 29 ministers of education in 1999 The Bologna Declaration called for the establishment of a European Higher Education Space by the year 2010 and represented a reaffirmation of a much smaller scale meeting of academic and ministry officials a year earlier at the Sorbonne29 Because this effort was spearheaded by a group of national education ministers the Bologna Declaration represented a convergence of reform goals and trends already occurring at the national levels and the more ambitious and overarching goals of Europeanizing higher education asserted by Commission president Prodi The Bologna Declaration called for the development of a ldquosystemrdquo that consisted of 1) easily comparable degrees 2) two main cycles undergraduate and graduate 3) a system of credits 4) mobility (for students and academic personnel) 5) European cooperation in quality assurance and lastly the broadest category 6) the promotion of the ldquoEuropean dimensions in higher educationrdquo30 In spite of the unprecedented breadth and scope of this call for reform the Conference of the European Rectors affirmed that the Bologna Declaration underscored the autonomy and diversity of each of the systems of higher education involved stressing that the effort would emphasize ldquoconvergencerdquo of different systems rather than ldquostandardisation or uniformisation of European higher educationrdquo31

The Bologna Declaration has led a broad reform effort to establish a European dimension of the student career known more widely as the Bologna Process The


Declaration has led to an unprecedented degree of large scope activities at many different levels including that of the European Council in Lisbon in 2000 and in Barcelona in 2002 and at the level of the European Ministers in May 2001 in Prague and in September 2003 in Berlin where 33 Ministers represented their support for this new commitment32 The key justification for the Bologna Process has been the need to promote the attractiveness and competitive nature of the European study experience Mirroring similar reform discourse at the national levels the Council of Europe underscored the importance of the Bologna Process not only to make Europe ldquothe most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the worldrdquo but also to ensure that it was ldquorecognised as a world wide reference for the quality and relevance of its education and training systems and institutionsrdquo33

The Bologna Process is perhaps most widely known for the proposal to restructure university study into a standard European bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos ldquotwo cyclerdquo format As we have seen in the preceding chapters the idea of a two-tiered degree structure in the form of masterrsquos and bachelorrsquos degrees had been a consistent policy leitmotif in Germany and the Netherlands beginning in the early 1960s By the time the Bologna declaration was made all three countries had taken significant steps towards establishing structures compatible with the bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos format The Bologna imperative to develop comparable degree structures across all of Europe goes far beyond the development of a system of common nomenclature of degrees The Bologna Process represents a pan-European reform effort to achieve many other goals similar to those seen at the national levels in Germany Sweden and the Netherlands

Such a wide-reaching reform effort stretches the tensions already created at the national level in efforts to balance the academic and vocational functions of the student career Just as at the national level the reconciliation of different durations of degree and courses is key to the development of a higher education space by 2010 The tension is apparent for example in Germany and the Netherlands where long-standing efforts to establish bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degrees have revolved around the issues of functional differentiation described in the previous chapters In the Netherlands a long drive towards establishing bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degrees as the required format for all new degree programs was finally established in 2002 and credited as a consequence of the Bologna Process34 However the Netherlands still differentiates between two separate bachelorrsquos degrees one at the universities and a separate bachelorrsquos degree at the HBO (or ldquoUniversities of Professional Educationrdquo) In general Dutch law intends the HBO bachelorrsquos to qualify someone for the labor market whereas the university bachelorrsquos is intended to prepare students for further study in a masterrsquos degree at the university35 Because of this emphasis the university degree which as we saw in chapter five was shortened in the 1990s to four years was shortened once again to three years in duration (180 credits) The bachelorrsquos degree at the HBO conversely was lengthened to be one year longer than the university degree (240 credits)36 The shift in degree durations reflects the intended functions of the degrees the HBO bachelorrsquos degree seekers would be essentially seeking a terminal professional degree and the university bachelorrsquos degree seekers would be seeking further academic education in the form of a masterrsquos degree

In Germany the establishment of the degree differentiation in the form of a bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degree has also been a major reform goal running parallel to the Bologna Declaration In 1998 a year before the signing of the Bologna Process Germany had


amended its Framework Law to allow institutions to offer parallel bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degrees at universities and Fachhochschulen In spite of these changes in the law it was not clear how these new degree structures would function alongside the existing degree structures nor was it clear what would eventually be done with the existing degree structures in Germany Nevertheless the externally driven imperative of the Bologna Process had bolstered the long-standing goal to split German university study into two separate stages Thus in June 2003 almost 40 years after the idea was first proposed in the Dahrendorf Report the German Committee of Cultural Ministers (KMK) published a report declaring the bachelorrsquosmasterrsquos structure to be ldquocentral to German higher education policyrdquo which demanded ldquofar reaching reform of study program on the basis of organization and contentrdquo37 As was argued in the Netherlands the KMK emphasized that such a degree structure would be compatible in the international higher education arena and therefore heightened the ldquointernational attractiveness of German universitiesrdquo38

As in the Netherlands the establishment of the bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degrees ensured that the academic function is clearly differentiated from the praxisvocational sector (Fachhochschulen) The most pronounced differentiation remains in the continuation of the established status hierarchization which gives university degree holders higher placement in civil service positions than their counterparts with degrees from the Fachhochschulen Some academic critics have challenged the status differentiation as a perpetuation of an academic apartheid39 However the threat against equal opportunity is not limited just to differences between both sectors University student critics have argued against the goal of limiting the number of university graduates who can pursue a masterrsquos degree to 30 of all bachelorrsquos degree holders a move that would lead to a university degree for the masses (bachelorrsquos) and a university degree for the elite (masterrsquos)40 As before student groups feared that such a restructuring of university study would mean that the ldquoacademic [wissenschaftlich] education and training will be increasingly neglectedrdquo41 Though one of the main purposes of the establishment of the bachelorrsquos degree is to make the German student career more ldquoattractiverdquo students and academics alike are skeptical about the currency of the bachelorrsquos degree in the society in general as well as more specifically in the labor market Such skepticism is evident in a survey of academic institutions which showed that only ten percent of German institutions thought that students who complete a bachelorrsquos degree would leave the system without continuing on42 The bachelorrsquos degree runs the same risk of becoming a ldquostepping stonerdquo in the process of completing a degree program that holds many of the same characteristics of the past43

The challenge for the European dimension of the student career will be to reconcile these long-standing challenges on even a higher policy level The Bologna Process produced in a relatively short time detailed comparisons of degree offerings in terms of durations academic years and ECTS credits The process has also produced intricate structural comparisons of degree offerings in terms of ldquocyclesrdquo that is comparisons of those that are divided in a form conducive to a bachelorrsquos or masterrsquos or undivided such as the traditional format that still exists in Germany44 Such efforts have shown a large level of variation in the structure and the status of degree offerings within countries Just as in the past such national characteristics of degree programs are moving targets The Netherlands for example has now moved towards an entirely new differentiation of its


first and second cycles as mentioned above Sweden has more or less retained the differentiation established in the 1990s but differentiates between masterrsquos programs that are ldquodividedrdquo in a first and second cycle as opposed to an ldquoundividedrdquo masterrsquos program (that is a masterrsquos without a bachelorrsquos degree)45 Germany as discussed above has established the bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degree in law parallel to the traditional degree structures which will continue to prevail until major political decisions can be taken Whether or not a national system keeps or discards such differentiation remains to be seen but as we can see from the reform efforts in Germany the traditional structures have not disappeared easily regardless of the overarching reform imperative of the time

Tuning Transparency Harmonization and Convergence

As with the national reform efforts examined in previous chapters the challenge in establishing a European student career is demonstrated by many key terms that are used to characterize particular initiatives within the Bologna Process Terms such as ldquoconvergencerdquo or ldquoharmonizationrdquo are the terms used to denote the overall Europeanization of student experiences across Europe and ldquotuningrdquo and ldquotransparencyrdquo are the terms used more often to characterize the attempts to reconcile the different structures and functions of study programs in over 30 countries involved in the Bologna Process Within the reform discourse of the Bologna Process ldquotransparencyrdquo seems to be used as a means to call for an increased rationalization of the study process in a way that it can be understood across many national systems Though the term is used in different contexts ldquotransparencyrdquo seems to represent a reform concept that picks up where the term ldquostudiabilityrdquo left off at the national level ldquoTuningrdquo is increasingly used to portray the need to describe methods of managing the large amount of variation and differences in study experiences course content and related administrative details across different national levels In many ways the wide use of the terms in the reform discourse throughout Europe demonstrates the complexmdashperhaps untransparentmdashnature of the multitude of higher education systems in transition

Efforts to bring about overall convergence of the systems involve the development of common ldquodescriptorsrdquo of study careers at a number of levels including the newly proposed ldquocyclesrdquo as well as developing indicators at the ldquomodularrdquo or course level At the most fundamental level these efforts are linked to the establishment of a common credit system or ldquocredit accumulationrdquo46 At the highest level these descriptors are intended to develop a European system of quality assurance47 As will be discussed below the efforts to bring about overall harmonization rely on a number of complicated system-wide reform initiatives each of which depends upon the other48

One of the chief pilot projects to bring about increased ldquotransparencyrdquo of degree programs across Europe is the Tuning Project funded in 2000 by the European Commission This large-scale pilot effort involved over 100 academic programs at universities broken down by particular subject areas such as physics business education geology history mathematics and chemistry49 According to the report ldquotuningrdquo is intended to bring about a ldquohigh level Europe-wide convergencerdquo in higher education and ldquofacilitate transparency in the educational structuresrdquo50 without ldquopay[ing] attention to educational systems but to educational structure and contents of studiesrdquo51 The fundamental task underlying ldquotuningrdquo is comprehensively defining all aspects of the


study process in order to clearly delineate the ldquolearning outcomesrdquo and ldquoskill competenciesrdquo This applies to general subject areas as well as in specific subject areas such as business or chemistry whether these outcomes are for entire degree programs including first or second cycle (bachelorrsquos or masterrsquos) programs for individual units (learning modules) or even for individual courses Just as was evident in the earlier national efforts to reform the student career the work of the tuning process also focuses on compartmentalizing learning by function and by time across Europe Such processes as we have seen before ultimately lead to the function of the academic credit which the Tuning Project considers to be an ldquoessential tool for the development of other more flexible kinds of higher education part-time studies recurrent study periodsrdquo and a ldquoprecondition for the tuning of education structures in Europerdquo52

The importance of the academic credit as the unit for determining basic value of study was emphasized at the Prague meeting and again in September 2003 in the Berlin Communiqueacute which reiterated the goal of transforming the European Credit Transfer System (ECTS) from a credit transfer system into a means of determining ldquocredit accumulationrdquo53 As was discussed above ECTS had been developed as an important tool to facilitate mobility by ensuring recognition of temporary study abroad In the ECTS format credit has a relative value that is it represents the recognition at the studentrsquos home institution of a short-term study abroad activity ECTS was not designed to be based on an internationally agreed upon set of indicators descriptors or norms within or among degree programs and institutions54

The centrality of the issue of credit to the effort to establish a convergence of European higher education was recognized by the comprehensive work undertaken by the Tuning Project Because credits in the ECTS system have no value in themselves credit transfer represents a purely functional process attributing no inherent value to the credits earned by students The Tuning Project argued that for credit accumulation of a studentrsquos work to occur at the programmatic and institutional level study programs must be defined by credits that carry an ldquoabsoluterdquo rather than a ldquorelativerdquo value55 Just as with the degree programs the value of credit would be established based on values attributed to learning outcomes tied to the skills or knowledge being transferred These learning outcomes would be a fundamental activity of tuning which as mentioned above is based on developing a European-wide system of common descriptors or ldquolevel indicatorsrdquo that have currency in all academic systems

The attempts to develop common ldquodescriptorsrdquo or ldquoindicatorsrdquo is therefore also central to the effort to bring about convergence of the European student career but also quality assurance at the European level At the very least descriptors would help describe common or convergent qualities or indicators that differentiate the characteristics of a bachelorrsquos degree from a masterrsquos degree upon which all higher education systems and their institutions could agree A more involved approach might relate indicators to commonly agreed upon ldquolearning outcomesrdquo expected of someone with a bachelorrsquos or a masterrsquos degree Further indicators might be based on general learning outcomes (expectations for all bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos students) as well as on subject specific-learning outcomes (such as Physics or Educational Science) These descriptors would reflect common agreement on study loads credit hours skill competence and outcomes

The call for credit accumulation in the Berlin Communiqueacute places many of these issues squarely at the center of the reform process and may very well represent the most


far-reaching goal of the European reform process The results of preliminary work by the Tuning Project provide an excellent window into the complexities facing the development of the European student career The Tuning Project also demonstrates the degree to which all levels of the reform efforts are interrelated and self-referent Whereas the credit accumulation scheme is a central building block of the efforts to develop descriptors of higher education in Europe the establishment of a ldquoEuropean-wide system of level indicatorsrdquo is seen as essential for the development of a credit accumulation scheme56 As discussed in previous chapters the attempts to redefine the student career in Germany the Netherlands and Sweden were based on long-standing goals to compartmentalize study through academic credit normative study loads and periods of study time Basing the success of the European student career on the development of a credit accumulation process raised the importance of the credit to a new level

The preliminary efforts to bring about convergence demonstrates that the process centers on grappling with many key issues that were discussed in past national reform efforts However the establishment of norm study durations student aid and fee processes clear relationships between the study content and qualifications and aligning these with national employment needs and practices remain incomplete at the national level In Germany individual Laumlnder have begun to determine their own study durations study loads and in spite of a law that forbids tuition some have begun to calculate fees to charge students who study too long57 The interrelationship of issues such as student fees with degree structures sanctions and study loads are based on complex formulae and perceptions of study behavior in each of the individual countries Issues concerning the right to student aid and the level of tuition fees charged to out-of-state citizens at institutions in the Netherlands will require ldquotuningrdquo as well58 Though the complex nature of student financial aid and tuition in the United States demonstrates that these issues are not insurmountable in the end such issues do limit the degree to which the system can be fully harmonized at all levels

QUALITY A SHIFT IN FOCUS

In spite of the challenge of establishing a European student career one can not understate the importance of the shift in focus of the reform debate from the national imperative to the European dimension As a result the importance of quality assurance or accreditation has become increasingly central to the determination of common parameters for qualifications of students in Europe The centrality of quality assurance to the process was reiterated in the Berlin Communiqueacute which called for all participating countries to ensure that their quality assurance systems participate and cooperate internationally and include a ldquosystem of accreditation certification or comparable proceduresrdquo by 2005 The ministers called upon the recently established European Network of Quality Assurance (ENQA) in cooperation with other recently established US-style European higher education advocacy associations to coordinate the development of ldquoan agreed set of standards procedures and guidelines on quality assurancerdquo59 The shift towards a European-wide quality assurance approach offers both promise and trepidation Much depends on how the sharing of control over the quality assurance process is reconciled over the coming years


As discussed in previous chapters the call for quality assurance in higher education has often been perceived as a demand for increased accountability limiting the approach to dealing with the perceived inefficiencies in the overall study process Such a perception of quality assurance will not easily be dispelled among some of the participating countries Further past reform efforts in all three countries have demonstrated tendencies for large-scale reform efforts to become technocratic as is already evident in the attempt to determine an ldquoabsolute valuerdquo of academic credit across countries Not only do such efforts threaten fundamental tenets of academic freedom and institutional autonomy the coordination of such an effort among many different nations would be a monumental undertaking When one adds to this the multiple layers of different quality assurance mechanisms within individual nations (and in some cases states) the determination of quality of the student career in the European context becomes daunting indeed

However since undertaking the challenge to establish a European approach to quality assurance is unavoidable the stakes are high for institutions to get involved The result may be that the effort will bring with it great promise for a change that all parties can be happy with First the context for quality is different from that of the past inasmuch as the shift towards European-wide quality assurance also promises to ground quality more in the overarching Bologna goals of enhancing the attractiveness of the student experience This would shift the context of quality away from national goals and accountability schemes60 Second precisely due to the large amount of variation and diversity among the study programs throughout Europe efforts to define common quality assurance processes will most likely settle on less radical approaches to determine common descriptors This is evident in the efforts of the Joint Quality Initiative which constitutes a group of countries interested in establishing descriptors that allow for determinations at the national regional or institutional contexts Such descriptors would indicate ldquoan overarching summary of the outcomes of a whole programme of studyrdquo rather than ldquolimited to describing merely the outcomes of units of assessment at the level of the qualificationrdquo61 Shared descriptors under the Joint Quality Initiative differentiate between bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degrees in broad terms For example bachelorrsquos degrees should be awarded to students who ldquohave demonstrated knowledge and understanding in a field of study that builds upon and supersedes their general secondary education helliprdquo whereas masterrsquos degrees on the other hand should be awarded to students who ldquohave demonstrated knowledgehellipthat is founded upon and extends andor enhances that typically associated with bachelorrsquos levelrdquo62 Such a broader approach to defining the bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degree is already employed by the Netherlands Accreditation Organization (NAO) which uses very similar descriptors to differentiate between the bachelorrsquos and the masterrsquos degrees63

Third surveys of institutional leaders have shown an increasing level of support for a European form of accreditation if it means increased institutional autonomy from state control64 Such a shift in interest in quality assurance has been evident in Germany where external quality assurance was strongly resisted in the past but was quickly embraced in the late 1990s with the hope of ensuring increased institutional autonomy under the more American nomenclature of Akkreditierung Though a fully independent accreditation process did not materialize as hoped some institutional leaders now see the importance of having a stake in shaping the process65


Fourth despite the fears of a highly technocratic quality assurance process the European approach to quality could in the long run produce a more flexible efficient student career responsive to the needs of students in a more international market of offerings The attempts to align study programs to needs described in the previous chapters represented highly bureaucratic and labor intensive undertakings in all three countries In some cases by the time the reforms were in place the overriding goals had shifted towards a renewed reform effort A more flexible quality assurance system in the end could promise to provide the most effective ldquogluerdquo to hold a European Higher Education Space together66

CHANGE AND REFORM IN RETROSPECT

Comparing the transformation of the student career in three countries demonstrates how governments grapple with seemingly opposing and contradictory ideologies within traditional and novel structural frameworks Over time the goals towards which the policy apparatus aimed to bring about change transformed their meanings and relationships to the student career The only component that has remained constant has been the impetus towards reform which represents each governmentrsquos strong legal responsibility towards shaping the structure and goals of the student career Over the years there has been no one consistent policy towards change but rather a series of differentmdashand sometimes contradictorymdashideals that reflect the political imperative of the day

The change to the concept of student has been quite dramatic-from the post-war era of an academic pursuit of knowledge to an international concept loaded with goals and expectations from multiple layers and actors the faculty the disciplines the institutions the governments and most recently Europe The reform effort of the Bologna Process reflects surprisingly well the reform discourse in all three countries over the past 40 years As was apparent in the national reform efforts preceding it the effort to establish a European dimension to the student career places at the center similar social and economic goals such as relevance to the labor market and promotion of social equity We have seen that establishing a clear connection between university study and the labor market has been somewhat elusive on the national scale

The same can be said for the issue of improving equal opportunity in higher education an issue which reflects deeply rooted cultural beliefs and assumptions that cannot be separated from the structural aspects of individual higher education systems As we have seen in the past one nationrsquos belief about equal opportunity may lead to the embracement of a comprehensive system while anotherrsquos belief might lead to the development of ldquoseparate but equalrdquo sectors of higher education The idea of mobility credit transfer bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degrees will challenge all of the long-held beliefs behind access and opportunity

In the face of all of these challenges one should not forget the overall goal and purpose of the reform and what influences this might have on the numbers and levels of opportunities for students within and outside Europe Even at the most preliminary stages of this effort the future for students appears to be bright The available range of subjects institutional types exchange experiences and funding opportunities available to students


throughout Europe today would have been unimaginable 40 years ago There is no doubt that students in Germany Sweden and the Netherlands have lost a defining degree of personal academic freedom over the past 40 years However this lack of freedom has been replaced by a plethora of new opportunities and possibilities for students to learn their subject areas frorn other cultural standpoints and through a language different from their own


Notes

NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE 1 Martin Trow ldquoProblems in the Transition from Elite to Mass Higher Educationrdquo in Policies

for Higher Education General Report (Paris Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development Conference on Future Structures of Post-Secondary Education 1973) 65

2 Burton RClark The Higher Education System Academic Organization in a Cross-National Perspective (Berkeley University of California Press 1983) 99

3 Though the same has been true for Central and Eastern Europe since the beginning of the 1990s this work examines change in three Western European countries since 1960

4 Guy Neave ldquoFoundation or Roof The quantitative structural and institutional dimensions in the study of higher educationrdquo European Journal of Education 24 no 3 (1989)211ndash221

5 A discussion of this phenomenon can be found in Sheldon Rothblatt and Bjoumlrn Wittrock eds The European and American University since 1800 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993)

6 This is discussed in detail in chapter four See Utbildningsutredning 1968 aringrs (U68) Higher Education Proposals by the Swedish 1968 Education Commission (Stockholm U68 1973)

7 Ulrich Schreiterer Politische Steuerung des Hochschulsystems Programm und Wirklichkeit der staatlichen Studienreform 1975ndash1986 (Frankfurt Campus Verlag 1989)

8 See Werner Conze and Juumlrgen Kocka eds Bildungsbuumlrgertum im 19 Jahrhundert Vol I Bildungssystem und Professionalizierung in Internationalen Vergleichen (Stuttgart Klett-Cotta 1985)

9 Sven-Eric Liedman and Lennart Olausson describe ideology in this context as ldquoan implicit or explicit and often contradictory system of ideas rituals andor plans of action a system which gets its significance and meaning in a certain society with its classes groups institutions traditions and contradictionsrdquo Sven-Eric Liedman and Lennart Olausson eds Ideologi och Institution (Stockholm Carlsson Bokfoumlrlag 1988) 9 [All English quotations from foreign sources in this work are my translations]

10 This is discussed in chapter three 11 Neave ldquoFoundation or Roofrdquo 211ndash221 12 Trow Problems in the Transition 55 13 Ibid 65 14 Ibid 85 15 Ibid 66 16 Clark The Higher Education System 182 17 Ludwig von Friedeburg made the point that change in Germany in fact preceded expansion

See Ludwig von Friedeburg Bildungsreform in Deutschland Geschichte und gesellschaftlicher Widerspruch (Frankfurt am Main Suhrkamp 1989)

18 Niklas Luhmann and Karl Eberhard Schorr Reflexionsprobleme im Erziehungssystem (Frankfurt Suhrkamp 1988) 15

NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO

1 Else Oslashyen ldquoThe Imperfection of Comparisonsrdquo in Comparative Methodology Theory and Practice in International Social Research Else Oslashyen ed (Newbury Park CA Sage Publications 1990) 1

2 Ibid 3 Stefan Nowak ldquoComparative Studies and Social Theoryrdquo in Cross-National Research in

Sociology Melvin LKohn ed (New York Sage Publications 1989) 4 Ibid 35 5 Charles Ragin review of ldquoComparative Methodology Theory and Practice in International

Social Researchrdquo edited by Else Oslashyen in Contemporary Sociology 20 no6 1991 pp961ndash962

6 The OECD World Bank and United Nations tend to publish comparative multi-country reports on a variety of social characteristics See Charles Ragin ldquoNew Directions in Comparative Researchrdquo Melvin LKohn (ed) Cross-National Research in Sociology (New York Sage Publications 1989) 57

7 Eliot Freidson ldquoThe Theory of the Professions The State of the Artrdquo in Dingwall et al (eds) The Sociology of the Professions Lawyers Doctors and others (London MacMillan Press 1983)

8 Ibid 25 9 Dietrich Rueschemeyer ldquoProfessional Autonomy and the Social Control of Expertiserdquo in

Dingwall et al (eds) The Sociology of the Professions Lawyers Doctors and others (London MacMillan Press 1983) 39ndash40

10 Freidson The Theory of the Professions 36 11 Charles Ragin The Comparative Method vii 12 Harold Lasswell ldquoThe Future of the Comparative Methodrdquo Comparative Politics 1

(October 1968) 3 13 Else Oslashyen The Imperfections of Comparisons 4 14 Charles Ragin The Comparative Method 1 (my emphasis) 15 Ibid 1 16 LSigelman and GGadoids ldquoContemporary Comparative Politics An Inventory and

Assessmentrdquo Comparative Political Studies vol 16 no3 (Oct 1983) 281 17 Ibid 281 18 Harold Sparrow Comparative Political Analysis (New York Harper and Row 1969) 19 Sigelman and Gadoids Contemporary Comparative Politics passim 20 Melvin LKohn (ed) Cross-National Research in Sociology (New York Sage Publications

1989) 2 21 Ibid 2 22 A Clipart ldquoComparative Politics and the Comparative Methodrdquo The American Political

Science Review 65 (1971)684 23 Ibid 684 24 Ibid 683 25 Ragin The Comparative Method 3 26 Ibid 3 27 Ibid 3 28 Charles CRagin ldquoIntroduction The Problem of Balancing Discourse on Cases and

Variables in Comparative Social Sciencerdquo in Charles CRagin (ed) Issues and Alternatives in Comparative Social Research (Leaden EJ Brill 1991) 1

29 Michel Wieviorka ldquoCase Studies history or sociologyrdquo in Charles Ragin and Howard Becker What is a Case Exploring the Foundations of Social Inquiry (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1992) 160

30 Ibid 160 31 Ragin The Problem of Balancing Discourse 1 32 Ragin The Comparative Method 3

Notes 134

33 Ragin The Problem of Balancing Discourse 3 34 Ibid 3 35 Ragin The Comparative Method x 36 Michael Nugent James Ratcliff and Stefanie Schwarz ldquoInverse Images A Cross-National

Comparison of Factors Pertaining to Student Persistence in Germany and the United Statesrdquo in Hans Pechar (ed) Das Amerikanische Hochschulsystem Beitraumlge zu seinen Vorzuumlgen Problemen und Entwicklungstendenzen Zeitschrift fuumlr Hochschuldidaktik 17 no2ndash3 (1993)219ndash242

37 Ragin Balancing Discourse on Cases and Variables 3 38 Ibid 3 39 Ibid 40 40 Oslashyen Comparative Methodology 7 41 Ibid 8 42 Kohn Cross-National Research in Sociology 20 43 Burton Clark The Higher Education System Academic Organization in Cross-National

Perspective (Berkeley University of California Press 1983) 44 Joseph Ben-David Centers of Learning Britain France Germany United States (New

York McGraw-Hill 1977) 45 see Raginrsquos review of Oslashyen 961 46 Ragin ldquoNew Directions in Comparative Researchrdquo 57 47 See Charles CRagin ldquoIntroduction Cases of lsquoWhat is a casersquo in Charles Ragin and Howard

SBecker (eds) What is a case Exploring the foundations of social inquiry (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1992) 8

48 Clark The Higher Education System 95 49 Ibid Sven-Eric Liedman and Lennart Olausson eds Ideologi och institution Om forskning

och houmlgre utbildning 1800ndash2000 (Stockholm Carlsson 1988) 50 Clark Higher Education System 99 51 Ibid 95 52 Ibid 96 53 See Sheldon Rothblatt and Bjoumlrn Wittrock eds The European and American University

since 1800 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993) Liedman and Olausson Ideologi och institution FWFoppen Gistend beleid Veertig jaar universitaire onderwijspolitiek (lsquos-Gravenhage VUGA 1989)

54 Clark Higher Education System 95 55 Liedman and Olausson Ideologi och Institution 9 56 Guy Neave ldquoFoundation or Roof The quantitative structural and institutional dimensions

in the study of higher educationrdquo European Journal of Education Vol 24 No 3 1989 pp211ndash221 see also Ayla Neusel and Ulrich Teichler ldquoStrukturentwicklung des Hochschulwesensrdquo in Gabriele Gorzka Klaus Heipcke and Ulrich Teichler (eds) Hochschule-Beruf-Gesellschaft Ergebnisse der Forschung zum Funktionswandel der Hochschulreform (Frankfurt Campus 1988) 321

57 Clark Higher Education System 95 58 Ibid 95 59 Ibid 96 60 Ibid 96

NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE 1 After Wilhelm von Humboldt director of cultural affairs at the Prussian Ministry of the

Interior (1809ndash1810)

Notes 135

2 Werner Conze and Juumlrgen Kocka (eds) Bildungsburgertum im 19 Jahrhundert Vol I Bildungssystem und Professionalizierung in Internationalen Vergleich (Stuttgart Klett-Cotta 1985) 26 JWFoppen Gistend beleid veertig jaar universitaire onderwijspolitiek (lsquos-Gravenhage VUGA 1989) Sven-Eric Liedman and Lennart Olausson (eds) Ideologi och Institution Om forskning och houmlgre utbildning 1800ndash2000 (Stockholm Carlsson 1988)

3 Ulrich Schreiterer Politische Steuerung des Hochschulssystems Programm und Wirklichkeit der staatlichen Studienreform 1975ndash1986 (Frankfurt am Main Campus 1989) 17ndash18

4 Fritz Ringer Education and Society in Modern Europe (Bloomington IN Indiana University Press 1979)

5 Ralph Fiedler Die Klassische deutsche Bildungsidee Ihre soziologischen Wurzeln und paumldagogischen Folgen (Weinheim Beltz Verlag 1972) 13

6 Fritz Ringer Fields of Knowledge French Academic Culture in Comparative Perspective 1890ndash1920 (New York Cambridge University Press 1992)

7 LWBBrockliss French Higher Education in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Oxford Oxford University Press 1987) 15

8 Fritz KRinger The Decline of the German Mandarins The German Academic Community 1890ndash1933 (Cambridge MA Harvard 1969) 114

9 JCMcClellend State Society and University in Germany 1700ndash1914 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1980) 107

10 Ringer The Decline of the German Mandarins 19 11 McClellend State Society and University 97 12 Ringer Fields of Knowledge 2 13 Ernst Anrich ed Die Idee der Deutscken Universitaumlt Die fuumlnf Grundschriften aus der Zeit

ihrer Neubegruumlndung durch klassischen Idealismus and romatischen Realismus 2nd ed (Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1964)

14 FWJSchelling ldquoVorlesungen uumlber die Methode des Akademischen Studiumsrdquo in Ernst Anrich ed Die Idee der Deutschen Universitaumlt Die fuumlnf Grundschriften aus der Zeit ihrer Neubegruumlndung durch klassischen Idealismus und romatischen Realismus 2d ed (Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1964)

15 Ibid 3 16 Ibid 3 17 As with many other abstract ideals the definition of Bildung has evolved over time and is

embraced by different camps of thought See Hans Weil Die Entstehung des deutschen Bildungsprinzips (Bonn HBouvier 1967)

18 Fiedler Die Klassische deutsche Bildungsidee 14 19 Ibid 14 20 Ibid 43 21 Ibid 43 22 Ibid 14 23 Ibid 44 24 Wilhelm von Humboldt On the Limits of State Action Translated by JW Burrow

(Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1969) 16 25 Ralph Fiedler Die Klassische deutsche Bildungsidee 9 26 Johann Gottlieb Fichte ldquoDeduzierter Plan Einer zu Berlin zu Errichternden Houmlheren

Lehranstalt die in Gehoumlriger Verbindung mit einer Akademie der Wissenschaften Steherdquo in Ernst Anrich ed Die Idee der Deutschen Universitaumlt 130

27 Wilhelm von Humboldt Ideen zu einem Verusch die Graumlnzen der Wirksamkeit des Staats zu bestimmen (1792) in AFlitner and KGiel (eds) Wilhelm von Humboldt Werke in Fuumlnf Baumlnden Werke I (Stuttgart JG Cottarsquoschen Buchhandlung 1960) 64

28 Fiedler Die Klassische deutsche Bildungsidee 42

Notes 136

29 Friedrich Schleiermacher in Ernst Anrich ed Die Idee der Deutschen Universitaumlt Die fuumlnf Grundschriften aus der Zeit ihrer Neubegruumlndung durch klassischen Idealismus and romatischen Realismus 2nd ed (Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1964) 225

30 Fichte Deduzierter Plan 138 31 Eduard Spranger Wilhelm von Humboldt und die Reform des Bildungswesens (Tuumlbingen

Max Neimeyer Verlag 1965) 208 32 Spranger Wilhelm von Humboldt und die Reformhellip 208 33 Ibid 208 34 Schleiermacher 28 35 McClellend State Society and University 36 Schelling Vorlesungen uumlber die Methode 4 37 Ibid 4 38 See Margareta Bertilsson ldquoFraringn universitet till houmlgskola Om glappet mellan lsquoLehre und

Lebenrsquordquo in Thorsten Nybom (ed) Universitet och samhoumllle Om Forskningspolitik och vetenskapens samhaumllliga roll (Stockholm Tidens Forlag 1989) 217 and Foppen Gistend beleid 44

39 John ECraig Scholarship and Nation Building The University of Strasbourg and Alsatian Society 1870ndash1939 (Chicago University of Chicago Press 1984) 13

40 Craig Scholarship and Nation Building 13 41 Wilhelm von Humboldt Ideen zu einem Verusch 42 Helmut Schelsky Einsamkeit und Freiheit Idee und Gestalt der deutschen Universitaumlt und

ihrer Reform (Duumlsseldorf Bertelsmann 1971) 152 43 McClellend State Society and University 180 44 Sven-Eric Liedman ldquoIn search of Isis general education in Germany and Swedenrdquo in

SRothblatt and BWittrock (eds) The European and American University since 1800 Historical and Sociological Essays (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993) 90

45 Crister Skoglund Vita Moumlssor under Roumlda Fanor Vaumlnsterstudenter kulturradikalism och bildningsideal i Sverige 1880ndash1940 (Stockholm Almqvist amp Wiksell International 1991) 45

46 Liedman In search for Isis 90 Peter Hellqvist ldquoAtt taumlnka fritt och att taumlnka raumltt Seminariet och universitetsreformen 1891rdquo in SELiedman and LOlausson (eds) Ideologie och institution Om forskning och houmlgre utbildning 1880ndash2000 (Stockholm Carlssons Bokfoumlrlag 1988)

47 Liedman In search of Isis 93ndash94 48 Ibid 95 49 Skoglund Vita Moumlssor under Roumlda Fanor 48 50 Ibid 48 51 Hellquist Att taumlnka fritt och att taumlnka raumltt 71 52 Goumlran Blomqvist Elfenbenstorn eller statsskepp Stat universitet och akademisk frihet i

vardag och vision fraringn Agardh till Schuumlck (Lund Lund University Press 1992) 178 53 Liedman In search of Isis 95 54 Or in Swedish Studiefrihet 55 Skoglund Vita Moumlssor under Roumlda Fanor 49 56 Hellquist Att taumlnka fritt och att taumlnka raumltt 71 57 Blomqvist Elfenbenstorn eller statsskepp 178 58 Joseph CMWachelder Universiteit tussen vorming en opleiding De modernisiering van de

Nederlandse universiteiten in de negentiende eeuw (Hilversum The Netherlands Uitgeverij Verloren 1992) 63

59 van Duyvendijk De Motivering van de Klassieke Vorming 10 60 Foppen Gistend beleid 44 61 Ibid 44

Notes 137

62 Wachelder Universiteit tussen vorming en opleiding 67 63 Foppen Gistend beleid 57 64 Ibid 55ndash56 65 Article 1 of the Law tot regeling van het Hooger Onderwijs van 28 april 1876 cited in

Foppen 45

NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR 1 Aant Elzinga ldquoUniversities research and the transformation of the State in Swedenrdquo in

Sheldon Rothblatt and Bjoumlrn Wittrock (eds) The European and American university since 1800 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993) 205

2 Elzinga Universities 203 3 Urban Dahlloumlf Svensk Utbildningsplanering under 25 aringr argument beslutsunderlag och

modeller foumlr utvaumlrdering (Lund Studentlitteratur 1971) 66 4 OECD Educational Policy and Planning Sweden (Paris OECD 1967) 104ndash105 5 Ibid 104ndash105 6 Statistika Centralbyraringn (SCB) Examinerade fraumln gymnasium 1957 1962 and 1967 Sodal

bakgrund betyg och universitetsstudier (Statistika central-byraringn Stockholm 197414) 36 7 Ibid 65 8 Dahlloumlf Utbildningsplanering 67 9 Statistika centralbyraringn (SCB) Examinerade fraringn gymnasium 2 10 Ibid 64ndash65 11 Sven-Eric Liedmann Utmaumlttning Essaumler och Personliga Betraktelser om Samtiden (Faumllths

i Vaumlrnamo Bokfoumlrlaget Arena 1993) 256 12 Leon Boucher Tradition and Change in Swedish Education (New York Pergamon Press

1982) 12 13 Ibid 129ndash130 14 Swedish the verb lsquoto readrsquo (laumlsa) commonly denotes the activity of studying 15 Liedmann Utmaumlttning 256 16 Thorsten Huseacuten An Incurable Academic Memoirs of a Professor (Oxford Pergamon

1983) 24ndash25 17 Elzinga Universities 213 18 Bo Lindensjouml Houmlgskolereformen En studie i offentlig reformstrategi (Stockholm

Stockholm University 1981) 32 19 Elzinga Universities 213 20 Lindensjouml Houmlgskolereformen 37 21 Ibid 34 22 Dahlloumlf Utbildningsplanering 105 23 SOU Frihet Ansvar Kompetens 39ndash40 24 Dahlloumlf Utbildningsplanering 105 25 SMES The Swedish Way Towards a Learning Society 96 26 Dahlloumlf Utbildningsplanering 105 27 Lindensjouml Houmlgskolereformen 36 28 SOU Frihet Ansvar Kompetens 56 29 Mac Murray Utbildningsexpansion Jaumlmlikhet och Avlaumlnkning Studier i utblidningspolitik

och utbildningsplanering 1933ndash1985 (Gothenburg Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis 1988) 59

30 SOU 53 31 Dahlloumlf Utblildningsplanering 106 32 Murray Utbildningsexpansion 61

Notes 138

33 SOU Frihet Ansvar Kompetens 53 34 Liedmann fria fakulteternas laringngsamma doumld 175 35 OECD Reviews of National Policies for Education Sweden (Paris OECD 1969) 174 36 SOU Frihet Ansvar Kompetens 39 37 Ibid 39 38 Ibid 40 39 Swedish government Prop 1965141 p129 quoted in SOU Frihet Ansvar Kompetens 40 40 SOU Frihet Ansvar Kompetens 54 41 Dalhloumlf Utbildningsplanering 107 42 Ibid 107 43 Ibid 107 44 OECD Educational Policy and Planning Sweden 175 45 SOU Frihet Ansvar Kompetens 40 46 Ibid 55 47 Ibid 55 48 Ibid 55 49 Ibid 39 50 Lindensjouml Houmlgskolereformen 49ndash51 51 Ibid 51 52 Sven-Eric Reuterberg Studiemedel och rekrytering till houmlgskolan (Goumlteborg Sweden

ACTA Universitatis Gothoburgensis 1984) 53 Sven-Eric Reuterberg and Allan Svennson ldquoFinancial Aid and Recruitment in Sweden

changes between 1970 and 1990rdquo Studies in Higher Education 19 no 1 (1994) 33ndash58 (33) 54 SMES The Swedish Way 98 55 Reuterberg Studiemedel 167 56 Lindensjouml Houmlgskolereformen 49 57 Ibid 49 58 Ibid 36 59 OECD Educational Policy and Planning in Sweden 176 60 Liedmann fria fakulteternas laringngsamma doumld 179 61 Ibid 177 62 OECD Reviews of National Policies for Education Sweden (Paris OECD 1969) 63 Boucher Education and Change 23 64 Ibid 31 65 SMES The Swedish Way 86 66 Boucher Education and Change 23 67 SMES The Swedish Way 87 68 Boucher Education and Change 23 69 SMES The Swedish Way 90 70 Ibid 90 71 MacMurray Utbildningsexpansion 71 72 Ibid 73 Boucher Education and Change 34 74 Dahlloumlf Utbildningsplanering 76 75 Mac Murray Utbildningsexpansion 73 76 Boucher Education and Change 43 77 Murray Utbildningsexpansion 75 78 Boucher Education and Change 34 79 Murray Utbildningsexpansion 75 80 Ibid 75 81 Ibid 76

Notes 139

82 Utbildningsutredning 1968 aringrs (U68) Higher Education Proposals by the Swedish 1968 Education Commission (Stockholm U68 1973) 7

83 U68 7 84 Murray Utbildningsexpansion 83 85 U68 74 86 SMES 96 87 Lindensjouml Houmlgskolereformen 63 88 U68 43 89 Ibid 44 90 Ibid 45 91 Lindensjouml Houmlgskolereformen 63 92 U68 45 93 SMES The Swedish Way 93 94 Lindensjouml Houmlgskolereformen 65 95 U68 16 96 Ibid 97 Lindensjouml Houmlgskolereformen 65 98 Ibid 65 99 Ibid 63 100 U68 8 101 Ibid 8 102 Jan-Eric Lane ldquoSwedenrdquo in The Encyclopedia of Higher Education Burton Clark and

Guy Neave eds (Oxford Pergamon 1992) 691 Though houmlgskola has been translated often as ldquocollegerdquo it bears little resemblance to the English or American concept In the context of this study it will be translated as ldquoinstitution of higher educationrdquo

103 Lane Sweden 691 104 Goumlran Svanfeld ldquoHochschulpolitik in Schwedenrdquo in Goedegebuure Kaiser Massen et al

(eds) Hochschulpolitik im Internationalen Vergleich (Guumltersloh Verlag Bertelsmann Stiftung 1993) 324

105 SMES 100 106 Murray Utbildningsexpansion passim 107 U68 9 108 Ibid 109 Ibid 110 Ibid 111 Utbildningsdepartementet Fria Universitet och houmlgskolor Stockholm

Utbildningsdepartementet 1992 13 112 National Board of Universities and Colleges (NBUC) ldquoHigher Education and Research in

Sweden 198384 Some Facts and Figuresrdquo Western European Education 16 no1 (1988) 14

113 NBUC 14 114 Svanfeld Hochschulpolitik in Schweden 324 115 Ibid 325 116 NBUC 14 117 Svanfeld Hochschulpolitik in Schweden 325 118 Ibid 325 119 SMES 101 120 SCB Enstaka kurser 11 121 U68 10 122 Ibid 123 Ibid 124 Ibid

Notes 140

125 Ibid 27 126 Ibid 127 Ibid 128 Ibid 28 129 These courses have been referred to by academic and government officials as both enstaka

kurser (single courses) and fri staringnende (free standing) courses 130 Statistika Centralbyraringn (SCB) Enstaka kurser 197778ndash198182 Siffror om houmlgskolan 2

(Stockholm Statistika Centralbyraringn 1983) 12 131 Ibid 12 132 Lan Sweden 690 133 Svanfeld Hochschulpolitik in Schweden 327 134 SCB 11 135 Ibid 136 SMES 101 137 SCB 11 138 Ibid 139 U68 31 140 Ibid 30 141 NBUC 14 142 Ibid 143 Elzinga Universities 213 144 U68 43 145 Ibid 13 146 Lilimore Kim ldquoDer Hochschulzugang in Schweden und seine Folgen fuumlr die Intergrierte

Hochschulbildungrdquo in H Hermanns Ulrich Teichler (eds) Integrierte Hochschulmodelle Erfahrungen aus drei Laumlndern (Frankfurt Campus Forschung 1982) 102

147 SMES 97 148 Kim Hochschulzugang in Schweden 103 149 Ibid 104 150 Lane Sweden 691 151 Svanfeld Hochschulpolitik in Schweden 328 152 Ibid 153 OECD Educational Policy and Planning Goals for Educational Policy in Sweden (Paris

OECD 1980) 32 154 Svanfeld Hochschulpolitik in Schweden 328 155 Ibid 327ndash328 156 Boucher Tradition and Change 142 157 OECD Goals for Educational Policy in Sweden 31 158 Boucher Tradition and Change 143 159 Ibid 160 Lindensjouml Houmlgskolereformen 124 161 Ibid 162 Ibid 163 SMES 97 164 Boucher Education and Change 148 165 Lane 691 SMES 97 166 SMES 91 167 Ibid 98 168 Ibid 98 169 Kim Hochschulzugang in Schweden 107 170 SMES 93 171 Utbildningsdepartmentet Fria Universitet och houmlgskolor 13

Notes 141

172 SMES 101 173 Liedmann fria fakulteternas Iaringngsamma doumld 179 174 Gordon Sander ldquoActions of New Swedish Coalition Raise Hopes for Revitalization of

Higher Educationrdquo Chronicle of Higher Education 4 December 1991 A53 175 Gordon FSander ldquoSwedenrsquos Conservative-Led Government Steps up Pace of Reform of

Higher-Education Systemrdquo Chronicle of Higher Education 11 May 1994 A43 176 Per Unckel Introduction to Fria Universitet och houmlgskolor (Stockholm

Utbildningsdepartementet 1992) 4 177 Unckel Introduction 4 178 Utbildningsdepartementet Fria Universitet och houmlgskolor 9 179 Ibid 10 180 Ibid 10 (emphasis in the original) 181 Ibid 10 182 Sander Actions of New Swedish Coalition A53 183 Utbildningsdepartementet Fria Universitet och houmlgskolor 11 184 Ibid 10ndash11 185 SOU 38 186 Ibid 40 187 Ibid 188 SOU 41 189 Utbildningsdepartementet Fria Universitet och Houmlgskolor 14 190 Ibid 191 Ibid 22 192 Ibid 17 The required number of credits and length of time originally proposed were

different from what was finally adopted 193 Utbildningsdepartementet Fria Universitet och Houmlgskolor 17 For the magisterexamen a

student would have the choice of writing one work of 20 points or 2 works of 10 points 194 Utbildningsdepartementet Fria universitet och houmlgskolor 24 195 Gordon Sander ldquoSwedenrsquos Conservative-Led Government Steps Up Pace of Reform of

Higher-Education Systemrdquo Chronicle of Higher Education 11 May 1994 A43 196 Information for this paragraph based on authorrsquos discussion with a Professor University of

Goumlteborg May 1994 197 Ibid 198 Sven-Eric Reuterberg and Allan Svensson ldquoFinancial Aid and Recruitment to Higher

Education in Sweden Changes between 1970 and 1990rdquo Studies in Higher Education Vol 19 No 1 1994 33ndash45

199 Sander Actions of New Swedish Coalition A53 200 Ibid 201 Information based on authorrsquos informal discussion with Professor Goumlteborg May 1994 202 Ibid 203 Carl Tham quoted in Gordon FSander ldquoNew Minister Would Undo Some Reforms at

Swedenrsquos Universitiesrdquo Chronicle of Higher Education 14 December 1994 A43 204 Marianne Bauer BAskling and SGMarton (1999) Transforming Universities changing

patterns of governance structure and learning in Swedish higher education (London Jessica Kingsley 1999) 85

Notes 142

NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE 1 ThHJDStoelinga ldquoHoger Onderwijsrdquo in JAvan Kemenade NAJ Lagerweij

JMGLeuene and JJMRitzen eds Onderwijs Bestel en beleid-3 Onderwijs in ontwikkeling (Groningen Wolters-Noordhoff 1987) 397

2 PNKarstanje ldquoVoortgezet onderwijsrdquo in JAvan Kemenade et al eds Onderwijs Bestel en beleid v III Onderwijs in ontwikkeling (Groningen Wolters-Noordhoff 1987) 294

3 Ibid 294 4 Karstanje Voortgezet onderwijs 295 5 Ibid 349ndash350 The neo-humanistic vormingsideal equals the neo-humanistic Bildungsideal

discussed in chapter three 6 Ibid 296 7 JWFoppen Gistend beleid veertig jaar universitaire onderwijspolitiek (lsquos-Gravenhage

VUGA 1989) 46 8 Ibid 49 9 Stoelinga Hoger onderwijs p 371 10 Richter Roland Das Niederlaumlndische Modell Studienstrukturreform Studienfoumlrderung

Evaluation von Lehre und Forschung Neue Modelle der Selbstverwaltung und Finanzierung der Hochschulen in den Niederlaumlnden (Frankfurt GEW 1994) 19

11 Foppen Gistend beleid 8 3 12 JMeynen ldquoHet Probleem van de Studieduurrdquo Universiteit en hogeschool 10 (3) (1963ndash64)

pp 174ndash179 13 Ibid 174ndash179 14 Ibid 175 15 OECD Netherlands Contours of a Future Education System (Paris OECD 1976) 21 16 Foppen Gistend beleid 85 17 OECD Educational Policy and Planning The Netherlands (Paris OECD 1967) 140 18 ThHBot ldquoHet Probleem van de Studieduurrdquo Universiteit en Hogeschool 11 no4 (1964ndash

65) 229 19 Ibid 231 20 Foppen Gistend beleid 85 21 Bot Het Probleem van de Studieduur 231 22 Foppen Gistend beleid 94 23 See Roger LGeiger Research and Relevant Knowledge American Research Universities

since World War II (New York Oxford University Press 1993) 24 Meynen ldquoHet Probleem van de Studieduurrdquo 176 25 Sj Groenman ldquoGedachten over het Baccalaureaatrdquo Universiteit en hogeschool 5 no 6

(1958ndash59) 316 26 Ibid 27 Ibid 318 28 After its founding in the early 1960s the University of Twente offered a 3 and 12 year

course leading to a Bachelorrsquos degree in technology The labor market however had a difficult time deciding what to do with these degrees OECD Educational Policy and Planning The Netherlands Paris OECD 1967) 148

29 Foppen Gistend beleid 231 30 Stoelinga Hoger Onderwijs 397 31 Ibid 32 Richter Das Niederlaumlndische Modell 22 33 Stoelinga 397

Notes 143

34 Hoger Onderwijs voor velen 35 Foppen Gistend beleid 177 36 Tweede Kamer Hoger Onderwijs Autonomie en Kwaliteit (The Netherlands Tweede

Kamer 1985ndash86) 19 235 nrs 1ndash2 37 The Netherlands (1992) Staatsblad von bet Koninkrijk der Nederlanden Wet op het hoger

onderwijs en wetenschappelijk ondezoek (WHW) nr 593 38 Stoelinga 377 39 WHW nr 593 40 LGoedegebuure ldquoInstitutional Mergers and System Changerdquo in P Maassen and FvVught

eds Dutch Higher Education in Transition (Culemborg Lemma 1989) 77 41 Stoelinga ldquoHoger Onderwijsrdquo 399 42 Goedegebuure ldquoInstitutional Mergers and System Changerdquo 77 43 Stoelinga Hoger Onderwijs 377 44 Frans van Vught ldquoThe Netherlandsrdquo in PAltbach (ed) International Higher Education An

Encyclopedia (New York Garland 1991) 735 45 WFrijhoff ldquoThe Netherlandsrdquo in BRClark and Guy Neave The Encyclopedia of Higher

Education (New York Pergamon 1992) 494 46 Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek (CBS) Medelelingen CBS No 7915 April 1991 47 Leo CJ Goedegebuure and VLynn Meek ldquoRestructuring Higher Education A

Comparative Analysis between Australia and the Netherlandsrdquo Comparative Education Vol 27 No1 1991 p 16

48 WHW art 724 49 Goedegebuure et al 263 50 Tweede Kamer Hoger Onderwijs Autonomie en Kwaliteit The Netherlands Tweede

Kamer 1985ndash86) 19 235 nrs 1ndash2 51 Hoger Onderwijs Autonomie en Kwaliteit 9 52 Ibid 53 The Netherlands (1992) Staatsblad von het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden Wet op het hoger

onderwijs en wetenscbappelijk onderzoek (WHW) nr 593 54 Ibid 55 Ibid art 13 56 van Vught ldquoHigher Education in the Netherlandsrdquo 23 57 WHW art 752 58 Ibid art 756 59 Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen (KUN) Vademecum voor KUN-Studenten (Nijmegen

The Netherlands Afdeling Studentenzaken van de Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen 1993) 79

60 van Vught Higher Education in the Netherlands 23 61 WHW art 725 62 Ibid art 729 63 Tweede Kamer (Dutch Lower House) Twee-fasenstructuur wetenschap-pelijk onderwijs

Tweede Kamer zitting 1979ndash1980 16 106 nrs 1ndash2 18 64 WHW art 78 paragraph 4 65 Ibid art 79 paragraph 1 66 Ibid art 730 67 Uulkje de Jong Pjotr Koopman and Jaap Roeleveld Snelwegen en slinger-paden in en om

het Hoger onderwijs Eindrapport Project lsquoStudieloopbaan in het Hoger onderwijs (lsquos-Gravenhage Ministerie van Onderwijs en Wetenschappen 1991)

68 KUN Vademecum voor KUN-Studenten 94 69 WHW Article 39 70 WHW Article 738 In spite of this flexibility the 6 year time allotment was later considered

too restrictive and was lengthened to 10 years

Notes 144

71 KUN Vademecum voor KUN-Studenten 95 72 Adapted from KUN Vademecum voor KUN-Studenten 82 73 Vereniging van Samenwerkende Nederlandse Universiteiten (VSNU) Studielast en

Studeerbaarheid (Utrecht VSNU 1989) 74 VSNU Studielast en Studeerbaarheid 27 75 Ibid 76 Ibid 27ndash30 77 Ibid 14 78 Ibid 79 Ibid 7 80 Ibid 81 Ibid 14 82 van Vught The Netherlands 742 83 KUN Vademecum voor KUN-Studenten 80 84 van Vught The Netherlands 742 85 KUN Vademecum 43 86 Ibid 44 87 Ibid 88 Ibid 89 Ibid 45 90 Tweede Kamer 16 106 nrs 1ndash2 p 12 91 Article 1 Wet op het Wetenschappelijke Onderwijs cited in (Tweede Kamer (Dutch Lower

House) Twee-fasenstructuur wetenschappelijk onderwijs Tweede Kamer zitting 1979ndash1980 16 106 nrs 1ndash2 p18

92 OECD Reviews of National Policies for Education Netherlands (Paris OECD 1991) 49 93 Ibid 94 Ibid 95 Richter Das Niederlaumlndische Modell 25 96 OECD National Policies for Education Netherlands 49 97 Ibid 98 MGroen Het wetenschappelijk onderwijs in Nederland van 1815 to 1980 een

onderwijskundig overzicht Vol 1 Wetgeving viviel effect godgeleerdheid rechtsgeleerdheid indologie geneeskunde (Den Haag CIP-Gegevens Koninklijke Bibiotheek 1987) 72

99 WHW Article 720 100 Groen Het wetenschappelijk onderwijs in Nederland 72 101 Ibid 102 Ibid 103 WHW Article 721 1992 104 Ibid Article 722 105 OECD National Policies for Education Netherlands 46 106 Ibid 33 107 Bijleveld Riekele ldquoNumeriek rendement en studienduur voor en na de invoering van de

tweefasenstructuurrdquo Tijdschrift voor Hoger Onderwijs vol 8 no 2 1990 67ndash79 108 lsquoDe Brevenbus Kleppertrsquo NRC Handelsblad March 9 1995 p4 109 OECD National Policies for Education Netherlands 49 110 Tweede Kamer (Dutch Lower House) Hoger Onderwijs Autonomie en kwaliteit The

Netherlands Tweede Kamer 1985ndash1986 19 253 nrs 1ndash2 111 VSNU studeerbaarheid p17 112 Roland Richter (ed) ldquoIntroductionrdquo JWillems et al Qualitaumltssorge in der Lehre

Leitfaden fuumlr die Studentische Lehrevaluation (Berlin Luchterhand 1994) ix 113 Richter das Niederlaumlndische Modell 44

Notes 145

114 MMHFrederiks DFWesterheijden and PJMWeusthof ldquoEffects of Quality Assessment in Dutch Higher Educationrdquo European Journal of Education 29 No 2 (1994)181ndash199

115 Frederiks et al ldquoEffects of Quality Assessmentrdquo 181ndash199 116 Richter das Niederlaumlndische Modell 48 117 Ibid 47 118 Ido Weijers lsquoPolitieke discussie over universiteit krijkt dubieus niveaursquo Trouw January

12 1995 119 Hendrik Spiering lsquoIk denk da Nuis ook zelf geschrokken isrsquo NRC Handelsblad March 9

1995 4 120 Ibid 121 lsquoDe Brevenbus Kleppertrsquo NRC Handelsblad March 9 1995 4 122 Ibid 123 Bart Tromp ldquoNaar en dreijarige propaedeuserdquo Het Parool August 19 1994 2 124 Ibid 125 Marleen Barth ldquoPolitiek mist verlangen naar de bachelorrdquo Trouw March 18 1995 8 126 Esther Hageman lsquoPraten over hoger onderwijs maar niet te popularrsquo Trouw March

151995 17 127 Ido Weijers ldquoPolitieke discussie over universiteit krijgt dubieus niveaurdquo Trouw Jan 12

1995 11 128 lsquoUniversiteit beleeft crisisrsquo Het Parool January 14 1995 129 ldquoHoger Onderwijsrdquo NRC Handelsblad January 30 1995 9 130 Marjan Agerbeek Studeerbaarheid lsquoRitzen spant studenten voor karretjersquo Trouw

September 22 1993 30 131 CJMSchuylt cited in Bas Blokker and Birgit Donker De Gemangelde Universiteit NRC

Handelsblad September 9 1993 1 132 Professor Dr RAde Moor cited in Laurens Berentsen ldquoBeter onderwijs kost studenten de

vrijheidrdquo Het Parool February 4 1995 30

NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX 1 Ulrich Schreiterer Politische Steuerung des Hochschulssystems Programm und Wirklichkeit

der staatlichen Studienreform 1975ndash1986 (Frankfurt am Main Campus 1989) 29 2 Juumlrgen Habermas ldquoDas chronische Leiden der Hochschulreform (1957)rdquo in Juumlrgen

Habermas Kleine Politische Schriften I-IV (Frankfurt am Main Suhrkamp 1981) 3 Ludwig von Friedeburg Bildungsreform in Deutschland Geschichte und gesellschaftlicher

Widerspruch (Frankfurt am Main Suhrkamp 1989) 334 4 Ibid 404 5 Max Planck Institut fuumlr Bildungsforschung (MPIB) Das Bildungswesen in der

Bundesrepublik Deutschland Ein Uumlberblick fuumlr Eltern Lehrer und Schuumller (Reinbek bei Hamburg Rowohlt 1990) 32

6 MPIB Das Bildungswesen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 32 7 Joachim Hirsch and Stephan Leibfreid Materialien zur Wissenschafts- und Bildungspolitik

(Frankfurt am Main Suhrkamp 1971) 17 8 von Friedeburg Bildungsreform in Deuschland 336 9 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlung des Wissenschaftsrat zum Ausbau der Wissenschaftlichen

Hochschulen bis 1970 (Tuumlbingen JCB Mohr 1967) 273 10 Ibid 11 Schreiterer Politische Steuerung des Hochschulssystems 14 12 Christoph Oehler Hochschulentwicklung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland seit 1945

(Frankfurt Campus 1989) 18

Notes 146

13 The German word Land is the singular form used to denote a state In the plural the word becomes Laumlnder

14 OECD Educational Policy and Planning Germany (Paris OECD 1972) 2 15 Ibid4 16 Ulrich Teichler ldquoThe Federal Republic of Germanyrdquo in Burton Clark ed The School and

the University (Berkeley The University of California Press 1985) 46 17 Margaret Kraul Das Deutsche Gymnasium 1780ndash1980 (Frankfurt am Main Suhrkamp

1984) 210 18 Kraul Das Deutsche Gymnasium 1780ndash1980 184 19 Ibid 189 20 von Friedeburg Bildungsreform in Deutschland 348 21 Oehler Hochschulentwidklung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 32 22 Ibid 63 23 G Kloss ldquoUniversity Reform in West Germany The Burden of Traditionrdquo Minerva 43

(1968) 323ndash354 24 OECD Educational Policy and Planning Germany 9 25 von Friedeburg Bildungsreform in Deutschland 338 26 Ibid 340 27 Ulrich Teichler ldquoThe Federal Republic of Germanyrdquo in Guy Neave and FA van Vught

Prometheus Bound The Changing Relationship Between Government and Higher Education in Western Europe (New York Pergamon 1991) 31

28 von Friedeburg Bildungsreform in Deutschland 341 29 For a complete chronological discussion of reform between 1945ndash1959 see Rolf Neuhaus

(ed) Dokumente zur Hochschulreform 1945ndash1959 (Wiesbaden Franz Steiner 1961) 30 Congress of Ministers of Education and Culture of the (then) 11 Laumlnder 31 Empfehlung der Abteilung II ldquoForm und Organization der Studentenfoumlrderung

Hochschultagung in Bad Honnef Gegenwartsprobleme der deutschen Hochschulen November 19ndash22 1955rdquo Reproduced in Rolf Neuhaus (ed) Dokumentente zur Hochschulreform 1945ndash1959 (Wiesbaden Franz Steiner 1961)

32 Ibid 33 Wissenschaftsrat Anregungen des Wissenschaftsrates zur Gestalt neuer Hochschulen

(JCBMohr (Paul Siebeck) Tuumlbingen 1962) 11 34 Ibid 35 Ibid 12 36 Ibid 37 Ibid 12ndash13 38 Ibid 39 Ibid 40 Ibid 13 41 Ibid 13ndash14 42 Habermas Das chronische Leiden der Hochschulreform 13 43 MPIB Das Bildungswesen in der Bundesrepublik 22 44 Kloss ldquoUniversity Reform in West Germanyrdquo 323ndash354 45 ldquoGutachten zur Hochschulreform vom Studienausschuszlig fuumlr Hochschulreform (Blaue

Gutachten 1948)rdquo In Rolf Neuhaus ed Dokumente zur Hochschulreform 1945ndash1959 (Wiesbaden Franz Steiner 1961)

46 These later became the Fachhochschulen (see below) RMO Pritchard The End of Elitism The Democratization of the West German University System (New York Berg 1990) 78

47 Schreiterer Politische Steuerung des Hochschulsystems 29 48 Teichler ldquoThe Federal Republic of Germanyrdquo 30 49 v Friedeburg Bildungsreform in Deutschland 341ndash342

Notes 147

50 Rolf Neuhaus Dokumente zur Gruumlndung neuer Hochschulen 1960ndash1966 (Wiesbaden Franz Steiner Verlag 1968)

51 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlung des Wissenschaftsrat zum Ausbau der Wissenschaftlichen Hochschulen bis 1970 (Tuumlbingen JCB Mohr 1967)

52 Oehler Hochschulentwicklung in der Bundesrepublik 18 53 Schreiterer Politische Steuerung des Hochschulsystems 39 54 Ralf Dahrendorf Bildung ist Buumlrgerrecht Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine aktive Bildungspolitik

(Onsnabruumlck Nannen-Verlag 1965) 55 Dahrendorf Bildung ist Buumlrgerrecht 111 56 Ibid 57 Ibid 116 58 Ibid 59 Kloss ldquoUniversity Reform in West Germanyrdquo 339 60 Hansgert Peisert and Gerhild Framhein Systems of Higher Education Federal Republic of

Germany (New York International Council for Educational Development 1978) 119 61 Kloss ldquoUniversity Reform in West Germanyrdquo 341 62 The term ldquocomprehensive universityrdquo should not be confused with the term used by the

Carnegie Classification in the United States to denote non-doctoral granting universities In Germany it means the integration of two types of university study under the same roof research-oriented and praxis-oriented study (see below)

63 Peisert and Framhein Systems of Higher Education Federal Republic of Germany 119 64 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Neuordnung des Studiums an den wissenschaftlichen

Hochschulen (Cologne Wissenschaftsrat 1966) 14 65 Ibid 12ndash13 66 Ibid 16 67 This means literally ldquobetweenrdquo or ldquomid-pointrdquo examination 68 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Neuordnung des Studiums 18 69 Ibid 14 70 Ibid 29 71 Kloss ldquoUniversity Reform in West Germanyrdquo 339 72 OECD Educational Policy and Planning Germany 132 73 Kloss ldquoUniversity Reform in West Germanyrdquo 339 74 Oehler Hochschulentwicklung in der Bundesrepublik 59 75 Schreiterer Politische Steuerung des Hochschulsystems 45 76 Ibid 77 Kloss ldquoUniversity Reform in West Germanyrdquo 339 78 Schreiterer Politische Steuerung des Hochschulsystems 45 79 These debates produced a large amount of literature which in hindsight tended to be either

utopic or apocalyptic in their view about the future of the German university Helmut Schelsky Abschied von der Hochschulpolitik oder Die Universitaumlt in Fadenkreuz des Versagens (Bertelsmann 1969) Erwin Scheuch Realitaumlt und Erscheinungsbild der ldquoHochschulreformrdquo in Hans Maier and Michael Zoumlllner eds Die andere Bildungskatastrophe Hochschulgesetze statt Hochschulreform (Koumlln Markus Verlag 1970) August Rucker Hochschule und Gesellschaft Zur Demokratisierung der Hochschule (Munich Manz Verlag 1969) Juumlrgen Habermas Universitaumlt in der DemokratiemdashDemokratisierung der Habermas Juergen and Demokratisierung der Hochschule -Politisierung der Wissenschaft Universitaet (Frankfurt Suhrkamp 1981)

80 OECD Educational Policy and Planning Germany 7 81 Peisert and Framhein Systems of Higher Education Federal Republic of Germany 41

Peisert and Gerhild also point out the contradiction between the drive for the need for diversification and the push for unified standards

82 OECD Educational Policy and Planning Germany 4

Notes 148

83 Peisert and Framhein Systems of Higher Education Federal Republic of Germany 40 84 Gewerkschaft Erziehung und Wissenschaft (GEW) BAfoumlg 9394 GEW-Handbuch fuumlr

Schuumllerinnen und Schuumller Studentinnen und Studenten (Marburg Germany Schuumlren 1993)

85 Peisert and Framhein Systems of Higher Education Federal Republic of Germany 42 86 OECD Reviews of National Polides for Education Germany 85 87 Teichler Federal Republic of Germany (1991) 36 88 Ibid 89 Schreiterer Politische Steuerung des Hochschulsystems 115 90 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Struktur und zum Ausbau des Bildungswesens im

Hochschulbereich nach 1970 Volume 1 (Tuumlbingen JCBMohr 1970) 17 91 Ibid 92 Oehler Hochschulentwicklung in der Bundesrepublik 63 Schreiterer Politische Steurung

des Hochschulsystems 44 93 Peisert and Framhein 119 94 Schreiterer Politische Steuerung des Hochschulsystems 117 95 Nikolaus Lobkowicz ldquoReflections on Eleven Years as President of a Germany Universityrdquo

Minerva 22 ns3ndash4 (1984)365ndash387 96 von Friedeburg Bildungsreform in Deutschland 422 97 Teichler ldquoThe Federal Republic of Germanyrdquo (1991) 34 98 Peisert and Framhein Systems of Higher Education Federal Republic of Germany 93 99 Teichler ldquoThe Federal Republic of Germany (1991) 34 100 Peisert and Framhein 94 101 Ibid 102 Nikolaus Lobkowicz ldquoReflections on Eleven Years as Presidentrdquo 365ndash387 103 Peisert and Framhein 133 104 Juumlrgen Salzwendel ldquoZur Bedeutung der Numerus-Clausus-Entscheidung des

Bundesverfassungsgerichtes fuumlr die Grundrechtsentwicklung in der Bundesrepublikdeutschlandrdquo in Ulrich Karpen ed Verfassungsrechtliche Fragen des Hochschulzuganges (Tuumlbingen JCBMohr 1978)

105 Hildegard Hamm-Bruumlcher ldquoIn die Falschen Richtungrdquo Die Zeit (Hamburg September 14 1973

106 Information based on an interview with academic administrator University of Cologne March 1994

107 Peisert and Framhein 94 108 Thomas Oppermann ldquoHochschulzugang in der Bundesrepublic Deutschlandrdquo in Ulrich

Karpen ed Verfassungsrechtliche Fragen des Hochschulzuganges (Tuumlbingen JCBMohr 1978) 263

109 Oppermann ldquoHochschulzugang in der Bundesrepublic Deutschlandrdquo 263 110 von Friedeburg Bildungsreform in der Bundesrepublik 428 111 Oppermann ldquoHochschulzugang in der Bundesrepublic Deutschlandrdquo 263 112 Ulrich Teichler Higher Education in the Federal Republic of Germany Developments and

Recent Issues (New YorkKassel Wissenschaftliches Zentrum fuumlr Berufs- und Hochschulforschung der Gesamthochschule Kassel and Center for European Studies CUNY 1986) 28

113 Max Planck Institute fuumlr Bildung und Forschung 384 114 Teichler ldquoThe Federal Republic of Germanyrdquo in Guy Neave and Frans van Vught (eds)

Prometheus Bound 37 115 Peisert and Framhein 130 116 Ibid 117 Ibid 118 Oehler Hochschulentwicklung in der Bundesrepublik 65

Notes 149

119 Ibid 66 120 Teichler ldquoThe Federal Republic of Germanyrdquo in Neave and van Vught (eds) Prometheus

Bound 36 121 Oehler Hochschulenttvicklung in der Bundesrepublik 67 122 Teichler ldquoThe Federal Republic of Germanyrdquo 37 123 Ibid 124 Ibid 125 Oehler Hochschulentwicklung in der Bundesrepublik 64 126 Ibid 127 Schreiterer Politische Steurerung des Hochschulsystems 285 128 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Struktur und zum Ausbau des Bildungswesens im

Hochschulbereich nach 1970 Volume 1 (Tuumlbingen JCBMohr 1970) 112 129 Staumlndige Konferenz der Rektoren un Praumlsidenten der staatlichen Fachhochschulen der

Laumlnder in der Bundesrepublik DeutschlandmdashFachhochschulenrektorenkonferenz (FRK) W Schoumlllhammer et al (eds) Handbook of Fachhochschulen (Frankfurt Campus Verlag 1990)

130 WSchoumlllhammer et al (eds) Handbook of Fachhochschulen (Frankfurt Campus Verlag 1990) 22

131 Ibid 132 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Entwicklung der Fachhochschulen in den 90er Jahren

(Koumlln Wissenschaftsrat 1991) 20 133 Schoumlllhammer et al Handbook of Fachhochschulen 134 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Entwicklung der Fachhochschulen in den 90er

Jahren 20 135 Ibid 22 136 Ibid 10 137 Christoph Luumlth Gesamthochschulpolitik in der Bundesrepubik Deutschland Zur

Gesamthochschuldiskussion und Hochschulrahmengesetzgebung (1967ndash1976) (Bad Honnef Verlag Karl Heinrich Bock 1983) 23

138 Luumlth Gesamthochschulpolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 23 139 Oehler Hochschulentwicklung in der Bundesrepublik 107 140 Pritchard End of Elitism 126 141 OECD Educational Policy and Planning 153 142 Pritchard End of Elitism 126 143 Ibid 127 144 Ibid 128 145 Ibid 146 Oehler Hochschulentwicklung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland seit 1945 109 147 Ayla Neusel and Ulrich Teichler ldquoStrukturentwicklung des Hochschulwesensrdquo in

GGorzka KHeipcke and UTeichler eds HochschulmdashBerufmdashGesellschaft Ergebnisse der Forschung zum Funktionswandel der Hochschulforschung (Frankfurt Campus Verlag 1988) 312

148 Ibid 149 Ibid 150 Ibid 151 Oehler Hochschulentwicklung in der Bundesrepublik 110 152 Edgar Frackmann and Egbert de Weert ldquoHochschulpolitik in der Bundesrepublik

Deutschlandrdquo in Goedegebuure et al eds Hochschulpolitik im internationalen Vergleich (Guumltersloh Verlag Bertelsmann Stiftung 1993) 80

153 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Entwicklung der Fachhochschulen in den 90er Jahren (Cologne Wissenschaftsrat 1991) 23

154 Ibid 107

Notes 150

155 Ibid 156 Ibid 27ndash28 157 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Entwicklung der Fachhochschulen in den 90er

Jahren 27ndash28 158 Bundesminister fuumlr Bildung und Wissenschaft (BMBW) Das Soziale Bild der

Studentenschaft in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 13 Sozialerhebung des Deutschen Studentenwerkes (Bonn BMBW 1992) 114

159 BMBW 13 Sozialerhebung des Deutschen Studentenwerkes 114 160 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Entwicklung der Fachbochschulen in den 90er

Jahren 23 161 Kultusministerkonferez (KMK) Pressemitteilung KMK veroumlffentlicht Stellungnahme zur

Situation an den Hochscbulen (Bonn KMK October 14 1992) 6 162 Frackmann and de Weert 75 163 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Entwicklung der Fachhochscbulen in den 90er

Jahren 50 164 Schoumlllhammer et al Handbook of Fachhochschulen 24 165 Bericht des Bundestagsausschusses 2681985 BT-DRs 103751 27 (cited in

Wissenschaftsrat Empfeblungen zur Entwicklung der Fachhochscbulen in den 90er Jahren (Koumlln Wissenschaftsrat 1991 12)

166 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Entwicklung der Fachhochschulen in den 90er Jahren 12

167 Ibid 11 168 KMK Pressemitteilung 169 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Entwicklung der Fachhochscbulen in den 90er

Jahren 170 Hochschul-Informations-System (HIS) Ergebnisspiegel 1990 (Hannover HIS 1990) 195 171 MPIB Das Bildungswesen in der Bundesrepublik 383 172 BMBW 13 Sozialerhebung des Deutschen Studentenwerkes 65ndash67 173 Ibid 49ndash60 174 Ibid 49 175 BMBW 13 Sozialerhebung des Deutschen Studentenwerkes 389 176 Hochschulrektorenkonferenz (HRK) Konzept zur Entwicklung der Hochschulen in

Deutschland Einstimmiger Beschluszlig des 167 Plenums der Hochschulrektorenkonferenz Bonn July 6 1992 (Bonn HRK 1992)

177 Ibid 4 178 von Friedeburg Bildungsreform in Deutschland 428 179 Michael Leszczensky and Bastian Filaretow Hochschulstudium in der DDR Statistischer

Uumlberblick (Hannover Hochschul-Informations-System (HIS) 1989) 180 Uwe Wesel ldquoGeisterstunde Trotz guten Willens von allen Seiten droht der (Ost-) Berliner

Humboldt-Universitaumlt die voumlllige Entmuumlndigungrdquo Die Zeit (Hamburg) Nr 25 21 June 1991 16

181 ldquoIhr habt viele niedergemaumlht Dieter Simon der Vorsitzende des Wissenschaftsrates uumlber die Zukunft der Forschung in der Ex-DDRrdquo Der Spiegel no 27 1991 40

182 Frackmann and de Weert 94 183 Ibid 184 Ibid 95 185 Jutta Wilhelmi Krisenherd Hochschule Deutsche Universitaumlten zwischen Wahn und

Wirklichkeit (Weinheim Beltz 1993) 186 HRK Konzept zur Entwicklung der Hochschulen in Deutschland 187 BMBW 13 Erhebung des Deutschen Studentenwerkes 71 188 Ibid

Notes 151

189 Brigitte Mohr Allgemeiner Hochschul-Anzeiger Nummer 20 Seite 4 Winter Semester 1994)

190 Gerhard Bauer ldquoLangzeitwirkungrdquo Allgemeiner Hochshul-Anzeiger No 20 Winter 199394 1

191 BMBW 13 Erhebung des Deutschen Studentenwerkes 121 192 HIS Ergebnisspiegel 1990 158 193 Ibid 194 Wolfgang Braun ldquoAbiturienten 1994mdashdie unentschlossenen Wesen Mit

Studienberechtigung zwischen Desinteresse und Zukunftsstorgenrdquo Jugend und Berufswahl (Beilage der Suddeutschen Zeitung) September 29 1993 Nr 225 16

195 ldquoIm Sturzflug Abwaumlrts Berufschancen fuumlr Akademiker (IV) Wirtschaftswissenschaftler und Juristenrdquo Der Spiegel 45 1993 153

196 Wolfgang Braun ldquoAbiturienten 1994rdquo 16 197 Bundesminister fuumlr Bildung und Wissenschaft Das Soziale Bild der Studentenschaft in der

Bundesrepublik Deutschland 12 Sozialerhebung des Deutschen Studentenwerkes (Bonn BMBW 1989) 173

198 BMBW 13 Sozialerhebung des Deutschen Studentenwerkes 124 199 HIS Ergebnisspiegel 1990 140 200 BMBW 13 Sozialerhebung des Deutschen Studentenwerkes 124 201 ldquoDr Arbeitslosrdquo Der Spiegel Nr 4247 18 October 1993 106 202 Labor market researcher Manfred Tessaring quoted in ldquoIm Sturzflug Abwaumlrts Spiegel-

Serie uumlber die Berufschancen der Akademiker (I) Volle Universitaumlten keine Stellenrdquo Der Spiegel 42 1993 106

203 Margaret Horstmann cited ldquoIm Sturzflug Abwaumlrtz Spiegel-Serie uumlber die Berufschancen der Akademiker (I) Volle Universitaumlten keine Stellenrdquo Der Spiegel 42 1993 92

204 ldquoMan ist ja auch noch Mensch nebenbeirdquo Zeitmagazine (Hamburg) Nr16 April 15 1994 52

205 Matthias Horx ldquoDer Ratlose Studentrdquo Unikum No 10 1993 pp 12ndash13 206 Ibid 207 Interview with first semester students published in ldquoMan ist ja auch noch Mensch

nebenbeirdquo Zeitmagazine (Hamburg) Nr16 April 15 1994 p52 208 ldquoHaben wir zu viele Scheinstudenten Herr Behrendrdquo Suumlddeutsche Zeitung (Munich)

1213 March 1994 209 See Konrad Jaruasch Deutsche Studenten 1800ndash1970 (Frankfurt Suhrkamp Verlag

1984) 210 ldquoHaben wir zu viele Scheinstudenten Herr Behrendrdquo Suddeutsche Zeitung 211 Lutz Goumlllner ldquoHarte Bandagen fuumlr Berliner Germanisten Universitaumlt block-iert die

Ruumlckmeldung von Langzeitstudentenrdquo Suumlddeutsche Zeitung Hochschule und Beruf (Munich) I 199394

212 Ibid 213 Karl Otto Hondrich ldquoTotenglocke im Elfenbeinturmrdquo Der Spiegel 61994 214 Hienz Griesbach and Michael Leszczensky Studentische Zeitbudgetsmdashempirische

Ergebnisse zur Diskussion uumlber Aspekte des Teilzeitstudium (Hannover HIS-Kurzinformation A4 1993)

215 Ibid 216 Ibid 2ndash5 217 Ibid 218 Ibid 3 219 ldquoKMK Bericht an die Ministerpraumlsidentenkonferenz zur Realizierung der

Studienstructurreform in den Laumlndernrdquo (Bonn Sekretariat der Staumlndigen Konferenz der Kultusminister der Laumlnder in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland October 8 1993)

Notes 152

220 KMK ldquoPressemitteilung KMK veroumlffentlicht Stellungnahme zur Situation an den Hochschulenrdquo (Bonn Sekretariat der Staumlndigen Konferenz der Kultusminister der Laumlnder in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland October 10 1992)

221 ldquoKMK Bericht an die Ministerpraumlsidentenkonferenz zur Realizierung der Studienstructurreform

222 Sekretariat der Staumlndigen Konferenz der Kultusminister der Laumlnder in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (KMK) and Hochschulrektorenkonferenz (HRK) Umsetzung der Studienstrukturreform (Bonn KMK HRK 1993)

223 Ibid 224 Bund-Laumlnder Arbeitsgruppe Eckwerte-Papier zur Vorbereitung des Bildungsgipfels

(Frankfurt Gewerkschaft Erziehung und Wissenschaft (GEW) 1993) 225 KMKHRK Umsetzung der Studienstrukturreform 226 Frackmann and de Weert 76 227 KMK Pressemitteilung 228 KMK ldquoBericht an die Ministerpraumlsidentenkonferenz zur Realizierung der

Studienstrukturreform 229 Ibid 7 230 Ibid 3 231 Ibid 232 KMK Pressemitteilung 233 KMKHRK Umsetzung der Studienstrukturreform 3 234 Reiner Scholz ldquoBummelstudent Kohlrdquo Die Woche Dec 16 1993 p 43 235 KMK Bericht an die Ministerpraumlsidentenkonferenz 7 236 KMK HRK Umsetzung der Studienstrukturreform vvi 237 Jochen Leffers and Armin Himmelrath ldquoDie Schreibwut verlaumlngert das Studium Die

Laumlnge der Abschluszligarbeiten soll beschraumlnkt werdenrdquo Die Suumlddeutsche Zeitung Hochschule und Beruf 199394 pg III

238 Ministerium fuumlr Wissenschaft und Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen Hochschulreform von A-Z (Duumlsseldorf Ministerium fuumlr Wissenschaft und Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen 1993) 24

239 Jochen Leffers and Armin Himmelrath ldquoDie Schreibwut verlaumlngert das Studium Die Laumlnge der Abschluszligrbeiten soll beschraumlnkt werdenrdquo Die Suumlddeutsche Zeitung Hochschule und Beruf 199394 pg III

240 NRW Hochschulreform von A-Z p24 and Leffers and Himmelrath Die Schreibwut verlaumlngert das Studium piii

241 KMK HRK Umsetzung der Studienstruktureform pviii 242 ldquoDie Weichen gestelltrdquo Deutsche Universitaumlts Zeitschrift nr 17 1993 20 243 NRW had 357200 university students in 1989 The next largest is Bavaria (183000

students in 1989 (Source HIS Ergebnisspiegel 1990 p 196ndash197 244 Ministerium fuumlr Wissenschaft und Forschung Nordrhein-Westfalen Aktionsprogramm

Qualitaumlt der Lehre Abscbluszligbericht (Duumlsseldorf Ministerium fuumlr Wissenschaft und Forschung Nordrhein-Westfalen 1992)

245 KMK Bericht an die Ministerpraumlsidentenkonferenz zur Realizierung der Studienstrukturreform in den Laumlndern 8

246 Frackmann and de Weert 101 247 Albert von Mitius ldquoDer Bildungsgipfel Much about nothingrdquo Semester Tip DecJan

1994 nr 7 (Editorial from the President of the DSW) 248 ldquoEine Stunde Gipfelrdquo Suumlddeutsche Zeitung Dec 18 1993 4 249 NRW Hochschulreform von A-Z 19 250 ldquoDemonstration gegen geplante StudienreformmdashPhilturm besetzrdquo Hamburger Abendblatt

Nr 292 Dec 15 1993 15

Notes 153

251 ldquoDas Eckwerte-Paperrdquo Ruumlckmeldung Zeitung des ASta der Universitaumlt Koumlln Nr 11 February 1994 3

252 Taken from a flier printed by the student group (AStA) from North-Rhein Westfalia distributed in Cologne November 1993

253 Flier from ViSdPDieter Asselhoven Uni-FSK distributed November 1993 254 Albert von Mitius ldquoDer Bildungsgipfel Much about nothingrdquo Semester Tip DecJan

1994 nr 7 (Editorial from the President of the DSW) 255 Ibid 256 ldquoGrosse Worte viele Studenten wenig Geld kein Konzeptrdquo Die Woche April 7 1994

NOTES TO CHAPTER SEVEN 1 Niklas Luhmann and Karl Eberhard Schorr Reflexionsprobleme im Erziehungssystem

(Frankfurt Suhrkamp 1988) 15 2 Niklas Luhmann Politische Planung Aufsaumltze zur Soziologie von Politik und Verwaltung

(Opladen Westdeutscher Verlag 1971) 149 3 Refer to chapter four 4 The Netherlands (1992) Staatsblad von het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden Wet op het hoger

onderwijs en wetenschappelijk ondezoek (WHW) nr 593 5 Netherlands-Flanders Accreditation Organization ldquoAccreditation frameword for new degree

courses in higher educationrdquo Home Pagewwwnvaonetcontentphpa=sampid=153 Netherlands


7 Bo Lindensjouml Houmlgskolereformen En studie i offentlig reformstrategi (Stockholm Stockholm University 1981) 65

8 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Entwicklung der Fachhochschulen in den 90er Jahren (Cologne Wissenschaftsrat 1991) 12 (see chapter six)

9 Ibid 10 The Netherlands Wet op het hoger onderwijs 11 Ibid art 11 12 lsquoDe Brevenbus Kleppertrsquo NRC Handelsblad (Rotterdam) 9 March 1995 p4 13 Sekretariat der Staumlndigen Konferenz der Kultusminister der Laumlnder in der Bundesrepublik

Deutschland (KMK) and Hochschulrektorenkonferenz (HRK) Umsetzung der Studienstrukturreform (Bonn KMK HRK 1993) viii

14 Utbildningsdepartementet Fria Universitet och houmlgskolor (Stockholm Utbildningsdepartementet 1992) 11

15 Wilhelm von Humboldt ldquoIdeen zu einem Verusch die Graumlnzen der Wirksamkeit des Staats zu bestimmenrdquo in Wilhelm von Humboldt Werke in Fuumlnf Baumlnden Werke IAFlitner and KGiel eds (Stuttgart JG Cottarsquoschen Buchhandlung 1960)

16 Refer to chapter six 17 Wolfgang AHerrmann ldquoBildung hat ihren Preisrdquo Die Zeit (Hamburg) 50 2002 18 In Germany for example the proportion of students from upper class (hoch) and upper

middle (gehoben) social backgrounds has increased from 18 to 26 and 25 to 31 respectively between 1982 and 1991 HochschulInformations-System (HIS) has demonstrated that in the Western part of Germany there is a strong relationship between social background and income See Bundesminister fuumlr Bildung und Wissenschaft Das Soziale Bild der Studentenschaft in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 13 Sozialerhebung des Deutschen Studentenwerkes (Bonn BMBW 1992) 104

Notes 154

19 This is discussed in detail by Ludwig von Friedeburg in Bildungsreform in Deuschland Geschichte und gesellschaftlicher Widerspruch (Frankfurt Suhrkamp 1989)

20 Christine Brink ldquoIch bin Fassungslosrdquo Interview with Juumlrgen Hess Die Zeit Online (Hamburg) 18 2002 httpwwwzeitde200218Hochschuleprint_200218_c-interview_hesshtml

21 Sabine Etzold ldquoGebuumlhren als Eigentorrdquo Die Zeit Online (Hamburg) 32 2001 httpwwwzeitdearchiv200132200132_glosse_1xml

22 Brink ldquoIch bin Fassungslosrdquo 23 Jose-Gines Mora and Michael Nugent ldquoSeeking New Resources for European Universities

The Example of American Fundraisingrdquo European Journal of Education 33 (March 1998) 24 For examples see Thesen zur kuumlnftigen Entwicklung des wissenschaftssystems in

Deutchland Wissenschaftsrat Online 7 July 2000 httpwwwwissenschaftsratdePMpressemitteilungenhtml or The Netherlands-Flanders Accreditaiton Organization Home Page httpwwwnvaonetcontentphpa=sampid=153 Netherlands

25 Open Doors Online ldquoForeign students by academic level and place of origin 199900rdquo Institute for International Education httpopendoorsiienetworkorg

26 ldquoHigher Education in Europerdquo European Commission Website wwweuintcommeducationpolicies

27 Ulrich Teichler ldquoRecognition A Typological Overview of Recognition Issues Arising in Temporary Study Abroadrdquo Werkstattberichte Wissenschaftliches Zentrum fuumlr Befufs-und Hochschulforschung der Gesamthochschule Kassel (Kassel 1990)

28 Romano Prodi ldquoERASMUS 1 Million European Pioneersrdquo European Commission Website 24102001 httpeuropaeuintcommcommissionersprodiarticleserasmus_enhtm

29 The Bologna Declaration on the European Space for Higher Education An explanation European Commission Home Page httpeuropaeuintcommeducationprogrammessocrateserasmusguidebolognapdf


31 Conference of European Rectors The Bologna Declaration on the European Space for Higher Education An explanation European Union Online httpeuropaeuintcommeducationprogrammessocrateserasmusguidebolognapdf

32 Conference of Ministers Communiqueacute of the Conference of Ministers responsible for Higher Education ldquoRealising the European Higher Education Areardquo Bundesministerium fuer Bildung und Forschung website httpwwwbologna-berlin2003depdfCommunique1pdf

33 Council of the European Union Website ldquoDetailed work programme on the follow up of the objectives of education and training systems in Europerdquo httpregisterconsiliumeuintpdfen02st0606365en2pdf

34 Roland Richter ldquoMagister-Studiengaumlne an niederlaumlndischen Fachhochschulenrdquo Die neue Hochschule 1 (2003) 42

35 Netherlands-Flanders Accreditation Organization ldquoAccreditation frameword for new degree courses in higher educationrdquo Home Pagewwwnvaonetcontentphpa=sampid=153 Netherlands

36 Ibid 37 Sekretariat der Staumlndigen Konferenz der Kultusminister der Laumlnder in der Bundesrepublik

Deutschland ldquo10 Thesen zur Bachelor-und Masterstruktur in Deutschland Beschluss der Kultusministerkonferenz von 12062003rdquo (Rostock-Warnemuumlnde KMK 2003)

38 Ibid

Notes 155

39 Martin Spiewak ldquoKlassenkampf Die Zeit Online (Hamburg) 222002 httpwwwzeitdearchiv200222200222_glossexml

40 Baldo Sahlmuumlller Bachelor and Master mit Problemen AstA der Uni MuumlnsterhttpwebunimuensterdeAStAarchivlvs_2002-11bachelorphp

41 Sahlmuumlller ldquoBachelor and Master mit Problemenrdquo 42 SReicher and CTauch ldquoBologna four years after Steps towards sustainable reform of

higher education in Europerdquo Report for EUA Graz Convention Trends in Learning Structures in European Higher Education III (European Commission DG Education and Culture September 2003) 16

43 Ibid72 44 Tuning Educational Structures in Europe Final Report Pilot Project Phase One Available

through the European Commission Education and Culture website httpeuropaeuintcommeducationpolicieseductuningtuning_en html or directly at httpwwwrelintdeustoesTuningProjectindexhtm

45 Ibid 312ndash315 46 Ibid 47 Joint Quality Initiative ldquoTowards shared descriptors for Bachelors and Mastersrdquo Joint

Quality Initiative Website httpwwwjointqualitycom 48 Reicher and Tauch Bologna four years after 49 Tuning Educational Structures 50 Ibid 22 51 Ibid 22 52 Ibid 46 and 230 53 Realising the European Higher Education Area 2 54 Tuning Educational Structures 46 55 Ibid 46 56 Ibid 46 57 ldquoSechs Laumlnder klagen gegen Verbot von Studiengebuumlhrenrdquo Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung

Online 23 May 2003 FAZ Home Page httpwwwfaznetshomepagehtmlSearch ldquoHochschulenrdquo

58 Roland Richer Studienfianzierung und Studiengebuumlhren in den Niederlanden Konzequezen fuumlr auslaumlndische Studierende (Bochum Wissenschaftliches Sekretariat fuumlr die Studienreform im Land Nordrhein-Westfalen June 2002)

59 Berlin Communiqueacutehellip 60 Haug Guy Tauch Christian Towards the European Higher Education Area survey of

main reforms from Bologna to Praque The Berlin 2003 Homepage httpwwwbologna-berlin2003de

61 Joint Quality Initiative ldquoTowards shared descriptorsrdquo 62 Ibid 63 Netherlands Accreditation Organization ldquoAccreditation frameworkrdquo 64 Reicher and Tauch ldquoBologna four years afterrdquo 16 65 Detlef Muumlller-Boumlling ldquoHohe Kosten Wenig Nutzenrdquo Die Zeit Online (Hamburg)

httpwwwzeitde200117Hochschule200117_c-akkreditierunghtml 66 Ibid

Notes 156

Bibliography

Agerbeek Marjan ldquoStudeerbaarheid lsquoRitzen spant studenten voor karretjersquordquo Trouw 22 September 1993 30

Anrich Ernst ed Die Idee der Deutschen Universitaumlt Die fuumlnf Grundschriften aus der Zeit ihrer Neubegruumlndung durch klassischen Idealismus und Romantischen Realismus 2nd ed Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1964

Barth Narleen ldquoPolitiek mist verlangen naar de bachelorrdquo Trouw 18 March 1995 8 Bauer Gerhard ldquoLangzeitwirkungrdquo Allgemeiner Hochshul-Anzeiger No 20 Winter (199394) 1 Bauer Marianne Askling B and Marton SG (1999) Transforming Universities changing


Berentsen Laurens ldquoBeter onderwijs kost studenten de vrijheidrdquo Het Parool 4 February 1995 30 Bertilsson Margareta ldquoFraringn universitet till houmlgskola Om glappet mellan ldquoLehre und Lebenrdquo in

Universitet och Samhaumllle Om forskningspolitik och vetenskapens samhaumllliga roll ed Thorsten Nybom Stockholm Tidens Foumlrlag 1989

Ben-David Joseph Centers of Learning Britain France Germany United States New York McGraw-Hill 1977

Bijleveld Riekele ldquoNumeriek rendement en studienduur voor en na de invoering van de tweefasenstructuurrdquo Tijdschrift voor Hoger Onderwijs vol 8 (2) 1990 67ndash79

Blokker Bas and Birgit Donker ldquoDe Gemangelde Universiteitrdquo NRC Handelsblad 9 September 1993 1

Blomqvist Goumlran Elfenbenstorn eller statsskepp Stat universitet och akademisk friheti vardag och vision fraringn Agardh till Schuumlck Lund Lund University Press 1992

Bot Th H ldquoHet Probleem van de Studieduurrdquo Universiteit en Hogeschool 11 (4) 1964ndash65 221ndash231

Boucher L Tradition and Change in Swedish Education New York Pergamon 1982 Brockliss LWB French Higher Education in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries Oxford

Oxford University Press 1987 Braun Wolfgang ldquoAbiturienten 1994mdashdie unentschlossenen Wesen Mit Studienberechtigung

zwischen Desinteresse und Zukunfstorgenrdquo Jugend und Berufswahl (Beilage der Suumlddeutschen Zeitung) 29 September 1993 Nr 22516

Brink Christine ldquoIch bin Fassungslosrdquo Interview with Juumlrgen Hess Die Zeit online (Hamburg) 182002 httpwwwzeitde200218Hochschuleprint_200218_c

Bundesminister fuumlr Bildung und Wissenschaft Das Soziale Bild der Studentenschaft in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 12 Sozialerhebung des Deutschen Studentenwerkes Bonn BMBW 1989


Bund-Laumlnder Arbeitsgruppe Eckwerte-Papier zur Vorbereitung des Bildungsgipfels Frankfurt Gewerkschaft Erziehung und Wissenschaft (GEW) 1993

Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek (CBS) Medelelingen CBS No 7915 April 1991 Clark Burton The Higher Education System Academic Organization in Cross-National

Perspective Berkeley University of California Press 1983

Conference of European Rectors The Bologna Declaration on the European Space for Higher Education An explanation European Union Online httpeuropaeuintcommeducationprogrammessocrateserasmusguidebologna

Conze W amp JKocka eds Bildungsburgertum im 19 Jahrhundert Vol I Bildungssystem und Professionalizierung in Internationalen Vergleichen Stuttgart Klett-Cotta 1985

Craig John E Scholarship and Nation Building The University of Strasbourg and Alsatian Society 1870ndash1939 Chicago University of Chicago Press 1984

ldquoDe Brevenbus Kleppertrdquo NRC Handelsblad 9 March 1995 4 Dahlloumlf Urban Svensk Utbildningsplanering under 25 aringr argument beslutsunderlagoch modeller

foumlr utvaumlrdering Lund Studentlitteratur 1971 Dahrendorf Ralf Bildung ist Buumlrgerrecht Plaumldoyer fuumlr eine aktive Bildungspolitik Onsnabruumlck

Nannen-Verlag 1965 ldquoDas Eckwerte-Papierrdquo Ruumlckmeldung Zeitung des ASta der Universitaumlt Koumlln Nr 11 (February

1994) 3 ldquoDas sind erwachsene Menschenrdquo Der Spiegel nr7 February 10 1992 46 de Jong Uulkje Pjotr Koopman and Jaap Roeleveld Snelwegen en slingerpaden in enom het hoger

onderwijs Eindrapport Project lsquoStudieloopbaan in het Hoger onderwijsrsquo s-Gravenhage Ministerie van Onderwijs en Wetenschappen 1991

ldquoDemonstration gegen geplante StudienreformmdashPhilturm besetzrdquo Hamburger Abendblatt Nr 292 15 December 1993

ldquoDetailed work programme on the follow up of the objectives of education and training systems in Europerdquo Council of the European Union Website httpregisterconsiliumeuintpdfen02st0606365en2pdf

ldquoDie Weichen Gestelltrdquo Deutsche Universitaumlts Zeitschrift Nr 17 1993 20 Donner Jan De Vrijheid van het Bijzonder Wetenschappelijk Onderwijs Zwolle The Netherlands

WEJTjeenk Willink 1978 ldquoEine Stunde Gipfelrdquo Suumlddeutsche Zeitung 18 December 1993 4 Elzinga Aant ldquoUniversities research and the transformation of the State in Swedenrdquo in The

European and American University Since 1800 Historical and Sociological Essays ed Sheldon Rothblatt and Bjoumlrn Wittrock New York Cambridge University Press 1993

Empfehlung der Abteilung II ldquoForm und Organization der Studentenfoumlrderung Hochschultagung in Bad Honnef Gegegenwartsprobleme der deutschen Hochschulen November 19ndash22 1955rdquo in Rolf Neuhaus (ed) Dokumentente zur Hochschulreform 1945ndash1959 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner 1961

Etzold Sabine ldquoGebuumlhren als Eigentorrdquo Die Zeit Online (Hamburg) 32 2001 http20wwwzeitdearchiv200132200132_glosse_120xml

Etzold Sabine ldquoSchwer Beweglichrdquo Die Zeit 11 February 1994 Etzold Sabine ldquoMisswirtschaft an der Unirdquo Die Zeit No 23 5 June 1992 Etzold Sabine ldquoNeue Lehre braucht das Landrdquo Bessere Professoren kaemen mit den Problemen

der Massenuniversitaet auch nicht zurechtrdquo Die Zeit Nr4 24 January 1992 Fichte Johann Gottlieb ldquoDeduzierter Plan Einer zu Berlin zu Errichternden Houmlheren Lehranstalt die in Gehoumlriger Verbingund mit einer Akademie der Wissenschaften Steherdquo in Ernst Anrich ed Die Idee der Deutschen Universitaumlt Die Fuumlnf Grundschriften aus der Zeit ihrer Neubegruumlndung durch klassischen Idealismus und romantischen Realismus Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1964

Fiedler Ralph Die Klassiscbe deutsche Eildungsidee Ihre soziologischen Wurzeln und paumldagogischen Folgen Weinheim Beltz Verlag 1972

Foppen FW Gistend beleid Veertig jaar universitaire onderwijspolitiek lsquosGravenhage VUGA 1989

ldquoForeign students by academic level and place of origin 199900rdquo Institute for International EducationOpen Doors Online httpopendoorsiienetworkorg

Bibliography 158

Frackmann Edgar and Egbert de Weert ldquoHochschulpolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschlandrdquo in Hochschulpolitik im internationalen Vergleich eine laumlnderuumlbergreifende Untersuchung ed LCJGoedegebuure Franz Kaiser Peter Maassen Lynn Meek Frans van Vught Egbert de Weert Guumltersloh Verlag Bertelsmann Stiftung 1993

Frederiks MMH DFWesterheijden and PJMWeusthof ldquoEffects of Quality Assessment in Dutch Higher Educationrdquo European Journal of Education 29 (2) 1994181ndash199

Friedson E ldquoThe Theory of the Professions The State of the Artrdquo in The Sociology of the Professions Lawyers Doctors and others ed Dingwall et al London MacMillan Press 1983

Frijhoff W ldquoThe Netherlandsrdquo in The Encyclopedia of Higher Education ed Burton RClark and Guy Neave New York Pergamon 1992

Geiger Roger L Research and Relevant Knowledge American Research Universities since World War II New York Oxford University Press 1993

Gewerkschaft Erziehung und Wissenschaft (GEW) BAfoumlg 9394 GEW-Handbuch fuumlr Schuumllerinnen und Schuumller Studentinnen und Studenten Marburg Schuumlren 1993

Goedegebuure LCJ Franz Kaiser Peter Maassen Egbert de Weert ldquoHochschulpolitik in den Niederlandenrdquo in ldquoHochschulpolitik im internationalen Vergleich eine laumlnderuumlbergreifende Untersuchung ed LCJ Goedegebuure Franz Kaiser Peter Maassen Lynn Meek Frans van Vught Egbert de Weert Guumltersloh Verlag Bertelsmann Stiftung 1993

Goedegebuure Leo CJ and VLynn Meek ldquoRestructuring Higher Education A Comparative Analysis between Australia and the Netherlandsrdquo Comparative Education 27 (1) 19917ndash22

Goedegebuure LCJ (1989) ldquoInstitutional Mergers and System Change Reconstructing the sector of higher vocational educationrdquo in Dutch Higher Education in Transition ed PMaassen and FvVught Culemborg Lemma 1989

Goumlllner Lutz ldquoHarte Bandagen fuumlr Berliner Germanisten Universitaumlt blockiert die Ruumlckmeldung von Langzeitstudentenrdquo Suumlddeutsche Zeitung Hochschule und Beruf I 199394

Griesbach Heinz and Michael Leszczensky Studentische Zeitbudgetsmdashempirische Ergebnisse zur Diskussion uumlber Aspekte des Teilzeitstudium Hannover HIS-Kurzinformation A4 1993

Groen M Het wetenschappelijk onderwijs in Nederland van 1815 to 1980 een onderwijskundig overzicht Vol 1 Wetgeving viviel effect godgeleerdheid rechtsgeleerdheid indologie geneeskunde Den Haag CIP-Gegevens Koninklijke Bibiotheek 1987

Groen M Het Wetenschappelijk onderwijs in Nederland van 1815 tot 1980 een onderwijskundig overzicht Vol II Wis- en Natuurkunde letteren technische weteschappen landbouwwetenschappen Eindvoven Groen 1988

Groen M Het Wetenschappelijk Onderwijs in Nederland van 1815 tot 1980 Een Onderwijskundig overzicht Vol III Diergeneeskunde Economische Weteschappen Sociale Wetenschappen Interfaculteiten Nabeschouwing Bijlagen Eindhoven Groen 1989

Groenman Sj ldquoGedachten over het Baccalaureaatrdquo Universiteit en hogeschool 5 (6) 1958ndash59 316 ldquoGrosse Worte viele Studenten wenig Geld kein Konzeptrdquo Die Woche 7 April 1994

ldquoGutachten zur Hochschulreform vom Studienausschuszlig fuumlr Hochschulreform (Blaue Gutachten 1948)rdquo in Dokumente zur Hochschulreform 1945ndash1959 ed Rolf Neuhaus Wiesbaden Franz Steiner 1961

ldquoHaben wir zu viele Scheinstudenten Herr Behrendrdquo Suumlddeutsche Zeitung 1213 March 1994 Habermas Juumlrgen ldquoDas Chronische Leiden der Hochschulreform (1957)rdquo Chap in Kleine

Politische Schriften I-IV (Frankfurt Suhrkamp 1981) Habermas Juumlrgen ldquoUniversitaet in der DemokratiemdashDemokratisierung der Universitaet (1967)rdquo

Chap in Kleine Politische Schriften I-IV (Frankfurt Suhrkamp 1981) Hageman Esther ldquoPraten over hoger onderwijs maar niet te popularrdquo Trouw 15 March 1995 17 Hamm-Bruumlcher Hildegrard ldquoIn die Falschen Richtungrdquo Die Zeit 14 September 1973 Hellqvist Peter ldquoAtt taumlnka fritt och att taumlnka raumlttrdquo in Ideologi och Institution Om forskning och

hogre utbildning 1880ndash2000 ed Sven-Eric Liedman and Lennart Olausson Stockholm Carlsson Boumlkfoumlrlag 1988

Herrmann Wolfgang A ldquoBildung hat ihren Preisrdquo Die Zeit (Hamburg) 50 2002

Bibliography 159

ldquoHigher Education in Europerdquo European Commission Website httpwwweuintcomm20educationpolicies

Hirsch Joachim and Stephan Leibfreid Materialien zur Wissenschafts- und Bildungspolitik Frankfurt am Main Suhrkamp 1971

Hochschul-Informations-System Jahresarbeitsberickt 1991 Hannover HIS 1991 Hochschul-Informations-System HIS-Ergebnisspiegel rsquo90 Hannover HIS 1990 Hochschul-Informations-System Hochschulzugang in Der DDR Situationsanalyse I Halbjahr

1990 Hannover HIS 1990 Hochschul-Informtions-System Hochschulstudium in der DDR Statistischer Ueberblick HIS

Hochschul-Informations-System Hannover HIS 1990 Hochschulrektorenkoferenz (HRK) Konzept zur Entwicklung der Hochschulen in Deutschland

Einstimmiger Bescbluszlig des 167 Plenums der Hochschulrektorenkonferenz Bonn 6 July 1992 (Bonn HRK 1992)

ldquoHoger Onderwijsrdquo NRC Handelsblad 30 January 1995 9 Hondrich Karl Otto ldquoTotenglocke im Elfenbeinturmrdquo Der Spiegel 6 1994 Horx Matthias ldquoDer Ratlose Studentrdquo Unikum 10 1993 12ndash13 Huseacuten Thorsten An Incurable Academic Memoirs of a Professor Oxford Pergamon 1983 ldquoIhr habt viele niedergemaumlht Dieter Simon der Vorsitzende des Wissenschaftsrates uumlber die

Zukunft der Forschung in der Ex-DDRrdquo Der Spiegel 27 1991 40 ldquoIm Sturzflug Abwaumlrtz Spiegel-Serie uumlber die Berufschancen der Akademiker (I) Volle

Universitaumlten keine Stellenrdquo Der Spiegel 42 1993 ldquoIm Sturzflug Abwaumlrts Berufschancen fuumlr Akademiker (IV) Wirtschaftswissenschaftler und

Juristenrdquo Der Spiegel 45 1993 152 Jarausch Konrad Deutsche Studenten 1800ndash1970 Frankfurt Suhrkamp Verlag 1984 Joint Quality Initiative ldquoTowards shared descriptors for Bachelors and Mastersrdquo Joint Quality

Initiative Website httpwwwjointqualitycom Karstanje PN ldquoVoortgezet onderwijsrdquo in Onderwijs Bestel en beleid Vol III Onderwijs in

ontwikkeling ed JAvan Kemenade et al Groningen Wolters-Noordhoff 1987 Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen Vademecum voor KUN-Studenten Nijmegen The Netherlands

Afdeling Studentenzaken van de Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen 1993 Kim Lilimore ldquoDer Hochschulzugang in Schweden und seine Folgen fuumlr Die Intergrierte

Hochschulbildungrdquo in Integrierte Hochschulmodelle Erfahrungen aus drei Laumlndern ed HHermanns and Ulrich Teichler Frankfurt Campus Forschung 1982

Kloss G ldquoUniversity Reform in West Germany The Burden of Traditionrdquo Minerva 4 3 1968 323ndash354

Kohn Melvin L ed Cross-National Research in Sociology New York Sage Publications 1989 Koninkrijk der Nederlanden Staatsblad von het Koninkrifk der Nederlanden Wet op het hoger

onderwijs en wetenschappelijk ondezoek Koninkrijk der Nederlanden 1992 n 593 Koninkrijk der Nederlanden Staatsblad von het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden Wet op het

Wetenschappelijk Onderwijs (Koninkrijk der Nederlanden 1985 Kraul M Das Deutsche Gymnasium 1780ndash1980 Frankfurt Suhrkamp 1984 Kultusministerkonferez (KMK) Pressemitteilung KMK veroumlffentlicht Stellungnahme zur Situation

an den Hochschulen Bonn KMK 1992 Lane Jan-Eric ldquoSwedenrdquo in The Encyclopedia of Higher Education ed Burton Clark and Guy

Neave Oxford Pergamon 1992 Lasswell H ldquoThe Future of the Comparative Methodrdquo Comparative Politics 1 October 1968 3 Leffers Jochen and Armin Himmelrath ldquoDie Schreibwut verlaumlngert das Studium Die Laumlnge der

Abschluszligarbeiten soll beschraumlnkt werdenrdquo Die Suumlddeutsche Zeitung Hochschule und Beruf 199394 III

Leszczensky Michael and Bastian Filaretow Hochschulstudium in der DDR Statistischer Uumlberblick Hannover Hochschul-Informations-System (HIS) 1989

Bibliography 160

Liedman Sven-Eric and Lennart Olausson eds Ideologi och institution Om forskning och houmlgre utbildning 1800ndash2000 Stockholm Carlsson 1988

Liedman Sven-Eric Utmaumlttning Essaumler och Personliga Betraktelser om Samtiden Faumllths i Vaumlrnamo Bokfoumlrlaget Arena 1993

Liedman Sven-Eric ldquoIn search of Isis general education in Germany and Swedenrdquo in The European and American University Since 1800 Historical and Sociological Essays ed Sheldon Rothblatt and Bjoumlrn Wittrock New York Cambridge University Press 1993

Liedman Sven-Eric ldquoDe fria fakulteternas laringngsamma doumldrdquo in Ideologi och institution Om forskning och houmlgre utbildning 1880ndash2000 ed Sven-Eric Liedmann and Lennart Olausson Stockholm Carlsson Bokfoumlrlagp 1988


Lijphart A ldquoComparative Politics and the Comparative Methodrdquo The American Political Science Review 65 1971 684

Lindensjouml Bo Houmlgskolereformen En studie i offentlig reformstrategi Stockholm Stockholm University 1981

Lobkowicz Nikolaus ldquoReflections on Eleven Years as President of a Germany Universityrdquo Minerva Vol 22 No 3ndash4 Autumn-Winter 1984 p365ndash387

Luhmann Niklas and Karl Eberhard Schorr Reflexionsprobleme im rziehungssystem Frankfurt Suhrkamp 1988

Luhmann Niklas Politische Planung Aufsaumltze zur Soziologie von Politik und Verwaltung Opladen Germany Westdeutscher Verlag 1971

Luumlth Christoph Gesamthochschulpolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Zur Gesamthochschuldiskussion und Hochschulrahemengesetzgebung (1967ndash1976) Bad Honnef Verlag Karl Heinrich Bock 1983

ldquoMan ist ja auch noch Mensch nebenbeirdquo Zeitmagazine Nr 1615 April 1994 52 Max Planck Institut fuumlr Bildungsforschung (MPIB) Das Bildungswesen in der Bundesrepublik

Deutschland Ein Uumlberblick fuumlr Eltern Lehrer und Schuumller Reinbek bei Hamburg Rowohlt 1990

McClellend JC State Society and University in Germany 1700ndash1914 Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1980

Meynen J ldquoHet Probleem van de Studieduurrdquo Universiteit en hogeschool 10 (3) 1963ndash64 174ndash179

Ministerium fuumlr Wissenschaft und Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen Hochschureform von A-Z Duumlsseldorf Ministerium fuumlr Wissenschaft und Forschung des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen 1993

Ministerium fuumlr Wissenschaft und Forschung Nordrhein-Westfalen Aktionprogramm Qualitaumlt der Lehre Abschluszligbericht Duumlsseldorf Ministerium fuumlr Wissenschaft und Forschung Nordrhein-Westfalen 1992

Mohr Brigitte Allgemeiner Hochschul-Anzeiger Nr 20 Winter Semester 1994 4 Moog Willy (1933) ldquoDer Bildungsbegriff Hegelsrdquo in Verhandlungen des dritten Hegelkongresses

vom 19 bis 23 April 1933 in Rome Mora Jose-Gines and Michael Nugent ldquoSeeking New Resources for European Universities The

Example of American Fundraisingrdquo European Journal of Education 33 (March 1998) Muumlller-Boumlling Detlef ldquoHohe Kosten Wenig Nutzenrdquo Die Zeit Online (Hamburg)

httpwwwzeitde200117Hochschule200117_c-akkreditierunghtml Murray Mac Utbildningsexpansion Jaumlmlikhet och Avlaumlnking Studier i utbildningspolitik och

utbildningsplanering 1933ndash1985 Goumlteburg Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis 1988 National Board of Universities and Colleges (NBUC) ldquoHigher Education and Research in Sweden

198384 Some Facts and Figuresrdquo Western European Education 16 (1)(1988)14 Neave Guy ldquoFoundation or Roof The quantitative structural and institutional dimensions in the

study of higher educationrdquo European Journal of Education 24 (3) 1989 211ndash221

Bibliography 161

The Netherlands-Flanders Accreditation Organization Home Page httpwwwnvao20netcontentphpa=sampid=153 Netherlands

Neuhaus Rolf ed Dokumente zur Gruumlndung neuer Hochschulen 1960ndash1966 Wiesbaden Franz Steiner Verlag 1968

Neuhaus Rolf ed Dokumente zur Hochschulreform 1945ndash1959 (Wiesbaden Franz Steiner 1961

Neusel Ayla and Ulrich Teichler ldquoStrukturentwicklung des Hochschulwesensrdquo in Hochschule-Beruf-Gesellschaft Ergebnisse der Forschung zum Funktionswandel der Hochschulreform ed Gabriele Gorzka Klaus Heipcke and Ulrich Teichler Frankfurt Campus 1988

Nugent Michael James Ratcliff and Stefanie Schwarz ldquoInverse Images A Cross-National Comparison of Factors Pertaining to Student Persistence in Germany and the United Statesrdquo in Das Amerikanische Hochschulsystem Beitraumlge zu seinen Vorzuumlgen Problemen und Entwicklungstendenzen ed Hans Pechar Zeitschrift fuumlr Hochschuldidaktik17 no2ndash3 1993 pp219ndash242

Nowak Stefan ldquoComparative Studies and Social Theoryrdquo in Cross-National Research in Sociology ed Melvin LKohn New York Sage Publications 1989

Organization for Economic and Cultural Development (OECD) Reviews of National Policies for Education Netherlands Paris OECD 1991

OECD Educational Policy and Planning Goals for Educational Policy in Sweden Paris OECD 1980

OECD Educational Policy and Planning Germany Paris OECD 1972 OECD Netherlands Contours of a Future Education System Paris OECD 1976 OECD Reviews of National Policies for Education Germany Paris OECD 1972 OECD Reviews of National Policies for Education Sweden Paris OECD 1969 OECD Educational Policy and Planning Sweden Paris OECD 1967 OECD Educational Policy and Planning The Netherlands Paris OECD 1967 Oehler Christoph Hochschulentwicklung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland seit 1945 Frankfurt

Campus 1989 Oppermann Thomas ldquoHochschulzugang in der Bundesrepublic Deutschlandrdquo in

Verfassungsrechtliche Fragen des Hochschulzuganges ed Ulrich Karpen Tuumlbingen JCBMohr 1978

Oslashyen Else ldquoThe imperfections of comparisonsrdquo in Comparative Methodology Theory and Practice in International Social Research ed Else Oyen Newbury Park CA Sage Publications 1990

Peisert Hansgert Tino Bargel and Gerhild Framhein Studiensituation und studentische Orientierungen Eine Empirische Untersuchung im Wintersemester 198283 Bonn Bundesminister fuumlr Bildung und Wissenschaft (BMBW) 1984

Peisert Hansgert and Gerhild Framhein Systems of Higher Education Federal Republic of Germany New York International Council for Educational Development 1978

Pritchard RMO The End of Elitism The Democratisation of the West German University System New York Berg 1990

Prodi Romano ldquoERASMUS 1 Million European Pioneersrdquo European Commission Website 24102001 httpeuropaeuintcommcommissionersprodiarticles20erasmus_enhtm

Ragin Charles C ldquoIntroduction Cases of lsquoWhat is a casersquordquo in What is a case Exploring the foundations of social inquiry ed Charles Ragin and Howard S Becker Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1992

Ragin Charles C ldquoIntroduction The Problem of Balancing Discourse on Cases and Variables in Comparative Social Sciencerdquo in Issues and Alternatives in Comparative Social Research ed Charles CRagin Leiden EJBrill 1991

Ragin Charles Review of ldquoComparative Methodology Theory and Practice in International Social Researchrdquo by Else Oyen ed Contemporary Sociology 20 (6) 1991 961ndash962

Bibliography 162

Ragin Charles The Comparative Method Moving Beyond Qualitative and Quantitative Strategies Berkeley University of California Press 1987

Realising the European Higher Education Areardquo Conference of Ministers Communiqueacute of the Conference of Ministers responsible for Higher Education ldquoBundesministerium fuer Bildung und Forschung website httpwwwbologna-berlin2003depdfCommunique1pdf

Reicher S and Christian Tauch ldquoBologna four years after Steps towards sustainable reform of higher education in Europerdquo Report for EUA Graz ConventionTrends in Learning Structures in European Higher Education III (European Commission DG Education and Culture September 2003)

Reuterberg Sven-Eric Studiemedel och rekrytering till houmlgskolan Goumlteborg Sweden ACTA Universitatis Gothoburgensis 1984

Reuterberg Sven-Eric and Allan Svennson ldquoFinancial Aid and Recruitment in Sweden changes between 1970 and 1990rdquo Studies in Higher Education Vol 19 (1) 1994

Richter Roland ldquoMagister-Studiengaumlne an niederlaumlndischen Fachhochschulenrdquo Die neue Hochschule 1 (2003) 42

Richer Roland Studienfianzierung und Studiengebuumlbren in den Niederlanden Konzequezen fuuml ausldaumldische Studierende (Bochum Wissenschaftliches Sekretariat fuumlr die Studienreform im Land Nordrhein-Westfalen June 2002)

Richter Roland Das Niederlaumlndische Modell Studienstrukturreform Studienfoumlrderung Evaluation von Lehre und Forschung Neue Modelle der Selbstverwaltung und Finanzierung der Hochscbulen in den Niederlaumlnden Frankfurt GEW 1994

Richter Roland Introduction to JWillems WGijselaers and Dde Bie Qualitaumltssorge in der Lehre Leitfaden fuumlr die Studentische Lehrevaluation Translated by Roland Richter Berlin Luchterhand 1994

Ringer Fritz Fields of Knowledge French academic culture in a comparative perspective 1890ndash1920 Cambridge University of Cambridge Press 1992

Ringer Fritz Education and Society in Modern Europe Bloomington IN Indiana University Press 1979

Ringer Fritz The Decline of the German Mandarins The German Academic Community 1890ndash1933 Cambridge MA Harvard 1969

Rothblatt Sheldon and Bjoumlrn Wittrock eds The European and American university since 1800 Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1993

Rueschemeyer Dietrich ldquoProfessional Autonomy and the Social Control of Expertiserdquo in The Sociology of the Professions Lawyers Doctors and others ed Dingwall et al London MacMillan Press 1983

Rucker A Hochschule und Gesellschaft Zur Demokratisierung der Hochschule Munich Manz Verlag 1969

Sahlmuumlller Baldo Bachelor and Master mit Problemen AstA der Uni Munsterhttpwebuni-muensterdeAStAarchivlvs_2002-11bachelorphp

Sander Gordon ldquoActions of New Swedish Coalition Raise Hopes for Revitalization of Higher Educationrdquo Chronicle of Higher Education 4 December 1991 A53

Sander Gordon F ldquoSwedenrsquos Conservative-Led Government Steps up Pace of Reform of Higher-Education Systemrdquo Chronicle of Higher Education 11 May 1994 A43

Sander Gordon F ldquoNew Minister Would Undo Some Reforms at Swedenrsquos Universitiesrdquo Chronicle of Higher Education 14 December 1994 A43

Scarrow HA Comparative Political Analysis New York Harper and Row 1969 Schelling FWJ ldquoVorlesungen uumlber die Methode des Akademischen Studiumsrdquo in Die Idee der

Deutschen Universitaumlt Die fuumlnf Grundschriften aus der Zeit ihrer Neubegruumlndung durch klassischen Idealismus and Romantischen Realismus 2nd Edition ed Ernst Anrich Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1964

Schelsky H Abschied von der Hochschulpolitik oder die Universitaet im Fadenkreuz des Versagens Bielefeld Bertelsman Universitaumltsverlag 1969

Bibliography 163

Schelsky H Einsamkeit und Freiheit Idee und Gestalt der deutschen Universitaet und ihrer Reform Duesseldorf Bertelsmann 1971

Scheuch Erwin ldquoRealitaumlt und Erscheinungsbild der lsquoHochschulreformrdquo in Die andere Bildungskatastrophe Hochschulgesetze statt Hochschulreform ed Hans Maier and Michael Zoumlllner Koumlln Markus Verlag 1970

Schleiermacher Friedrich ldquoGelegentliche Gedanken uumlber Universitaumlten im deutschen Sinnrdquo in Die Idee der Deutschen Universitaumlt Die fuumlnf Grundschriften aus der Zeit ihrer Neubegruumlndung durch klassischen Idealismus und romantischen Realismus 2nd Edition ed Ernst Anrich Darmstadt Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 1964

Schoumlllhammer W et al eds Handbook of Fachhochschulen Frankfurt Campus Verlag 1990 Scholz Reiner ldquoBummelstudent Kohlrdquo Die Woche 16 December 1993 43 Schreiterer Ulrich Politische Steuerung des Hochschulsystems Programm und Wirklichkeit der

staatlichen Studienreform 1975ndash1986 Frankfurt am Main Campus 1989 ldquoSechs Laumlnder klagen gegen Verbot von Studiengebuumlhrenrdquo Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung

Online23May 2003 FAZ Home Page httpwwwfaznets20homepagehtml Search ldquoHochschulenrdquo

Sekretariat der Staumlndigen Konferenz der Kultusminister der Laumlnder in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland ldquo10 Thesen zur Bachelor-und Masterstruktur in Deutschland Beschluss der Kultusministerkonferenz von 12062003rdquo (Rostock-Warnemuumlnde KMK 2003)

Sekretariat der Stuumlndigen Konferenz der Kultusminister der Laumlnder in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Bericht an die Ministerpraumlsidentenkonferenz zur Realizierung der Studienstructurreform in den Laumlndern Bonn KMKHRK 1993

Sekretariat der Staumlndigen Konferenz der Kultusminister der Laumlnder in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (KMK) and Hochschulrektorenkonferenz (HRK) Umsetzung der Studienstrukturreform Bonn KMKHRK 1993

Sigelman L and GGadbois ldquoContemporary Comparative Politics An Inventory and Assessmentrdquo Comparative Political Studies 16 (3) (October 1983) 281

Skoglund Crister Vita Moumlssor under Roumlda Fanor Vaumlnsterstudenter kulturradikalism och bildningsideal i Sverige 1880ndash1940 Stockholm Almqvist amp Wiksell International 1991

Spiewak Martin ldquoKlassenkampfrdquo Die Zeit Online (Hamburg) 222002 httpwwwzeitdearchiv200222200222_glossexml

Spiering Hendrik ldquoIk denk dat Nuis ook zelf geschrokken isrdquo NRC Handelsblad 9 March 1995 4

Spranger E Wilhelm von Humboldt und die Reform des Bildungswesens Tuumlbingen Max Neimeyer Verlag 1965

Statens offenliga utredningar (SOU) Frihet Ansvar Kompetens Grundutbildningensvillkorihoumlgskolan Stockholm Utbildningsdepartementet 1992)

Statistika Centralbyraringn (SCB) Enstaka kurser 197778ndash198182 Siffror om houmlgskolan 2 Stockholm Statistika Centralbyraringn 1983

Statistika Centralbyraringn (SCB) Examinerade fraringn gymnasium 1957 1962 and 1967 Social bakgrund betyg och universitetsstudier (Statistika centralbyraringn Stockholm 197414

Stoelinga Th HJD ldquoHoger Onderwijsrdquo in Onderwijs Bestel en beleid-3 Onderwijs in ontwikkeling ed JAvan Kemenade NAJLagerweij JMG Leuene and JJMRitzen Groningen Wolters-Noordhoff 1987

Svanfeld Goumlran ldquoHochschulpolitik in Schwedenrdquo in ldquoHochschulpolitik im internationalen Vergleich eine laumlnderuumlbergreifende Untersuchung ed LCJ Goedegebuure Franz Kaiser Peter Maassen Lynn Meek Frans van Vught Egbert de Weert Guumltersloh Verlag Bertelsmann Stiftung 1993

Swedish Ministry of Education and Science The Swedish Way Towards a Learning Society Stockholm Swedish Ministry of Education and Science 1993

Bibliography 164

Teichler Ulrich ldquoRecognition A Typological Overview of Recognition Issues Arising in Temporary Study Abroadrdquo Werkstattberichte Wissenschaftliches Zentrum fuumlr Berufs-und Hochschulforschung der Gesamthochschule Kassel (Kassel 1990)

Teichler Ulrich ldquoHigher Education in Federal Systems Germanyrdquo in Higher education in Federal Systems ed Douglas Brown Peirre Cazalis and Gilles Jasmin Kingston Queenrsquos University Institute of Intergovernment Relations 1992

Teichler Ulrich Harald Schomberg and Helmut Winkler Studium und Berufsweg von Hochschulabsolventenrdquo Bonn Bundesministerium fuumlr Bildung und Wissenschaft 1992

Teichler Ulrich and Harold Schomberg ldquoWarum wird so lange Studiertrdquo Studienzeitverkuumlrzung Ein hocbschulpolitisches Symposizum ed Stifterverband fuumlr die Deutsche Wissenschaft Essen Stifterverband fuumlr die Deutsche Wissenschaft 1991

Teichler Ulrich ldquoThe Federal Republic of Germanyrdquo in The School and the University ed Burton Clark Berkeley The University of California Press 1985

Teichler Ulrich Higher Education in the Federal Republic of Germany Developments and Recent Issues New YorkKassel Wissenschaftliches Zentrum fuumlr Berufs- und Hochschulforschung der Gesamthochschule Kassel and Center for European Studies CUNY 1986

Teichler U ldquoThe Federal Republic of Germanyrdquo in Prometheus Bound The Changing Relationship Between Government and Higher Education in Western Europe ed Guy Neave and Frans van Vught New York Pergamon 1991

Tromp Bart ldquoNaar en dreijarige propaedeuserdquo Het Parool 19 August 1994 2 Trow Martin Problems in the Transformation from Elite to Mass Higher Education Paris

Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development 1973 Tuning Project Tuning Educational Structures in Europe Final Report Pilot Project Phase One

Available through the European Commission Education and Culture websitehttpeuropaeuintcommeducationpolicieseductuning20tuning_enhtml

Tweede Kamer (Dutch Lower House) Hoger Onderwijs Autonomie en kwaliteit The Netherlands Tweede Kamer 1985ndash1986 19 253 nrs1ndash2

Tweede Kamer (Dutch Lower House) Twee-fasenstructuur wetenschappelijk onderwijs Tweede Kamer zitting 1979ndash1980 16 106 nrs 1ndash2

ldquoUniversiteit beleeft crisisrdquo Het Parool 14 January 1995 Unckel Per Introduction to Fria Universitet och houmlgskolor Stockholm Utbildningsdepartementet

1992 Utbildningsdepartementet Fria Universitet och houmlgskolor Stockholm Utbildningsdepartementet

1992 Utbildningsdutredning 1968 U68 aringrs (U68) Higher Education Proposals by the Swedish 1968

Education Commission Stockholm U68 1973 van Duyvendijk AJ De Motivering van de Klassieke Vorming Een Historisch-Paedagogische

Studie Over Twee Eeuwen Groningen JBWolters 1955 van Vught F ldquoThe Nethelandsrdquo in International Higher Education An Encyclopedia ed Phillip

Altbach New York Garland 1991 van Vught F (1989) ldquoHigher Education in the Netherlands An Introductionrdquo in Dutch Higher

Education in Transition ed PMaassen and FvVught Culemborg Lemma 1989 Vereniging van Samenwerkende Nederlandse Universiteiten (VSNU) Studielast en

Studeerbaarheid Utrecht VSNU 1989 von Friedeburg Ludwig Bildungsreform in Deuschland Geschichte und gesellschaftlicher

Widerspruch Frankfurt Suhrkamp 1989 von Humboldt Wilhelm On the Limits of State Action Translated by JWBurrow Cambridge

Cambridge University Press 1969 von Humboldt Wilhelm ldquoIdeen zu einem Verusch die Graumlnzen der Wirksamkeit des Staats zu

bestimmen (1792) in AFlitner and KGiel (eds) Wilhelm von Humboldt Werke in Fuumlnf Baumlnden Werke I (Stuttgart JGCottarsquoschen Buchhandlung 1960)

Bibliography 165

von Mitius Albert ldquoDer Bildungsgipfel Much about nothingrdquo Semester Tip Nr 7 DecemberJanuary 1994

Wachelder Joseph CM Universiteit tussen vorming en opleiding De modernisiering van de Nederlandse universiteiten in de negentiende eeuw Hilversum The Netherlands Uitgeverij Verloren 1992

Weil Hans Die Entstehung des deutschen Bildungsprinzips Bonn 1967 Weijers Ido ldquoPolitieke discussie over universiteit krijkt dubieus niveaurdquo Trouw 12 January 1995 Wesel Uwe ldquoGeisterstunde Trotz guten Willens von allen Seiten droht der (Ost-) Berliner

Humboldt-Universitaumlt die voumlllige Entmuumlndigungrdquo Die Zeit Nr 25 21 June 1991 16 Wieviorka Michael ldquoCase Studies history or sociologyrdquo in What is a Case Exploring the

Foundations of Social Inquiry ed Charles Ragin and Howard Becker Cambridge Cambridge University Press 1992

Wilhelmi Jutta Krisenherd Hochschule Deutsche Universitaumlten zwischen Wahn und Wirklichkeit Weinheim Beltz 1993

Wissenschaftsrat Online 7 July 2000 httpwwwwissenschaftsratdePM20pressemitteilungenhtml

Wissenschaftsrat 10 Thesen zur Hochschulpolitik Berlin Wissenschaftsrat 1993 Wissenschaftsrat Empfelungen zur Entwicklung der Fachhochschulen in den 90er Jahren

Cologne Wissenschaftsrat 1991 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrat zu den Perspektiven der Hochschulen in den

90er Jahren Cologne Wissenschaftsrat 1988 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlungen zur Struktur und zum Ausbau des Bildungswesens im

Hochschulbereich nach 1970 Vol 1 Tuumlbingen JCBMohr 1970 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlung des Wissenscbaftsrat zum Ausbau der Wissenschaftlichen

Hochscbulen bis 1970 Tuumlbingen JCB Mohr 1967 Wissenschaftsrat Empfehlunen zur Neuordung des Studiums an den wissenschaftlichen

Hochschulen Cologne Wissenschafsrat 1966 Wissenschaftsrat Anregungen des Wissenschaftsrates zur Gestalt neuer Hochschulen Tuumlbingen

JCB Mohr 1962

Bibliography 166

Index

A academic idealism

academic beliefs 15 Bildnmg (Sweden) 25 28 46 Bildung (Germany) 2 19 21ndash28 146 177 Bildung und Wissenschaft 24 Humboldtian tradition 6 19 26 65 95ndash97 importance of freedom 22 importance of individuality 21 99 laumlrofrihet (Sweden) 26 Lehrfreiheit (Germany) 25 neo-humanism 3 16 19ndash28 61ndash62 98 147 174 vetenskap (Sweden) 43 53ndash54 142ndash143 146 vorming (Netherlands) 27ndash28 61ndash62 83 88 174 wetenschap (Netherlands) 26 142 152 Wissenschaft (Germany) 19 23ndash26

access 254 rule (Sweden) 47ndash50 5+2 Rule (Netherlands) 82 Abitur (Germany) 92ndash93 105 107ndash108 120 123ndash124 centralized regulation of 74 105ndash106 constitutional right to 105 and individual free choice 33ndash37 105 numerus clausus 47 104ndash108 115ndash116 134 restricted fields 30 105ndash106 and selection 4 16ndash17 47 55 68 71ndash75 and social class 51 91ndash92 188 studentexam (Sweden) 29 46 49 VWO (Dutch academic preparatory schools) 61ndash62 71 74 and work experience 17 47ndash50

accreditation see quality American Council on Education 93 apprenticeships 108 123 135ndash136 146 Argadh Carl Adolph 26 AStA 135

B Baden Wuumlrttemberg 99 BAfoumlG see financial aid

in Germany Bildt Carl 52

Bologna Process bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degree 141ndash142 144 153ndash158 160 162 175 Berlin Communiqueacute 157ndash159 Bologna Declaration 152ndash154 common descriptors 156ndash158 160 credit accumulation 156ndash158 European Higher Education Space 152 161 Joint Quality Initiative 160 quality assurance 153 156 158ndash161 transparency 156ndash157 tuning 156ndash159 two cycles 141 153 155ndash156

C Cals JMLTh 67ndash68 Cambridge University 6 Catholic University of Barbant 90 Clark Burton 6 15ndash17 Cohen M 89 Committee of 1946 (Netherlands) 62 comparative research

cross-national 9 13 method 10ndash12 in the social sciences 9ndash11 variable vs case orientation 23 27

compartmentalization bifurcation 70 85 116 144 development of discrete units 3 7 76ndash77 139ndash141 functional 140ndash145 154 in Germany 128 modularization 46ndash47 58 113 140ndash143 156 in the Netherlands 73 occupational sectors 72 of the study process 68 78 87 132 139 in Sweden 35 temporal 140ndash142 total dimensioning 39 41

D Dahrendorf Ralf 98ndash100 112ndash113 118 154 de-academization 134ndash135 137 145 148

E efficiency 3ndash4 20 140 147ndash148

in Germany 103 109ndash110 130 133 in the Netherlands 62ndash69 78 85ndash87 90 94 in Sweden 32ndash36 51 56ndash57

European Commission 152 157 European Community Action Scheme for the Mobility of University Students (ERASMUS) 152

Index 168

European Credit Transfer System (ECTS) 152 155 157 European Higher Education Space 152 161 European Network of Quality Assurance (ENQA) 159

F Fachhochschulen (Germany)

academic nature of 145 attractiveness of 115 bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos at 155 expansion of 129 130 function and purpose 111 graduates of 116 129 and numerus clausus 116 status and hierarchization 116 155 success of 114ndash116 118 129

Fichte JG 12 23 25 financial aid

as a control mechanism 141 in Germany 95 102 in the Netherlands 77 81ndash82 in Sweden 36 57

fixed study courses (Sweden) 34ndash36 52 54 57 140ndash141 freedom of study 10 219

Lernfreiheit (Germany) 2ndash4 25ndash27 101ndash104 110 125 137 studiefrihet (Sweden) 26 30ndash31 34 37 46 54 57 103 146 160 studievrijheid (Netherlands) 27 63ndash64 73 86 103

free faculties (Sweden) 30ndash37 change of meaning of 37 dismantling of 44 open access of 36 47 problems of 33

French Revolution 36 full-time study see part-time study

G German Basic Law 92 102 German Democratic Republic 119ndash120 German Enlightenment 20 German Higher Education Framework Law (Hochschulrahmengesetz)

law of 1976 102 107 121 113ndash114 law of 1985 114 117ndash119 law of 1998 154

Gesamthochschule (German comprehensive university) basic principles of 112 different models of 113ndash114 differentiated study paths 113 Gesamthochschule Kassel 113 as national model 111 reasons for failure as national model 114

Index 169

Goethe 25 Goumlttingen University of 20 24 grandes eacutecoles 20 26 95ndash96 Gymnasia

basic principles of 28 Germany 93 107 112 123 Netherlands 61ndash62 71 Sweden 29ndash30 36 38ndash39

H Halle University of 20 HBO (Dutch universities of professional education)

academic nature of 145 bachelorrsquos and masterrsquos degree at 154 and the Bologna Process 154 origin of 70 status of 116 status of graduates 85 154 vocational purpose of 72 144

Hessen 113 higher education

definition of 2 Europeanization of 229 235 238 and international competition 59 91 153 redefinition of 42 58 69 125

Hochschul-Informations-System (HIS) 127 Hochschulrahmengesetz (HRG) see German Higher Education Framework Law Hochschulrektorenkonferenz (German Council of University Rectors) 129 133 Honnefer Model (Germany) 95 Humboldt Willhelm von 21ndash25 166 Huseacuten Thorsten 31 37

J Joint Quality Initiative 160

K KMK (German Ministers of Culture and Education) 95 115 128ndash131 133 154ndash155 Kohl Helmut 133

L Liedmann Sven-Eric 31 37 52 Limberg University of 89 Limits of State Action 24 long-term students 122 Lund University of 31

M Meynen J 63 multiple qualitifications 121ndash123 128 136 146

Index 170

Munich University of 106 126

N Napoleon 20 National Socialist Party (Germany) 91 Neave Guy 3 17 Netherlands Accreditation Organization 160 North Rhein Westfalia 113 130ndash132

O OECD 5 12 35 37 64 85ndash86 103 Open University (Netherlands) 70ndash71 Oxford University 6

P Pais A 68ndash70 Palme Olaf 39 41 part-time study

in Europe 157 and full-time study 3 30 47 76 in Germany 47 121 122 126ndash128 lack of conception of 23 136 142 in the Netherlands 38 76ndash77 in Sweden 30 35 47

phantom students 121 125ndash126 policy

balance of responsibility 31 54 64 147ndash151 161 centralization 33ndash34 41 74 102 106 133 expansion without change 97ndash98 external control mechanisms 37 81 101 141 148 national goal setting 18 137 139 160 quantitative planning 41ndash42 rational planning 5 32 57

preparatory phase Grundstudium (Germany) 110 113 131 grundutbildning (Sweden) 34 propaedeutic phase (Netherlands) 67ndash69 74ndash76 88 Zwischenpruumlfung (Germany) 100

Prodi Romano 152ndash153

Q quality

and accreditation 87 133 159 161 assurance of 58 137 153 156 158ndash161 control of 55 87ndash88 133 148 indicators of 3 56 58 81 87 133 158 and market forces 148 as policy 146

Index 171

R Ragin Charles 10 12 reform idealism

change 16 17 209 consumerism 4 148 equal but different 71 86 113 162 equal opportunity 39 91 107 144 155 162 frames of reference of 3 5 16ndash17 146 ideology 6ndash7 15 163 manpower planning 3 20 41 48 74 146 market forces 3 56 58 133 143 148 161 social equity 1 4 20 36 149 162 social relevance 3ndash4 53 62 65 110 142 social responsibility 62 64 71 vocationalization 15 36 39 58 86 143ndash146

reform models based on the American system 65ndash66 95ndash96 144 based on the French grandes eacutecoles 20 26 95ndash96 first and second cycles 43 141 153 155ndash157 separate research institutes 95 97 separate vocational sector 68ndash71 85 111 145 155 separation of research and teaching 35 143 short cycle 43 two phases 67ndash69 73 75 82ndash86 101ndash102 two tiers 95ndash96 130 144 153

Reform of 1977 (Sweden) 39 41 44ndash46 48ndash51 146 Resolution of 1815 (Netherlands) 26 Ritterakademie (Kightrsquos Academy) 20 26 Ritzen Jo 88

S Schelling Friedrich von 21 24ndash25 Schleiermacher Friedrich 21 23 25 secondary schools

AMS (Netherlands) 62 classical academic secondary see Gymnasia comprehensive schools (Sweden) 38 Fachoberschule (Germany) 112 115 graduates of (Germany) 93 115 136 Hauptschule (Germany) 93 HAVO (Netherlands) 62 71 MBO (Netherlands) 71 Realschule (Germany) 93 135 ykresskola (Sweden) 39

single courses (Sweden) 44ndash46 49 51ndash52 55 58 Staumlndigen Konferenz der Kultusminister see KMK Statute of 1852 (Sweden) 26 29 Steffens Henrich 21 student career

administrative structure 3 18 28

Index 172

and traditional concept of definition of 4 66 125 143 European dimension of 5 90 151ndash155 159 161 ideological roots 2ndash3 5 15ndash16 19ndash20 in Germany 127ndash132 in the Netherlands 78ndash81 85 87ndash90 studiability 140 145 147ndash148 156 in Sweden 58 and undergraduate education 2 university study 1ndash6 14 17 19ndash28

study parameters 3 147 in Europe 159 in Germany 126 130ndash134 in the Netherlands 73ndash78 normative study duration 3 65 94 130ndash133 140 159 normative study loads 76ndash80 14ndash142 158ndash159 in Sweden 46

Suumlddeutsche Zeitung Die 134 Swedish Central Bureau of Statistics 45

T Treaty of Amsterdam 151 Trow Martin 1 5 6 Tuning Project 157ndash158

U U55 Commission (Sweden) 32ndash34 62 U63 Commission (Sweden) 34ndash37 U68 Commission (Sweden) 39ndash58 71 85ndash86 104 113 140ndash143 United Nations 14

V Vereiningung Samenwerkende Nederlandse Universiteiten (VSNU) 78ndash81 87 90

W Westdeutsche Rektorenkonferenz 94ndash95 98 101 WHW (Dutch Law of Higher Education and Academic Education) 69 72ndash73 76 Wissenschaftsrat

origins of 94 and reactions to early reform ideas 95ndash97 recommendations for restructuring 100ndash104 104ndash111 115 117

World Bank 14

Z Zook George F 93

Index 173

Book Cover

Half-Title

Title

Copyright

Dedication

Contents

Preface

1 Introduction

2 Cross-National Comparative Analysis

3 The Establishment of the Personal Imperative

4 Sweden

5 The Netherlands

6 Germany

7 The Transformation of the Student Career

Notes

Bibliography

Index

ROUTLEDGEFALMER STUDIES IN HIGHER EDUCATION

Edited by

Philip GAltbach

Monan Professor of Higher Education Lynch School of Education Boston College

A ROUTLEDGEFALMER SERIES



Deborah Faye Carter


David JWeerts


Cesare Onestini


Latty Lee Goodwin


James JF Forest


Daniel MCarchidi


Nancy LRuther


Matthew Hartley



Imanol Ordorika


Olga BBain


David JSiegel


Damtew Teferra


Gregory LCascione


John Shujie Chen


Sachi Hatakenaka




Peiying Chen





Michael ANugent

NEW YORK amp LONDON







from the publisher




dc22 2004005119




Contents

Preface ix








Notes 133

Bibliography 157

Index 167

Preface






MN Bethesda MD

December 2003















Introduction 3



EXAMINING CHANGE










Introduction 5










COMPARATIVE METHOD














CONTEXT OF ANALYSIS




Selecting the Cases


























Content and Goals




































Wissenschaft




























Chapter Four Sweden










Sweden 25















Sweden 27






Fixed Study Courses









Sweden 29


















Sweden 31














Sweden 33

















Sweden 35

















Sweden 37
















Sweden 39




Managing the Demand













Sweden 41















Sweden 43

Emphasis on Freedom


















Return to Degrees


Sweden 45








THE MARKET METAPHOR



Market Incentives


Sweden 47












Sweden 49







UNIVERSITY STUDY












The Netherlands 53
















The Netherlands 55
















The Netherlands 57







The Open University







The Netherlands 59
















The Netherlands 61




Credits












The Netherlands 63









Dentistry

Philosophy



Medicine

Veterinary Sciences

Pharmacy


1 year 3 years

Teacher Training




Studiability



The Norm Student




The Netherlands 65






















The Netherlands 67




















The Netherlands 69
















The Netherlands 71


Quality Control



Studiability










The Netherlands 73





Chapter Six Germany








Access to study








Germany 77








Two Tiers of Study












Germany 79


















Germany 81













Germany 83














Germany 85













Germany 87








Study Reform






Germany 89













Germany 91














Germany 93













Germany 95
















Germany 97










Long-Term Students




Germany 99


















Germany 101

















Germany 103












Germany 105















Germany 107

Exemplary Learning
















Germany 109















Germany 111




































The Rise of Quality



































































Notes































Notes 134















Notes 135



















Notes 136















Notes 137


Foppen 45












Notes 138




Notes 139










Notes 140







Notes 141













Notes 142















Notes 143

















Notes 144










Notes 145



















Notes 146















Notes 147













Notes 148
















Notes 149















154 Ibid 107

Notes 150



















Notes 151





















Notes 152

















Nr 292 Dec 15 1993 15

Notes 153



















Notes 154




















38 Ibid

Notes 155















Notes 156

Bibliography









































Bibliography 158






















Bibliography 159























Bibliography 160

























Bibliography 161




















Bibliography 162























Bibliography 163





















Bibliography 164
























Bibliography 165














JCB Mohr 1962

Bibliography 166

Index

A academic idealism














Index 168













Index 169












Index 170










Q quality


Index 171









Index 172









World Bank 14

Z Zook George F 93

Index 173

Book Cover

Half-Title

Title

Copyright

Dedication

Contents

Preface

1 Introduction



4 Sweden

5 The Netherlands

6 Germany


Notes

Bibliography

Index



Deborah Faye Carter


David JWeerts


Cesare Onestini


Latty Lee Goodwin


James JF Forest


Daniel MCarchidi


Nancy LRuther


Matthew Hartley



Imanol Ordorika


Olga BBain


David JSiegel


Damtew Teferra


Gregory LCascione


John Shujie Chen


Sachi Hatakenaka




Peiying Chen





Michael ANugent

NEW YORK amp LONDON







from the publisher




dc22 2004005119




Contents

Preface ix








Notes 133

Bibliography 157

Index 167

Preface






MN Bethesda MD

December 2003















Introduction 3



EXAMINING CHANGE










Introduction 5










COMPARATIVE METHOD














CONTEXT OF ANALYSIS




Selecting the Cases


























Content and Goals




































Wissenschaft




























Chapter Four Sweden










Sweden 25















Sweden 27






Fixed Study Courses









Sweden 29


















Sweden 31














Sweden 33

















Sweden 35

















Sweden 37
















Sweden 39




Managing the Demand













Sweden 41















Sweden 43

Emphasis on Freedom


















Return to Degrees


Sweden 45








THE MARKET METAPHOR



Market Incentives


Sweden 47












Sweden 49







UNIVERSITY STUDY












The Netherlands 53
















The Netherlands 55
















The Netherlands 57







The Open University







The Netherlands 59
















The Netherlands 61




Credits












The Netherlands 63









Dentistry

Philosophy



Medicine

Veterinary Sciences

Pharmacy


1 year 3 years

Teacher Training




Studiability



The Norm Student




The Netherlands 65






















The Netherlands 67




















The Netherlands 69
















The Netherlands 71


Quality Control



Studiability










The Netherlands 73





Chapter Six Germany








Access to study








Germany 77








Two Tiers of Study












Germany 79


















Germany 81













Germany 83














Germany 85













Germany 87








Study Reform






Germany 89













Germany 91














Germany 93













Germany 95
















Germany 97










Long-Term Students




Germany 99


















Germany 101

















Germany 103












Germany 105















Germany 107

Exemplary Learning
















Germany 109















Germany 111




































The Rise of Quality



































































Notes































Notes 134















Notes 135



















Notes 136















Notes 137


Foppen 45












Notes 138




Notes 139










Notes 140







Notes 141













Notes 142















Notes 143

















Notes 144










Notes 145



















Notes 146















Notes 147













Notes 148
















Notes 149















154 Ibid 107

Notes 150



















Notes 151





















Notes 152

















Nr 292 Dec 15 1993 15

Notes 153



















Notes 154




















38 Ibid

Notes 155















Notes 156

Bibliography









































Bibliography 158






















Bibliography 159























Bibliography 160

























Bibliography 161




















Bibliography 162























Bibliography 163





















Bibliography 164
























Bibliography 165














JCB Mohr 1962

Bibliography 166

Index

A academic idealism














Index 168













Index 169












Index 170










Q quality


Index 171









Index 172









World Bank 14

Z Zook George F 93

Index 173

Book Cover

Half-Title

Title

Copyright

Dedication

Contents

Preface

1 Introduction



4 Sweden

5 The Netherlands

6 Germany


Notes

Bibliography

Index


Olga BBain


David JSiegel


Damtew Teferra


Gregory LCascione


John Shujie Chen


Sachi Hatakenaka




Peiying Chen





Michael ANugent

NEW YORK amp LONDON







from the publisher




dc22 2004005119




Contents

Preface ix








Notes 133

Bibliography 157

Index 167

Preface






MN Bethesda MD

December 2003















Introduction 3



EXAMINING CHANGE










Introduction 5










COMPARATIVE METHOD














CONTEXT OF ANALYSIS




Selecting the Cases


























Content and Goals




































Wissenschaft




























Chapter Four Sweden










Sweden 25















Sweden 27






Fixed Study Courses









Sweden 29


















Sweden 31














Sweden 33

















Sweden 35

















Sweden 37
















Sweden 39




Managing the Demand













Sweden 41















Sweden 43

Emphasis on Freedom


















Return to Degrees


Sweden 45








THE MARKET METAPHOR



Market Incentives


Sweden 47












Sweden 49







UNIVERSITY STUDY












The Netherlands 53
















The Netherlands 55
















The Netherlands 57







The Open University







The Netherlands 59
















The Netherlands 61




Credits












The Netherlands 63









Dentistry

Philosophy



Medicine

Veterinary Sciences

Pharmacy


1 year 3 years

Teacher Training




Studiability



The Norm Student




The Netherlands 65






















The Netherlands 67




















The Netherlands 69
















The Netherlands 71


Quality Control



Studiability










The Netherlands 73





Chapter Six Germany








Access to study








Germany 77








Two Tiers of Study












Germany 79


















Germany 81













Germany 83














Germany 85













Germany 87








Study Reform






Germany 89













Germany 91














Germany 93













Germany 95
















Germany 97










Long-Term Students




Germany 99


















Germany 101

















Germany 103












Germany 105















Germany 107

Exemplary Learning
















Germany 109















Germany 111




































The Rise of Quality



































































Notes































Notes 134















Notes 135



















Notes 136















Notes 137


Foppen 45












Notes 138




Notes 139










Notes 140







Notes 141













Notes 142















Notes 143

















Notes 144










Notes 145



















Notes 146















Notes 147













Notes 148
















Notes 149















154 Ibid 107

Notes 150



















Notes 151





















Notes 152

















Nr 292 Dec 15 1993 15

Notes 153



















Notes 154




















38 Ibid

Notes 155















Notes 156

Bibliography









































Bibliography 158






















Bibliography 159























Bibliography 160

























Bibliography 161




















Bibliography 162























Bibliography 163





















Bibliography 164
























Bibliography 165














JCB Mohr 1962

Bibliography 166

Index

A academic idealism














Index 168













Index 169












Index 170










Q quality


Index 171









Index 172









World Bank 14

Z Zook George F 93

Index 173

Book Cover

Half-Title

Title

Copyright

Dedication

Contents

Preface

1 Introduction



4 Sweden

5 The Netherlands

6 Germany


Notes

Bibliography

Index

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