The Theatre Audience the Demos and the Suppliants of Aeschylus

The theatre audience, the Demos, and the Suppliants of Aeschylus *

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TheTangledWaysofZeus:AndOtherStudiesInandAroundGreekTragedyAlanH.Sommerstein

Printpublicationdate:2010PrintISBN-13:9780199568314PublishedtoOxfordScholarshipOnline:September2010DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199568314.001.0001

Thetheatreaudience,theDemos,andtheSuppliantsofAeschylus*

AlanH.Sommerstein(ContributorWebpage)

DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199568314.003.0008

AbstractandKeywords

Thischapterarguesthat,inthelater5thcentury,theAtheniantheatreaudiencewasnotarepresentativecross-sectionoftheAthenianpublicbecausetheywerechargedafeetoattend,whichatthattimewasnotsubsidized;thishelpstoexplainthe‘right-wing’biastypicalofOldComedy(thougheventhen,theaudiencewaspreponderantlyanti-Spartanandnotactivelyanti-democratic).Inthe470sand460s,however,whatweknowofAeschylus,Sophocles,andtheirplayssuggeststhattheaudiencemoreorlessmirroredthebalanceofpoliticalopinioninthepublicasawhole:perhapsinthe450sor440stheentrancefeewasincreased.Aeschylus'SuppliantscanbeseenascriticizingKimon,fromapro-democraticpointofview,overhisproposaltogivemilitaryaidtoSpartain468/7or462.

Keywords:Athenian,theatre,audience,comedy,democratic,Aeschylus,Suppliants,Sophocles,criticizing


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ThetragediesandcomediescomposedforproductionattheAtheniandramaticfestivalsinthefifthandearlyfourthcenturiesBCarepricelesshistoricaldocuments.Formuchoftheperiodtheyare,apartfrominscriptions,theonlycontemporarydocumentswepossessemanatingfromAthensitself.Theirhistoricalinterpretationisproblematic,ofcourse,inmanyways,someofwhicharediscussedelsewherein<Pelling(1997a)>.TheparticularissuethatIamgoingtotakeupmaybeapproachedbyconsideringthequestionwhich,ithasbeensaid,historiansshouldalwaysputtothemselvesinrespectofeverydocumenttheyuse:whowroteit,forwhom,andwhy?InthecaseofGreektragedyandcomedy,weusuallyknowtheanswertothefirstquestion,andwealsoknowtheanswertothethird:theplayswerecomposedwithaviewtobeingsuccessfulinacompetition,beforeasmallpanelofjudgeswhoseidentitywasnotknownatthetimeofcompositionbutwasknownatthetimeofperformance,andwhothus,eveniftheiractualvotingwassecret,inpractice(asmanyremarksincomedymakeclear)1wereveryliabletobeinfluencedbytheattitudeofthemassoftheaudience.Andasto(p.119) theremainingquestion—‘forwhom’—weknowtheanswertothattoo.Essentiallytheplayswerewrittentobeseen,tobeheard,tobejudged,tobeappreciatedbythosewhosatintheTheatreofDionysoswhentheywerefirststaged.Theremightbeotheraudienceslater.PlaysseemoftentohavebeenreperformedatdemetheatresinvariouspartsofAttica.Theyhadbeguntobeperformedabroad,too,asearlyasAeschylus'time,andconvincingargumentshaverecentlybeenadvanced2thatinthesecondhalfofthefifthcenturytherewerefrequentproductionsofAtheniantragedyatleastinsouthernItaly.*ItwasnolongernecessaryfortheAthenianmasterstogoandproducetheirplaysinperson,asAeschylushaddoneinSicily;atanyratethere[64]isnorecordofSophoclesdoingso,norEuripidesuntilthelastyearortwoofhislife,andpresumablytherewerebynowpeopleinvariouscentreswhopossessedthenecessaryskillstoproduceatragedyfromitsscript—aswasbeingdoneatAthensinthesameperiod,inposthumousrestagingsofplaysofAeschylus.3Thecopyingofplay‐scriptsmayhavebegunbecauseoftheneedsofsuchproducers(andalsotosomeextentofotherpoets),butbythe420sanembryoreadingpublicprobablyexistedfordrama,andby405Aristophanescantaketheexistenceofsuchapublicforgranted.4Butexceptinrarecases(suchasAeschylus'WomenofAitna,firstproducedatAitnaitself)5alltheseotherpublicswerederivativefromandinasenseparasiticontheoriginalAthenianaudience.AplaybyanAthenianauthorthatdidnotgetperformedintheTheatreofDionysosnormallydidnotgetperformedanywhereelse,nordiditsscriptgetcopied.6Tounderstandfifth‐centuryAthenianplaysweneedtounderstandthefifth‐centuryAtheniantheatreaudience—andnoother.

(p.120) Thesubjectofthischapter,then,is:howwasthisaudiencecomposed,anddiditscompositionchangeduringtheperiodtowhichoursurvivingtragediesbelong?Thisquestionhasnotbeendiscussedasmuchasitmighthavebeeninrecentscholarship,wheretherehasbeenastrongtendency,moreoftenimplicitthanexplicit,toequatethetheatreaudiencewiththecitizenbodyofAthens.7Suchatendency(fromwhichIdonotpretendthatIhavealwaysbeenimmune)isveryunderstandable.Ithasoftenandrightlybeenemphasizedthatthedramaticfestivalswerecivicaswellasreligiousandartisticoccasions.Comedyexplicitly,andtragedynotinfrequentlybyindirectmeans,cantreatits


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audienceasthoughitwereidenticalwiththebodyofadultmalecitizenswhich,perhapswithinafewdays,wouldbemeetingagainonthePnyxtodebateanddecidemajorpoliticalissues.Obviouslythiswasnotliterallytrue.Whicheverparticulardramaticperformanceweconsider,wecanbesurethatmanywhowereadultmalecitizensdidnotattendtheperformance,andthatmanywhowerenotadultmalecitizensdid.Itmaywellbethatthelattercanbelargelydiscounted.Onthesortsofpoliticalandsocialissuesthatusuallyconcernthehistorian,thechildrenwhocertainlyconstitutedasubstantialfractionoftheaudiencemaysafelybeignored;notthattheirreactiontoaplaywouldnecessarilybewithouteffectonthejudges,8butitwouldbelikelytobeinfluencedby[65]differentkindsoffactors,amongwhich,inthecaseofcomedy,costume,music,andslapstickmightwellbeprominent.Thequestionofwhethertherewerewomenamongthetheatrespectators,andifsowhetherasignificantproportionofthemwereofcitizenstatus,remainscontroversial,butforourpresentpurposesIdonotthinkitmattersverymuch.JeffreyHendersonhasarguedpersuasivelyforarevisionoftheacceptedviewonthisquestion;9buthedoesnotdisputethatcomedy,fromthefifthcenturytothethird,normallytreatstheaudienceasifitwereallmale,andappealsfortheappreciationofmalesofallagesbutnotoffemales.Wehavenocomparableevidencefortragedy,becausetheconventionsoftragedyforbidittotakeexplicitnoticeoftheaudience'spresenceatall,but(p.121) thereisnoreasontodoubtthattheattitudeoftragicdramatistswasthesame.Inanycase,Ithinkthereisgoodreasontobescepticalastothelikelihoodoftherehavingbeenanylargenumberofcitizenwomenpresentatthedramaticperformances.Incomedyitismorethanoncetakenforgrantedasnormalthatahusbandgoestothetheatreandhiswifedoesnot:theadultererinAr.Birds793–6,assoonasheseeshismistress'shusbandinthecouncillors'seats,knowsthatshewillbealoneathome—hedoesnotneedtocasthiseyesuporroundtothewomen'ssectiontomakesuresheisnotthere;10andwhenitiscomicallysuggestedthatthemothersofoutstandinglyvaliantmenshouldbegivenpublichonours,theproposalmadeisthatjustasamanmightbeawardedprivilegedseating(προεδρία)atsuchfestivalsastheDionysia,sothesewomenshouldbeawardedπροεδρία…attheSteniaandSkira,women‐onlyfestivals.Thewomanspeaker'sstatementinAr.Thesm.386thatshehas‘seen’howwomenarevilifiedbyEuripidesisnotsuchdecisiveevidenceasHendersonclaims,11sincetheverb‘see’insuchcontexts(especiallyintheexordiaofAssemblyspeeches,onwhichthepassageinquestionismodelled)isanoratoricalclichéoftenhavinglittletodowithliteralvision.12Atanyrate,whetherornottheiraudienceactuallywasall‐maleorevennearlyso,thedramatistsdoseemtoregarditassuch.TheywaverrathermoreoverwhethertoregarditasexclusivelyAthenian:occasionallywecandefinitelydetectthemtakinganinterestinnon‐Athenianspectators,asEuripidesmaybedoingwhenheemphasizesthecommonancestryofAtheniansandIoniansinIon.13Butonthewholeitistruethatthedramatists,tragicandcomicalike,wroteasmaleAtheniancitizensformaleAtheniancitizens.

ButwhichmaleAtheniancitizens?Herewecomeupagainstasignificantfactofwhichsurprisinglylittlenoticehasbeentakeninrecentdiscussionof[66]‘dramaandsociety’.14Inoneimportant(p.122) respectthedramaticfestivalsarguablywerenotcivicoccasionsofanormalkind.Everyspectator,citizenoralien,hadpaidtoattend.15


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WearesousedtotheideaofpayingtoattendaperformancethatwedonotimmediatelyperceivehowabnormalthiswasinthecontextofAtheniandemocracyandindeedofGreeksocietygenerally.Nowherewasitthecasethatacitizenhadtomakepaymentforexercisingacivicfunction.Ofcourseinmanyplaceshemighthavetohaveapropertyqualificationinordertodoso,andinmost,perhapsall,hewouldsoonerorlaterbedebarredfromcivicactivitiesifhedidnotpayhistaxesandotherdebtstothestate;butrulessuchasthesearequiteanotherthingfrombeingrequiredtopayafeeeachtimeoneenteredanassemblyorsatonajury.AtAthensinparticular,moreover,atleastfromthetimeofEphialtesorsoonafter,theexpectationwastheotherwayround:theexerciseofalargeandincreasingnumberofcivicfunctions—thoseofthecourts,thecouncil,manyofthemagistracies,andlaterontheekklesiatoo—involvedapayment,notbythecitizen,buttohim.Noragainwasitatallnormaltorequireamoneypaymentfromcitizensbeforetheycouldparticipateinoneofthereligiousfestivalsofthecommunity.16

Eventually,asiswellknown,thetheatredidsuccumbtothelogicofAtheniancivicideology,withtheinstitutionofthetheorikon.Thisdidnothoweveroccuruntilthemiddleofthefourthcentury;17andwhenitdidoccur,thechangetooktheform,notofabolishingtheadmissioncharge,butofprovidingfrompublicfundsthemoneywithwhichitcouldbepaid—moneywhichtherecipientscouldnotbepreventedfromspendingonotherthingsiftheychosetodoso.18Evenwhenitwasthussubsidized,attendingthetheatreremainedanoption,notaduty.Inthefifthcenturyithadbeenanoptionwitha(p.123) farfromnegligiblecost.Twoobolswasathirdofanoarsman'sorbuildingworker'sdailypay,19ortwo‐thirdsofajuror's;alternatively,itwasthepriceoffourpiecesofmeateachlargeenoughtofillthemawofaHerakles.20Andtwoobolswasthepriceperhead;andwhiletheheadofahouseholdwouldnormallynot[67]betakinghiswifealong,21theevidenceofcomedyshowsclearlythathissonswouldexpecttobetakenoncetheywereoldenoughtoenjoytheperformances,andtheremightoftenalsobeanelderlyfather(retired,likeAristophanes'Philokleon,fromtheactivemanagementofthehousehold)whowouldnotmuchappreciatebeingleftbehind.Thechargeseemslikely,too,tohavebeenpayableforeachdayofattendance;wehearnothingoftheissueofticketsortokensonthefirstdaywhichcouldbeusedtogainfreeadmissiononsubsequentdays,andweknow22thatwhenthetheorikonwasfirstintroduceditsamountwasnottwoobolsbutadrachma,perhaps(asPickard‐Cambridgesuggested)23tocoverthethreedaysofthetragiccompetition.Thusinthefifthcentury,toseethewholeofthetragicandcomiccontests,lastingthreeorfourdays,mightinvolveadmissioncosts,forafamilyoffourmales,ofuptothirty‐twoobolsormorethanfivedrachmas.Chicken‐feed,ofcourse,formostofthosewhomwemeetinthepagesoftheorators,butasubstantialsumformanyapoorcitizen,andperhapsalsoforsomequiteprosperouspeasantsiftheydidnotparticipate,orparticipatedonlymarginally,inthemoneyeconomy.24Metics,ontheotherhand,beingmostlycraftsmenortraders,andlivingoverwhelminglyinthecityandthePeiraeus,willingeneralhavebeenmuchmorecash‐oriented,andit(p.124) isquitepossiblethattheproportionofmeticsinthetheatreaudiencewashigherthaninthefreepopulationofAtticaasawhole.Isitanaccidentthatalreadyinthesecondquarterofthefifthcentury,twosurvivingplaysofAeschylus—SuppliantsandEumenides—areaboutacommunitywhichwelcomesthearrivalofa


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groupof‘metics’,explicitlysodescribed?25

Thusevenifweconfineourattentionhenceforthtothatpartofthetheatreaudiencewhichconsistedofadultmalecitizens—andoncewesubtractchildren,womenifany,visitors,andmetics,wemaywellbeleftwithlessthanhalfofthewholeaudience—westillcannotregarditasarepresentativesampleofthecitizenbody.Itconsistedofthosewhohadpaid;inotherwords,ofthosewhowantedandcouldaffordtocome.Wecannottakeitforgranted,asDoveroncedid,26that‘theaudiencewhichhadacclaimedKnightsproceededtoelectKleongeneral’.NeithertheaudiencenorKleon'selectoratewasthewholecitizenbody.Theywerebothpartsofit,andoverlapping,notidenticalparts.Nevertheless,theycouldbothbeaddressedasiftheywerethewhole,inthesamewaythataspeakeraddressingajury—amuchsmallerportionofthecommunity,andlikewiseunrepresentativeinthatitexcludedmenunder30—couldusethesecondpersonpluralindifferentlytodenotetheinstantjury,a[68]differentlyconstitutedjuryinanothercase,theekklesia,anAthenianmilitaryornavalforce,andsoon.27

Canwesayanythingwithanyapproachtoconfidenceaboutthesocialcompositionofthatportionofthecitizenbodywhocouldbeexpectedtoattendthetheatre?Oneortwothings,perhaps.Onaveragetheywillcertainlyhavebeenmoreaffluenteconomicallythanthecitizenpopulationasawhole.Onaverage,too,theywillhavebeenbettereducated;Aristophanes'complimentsinFrogsandelsewheretotheintellectualandliterarysophisticationofhisaudiences28neednot(p.125) betakenatfacevalue,buthediddevotehalfofthatplaytoacontestintechnicalskillandethicalmeritbetweentwotragicpoets—andwhatismore,itwasthesecondhalf,thepartthatwouldbefresherinthejudges'memories—andtheplaydidwinhimfirstprize.ThepoliticalbiasesofOldComedy*arefullyinlinewiththisviewofthebalanceofitsaudience;asdeSte.CroixandCartledgehaveshowninthecaseofAristophanes,29thedramatistsregularlyadoptapositionofhostilitytothosepoliticianswhomtheypresentasrelyingstronglyonthesupportofthepoorercitizens—inthe430stoPericles,inthe420stoKleon,afterhisdeathtoHyperbolos,andsoon—andofsomedegreeofsympathyforthosewhowereperceivedastheirenemies,suchasThucydidessonofMelesias,30Archeptolemos,31orNikias(inEupolis'Marikas).32The‘anti‐war’stanceofOldComedy,whichisnotconfinedtoAristophanes(considerKratinos'Dionysalexandros,inwhich,wearetold,Pericleswas‘veryeffectivelysatirizedbyimplicationashavingbroughtwarupontheAthenians’),33shouldberegardedaspartofthesamepattern;ourevidencestronglysuggeststhatthewarswhichOldComedyregardedas‘bad’werethosewhichsubjectedAtticatoenemyinvasionanddevastation(andinwhich,therefore,thosewhoownedlandlostoutbycomparisonwiththosewhodidnot),whilethereisvirtuallynocondemnationofexternalwarsofconquest—atleastnotuntilaftertheyhavefailed.34

Allthispoints,certainlyfortheperiodofthePeloponnesianWar,toanaudiencedistinctly‘right‐wing’bycomparisonwiththepopulationasawhole.35[69]Forearlierperiodsthingsaremoredifficult.(p.126) Thepassingofadecreein440/39whichrestrictedinsomewaythefreedomofcomicsatire36suggeststhatthegapbetweenAssemblyopinionandtheatreopinionalreadyexistedthen.Goingbackbeyond440,theevidenceof


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comedymoreorlessdriesup,sinceitnowseemslikelythatalmostalltheplaysofKratinosofwhichsubstantialfragmentssurvivebelongtothe430sand420s.37Awindowofmoreorlessreliableinformationinthe470sand460ssuggestsasomewhatdifferentpicture.Inthatperiodthetheatreseemstohavebeensomethingofapoliticalbattleground.In476Themistokleswasthevictorioustragicchoregos,38in472Pericles39(whosefather,Xanthippos,hadsucceededThemistoklesascommanderoftheAthenianfleetin479);40probablyonthefirstoccasion,41certainlyonthesecond,thesuccessfulproductionwaswhollyorpartlydevotedtothePersianWar,inanotabledeparturefromtheconventionsofthegenre,andbothtimeswithstrongemphasisonthenavalsideoftheconflict,socloselyassociatedwithThemistokles,whohadcreatedthenavyandwhohadcontrivedthestratagem(recalledinPersians353 ff.)thathadwonthevictoryofSalamis.42Thisdoessuggestthatatthattime(p.127) thetheatreaudiencewasnotfelttobeprejudicedagainst‘left‐wing’personalities.Ontheotherhandthereisthewell‐knownanecdoteinPlutarch'slifeofKimon43aboutthecompetitionin468,whenAeschyluswasdefeatedbySophoclesaftertheaudiencehadallegedlydemandedthatKimonandhisfellowgeneralsbeappointedjudgesofthecontest;this,however,isnotonlyofdubioushistoricalvalue,44buteveniftrueit[70]wouldnotinitselfshowthatthetheatreaudiencehada‘right‐wing’biasin468,sinceKimonwasalsoatthattimeadominantfigureinAthenianpoliticsgenerally.Nothingintheevidencewehaveisinconsistentwiththehypothesisthatinthe470sand460sthetheatreaudiencemoreorlessfaithfullymirroredthebalanceofpoliticalopinioninthepopulationasawhole(oratleastinthatpartofitwhichnormallyattendedtheAssembly),whateverthatbalancemightatagivenmomenthappentobe.

Yetby440—inaperiodwhen,despiteoccasionalsuccessesfortheiropponentsinthelawcourts,thePericlean‘left’wasincompletecommandoftheAssembly—thetheatreaudiencehadbecomepreponderantly‘right‐wing’andanti‐Periclean.Itnolongercontainedanevencross‐sectionofthecivicallyactivecitizens:thepoorer,morestronglydemocraticpartofthepopulationwaslesswellrepresentedinthetheatrethanithadbeenagenerationbefore.Whyshouldtherehavebeenthischange?Mayitbethatthetheatreadmissioncharge,whichIhavesuggestedactedinthelaterfifthcenturyasadeterrentforsomeofthesepoorerclasses,hadbeenlessofadeterrentinthe470sand460s?Notthatachargeoftwoobolsislikelytohavebeensignificantlymoreaffordableinthe470sthanitwasinthe430s.Ratherthereverse,ifanything:inthe470sAthenswasstillrecoveringfromthePersiandevastation,therewasnopublicbuildingprogrammeandnostatepayexceptoncampaigns.Itismoreplausibletosupposethattheadmissionchargeitselfwasthenlower.Onecan(p.128) understandwhyitmighthavebeenraisedatsomestage.Betweenthe470sandthe430stherewasaverysubstantialincreaseinthepopulationofAttica,bothcitizensand,wemaybesure,meticstoo.45DuringthesameperiodtheCityDionysiainparticularbecamemoreandmoreaninternationalevent,especiallywhenthecentreoftheDelianLeaguewastransferredtoAthensandtheDionysiabecametheoccasionforthedeliveryoftribute.Thesedevelopmentsmusthaveputpressureonthecapacityofthetheatre.

Thefirstreaction,inthe460s,mayhavebeentoexpandthecapacity;thedetailsare


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uncertain,butweknowfromtheplaysthemselvesthatthetheatreunderwentsomesortofphysicalremodellinginthelate460s,46andthismaywellhaveinvolvedanenlargementofthespectatorspace.Thesite,however,imposedphysicallimitstoanyfurtherexpansion,andmeanwhileAthenswentonbecomingevermorepopulous,moreprosperous,andmorevisited.Inthesecircumstancestherewereonlytwothingsthatcouldbedone.Onewastorationdemandbyregulation(forexamplebylimitingthenumberofforeignersorofchildrenwhocouldattend);theotherwastorationitbyprice.Asanysuccessfulfootballclubcanwitness,theformeralternativewouldhavebeenanadministrativenightmare,[71]anditseemsthatthelatterwaschosen.Perhapsatthesametimesomeofthemisthoipaid(tocitizensonly)frompublicfundswereincreasedincompensation,andthismaybetheexplanationoftheclaiminsomesourcesthatthetheorikonwasinstitutedbyPericles;forthechangewearetalkingaboutmusthavehappenedafterthestartofPericles'ascendancy,andprobablyafterthemoveoftheLeaguetreasurytoAthensin454/3.

ClearlyPericlesandhissupporterscannothaveintendedtoturnthetheatre,withallitsprestige,intoaplatformfortheirpoliticalopponents.Obviouslytheyrealizedthatfewerpeoplewouldattendthetheatre,butitdidnotoccurtothemthatthiswouldchangethesocio‐politicalmake‐upoftheaudience—particularlyif,asIhave(p.129) suggested,theincreasewaseffectivelysubsidizedforthepoorercitizens.Theymayhaveforgottentwothings:first,thatthecostofattendinghadtobethoughtofintermsnotofindividualsbutoffamilies(oratleastofallthemalesinafamily);second,thatpeople'spositivereasonsforattendingthetheatrevariedconsiderably,thatasharpriseinpricewouldforcethemtore‐examinethosereasons,andthattheslightertheireducation,andthetightertheirfinancialcircumstances,themorelikelytheyweretodecidethattheyhadbetterthingstospendtheirmoneyon,subsidyornosubsidy.Atanyratethiswasapparentlytheresult.Itwillhavetakenayearortwofordramatists(mainlycomicdramatists,nodoubt)tonoticethechangeinthebalanceofaudiencereactionsandtoadjusttheirpolitical‘angle’accordingly.Andbythattimeitwastoolatetodoanythingaboutit.Comicsnipingbecameanunavoidablefactoflifefor‘left‐wing’politicians,anditwasprotectedbothbytheparrhesiatypicalofdemocraticAthensingeneralandbythespecialparrhesiawhich,asHalliwellhasargued,47wasassociatedwithfestaloccasions.*Occasionallyapoliticianmighttrytobiteback,asPericlesprobablydidin44048andasKleondidwhenhetriedtoprosecuteAristophanesinthe420s,49butonthewholetheyseemtohaveacceptedthesituation.Intheenditproved,undernormalcircumstances,nottobeasthreateningasallthat;toparaphraseDover,50thetheatreaudienceacclaimedKnights,butthatcouldn'tpreventtheAssemblyfromelectingKleongeneral.ItcouldnomorebeanticipatedthatonedayarestagingofFrogswouldhelpprocuretheexecutionofaKleophon51thanitcouldbeanticipatedthatonedayalingeringmemoryofCloudswouldhelpprocuretheexecutionofaSocrates.

Fromallthisitfollowsthatthereareconsiderable,thoughnotinsuperable,difficultiesinthewayofusingthetextsoftragicdramasasanindexofpublicopinionatthetimewhentheywereproduced—quiteapartfromthedifficulties[72]inherentinthenatureofthe(p.130) genreitself,whoseconventionsdidnotallowdirectreferencetocontemporary


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personsandevents.Thepublicwhoseopinionsmatteredtothedramatistswasnotthesameasthepublicwhoseopinionsmatteredtothepoliticians.Aplaywhichseemstoustohaveadistinctpolitical‘slant’,andwhichmighthavemadethesameimpressiononarepresentativesampleofAthenians,mayinrealitysimplyhavebeenreflecting,ratherthanseekingtoinfluence,theviewsofthedecidedlyunrepresentativesampleofAthenianswhowereactuallylikelytoseeit.Insomecases,however,morepositiveconclusionsmaybepossible.

Takingfirstthelaterperiodwhenthecompositionoftheaudiencewasskewed‘rightwards’,addedsignificanceautomaticallyattachestoanyplayorplaysthatcanbeseenashavingpoliticalimplicationswhichsuchanaudiencewouldnotbelikelytofindcongenial—bitterhostilitytoSparta,say,orrobust,principleddefenceofdemocracy,suchaswefindrespectivelyinEuripides'Andromacheofabout42552andinhisSuppliantsof423or422.53Insuchcasestwomainlinesofexplanationareopentous.Oneisthatthedramatistheldaparticularviewsostronglythathewasdeterminedtoputitbeforehisaudienceevenattheriskoffailureinthecompetition.Theotheristhattheviewinquestionhadsuchoverwhelmingsupportamongthepopulationasawholethatitwasinfactthemajorityviewofthetheatreaudienceaswell.InthetwocasesIhavementionedtheparallelevidenceofcomedyeachtimesuggeststhatthesecondexplanationispreferable.InAristophanes'Acharnians,whichmustbeverycloseindatetoAndromache,thehero,Dikaiopolis,whileexplicitlyandrepeatedlyemphasizingthatheispleading‘onbehalfoftheSpartans’,54feelscompelledneverthelesstoinsistthathehatesthemanddesirestheirdestruction.55AsamatteroffacthostilitytoSpartaseemstohavebeenbothdeepandconstantinAthensfromthe440s,ifnotearlier,totheendofthecentury.TheSpartanMenelaos,whois(p.131) quiteanattractivecharacterintheIliadandOdyssey,insurvivingtragedyisinvariablypresentedasafool,aknave,oracoward.56AndeveninEuripides'TrojanWomen,whichhasoftenbeenseenasanattackontheaggressive,expansionistspiritthatwassoontolaunchtheSicilianexpedition,andwhichwasproducedatatimewhenAthensandSpartawereatpeace,thechorusgooutoftheirway57toexpresstheirspecialloathingofthethoughtthattheymayfindthemselveslivingasslavesatSpartaofall[73]places.AsregardsTheseus'defenceofdemocracyinSuppliants,ithasoftenbeennotedthatwhileOldComedy,andAristophanesinparticular,frequentlycriticizesaspectsoftheAtheniandemocraticsystemwhichseemeddispensablebutwerereallycrucialtoitseffectiveness(suchasthepaymentofjurors,ortheactivitiesofthe‘demagogue’andthe‘sykophant’),thereisnoopencriticismofthesystemitself:58itmayfromtimetotimebeinsinuatedthatthereissomethingabsurdaboutpoorcitizensholdinghighoffice,59itisneversuggestedthatthereisanythingwrongwiththeirhavinganequalvoteintheAssembly.Thissortofevidenceaboutthedegreeofpublicsupportforparticularattitudesandpoliciescanbeofrealvalue.Weknowafairbit(though,ofcourse,notasmuchaswewouldlike)aboutthedecisionsthatweretakenonvariousissuesby‘theAthenians’in,say,thelastthirdofthefifthcentury.Weonlyrarelyknowbywhatmarginsthedecisionsweretaken;inparticular,theprocedureoftheAssemblymadetherecordingofvotingfiguresimpossible,anditisexceptionalforustobetold,aswearebyThucydidesaboutthevoteonthefateofMytilene,60thatadecreewaspassedbyanarrowmargin.


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(p.132) Whenthetheatreaudienceisaskewedsample,then,asitwasinthe430sandlater,aplaywhichseemstobeslantedagainstthatbiasmaybeofconsiderablesignificancetotheancienthistorianevenwhileanotherplaywithanequalandoppositeslantmighttellus,politicallyspeaking,littleornothingthatwedidnotknowalready.InAeschylus'time,whenthetheatreaudiencemay(aswesawearlier)havereflectedfairlycloselythecurrentbalanceofpoliticalopinioninthepopulationasawhole,thereislikewisemuchtolearnfromplayswhoseownpoliticalstandpointisnot,ornotunambiguously,thatwhichseemsonourotherevidencetohavebeencurrentlymostpopular.Tosomeextentwearehamperedherebythenotoriouschronologicaluncertaintiesofthisperiod.WasAeschylusinPersiansseekinginsomemeasuretodefendtherecordofThemistoklesatatimewhenhewasalreadyunderthreat,orwashepayingtoapopularheroatributeforwhichhecouldexpectpopularendorsement?Wecannotbesure,becausewedonotknowexactlywhenThemistokleswasostracized,61norforhowlongfeelinghadbeenbuildingupagainsthim.Itisperhaps,however,significantthatAeschylusfeltitnecessaryin473/2toreturntoathemewhichhadbeenhandledbyPhrynichos,withmemorablesuccess,probablyonlyfouryearsearlier,andwhich,ifitwasgoingtohaveaneffectonpeople'sattitudestocurrentpoliticalleaders,wouldcertainlyhelpThemistokles,thearchitectofvictory,asagainstKimonwhosepersonalrolehadbeennogreaterthanthatofmanyanordinarycitizen.

[74]Thereisofcoursealottosay,andIhavesaidalotbeforenow,62aboutthepoliticalimplicationsoftheOresteia.*HereIonlywishtodrawattentionagaintotheremarkablystrongbackinggiveninEumenides,inwordsputintothemouthsofnolessthanfoursuperhumanpowers—Athena,Apollo,theErinyes(aliasSemnai(p.133) Theai),andOrestesinhiscapacityasafuturecult‐hero—toanadventurous,aggressive,pro‐Argiveandthereforeanti‐Spartan,foreignpolicyforAthens,63eventotheextentofwishingwarupontheAtheniansasablessing(864)andnamingAresasoneoftheirspecialpatrons(918).Comingasallthisdoesattheendofthetrilogy,repeatedasitisoverandoveragain,itwouldhavemadesopowerfulanimpressionontheaudienceandthejudges,andbeensoimpossibleforthemtoignore,thatoneisalmostboundtoconclude,notonlythatAeschylushimselfwasstronglyinfavourofthispolicywithallthatitimplied,butalsothatnotjustamajorityofAthenians,butaverylargemajority,favouredittoo,despitetheheavycasualtiesithadalreadyincurred.64OtherwisewewouldhavetosupposethatAeschyluswasseriouslyjeopardizinghischancesofsuccessinthecompetitionmerelyinordertorubhomebyrepetitionamessagealreadydeliveredwithperfect(andintermsoftragicdrama,highlyabnormal)clarity.

Iwanttoend,however,byconsideringanotherplayofAeschylus,TheSuppliantMaidens.Hereweareagaininthegripofchronologicaluncertainty,sincewedonotknowforsurethedateoftheplayitself,butIthinkitmaybepossibletousetwofeaturesoftheplaytohelpestablishthatdate.*Thesefeaturesarebothconnectedwiththeplay'smostimportantcharacter,Pelasgos,kingofArgos:theyarehisinsistenceonthedemocraticcharacterofthecityherules,andthemeansbywhichhepersuadesthatcitytograntasylumtotheDanaidsevenattheriskofwarwithEgypt.GeorgeForrestinawell‐knownarticle65associatedtheportrayalofArgosinthisplaywiththewelcomeArgos


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hadgiventothesuppliantThemistoklessomeyearsbefore:66thepoliticalmessagewhichhesawintheplaywasthatArgos‘hadbeenpreparedtofighttherightwarsandhadhadtherightconstitution’—and,byimplication,thatAthensoughttofollowherexample.HowfarIdoanddonotagreewiththiswillbecomeevidentpresently.

(p.134) Asiswellknown,thegroupofpersecutedsuppliantsappealingtotherulerofacityisafrequentfeatureintragedy.67Usuallytheruler(especiallyifAthenian)readilygrantsthemasylum.Pelasgoshasallthemorereasontoact[75]thuswhenhelearnsthat,farfrombeingaliensfromanothercontinentastheirappearancesuggests,theyarethemselvesofArgivedescent(Supp.274–326).Heis,however,reluctanttodoso,andargues(365–9)thatastheDanaidshavetakenrefugeatanaltarbelongingtothecityratherthantohimpersonally,itisthecitythatmustdecidewhatistobedone.TotheDanaidsthisisadistinctionwithoutadifference(370–5):isnotPelasgostherulerofthecity,andcanhenotthereforeactonbehalfofit,asTheseus(say)oftenenoughdoesintragedyonbehalfofAthens?Buthewillnot:‘IwillnotmakeadefinitepromisebeforeIhaveconsultedallthecitizensonthismatter…IhavealreadysaidthatIwillnotdothiswithoutthepeople'sconsent,eventhoughIhavethepower(οὐδέπερκρατω̑ν),lesthereafterthepeopleshouldsay,ifsomethinguntowardweretoresult,“Yousetstorebyabandofaliens,andruinedyourcity” ’(368–9,398–401).EvenwhentheDanaidsattempttoblackmailhimbythreateningsuicide(455–65)heagreesonlytobringthematterbeforethepeople(517–19),whichhehadineffectalreadyagreedtodobeforethethreatwasmade.Heisnocowarddesperatelyseekingawaytoavoidwar:thatisshownbythewayheisreadytofacetheevengreaterdangerofthewrathofZeusHikesios(cf.347,359–64,385–6,413–16,478–9)ratherthancommithiscitywithoutconsultingitspeople.Whentheassemblyisheld,too,emphasisisputonaspectsofitsprocedurewhichresemblethatatAthens,68particularlythevotebyshowofhands(604,607,621),theformallanguageofdecrees(609–14),andeventhetypicallyAthenianpunishmentofἄτιμίαorlossofcitizenrights(614ἄτιμονεἰν̑αι).Theveryword‘democracy’itself,asVictorEhrenbergpointedoutmorethanfortyyearsago,69appearsthinlydisguisedtwiceintheplay(604δήμουκρατου̑σαχείρ,699τὸδάμιοντὸπτόλινκρατύνει)forwhatmaybethefirsttimeinanysurvivingGreektext.70Thisistheproper(p.135) wayforapolistotakeamajordecision:byvoteoftheassembledpeople.*

AndyetPelasgosisshownasobtainingthatconsentbyblatantmanipulation.Carefulpreparationismadefortheassemblymeeting:suppliant‐branchesaretobeplacedonthecityaltarsforalltosee(481 ff.),butthemenescortingDanaosintoArgosareorderednottodivulgeanythingabouthimuntiltheassemblymeets(502–3).Whenitisheld,PelasgospersuadesthepeopletograntasylumtotheDanaidsbywarningthemofthewrathofZeusHikesiosifthisisnotdone,withoutsayingawordaboutthedangerofwarwithEgyptifitis(615–20).Havingthedecision,asitwere,inhispocket,hethendefiestheEgyptianheraldandacceptsthedeclarationofwarinthenameofhispeople(942 ff.)withoutfurtherconsultation.Andweknowtheresult:thiswar,thoughfoughtapparentlyintheholycauseofprotectingsuppliants,endedunhappilybothfortheDanaidsandforArgos:theDanaidswereleftwithnoalternative[76]buttoacceptmarriagewiththeirhatedcousins,Pelasgoswasalmostcertainlykilled,andDanaos(whoalreadyhasa


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bodyguardat985 ff.)probablybecametyrannosofArgos.71Whatweseeisademocraticstate,verylikeAthensitself,deceivedwith‘tricksoforatory’(623δημηγόρους…στροϕάς)intovotingforawarthatwastoprovedisastrous—awarwhich,tojudgebyPelasgos'tactics,theyneverwouldhaveacceptediftheissuehadbeenputtothemhonestly.Noneofthe‘almostcheerfulmilitarism’72ofEumenideshere!

Letusbealittlemoreprecise.ThepoliticalleaderofademocraticstatecomesbeforeitsAssemblytogetherwithaloneforeigner,whohasmadehimselfasuppliantatthecity'saltarsandaskedforthecity'shelp.Theforeignerclaimsapersonalconnectionwiththecity.Heseeksthecity'sassistanceagainstenemiesfromhisowncountry,inacausewhosejusticeisbynomeansclear‐cut(notethequestionraisedbyPelasgosin387–91,whichtheDanaidsdonotanswer;andnotealsotheprobability,raisedinimportantrecentarticlesbySicherlandRösler,thatDanaoshasinrealityquitedifferentmotivesforseekingArgiveprotectionagainsttheAigyptiads,neveravowedin(p.136) thisplay).73ThepoliticianpresentsacarefullycraftedcasetotheAssembly,inwhichsomecrucialfactsaresuppressed(amongthemthedubiousjusticeofthesuppliant'scause),andsecuresthepassageofadecreegivingthecity'sfullsupporttotheforeignerandthoseonwhosebehalfhehadmadehissupplication.Thisinvolvesthecityinadangerousandultimatelyhumiliatingmilitarycampaign,andintheendtheforeignerbecomesitstyrannos.

Nowthissynopsis,allbutthelastclause,isextraordinarilysimilartoaseriesofeventsthatoccurredatAthens,probablyin462.74ThepoliticalleaderwasKimon.Theloneforeignsuppliant75wasPerikleidastheSpartan,whomaywellhavebeenaproxenosoftheAtheniansatSparta(asKimonwasoftheSpartans[77]atAthens76)andhadnamedhissonAthenaios(asKimonhadnamedhisLakedaimonios).77Thethreateningenemiesfromhisowncountryarethe‘slaves’,78orhelots,orMessenians,atIthome.Thecampaign(p.137) thatfollowed—thefirstwhichAthenianshadeverfoughtinthePeloponnese—endedintheAthenianforcebeingignominiouslysenthome,asiftheywerehiredlabourerswhowerenolongerneeded.SoonafterwardsKimonwasostracized—andnodoubttherewerethosewhosaidthathadhenotbeenstopped,hewouldhaveturnedtheAtheniansintosubjectsorslavesoftheSpartans.

Ifthesimilaritybetweenthetwoepisodesisnotcoincidental,itwouldimplythattheDanaidtrilogywasproducednotlongafterthePerikleidas–Ithomeepisode—perhapsinthespringof461,andquitepossiblyjustbeforethevoteofostracismwasduetobeheld79(theholdingofsuchavotewillhavebeendecreedtwoorthreemonthsearlier,andhadprobablybeenanticipatedformuchlongerthanthat).Thedateusuallyassignedtothetrilogyis463,thearchonshipofArchedemides;butthisdependsontheassumptionthatΑΡ[inPOxy2256fr.3.1isthebeginningofthearchon'snameratherthanofhistitleofoffice,anassumptionwhich,asWestnotes,findsnosupportinthedidascaliaofLaioswhichoccursinanotherfragmentofthesamebook.80Inmyviewastrongerobjectiontoadateaslateas461wouldbetheabsenceinSuppliantMaidensofanysignofaskene;thereisevidenceforavisibleskenenotonlyintheOresteiabutalsointhetestimoniaandfragmentsoftwoorthreeotherlateAeschyleanproductions,81anditis


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thereforeprimafaciesurprisingtofindnosuchevidenceinaplayproducedonlythreeyearsbeforetheOresteia.Wemaynote,however,thattherearepartsoftheOresteiaitselfinwhichtheskeneisignored,namelythefirsthalfofChoephoroi(wheretheactioniscentredonthetombofAgamemnon,andthepalaceissupposedtobesomewhereoffstage)*andthegreaterpartofEumenides(ifRushRehmisrighttosuggestthattheimageofAthena,whichOrestesclasps,isatthethymeleinthecentreoftheorchestra,wherehecanbeentirelysurroundedbythe(p.138) chorusastheyweavetheirbinding‐spellabouthim).82itmaybethattheDanaidtrilogyresembledtheOresteiainthisrespect,83andthattheoddemphasisonhousingprovision[78]towardstheendofthesurvivingplay(Supp.957–61,1009–11)maylookforwardtolaterscenesinwhichahousebecameacrucialpartoftheaction—nodoubtthehousewithinwhichforty‐ninebridegroomsweremurderedinanight(arecordwhichmakesthepalaceofAtreus,withameresixmurdersinthespaceofageneration,almostvirtuousbycomparison).

IfRösler'sreconstructionoftheDanaidtrilogy84isontherightlines,thereisapositiveargumentinfavourofbringingitsdatedownaslowaspossible.HeenvisagesthefinalplayascontainingatrialofHypermestra,accusedbyherfatherandacquittedafterAphroditeintervenes.Suchascenewouldrequirethreeactors,85whichisnotknowntobetrueofanyothergenuineAeschyleanscenebeforetheOresteia.86Theintroductionofthethirdactormighthavecoincidedwiththecreationoftheskeneormighthavebeensubsequenttoit:itmayhavetakenalittletimefordramatiststobecomeawarethatthenewconfigurationoftheactingarea,withthepossibilityofentries(p.139) from,andexitsin,threedirectionsinsteadoftwo,andofkeepingacharacterinahousejustoffstagefromwhich(likeKlytaimestrainAgamemnon)heorshecouldappearrepeatedlyatshortnotice,createdawealthofnewdramaticoptionsforwhichtheoldtwo‐actorrule,designedforadifferenttheatre,couldnotcater.AtanyratethereisdistinctlylessAeschyleanevidenceforathirdactorthanthereisforaskene,andcorrespondinglymorereasontoassumealatedateforatrilogyinpartofwhichathirdactorhastobeposited.87

Iconclude,therefore,thatthereisnopositivereasontorejecttheviewthattheDanaidtrilogywasproducedin461,andthataspectsofitsactionweredesignedtorecallrecenteventsinvolvingKimonandAthenian–Spartanrelationsandtostrengthenfeelingagainsthimaheadoftheostracismvote.88

[79]Onthisoccasion,ashehaddonein472andwastodoagain,Ibelieve,in458,andasPhrynichoshaddonebeforehim,Aeschyluswasusingtragedyasapoliticalweapon,andusingitinthecauseofthatdemokratiawhichmayhavebeencoinedasapoliticalcatchwordaboutthisverytime,acatchwordwhoseechoisheardinthetextofSuppliantMaidens.89ItwasleftforAristophanes—ormaybefor(p.140) otherswhousedhim—toexploitthenameandfameofAeschylus,fiftyyearslater,inFrogsforthepurposeofunderminingthatsamedemokratia,beforeanaudiencewhocouldstillbeaddressedasiftheywerethedemosofAthensbutwhoinrealitynolongerproperlyrepresentedit.90

AddendaThemainthesisofthischapter—thatthetheatreaudiencecannotberegardedasa


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representativesampleoftheAtheniancitizenbody—isgreatlystrengthenedifthenowwidelyacceptedviewiscorrectthatthecapacityoftheTheatreofDionysuswasmuchsmallerthanhasusuallybeenassumedhitherto,probablynomorethan7,000(seeCsapo2007:97–100;andGoette2007);afterallowingforhundredsofofficials,priests,etc.,fortherelativesandfriendsofchorusmembers,andforresidentandvisitingforeigners(includingofficialdelegationsfromupto200alliedstates),thenumberofseatsleftforordinaryAtheniansandtheirfamiliescanonlyhavesufficed,onanyoneday,forquiteasmallproportionofthecitizenbody.See,however,Mitchell‐Boyask(2008)forthepossibilitythatsomepotentialspectatorspacehasbeendisregardedinthesecalculations.

p.119 playsproducedoutsideAthens:Euripides'Andromachewasonesuchplay,accordingtoΣAndr.445,andhisMelanippetheCaptive,withitsSouthItaliansetting,mayhavebeenanother.OntragicproductionsabroadseenowalsoTaplin(2007).TwoAtticcomediesofthelatefifth(orpossiblyveryearlyfourth)century,Nicophon'sSirensandMetagenes'Thouriopersai,werenotproducedatAthens(Ath.6.270a);theSouthItalianconnectionsofthelatterareobvious(andfr.6referstotheriverCrathiswhosemouthisnearThurii),andtheSirenstoo,liketheotherdivinitiesandmonstersthatOdysseusmeetsonhiswanderings,willhavebeenthoughtofaslocatedsomewhereinthewest(theywerelaterplacedonislandsoffCampania,e.g.Strabo1.2.12–13).

(p.141) p.122n.15 seenowalsoP.J.Wilson(2007:91–6).

p.122n.17 P.J.Wilson(2008:94–5)isstillonbalancedisposedtoaccepttheevidenceofsomeancientsourceswhichassociatetheoriginanddevelopmentoftheoricdistributionswiththenamesofPericlesandoftheearlyfourth‐centurypoliticianAgyrrhius,thoughheinclinestotheviewthatinthefifthcenturysuchdistributionsweremadeonlyoccasionally,andthateveninthefirsthalfofthefourthcenturytheywerenotasregularastheybecameafterthe350s.Iremainmorescepticalstill.Wilson(95n.32)—andlikewiseRoselli(2009)—discountmuchtooreadilythesilenceofcomedy,whichtookanintenseinterestinallmattersconnectedwiththetheatre;thissilenceisbroken,preciselywhenonRuschenbusch'sviewwewouldexpectittobe,inthethirdquarterofthefourthcenturybyTheophilus(fr.12.8).ThecaseforscepticismhadalreadybeenexcellentlyputbyCawkwell(1963:55n.53).

p.125 thepoliticalbiasesofOldComedy:Istudythese,viaananalysisofthecomedians'choicesofpersonstosatirize(and,inaveryfewcases,topraise),inSommerstein(1996b).Onthe‘anti‐war’(moreaccurately,pro‐Spartan)stanceofAristophanes,seeSommerstein(2009:209–11,223–36).

p.126n.36 onthedecreeof440/39,andsubsequentattemptsatpoliticalinterferencewithcomedy,seeSommerstein(2004a,b).

p.129 ‘thespecialparrhesia…associatedwithfestaloccasions’:Inowbelievethistobeamyth,andholdthat‘neitherintheorynorinpracticewascomedyabovethelaw:itsfreedomofspeechwasnogreaterandnolessthanthatofeveryAthenian’(Sommerstein2004a:216),thoughtherecametobe‘a“generalculturalunderstanding”…that


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comedy'sprivilegedaccesstoavast(and,attheCityDionysia,aninternational)audiencedidnotrequireittobeheldtoanyhigherormorerestrictivestandardsthanthelawimposedonallalike’(Sommerstein2004b:167).

p.129n.49 thereferencetoMastromarco(1998)—whichhadnotyetappearedwhenthischapterwasoriginallypublished,andwasthenknowntomeonlyasa1993conferencepaper—wasanerror;that(excellent)studydoesnotinfactdiscusstheevidencefortheattemptstoprosecuteAristophanes,butacceptsthemasfactualwithoutargument.SeeratherSommerstein(2004b).

(p.142) p.132 thepoliticalimplicationsoftheOresteia:seealsoSommerstein(1996a:288–95,392–402,416–21,427–30).

p.133 establishingthedateofSuppliants:IwouldnowbeverymuchmorereservedaboutthepossibilityofestablishingaspecificpoliticalcontextfortheDanaidtrilogy(cf.Sommerstein2008:i.286).

p.134n.67 seenowalsoGrethlein(2003).

p.135 Pelasgus'refusaltocommitArgostowarwithoutsecuringthepeople'sconsentbypersuasionshouldprobablyberegardedasoneaspectofamajorthemeofthetrilogy,theoppositionofconsentandcoercion;thisthemeisdiscussed,inrelationtosexandmarriage,inChapter6above(especiallythelastparagraph)andinSommerstein(2006).

p.136n.73 seeChapter6aboveandtheAddendathereto.

p.137 thepalaceinChoephoroi:Scullion(1994:71–4)hasconvincedmethatinthefirsthalfofChoephoroi,asinthesecondhalf,thepalaceisrepresentedbytheskene,andthatthechorus(unusually)maketheirentrance(duringlines10–21)fromtheskenedoor.Thisisinfullaccordancewiththepatternwherebytheonlypersonstoemergefromthisdoorinthefirsthalf,andmore,oftheOresteiaareClytaemestraandthoseexecutingherorders—thoughinChoephoroiseveralofthem(thechorus,Electra,thenurseCilissa)proceedtosabotagethoseorders.ThepatternterminatesabruptlywiththedeathofAegisthus(Cho.869).

p.138n.86 evenif(asisprobable;seeCh.1above)Psychostasiawasgivenitstitleonlyatalaterdate,itisunlikelytohavebeennamedafteraneventwhichtheaudiencedidnotsee.Itispreferabletoacceptthattheplaydidrequireathirdactor,inwhichcaseitmusteitherhavebeenwrittenshortlybefore(orevenafter)theOresteia,orelse,asproposedbyWest(2000:345–7),betheworkofsomeoneotherthanAeschylus.

p.139n.87 IshouldhaveaddedthatinChoephoroiathirdactorisalsoneededfortheverysmall,butfarfromtrivial,roleofPylades(intheclimacticsceneonly;inearlierscenes,wherePyladesissilent,therolecanbetakenbyan‘extra’).

Notes:


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(*)Thefirsthalfofthischapteristhesame,withminorvariationsandrevisions,asthefirsthalfofmypaper‘ThetheatreaudienceandtheDemos’(Sommerstein<1998>).Iamgratefulbothto<ChristopherPelling>andtoJuanAntonioLópezFérezforallowingandindeedencouragingmetopublishbothversionsofthepaper;andalsotoallthosewhocommentedonthetwoversionswhentheywerepresented,respectively,atOxfordinOctober1992andatMadridinMarch1993.

(1)Cf.Ar.Knights546–50;Birds445–6;Eccl.1141–2;andthecriticismofPl.Laws659a.

(2)Taplin(1993).

(3)Aesch.test.71–7and1.51–2Radt.

(4)Cf.Ar.Frogs53,943,1114;Dover(1993:34–5).

(5)Aesch.test.1.33–4Radt.

(6)Hencethegreatcontrastinproductivitybetweendramatistsofthefifthcenturyandthosewholivedlater,Aristophanesforexamplewritinganaverageofoneplayayearthroughouthiscareer(40between427andc.386BC),Menander,withplentyofopportunitiesforgettingplaysproducedabroad,composingsomethingbetweenthreeandfourplaysayear(105ormorebetween321andc.292:Proleg.deCom.III60Koster,Apollod.ap.Aul.Gell.17.4.5).‘JustasAthensin[Menander's]ageimporteddramatists,shealsoexportedplays’(GommeandSandbach1973:1–2).

(7)ExemplifiedbymanyofthecontributorstoWinklerandZeitlin(1990),includingnotablyGoldhill(1990);OberandStrauss(1990);andHenderson(1990).

(8)Cf.Ar.Clouds538–9;Men.Dysk.967,Sam.733.

(9)Henderson(1991b).

(10)Cf.alsoAr.Thesm.395–7whereawomancomplainsthathusbandscominghomefromthetheatre‘eyeussuspiciouslyandstraightawaymakeasearch,incasewe'vegotaloverhiddeninthehouse’.

(11)Henderson(1991b:142–3).

(12)Seee.g.Ar.Eccl.176;Thuc.6.20.1;Dem.5.1,9.1,14.3,16.2,Prooem.5.1,6.1,44.1.

(13)Cf.alsoSommerstein(1977c:117–18)onAristophanes'CityDionysiaplays;andCassio(1985:105–18onPeace.

(14)<P.J.>Wilson<(1997)>isahearteningexception.

(15)FortheancientevidenceseePickard‐Cambridge(1988:265–8).*

(16)Itwasnotfornothingthatthesefestivalwereofficiallydescribednotjustas‘ofthe


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demos’(δημόσια)butas‘paidforbythedemos’(δημοτελη̑,cf.Thuc.2.15.2;Dem.21.53;Deinarchosfr.18.3Conomis).

(17)Ruschenbusch(1979).*

(18)ThesearetworeasonswhyIfindithardtoacceptthesuggestionof<P.J.>Wilson<(1997:97–100)>thattheadmissionchargeandthetheorikonwerefromthestartcloselyconnectedanddesignedtosignalizethedistinctionbetweenmembersofthecitizens'club(whodidnothavetopaythecharge)andothers(whodid).See,however,p.128belowforasuggestionthatanincreaseintheadmissionchargeinthemid‐fifthcenturymayhavebeencoupledwithacompensatingincreaseinstatemisthoipaidtocitizens.

(19)Oarsman:Thuc.6.31.3;buildingworker:e.g.IGi3.475.253–6,272–85.

(20)Ar.Frogs553–4.Dover(1993:264)thinks(comparingEupolisfr.156.3)that‘half‐obol’portionsofmeatwererathersmall;buttheEupolisfragmentdoesnotnecessarilyhavethatimplication,andDover'sclaimthat‘itisentirelyincharacterthattheInnkeepershouldthinkofsucha[small]portionasfairandproper’findsnopositivecorroborationinanythingelsesheorhercompanionsays.Iftheseinnkeepersarebeingpresentedasstingyandgrudgingcaterers,howcomesitthattheyservemeat(normallyaspecial‐occasionfood)atall?

(21)Above,p.121.

(22)Philochoros,FGrH328F33.

(23)Pickard‐Cambridge(1988:267).

(24)Thecontrastbetweenurbancash‐economyandruralbarter‐economyisinterestinglydiscussed,withparticularreferencetoAristophanes'Acharnians,byOlson(1991).TheheroofAcharniansclaims(35)thatinhishomevillagetheword‘buy’wasunknown.

(25)Aesch.Supp.609,994;Eum.1011,1018.

(26)Dover(1968:p.lvi).

(27)Cf.e.g.Aischines1.173(where‘you’denotesboththepresentjuryandthatwhichhadtriedSocratesfifty‐fouryearsearlier),3.86(anexpeditionaryforcetoEuboiaabouttwentyyearsbeforethedateofthespeech),3.125(ameetingoftheekklesia).

(28)Ar.Knights233,505–6;Clouds521,527,535,575;Wasps1013–14;Frogs676,700,1109–18.

(29)DeSte.Croix(1972:355–76);Cartledge(1990).

(30)Ar.Ach.703–12.


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(31)Ar.Knights327,794–5.

(32)Eupolisfr.193KA.

(33)POxy663(=CGFP70=Kratinos,Dionysalexandrostest.IKA),adfin.

(34)InLysistrata,producedin411,thedecisiontolaunchtheSicilianexpeditionisregardedasanactoffolly(Lys.391–7andperhaps517–18,cf.589–90);inBirds,producedthreeyearsearlierwhilethecampaignwasinprogress,theonly(implicit)criticismisofNikias'dilatorygeneralship(Birds640).

(35)Idefinea‘right‐winger’asonewhofavourstheactiveuseofthepowerandinstitutionsofthestatetomaintainorextendprivilegeandinequalityamongthoseunderitsjurisdiction,anda‘left‐winger’asonewhofavourstheactiveuseofthepowerofthestatetoreduceoreliminatesuchprivilegeandinequality.Strictly,therefore,allAthenianpoliticianswereright‐wing,sincetheyallsupportedlegaldiscriminationagainstslaves,women,andaliens.ButIwillfollowtheirownpracticeandconfinetheuniverseofdiscoursetoadultmalecitizens,whichisonlywhatwealwaysdowhenwespeakofclassicalAthensasademocracy.

(36)ΣAr.Ach.67;thehistoricityofthisdecreeisacceptedbyHalliwell(1984:87;1991:57–9),despitehisscepticismregardingthereliabilityofancientnoticesofsimilardecreessaidtohavebeenenactedc.415orlater.*

(37)Therearetwenty‐fiveplaysofKratinosofwhichfourormorefragmentssurvive.KasselandAustin(1983:112–267)offerorreportsuggesteddatesfornineteenofthese;onlyoneofthesedates(thatforDrapetides,whichmaybeassociatedwiththefoundationofThourioiin444/3)isearlierthan439.See,however,Mastromarco(1992:368),whoplacesthreeanti‐PericleanplaysofKratinosinthelate440sandseesthemaspartlymotivatingthedecreeof440.

(38)Plut.Them.5.5.

(39)IGii2.2318.9–11.

(40)Hdt.8.131.3,9.114–21.ItwasXanthipposwho,havingcapturedSestos,broughtbacktoAthensthecablesofXerxes'bridgeovertheHellespont,ofwhichsomuchismadeinPersians(68–72,109–13,130–1,722–6,736,744–51).

(41)ThevictoriousdramatistwasPhrynichos,anditisgenerallysupposed(thoughitcannotbeproved)thathisproductiononthisoccasionincludedhisPersianWarplay(s)—thecelebratedPhoinissaiandpossiblyalsoΔίκαιοιἢΠέρσαιἢΣύνθωκοι(cf.Lloyd‐Jones1990:233–4=1966:22–3).

(42)IdiscussthepoliticalaspectsofPersiansmorefullyinSommerstein(1996a:410–13).Forascepticalview(andreferencestootherdiscussions),seePelling<(1997b)>.


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(43)Plut.Kimon8.8–9.

(44)Thesuspicioninevitablyattachingtoanecdotesofthiskindintheabsenceofearlyevidenceintheirsupport(onwhichseeLefkowitz1981)isdeepenedbyachronologicalpointraisedbyC.W.Müller(1984:70 ff.).ItisknownthatSophocles'firstvictorywasin468(Marm.Par.A56),andMüllerarguesthatAeschylusisnotlikelytohavebeencompetingagainsthimthen,sinceAeschylusproducedtheThebantetralogyin467andtragicdramatistsdonotnormallyappeartohaveputonproductionsattheCityDionysiainsuccessiveyears.

(45)ThemostusefulattempttoestablishpopulationstatisticsforclassicalAthensisHansen(1985).

(46)Theskene,theekkyklema,and,inmyview,themechaneallmaketheirfirstappearanceatthistime;seerespectivelyTaplin(1977:452–9);Garvie(1986:pp.lii–liii);andSommerstein(1989b:153).

(47)Halliwell(1991).

(48)Seen.36above.

(49)Cf.Ar.Ach.377–82withscholia,502–3withscholia,630–2;Wasps1284–91;Ar.test.1.19–21KA.Thatatleastoneprosecutionwasactuallyattemptedcannotbeseriouslydoubted;seeMastromarco<(1998)>.*

(50)Seen.26above.

(51)SeeSalviat(1989);Sommerstein(1993).

(52)Eur.Andr.445–53,594–600.

(53)Eur.Supp.426–55;forthedateoftheplay,seeCollard(1975:8–14),CroppandFick(1985:23).

(54)Ar.Ach.309–14,356,369,482,thelastthreetimeseachmarkedbythestrikinganapaesticrhythm(iniambictrimeterverse)ofthephraseὑπὲρΛακεδαιμονίων.

(55)Ar.Ach.509–12.

(56)TherelevantplaysareSophocles'AjaxandEuripides'Andromache,TrojanWomen,Helen,Orestes,andIphigeneiaatAulis.

(57)Eur.Tro.210–13.IncontrastwiththetiradesinAndromache,thetoneofthispassagecannotbeattributedmerelyto‘wartime’feelings;whenTrojanWomenwasbeingwrittenandproduced,AthenswasnotatwarwithSpartabutonlywithMelos(andthatcampaignhadprobablyendedbythetimetheplaywasperformed)and,inadesultoryway,withCorinth(Thuc.5.115.2).


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(58)ApointmadestronglybyDover(1972:33–4).

(59)Particularly,itseems,whenpoormenserveasambassadors:cf.Ach.614–17(LamachosandthearistocraticbutallegedlyinsolventMegakles)andWasps1267–74(Amynias).

(60)Thuc.3.49.1.

(61)‘ThedatesofThemistocles'ostracismandcondemnation[fortreason]cannotbeestablished’(Rhodes1970:398);seemorerecentlyPodlecki(1975:198)(ostracismin472/1),Lenardon(1978:106)(476–470),Frost(1980:187–92)(condemnation471/0,ostracismayearortwoearlier),Hornblower(1991:220)(‘sometimeinthelate470s–early460s’).

(62)Sommerstein(1989b:25–32);cf.Bearzot(1992),whodrawsattentiontotheanti‐democraticlanguagewhichAeschylusputsintothemouthsofKlytaimestra(Ag.883–5)andAigisthos(Ag.1617–18)—incontrast,wemaynote,withhisAgamemnon,who,whenhisattentionisdrawntopossiblepoliticaldifficultiesawaitinghimatArgos,repliesthattheywillbethesubjectofdeliberationinpublicassemblies.

(63)Aesch.Eum.289–95,397–402,667–73,762–77,864–5,913–15,918–21,1008–9.

(64)Forthesecf.IGi2.929<=i3.1147>=ML33.

(65)Forrest(1960).

(66)Thuc.1.135.3;Plut.Them.23.1.

(67)SeeKopperschmidt(1971);Taplin(1977:192–3).*

(68)Cf.FriisJohansenandWhittle(1980:487–501).

(69)Ehrenberg(1950:522).

(70)Inremarkablecontrast,δη̑μοςanditsderivativesareentirelyabsentfromtheAthenianportionofEumenides,wheretheAthenianpeoplearecalledtheλεώςorστρατός.

(71)Winnington‐Ingram(1961:142=1983:57);Garvie(1969:198–9);FriisJohansenandWhittle(1980:43–50).

(72)Sommerstein(1989b:253).

(73)Namely,tokeephisdaughtersunmarriedbecauseanoraclehaswarnedhimthathewillbekilledbyhisson‐in‐law(thecrucialevidencefortherelevanceofthisversionofthelegendisΣSupp.37,διὰτὸμὴθανατωθη̑ναιτὸνπατέρα):seeSicherl(1986);andRösler(1993),whoarguespowerfullythatforthisandotherreasonsitislikelythatSupp.wasthesecondplayoftheDanaidtrilogyandthatitsaudienceknewabouttheoracle


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becauseithadbeenmentionedintheprecedingplay,Aigyptioi.*

(74)Fortheappealcf.Plut.Kimon16.9–10,Ar.Lys.1138–44;foritsconsequences,Thuc.1.102–5.SincetheAreopagoscouncilwasstrippedofitspoliticalpower,ontheinitiativeofEphialtes,whileKimon'sexpeditionwasinthePeloponnese(cf.Plut.Kimon15.2–3)intheyear462/1(Arist.Ath.Pol.25.2),theexpeditionmusthavebeensentinthecampaigningseasoneitherof462orof461;theformerismorelikely,giventhattheearthquakeatSparta,whichtriggeredthehelotrevolt,occurredataboutthesametimeastheAtheniandisasterof465/4atDrabeskos(Thuc.1.100.2–101.2;forthedate,Thuc.4.102.2–3withΣAischines2.31(p.64.206–7Dilts),cf.D.S.12.32.3;Hornblower1991:154–7).Seehowevern.89below.

(75)ΣAr.Lys.1144actuallyrefers,inconnectionwithKimon'sexpedition,toasuppliant‐branch(ἱκετηρία),presumablyplacedonanaltarbyPerikleidas;thisdetailisnotmentionedinAristophanes'textandprobablyderivesfromafourth‐centuryhistorian,perhapsPhilochoros(soHenderson1987:201,comparingΣLys.1138=PhilochorosFGrH328F117;itismorethan‘merelyaparaphraseofAr.’asJacobytermsitinhisnoteadloc.,FGrHiii.b(Suppl.)(1954)I455andii.365).

(76)Theopompos,FGrH115F88;thefamily'sproxeniaisalsomentionedbyAndokides3.3inthecourseofhiswildlyinaccuratesummaryofAthenian–Spartanrelationsinthefifthcentury(trustinglycopiedoutinAischines2.172).

(77)Athenaios:Thuc.4.119.1;Lakedaimonios:Thuc.1.45.2,Plut.Kimon16.1.

(78)SotermedintheAthenian–Spartanalliancetreatyof421(Thuc.5.23.3,cf.Thuc.1.101.2).

(79)Thedecisionwhethertoholdanostracismwasmadeinthesixthprytany(Arist.Ath.Pol.43.5);theostracismitselfwasprobablyheldintheeighthprytany(seeJacoby,FGrHiii.b[Suppl.][1954]I316),onPhilochoros328F30).

(80)West(1990a:125),comparingPOxy2256fr.2(Aesch.test.58Radt)ἐπὶἄρχοντ(ος)[Θεαγ]ε̣νίδ̣ου.

(81)SeeTaplin(1977:455–6),whofindsevidenceforaskeneinHiereiai,thesatyr‐playTheoroi,and,lesssecurely,inEdonoi(partoftheLykourgostetralogy).

(82)Rehm(1988:297–8)(whichappearedtoolatetobetakenintoaccountinSommerstein1989b).

(83)Asinsomeotherandmoreimportantrespects:seeHerington(1970),andnowRöxsler(1993),whorevives(mainlyonthebasisofPaus.2.19.6)theideathatatrialofHypermestra,theDanaidwhodidnotkillherhusband,wasacentralfeatureofthefinalplay.

(84)Seenn.73and83above.


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(85)EvenontheassumptionthatLynkeus,Hypermestra'shusband,playednopartinthetrial.Hemust,ontheSicherl–Röslerview,havebeenacrucialfigureinthetrilogy'sconclusion,sinceheistheonlyson‐in‐lawofDanaoswhoisinapositiontofulfiltheoracleandbringaboutDanaos'death.Iam,however,scepticalaboutthewholehypothesisofanon‐stagetrial‐sceneinDanaids;foranalternativereconstructionofthisplay(usingtwoactorsonly)see<Ch.6above,pp.104–13>.

(86)ItakeitthatthepresentfinalsceneofSevenisspurious,andthatPrometheusBoundiseither(andmoreprobably)spurious(seeGriffith1977;West1990b:51–72;Bees1993)or,ifgenuine,laterthantheOresteia.OnPsychostasiaseeTaplin(1977:431–2),andnotethatPlut.Mor.17a,Αἰσχύλος…παραστήσαςταις̑πλάστιγξιτου̑ΔιὸςἔνθενμὲντὴνΘέτινἔνθενδὲτὴνἩώdoesnotnecessarilyimplythatPlutarchbelievedthatthe‘weighing‐scene’tookplaceonstage(anymorethanAr.Lys.187–9τίν'ὅρκονὁρκώσειςποθ'ἡμας;—ὅντινα;εἰςἀσπίδ'ὥσπερϕασίνΑἰσχύλοςποτέμηλοσϕαγούσας,impliesthatAristophanesbelievedthatinSevenagainstThebestheoathoftheSevenwastaken,andabeastslaughtered,onstage).*

(87)ThatthesurvivingSuppliantMaidensdoesnotrequirethreeactorsisnotinitselfcounter‐evidence:inAgamemnonathirdspeakingactorisusedonlyfortheKassandrascene,inChoephoroionlyforthetriflingpartoftheServant(875 ff.).*

(88)TheassertionbyRösler(1993:22)that‘esistgewißkeinZufall,sondernhochsignifikant,daßwiraufsolche[demokratische]AkzentengeradeimzeitlichenUmkreisderReformdesEphialtestreffen’becomesevenmoretothepointifthetrilogywasindeedproducedin461ratherthan,asRöslerassumes,in464or463.

(89)Theessentialfeaturesoftheaboveargumentwouldnotbeaffectedifoneweretoaccept,withBadian(1993:89–96),theevidenceofPlut.Kimon16.4–17.3,combinedwithΣAr.Lys.1144,thatKimonledtwoexpeditionstoaidSpartaagainstthehelot‐Messenianrevolt,thefirstofthemin468/7,andthatPerikleidas'missionwasontheearlieroccasion(whenSpartawasinrealandconsiderabledanger).InthiscasetheDanaidplayscould,fromthepointofviewoftheirpoliticalsubtext,havebeenproducedatanytimebetween466and461inclusive;thereisofcoursenodifficultyinsupposingthat,likePersiansandliketheOresteia,theymayhavereferredbacktoeventsofseveralyearsbeforewhichremainedvitallyrelevanttocurrentpoliticaldebate.WecanbefairlysurethatenemiesofKimonhadbeenendeavouring,thoughunsuccessfully,tobringabouthisostracism(orotherwiseremovehimfromthepoliticalscene)wellbefore462/1.AnearlierdateofproductionthanIhaveassumedinthetextwouldalsomakeitunnecessarytoraiseanyquestionsaboutaskeneorathirdactor.Iamgratefulto<ChristopherPelling>fordrawingmyattentiontoBadian'sdiscussion.

(90)ThischapterwasoriginallypublishedinC.B.R.Pelling(ed.),GreekTragedyandtheHistorian(Oxford:ClarendonPress,1997)63–79.


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The Theatre Audience the Demos and the Suppliants of Aeschylus

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