The Second Panglong Conference

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Burma

Kanbawza Win

The Myanmarnize word of the Shan word Panglong is Pin Lone as the currentregime make a concerted drive to cleanse the ethnic nationalities of the Non Myanmar such as

changing not only the name the country but also eliminating the name that has the ethnic origin.The country has celebrated its 66

thanniversary of the founding of the Union of Burma; it seems

that the regime is making an attempt to cajole the Non Myanmar race to agree to its dictated

concordat which they will organize very soon.History has pointed out that no single race have ever rule Burma continuously. The races

residing in the Union of Burma have live there since time immemorial but the modern Union of

Burma started with the agreement at thePanglong Conference in 1947where most of the racescame together to decide to live together with the Myanmar as a test case for 10 years after which

they can decide their future . Now it is nearly half a century and over two decades and is still

struggling to find the Burmese identity

Panglong Agreementwas a part of Aung San-Attlee Agreement which was signed by

the British and Aung San Burmas Independence talks on 13-27 January 1947, in England. As aresult, Burma was promised independence which did not include the Frontier Areas, as the non-

Myanmar States were known earlier under the British rule. But Aung San returned to Burma and

plead with the ethnic leaders to unite for Independence. On 8 February 1947 he delivered a

speech at Panglong, a small village in Southern Shan State promising adequate protection for

non-Myanmar rights if they decided to join Burma. Aung San said,

Non-Burmans could struggle on their own, but no one can predict how long it will last.But if you join hands with the Burmese, independence at the same time is assured,

1

If General Aung San did not promise equal opportunity and self-determination, the country

might never have been founded under the title of the Union of Burma. ThePanglong Agreementwas aimed at setting up a federal union on the foundation of equality and autonomy for every

ethnic nationality.

Hence, democracy alone will not bring peace to the country, until the rights of all ethnicgroups are respected, irrespective of political and religious affiliations. Burma's ethnic

nationalities are neither the minority or secessionists nor separatists, but are striving for

autonomy in their respective territories within the Genuine Union of Burma. Different ethnic

nationalities must be brought into confidence, and their legitimate demands should be looked

into. The country needs reformation in various sectors both private and public and mostimportantly political problems need to be resolved by political means. Successful conflict

resolution depends on the facilitation of open dialogue like the 2nd

Panglong Conference where

all the ethnic races can attend on the basis of equality and find a successful conflict resolution. In

this aspect we support Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's call for the ethnic 2nd

Panglong Conference

with herself representing her father and the Myanmar race.

All the ethnic communities residing in the country wants to be the components of theGenuine Union of Burma as envisage by its founderBogyoke Aung San and is desirous to stay in

1SHAN report in 2000


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the Union but not at the expense of the dominance of the Myanmar race over the other ethnic

nationalities, who have become second citizens. 2 All the ethnic nationalities combine together

constitutes nearly 50% of the population of Burma and so cannot be construed as minority. How

can a population of Non Myanmar which is more than Canada can be categorize as a minority.Calling for the 2

ndPanglong Conference was just a silver lining in Burmas struggle. It

was first jointly issued during the 22nd

anniversary of the Zomi National Congress in Oct.2010

by veteran politicians and leaders of the mainstream democratic opposition parties.3

By calling

all political and ethnic backgrounds, these brave and visionary leaders of Burmas ethno-

democratic group have once again underscored a very critical point indispensible for the

formation of a common and stable Union of Burma. It tantamount to indirectly acknowledging

that the restoration democracy and replacing the military Junta by the quasi military

administration of even by NLD led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not the solution but only on thefirst step of the solution it have to go much more deeper and more meaningful. It also indirectlycommit to the establishment of a federal form of government, a political system considered to be

the most suitable system for a multi-ethnic Burma. The word Panglong Conferencehas

become an adjective a describing word instead of a noun

The essence of thePanglong Conference retains the ethnic nationalities birth right to

self-rule. The essence of the Panglong Agreement was, and is, mutual recognition and respect,

based on the principles of political equality, self-determination and voluntary association.4

It

has been said that according to thePanglong Concordat, the Union of Burma was originallydesigned to be a federal country, and not a unitary state.Bogyoke Aung San, who headed

Burmas independence movement and government as the acting Prime Minister of independent

Burma, fully understood that only a federal arrangement would work in a multi-ethnic Burma.

Ethnic nationalities were granted the right to self-determination, a certain degree of regional

autonomy, and separate state legislature in accordance with the terms and conditions set forth inthe historicPanglong Agreement.

Scholarly to be exact it is not the 2ndPanglong Conference because the first Panglong

Conference was initiated in 1946 was not successful in forming the Union of Burma as the ethnic

communities especially the Shan Saophas were still very suspicious of the Myanmar (Burmans0

whom they construe that has cooperated with the enemy Fascist Japanese and play havoc in the

country under the banner of Burma Independence Army (BIA). It was only in the second attempton Feb 12

th1947 it could successfully complete the 2

ndPanglong Conference. So what Daw

Aung San Suu Kyi calls it is actually a sort of a 3rd

Panglong Conference where all the stake

holders would participate particularly the ethnic nationalities especially those who were left out

in the 2nd

Panlong Conference of 1947 like the Karen, Karenni, Arakanese (Rakhine) and Mon.

Perhaps the WA if they dont consider themselves to be in Shan State will have its place to form

2Speech of Prof. Kanbawza Win on 23-4-2012 in You Tube

3The Kalaymyo Declaration was issued on October 24 at the 22nd anniversary ceremony of the founding of the

ZNC in Kalay Township (Kalaymyo), Sagaing Division. It calls for national reconciliation and the reconvening ofthe conference, and was signed by Pu Cing Tsing Thang, Mon leader Nai Ngwe Thein, Saw Harry from the Karen

National Congress, Arakan League for Democracy leaders Aye Tha Aung and Tha Bahn, Sai Shwe Kyu from the

Shan Nationalities League for Democracy party, Thaung Ko Thang from the United Nationalities League for

Democracy, and at least 100 others

4David C Williams and Lian H. Sakhong. Designing Federalism in Burma. (Chiangmai, Thailand: The UNLD

Press, 2005), 12.


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the real genuine Union of Burma and not the Union of Myanmar as it could not be dominated by

the Myanmar group only.But one of the major flaws of 1948 constitution was that it did not provide separate state

legislature to constituent states, which meant that constituent states or federating units had nolegislative, administrative, and judicial power of their own such as constituent states in the

United States of America and provinces in Canada.5

In fact the principal architect of 1948

Burmas constitution, U Chan Htoon, admitted, our constitution was in theory federal, but in

practice unitary and he further added, the structure of the Union is not like the United States

or Switzerland, there are no separate state legislatures.6

Not only was there no separate state

legislatures for sub-units of the Union, but the national legislatures both Houses of the

parliament- during the parliamentary democracy was wholly dominated by ethnic Myanmar

majority. The fact that states did not have state legislature of their own had also meant that ethnicnationalities had no other alternate institutional recourse to safeguard against the expansion ofthe central government policies dominated by the Myanmar. Ethnic-based states were created to

a certain extent, but run from the central; the legislative power of state council was devolved

from the central government with a complete control from the center. Virtually, the institutional

arrangements under the unitary constitution indicated that Myanmar majority unfairly enjoyed

systemic institutional favoritism at the expense of ethnic nationalities which seems to spells out,

majority rule in plural societies spells majority dictatorship and civil strife,7

The six decades of conflict in Burma is rooted in a constitutional arrangement which failsto recognize the existence of ethno-cultural cleavages, resulting in the denial of power to

territorially concentrated ethnic nationalities.8

The constitution which was originally designed

on federal principles ensuring the rights of ethnic people was reversed into the unitaryconstitution against the will of ethnic nationalities by leaders of the Myanmar ethnic majority.

Moving forward is important to acknowledge that the ethnic nationalities fear of tyranny of the

majority by the Myanmar ethnic group which is still inherent and real. As such, a written

constitution that would stand as a contract between federated units and the Federal government

as a prerequisite for those ethnic national minorities to join and form a Federal Union of Burma.Ethnic nationalities of Burma require a written constitution with a clear division of powers

between the two levels of governments:

(a) As a bulwark against the domination of ethnic Myanmar majority and

(b) As a guarantee to their ethnic national rights considered to be inherent.9

Without securing such a prior written constitution first, it is clear that no ethnic nationalities of

Burma will have any incentive to cooperate as members in a future democratic Union of Burma.

5Lian, Salai Za Ceu: Chinland Guardian: On October 24, 2010 Panglong Conference: A Blue-print for FutureBurmas Nation Building6Shan Herald Agency for News,Records of Ethnic nationalities' Conference on Burma's Constitutional reform.(Chainmail, Thailand : Shan Herald Agency For News, 1961): 697

Christina Murray and Richard Simeon, Recognition without empowerment: Minorities in a democratic South

Africa,International Journal of Constitutional Law; (October 2007): 7108 Lian, Salai Za Ceu: Chinland Guardian: On October 24, 2010 Panglong Conference: A Blue-print for

Future Burmas Nation Building

9ibid
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Therefore, for an ethno-culturally diverse and divided society like Burma, a constitutional

federation that would accommodate the aspirations of ethnic national minorities with separatelegislatures and simultaneously integrate all federated units into one common polity under one

flag is the best suited form of governance for the multi-national Burma.Politicians representing pro-election parties have expressed support for the Kale

Declaration made by ethnic leaders and politicians opposed to the Nov. 7 election in Kale,

Sagaing Division.10

Though the aims of the statement are similar to the three aims of the military

governmentnon disintegration of the union, non-disintegration of national solidarity and

perpetuation of sovereignty, the military government dominated by the majority Myanmar still

hesitate to cooperate with the ethnic nationalities but the democratic groups have declared tosupport it.

Senior National League for Democracy party leader, U Win Tin, joined calls supporting

the idea a secondPanglong Conference as a solution for Burmese ethnic peoples to win back the

right of self-determination lost for 60 years.11

The Zomi National Congress said it had made the

call because the 2008 constitution and 2010 election could not guarantee national reconciliation

and genuine federal union based on the right to self-determination as desired by ethnic peoples.

The NLD, along with ethnic parties, has signed the statement calling for a secondPanglong

Conference.The essence of that agreement was to consolidate the unity of Myanmar and non-Myanmar ethnic nationalities and is genuine union that guarantees equality and the right to self-

determination of the ethnic peoples.After 60 years under the rule of Myanmar dominated administrations, the military

dictatorship and some of the ethnic nationalities seems to lose the essence ofGenuine Union of

Burma. Theyve also seem to lose the equality and right to self-determination of ethnic peoples.When the National Convention was convened, ethnic people joined it with the expectation of

gaining self-determination, equality and genuine union through it by reaching a ceasefire

agreement with the Junta. The ethnic nationalities sought on ethnic rights but it did notmaterialise as they were not given a voice. With the enforcement of the Border Guard Force

scheme a new wave of civil war has broke out in Kachin State.12 So, what we really have is a

constitutional crisis.

According to the 2008Nargis Constitution, all the armed forces shall be under the

control of the sole Commander-in-Chief of the Tatmadaw (Armed Forces). So the military juntamust work towards putting all these ceasefire armed groups under the complete control of its

chief after this constitution comes into force or even before coming into force. If this task cant

be achieved, they have to launch war against these ceasefire groups stationed along the borders

and that is exactly what they are doing in Kachin State at the time of this writings.

But on the other hand these ethnic armed groups started their own revolutions, the

struggles based on the politics ranging from 10 to 60 years ago and cant force them to join the

10Irrawaddy Pro-election Parties Support Second Panglong Conference 26-10-2010

11Mizzima News 2010-11-9

12Ko Htwe Suu Kyi Faces Challenges in Supporting Second Panglong Conference ; Irrawaddy Nov 22nd 2010
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Juntas army or convert their armies into either BGF or peoples militia by surrendering their

arms because their struggles started based on political objectives and ethnic rights issues. Some

have degraded into opium armies and some have surrendered their arms.13 The BGF proposal

cannot be accepted by most of the ethnic forces and the NLDs stance is to resolve ethnic andborder issues through political means. Any government has the responsibility to resolve any

issue arising in the country by negotiations, no matter what they like or dislike about the issue.

They must explore ways to resolve these issues by political means only. It would not be right to

resolve them by shooting and imprisoning people.

Kale Declaration, which was signed by 109 ethnic leaders and politicians calling for a

federal system based on equality and democracy to be established through a secondPanglongConference, was never mentioned again. Why. The ethnic leaders believe that Daw Aung San

Suu Kyi is the best person to lead a secondPanglongtype Conference and backing such a

Conference would be a big challenge that carries real risks for her, including detention by the

Junta. Because it also called for an end to dictatorship, respect for human rights and democracy

for the people. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said fostering aPanglongspirit is important for the nextgeneration, and she asked for people's help. Her immediate focus on a more durable andequitable resolution of Burma's festering interethnic relations should pique interest from other

countries especially China.14

By proposing to reopen negotiations on a new 2nd

Panglong

Conference, modeled on the 1947 pact between the central government and ethnic nationalities,

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is not only aspiring to complete the unfinished work of her martyred

father but is also potentially laying the groundwork for genuine security and economic prosperity

in the border areas where most ethnic nationalities live.

She has accepted this duty for the sake of the country's future it shows how much she iswilling to sacrifice for the country us. Many Mon, Arakan and Karen ethnic leaders who did not

take part in thePanglong Conference signed the Kale Declaration and most ethnic cased-fire

groups and armed ethnic groups now support a secondPanglong Conference. Speaking in herfirst speech in front of the headquarters of the National League for Democracy only two days

after her release from house arrest, said,It is not an end in itself to call for a second Panglong Conference addressing the

concerns of the 21st century is needed for national reconciliation .

The 1947 Constitution had failed to guarantee equal rights, autonomy and self-determination as

agreed to at the conference. That was one of the factors that led some ethnic groups to launch

military operations.15

If the government is serious about resolving ethnic issues, it must first stop fighting the

ethnic groups and should call for a general cease-fire,16

was said by U Thu Wai. The

attitude of the military government was the key to the significance of the Kale Declaration. One

13Ko Htwe Suu Kyi Faces Challenges in Supporting Second Panglong Conference ; Irrawaddy Nov 22

nd 2010

14Currie, Kelly: Beijings Unlikely Ally in Burma Nov.24th 2010 D4B

15Ko Htwe Suu Kyi Faces Challenges in Supporting Second Panglong Conference; Irrawaddy Nov 22nd 2010

16Chairman of the Rangoon based Democratic Party
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thing is very sure theNargis 2008 Constitution cannot create anything that leads to national

reconciliation. The ethnic political parties that won alongside NLD candidates have issued astatement titled Declaration of Decision in Kale Township, which supports a secondPanglong

statement with four basic political goals. The four goals are(1)an end to dictatorship,(2)to restore democracy,(3) to promote human rights and(4)to bring about national reconciliation with the united support of all nationalities.17

Moreover, the statement reaffirmed the importance of a federal democratic system while

rejecting the unitary system enshrined in the 2008 Constitution. It also rejected any cessationfrom the union, a charge level against ethnic groups by the junta throughout its history.

The secondPanlongstatement could be a significant move forward on the part of the

NLD and ethnic groups, designed to strengthen the democratic movement and assert leadership

in the new political landscape. For the NLD, it represents a follow-up action to its recent

announcement that it will seek opportunities to talk to leaders of ethnic cease-fire groups underits long-term pursuit of genuine national reconciliation. Although the Junta dissolved the NLD,the party's leadership has been working to expand its activities by conducting organizational

tours in ethnic states under the leadership of chairman Tin Oo and secretary Win Tin. In the past,

the Junta effectively blocked communication channels between the NLD and ethnic cease-fire

groups. The current step forward represents progress, if the NLD can forge a working

relationship with the cease-fire groups. This accelerating dynamic could serve as a focal point forDaw Aung San Suu Kyi's re-engagement in politics, after her presumed release on Nov. 13, one

week after the election. Under her leadership, the democratic opposition and ethnic groups could

continue to play an important role in post-election politics.

The second Panglong conference is intended to give people a strong sense of unity. It

does not intend to oppose any person or any organisation said Ohn Kyaing the NationalLeague for Democracy spokesman.

Firstly, we need to reach a basic agreement. Then, the military needs to make some

changes and give the political parties basic rights. After an all-inclusive dialogue we will

achieve national reconciliation. National reconciliation is the most important thing. The

second Panglong Conference can achieve it, said U Aye Tha Aung.18

The Burmese people have long believed that only Daw Aung Suu Kyi can bring about

national reconciliation. One could recollect that the secondPanglong Conference is in fact what

Suu Kyi called for in the national reconciliation effort of 1988-89 when she arrived inPanglong

during a tour of Shan State.19

The Second Panglongstatement by the NLD and ethnic group

leaders could offer a framework to strengthen the democratic opposition while working toward

genuine national reconciliation. The principles of federalism are quite contrary to secession and.establishing a genuine federal union with the participation by all ethnic peoples for the sake of

security of this union should be the goal and businesses, even though it has to be admitted that

there are unhealthy tendencies among ethnic who care for their self interest.

17Aung, Htet: True Reconciliation a Post-election Priority in theIrrawaddy Magazine 26-10-2010

18General Secretary of Committee Representing Peoples Parliament when he met Joseph Yun of the East Asia and

Pacific Affairs Mizzima News19

Aung, Htet: True Reconciliation a Post-election Priority in the Irrawaddy Magazine 26-10-2010
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The military regime now believes that the most potent threat to its political pre-eminence

are the ethnic groups, then a more accommodating posture towards the now weakened but stillpolitically relevant civilian political parties led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. So her release is not

much of a surprise. She herself seems to have realized this by calling for a 2ndPanglongConference to facilitate reconciliation and political consensus between the Myanmar majority

and the non Myanmar ethnic minority is the main criteria of Burmas problem.

Also expect China to play an active role to ensure that the political benefits it has gained

by brokering peace between the ethnic groups and the Myanmar military are not eroded. Chinawill put pressure on both the ethnic leaders as well as the Myanmar military using its significant

leverage over both. India may well have political opportunities it can exploit to consolidate its

presence in a strategically important neighbour.20

The Burmese-languageMyanmar Ahlin newspaper it said that it would go against the

Junta's current seven-step political road map and bring more harm than good, and that Parliament

is the best place to strengthen the already gained national unity. The article also warned that

Without the Tatmadaw will be manipulated by organizations that oppose the

government and its seven-step political road map, even if it is carried out with goodwill.

At first the idea of thePanglong Agreementis no longer suitable to current countrys situation

and that stance even threatened peace and stability it declares. It even ridicules the persons who

suggest holding online conference using the Internet.21

And make it plain this cheap political

stunt threatened peace.22

But as of now following the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and theopening of peace talks with armed resistance movements, voices calling for second Panglong

Conference of the 21st century have become louder.23

Former Senior General Than Shwe made an address at the Passing out of Parade of No.

12 Intake of the Defense Services Medical Academy on 24 December 2010 it said that

the Tatmadaw or Burma Army has taken the responsibilities of the State, east-west and north-south networks of motor roads, railroads and airports have been built to lay the ground forfriendship and harmony among the nationalities. By doing such advancement, the nation has

been achieved in the economic, health and education sectors of the States, he said. Hence both

the Generals and the army is not only against Democracy but also the real Genuine Union

of Burma.The call for the 2

ndPnglong has met with positive reception but it is also crystal clear

that, the military is not on board. While the door appears to be left ajar in case they decide tojoin, there also appears precious little energy being expended to make a 2nd Panglong Conference

a success. But it directly refuted theNargis Constitution and ensuing 2010 general election,

denying the legitimacy of both. Clearly, the central government, drawing legitimacy from both

the constitution and the election, is not going to support the initiative as currently envisioned. As

20The writer, is a former foreign secretary, served as Indias ambassador to Rangon from 1997 to 2001. and is nowa senior fellow at the Centre for Policy Research

21 Linn Zin Burmas junta blames on the coming of Second Panglong Conference Asian Correspondent 8-12-201022

Reuters: Dec 8, 2010 Myanmar junta accuses Suu Kyi of "cheap stunt"

23S.H.A.N. The next Panglong: Should it be as good as, better or worse than Panglong? 12-2-2013
http://www.english.panglong.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5248:the-next-panglong-should-it-be-as-good-as-better-or-worse-than-panglong&catid=104:editorial&Itemid=270http://www.english.panglong.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5248:the-next-panglong-should-it-be-as-good-as-better-or-worse-than-panglong&catid=104:editorial&Itemid=270http://www.english.panglong.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5248:the-next-panglong-should-it-be-as-good-as-better-or-worse-than-panglong&catid=104:editorial&Itemid=270http://www.english.panglong.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5248:the-next-panglong-should-it-be-as-good-as-better-or-worse-than-panglong&catid=104:editorial&Itemid=270http://-/?-http://-/?-http://-/?-http://-/?-http://www.english.panglong.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5248:the-next-panglong-should-it-be-as-good-as-better-or-worse-than-panglong&catid=104:editorial&Itemid=270http://-/?-http://-/?-http://-/?-http://-/?-


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such, a 2nd

Panglong Conference, operating outside of the legal fold, essentially demands parties

chooses between rival and antagonistic contestants to political power.Instead it should encapsulated, all parties would be wise to ask what is necessary for any

such conference to have any practical effect on developments inside Burma, as opposed tobecoming yet another unenforceable demand to be paraded in front of the international

community.24

We are afraid that the 2nd

Panglong Conference inclusive solely of like-minded

parties and organisations would assuredly be less contentious and far simpler in production; it

would also assuredly mitigate any meaningful contribution that may be forthcoming from its

convening.

At the same time, the opposition parties outside the parliamentary process have alsoattempted to bring ethnic issues to centre stage. There are many reasons why such a new meeting

would be problematical. Who, for example, would represent the different ethnic and ideological

groups in the fractious political landscape? For their part, government officials are strongly

opposed. A rebuttal in the state media called the idea a fantasy extremely opposed to reality,

because such a proposal overlooked the economic infrastructure and political achievements ofthe previous Juntas. But the hopes for such a new meeting have not retreated. The call hassubsequently been supported by other ethnic parties, including both elected and armed groups.

At the same time because of the cease fire agreement they do not want to confront the new

government, they say, but to return to the principles of national equality promised by Aung San.

Everybody would be happy if the same attitude and the same approach could actually be

implemented in coordination with the new government, said Nai Han Thar, the former General-Secretary of the ceasefire NMSP. Such calls for extra-parliamentary initiatives, however, are

likely to be controversial and risk government suppression. The NLD has already given general

support. But as Daw Aung San Suu Kyi explained after her release from house arrest, if real

national reconciliation and progress are to be achieved, the critical need is to bring all Burmas

peoples together in the same processes of reform. What I see now as the most important thingfor our country is the emergence of an all-inclusive political process in which all of our peoplecan participate I would like everyone to work for this purpose with unity. , she said. These are

sentiments with which every citizen would agree. But at the time of this writing there was no

indication that such an inclusive process will yet begin. As described in the previous chapters,

the Tatmadaw is the main bloc that is against the genuine of Burma and if it doesnt approve theSecond Panglong even if it successfully held will be on paper.

Without addressing and honoring the ethnic peoples demand for self-determination, thelatest parliament-based government seems unable to stop political and civil strife throughout

ethnic areas. In reality, ethnic peoples demand of equal rights is not a new one but already

mentioned in the 1947-Panglong agreement. For example, the latest crisis in Kachin State clearly

describes the immoral practices of the incumbent President Thein Sein Government.The Government even does not keep honesty to address the minorities issues in a fair-

minded approach.25

In point of fact, the government armed forces have violated the 1994

24Mizzima News 27-12-2010 Panglong II requires further touches, military on board.

25Linn; ZinAnalysis: Burmas reform comes to naught, without Panglong Spirit Asian Correspondence 12-2-

2013
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ceasefire agreement and invaded into Kachin territory. As a result, KIO has constantly refused to

accept the governments three-step plan which says the issues have to be solved corresponding tothe 2008 constitution. KIO likes better its own three-step procedure the first step would be an

agreement on the distribution of troops and their locations; the second step would be acomprehensive discussion similar to thePanglong Conference, which would involve all ethnic

leaders and the government in order to work out long-standing political disagreements; the third

and final stage would be to put into effect the agreement in whatsoever constitution is proper.

However, President and his government did not take into consideration of the KIOs three-stepproposal rather. In reality, all other ethnic groups are closely watching the situation of Kachins

struggle for autonomy based on Panglong Agreement which they also believe.26

Burma cannot

gain National reconciliation without honoring ethnic self-determination. These issues must be

addressed in the current Peoples Parliament immediately. If the current government failed to

deal with the Panglong initiative or equal rights of ethnic minorities, its self-styled politicalreform will be a meaningless optimism.

26Linn; ZinAnalysis: Burmas reform comes to naught, without Panglong Spirit Asian Correspondence 12-2-

2013
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The Second Panglong Conference

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