THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION IS COMPLIMENTS OF

ONTARIO MINISTRY OF NATURAL RESOURCES DIVISION OF

PARKS

The Nine Mile Portage and Willow Creek Depot 1814 - 1835:

The Military and Fur Trade History of the Minesing Swamp

By J. Elaine Peebles May 1974 Historical Sites Branch Central

Region

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

PREFACE

ABSTRACT

RECOMMENDATIONS

RESEARCH REQUIREMENTS

INTRODUCTION AND

LOCATION

HISTORICAL RESOURCE PRIORITIES

HISTORICAL RESOURCE

IDENTIFICATION AND

SIGNIFICANCE

HISTORY

CULTURAL

FEATURES

THE

RECONSTRUCTION

CONCLUSIONS

LIMITATIONS

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The Military Use of the Nine

Mile Portage and Willow

Depot During the War of 1812

The North West Company

and the Nottawasaga Route 1814-1821

The Nine Mile Portage and Willow Depot 1815-1835

The Local Fur Trade

The Inhabitants of Willow

Creek Depot and the Village

at Willow Creek

Preliminary Report of the

Excavation of Old Fort

Willow

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The author wishes to express her sincere appreciation to all those individuals who

directly contributed to the research and planning involved in this report.

In particular, I wish to thank Mr. Wally McNeice, Zone Forester, Ministry of Natural

Resources, Angus office, for assisting me in the field work at the Willow Depot site

and in the swamp, and for freely offering his expertise on the Minesing Swamp. I

should also like to thank Mr. Ross Channen, Curator of the Simcoe County Archives,

and Mr. Sandy Coutts and Mr. Norm Clark of Barrie for providing information on the

previous archaeological and historical investigations which have been carried out in

the area. Finally, I wish to thank Ms. Lin Scott, Librarian at Ste. Marie Among the

Hurons, Midland, for her able assistance in locating the documents necessary for this

research.

PREFACE

Research on the military and fur trade aspects of the Minesing Swamp was

commenced on January 15 and the report was completed May 14, 1974. During this

period the primary portion of the research was on the document collection contained

at the Library of Ste. Marie Among the Hurons. Sources were also checked at the

Simcoe County Archives, the Ontario Archives, Toronto, and the Robarts Library,

University of Toronto. The greatest difficulty lay in finding documentary sources of

the North West Company's use of this area and the local fur trade theme has not been deeply researched due to time limitations.

The field work in the swamp was done on five different occasions, by air, car and on

foot. Unfortunately the weather was very poor on those occasions when we

investigated on foot. The first time the ground was snow and ice-covered and

freezing rain made investigation of the portage trail from Willow Depot to the

Landing very difficult. Similarly in April the heavy rain, coupled with the spring flooding of the Minesing Swamp made field work in this area highly impractical.

Other sources used in this report included interviews with local historians, the use of

topographic maps and air photos, and also the Jurys' archaeological reports on the

Nine Mile Portage and the Willow Depot site.

ABSTRACT

This study was commenced on January 14, 1974 for the purpose of providing

historical input on the military and fur-trade history of the Minesing swamp. The area

under study included the Willow Depot site and that portion of the Nine Mile Portage

which leads from the depot to the Landing on Willow or Black Creek. The Willow

Depot site is located on Lot 14, Concession XI, Vespra Township, and the area

studied is that outlined in Figure 1.

The area was historically significant (on a provincial level) in the period of 1814-

1821. During the War of 1812, the British had used the Lake Erie communication to

supply their upper posts. In 1813 the British were defeated by the Americans on

Lake Erie, and the Nine Mile Portage was the alternate route developed in 1814 to

rush provisions and men to the defense of the strategic post of Michilimackinac.

During the summer of 1814 this area was the tenuous life-line supporting the Indian

alliance and the fur trade in the Northwest. Because of it, the British were able to

strengthen the post of Michilimackinac so that it was able to withstand the American

attack in late July 1814. Similarly, the North West Company used this route to

provision their posts and collect their valuable pelts during this crucial period.

When the hostilities ended, the military and naval personnel, and the fur traders

continued to use this route although the fate of the Northwest, the fur trade, and the

Indian alliance never again rested on this slim line of communication. The British

naval and military officials utilized it to provision Drummond Island and later it was

the one viable route by which supplies could be sent to Penetanguishene. The North

West Company also continued to use this line of transport until 1821, although the

extent of that use is not certain.

The site is extremely significant in terms of its military and fur trade role especially

during 1814, and to a lesser extent from 1815-1821. It ceased to be a feasible route after 1828.

RECOMMENDATIONS Interpretive

Recommendations

1. The Willow Depot site located on Lot 14, Concession XI, Vespra Township, and

that portion of the portage trail leading from there to the Landing at Willow Creek,

are significant representations of the historical themes of the War of 1812, and the

St. Lawrence River-Lower Lakes area Fur Trade, 1760-1821.

2. Of the two above themes, the War of 1812 is the more significant, since on a

provincial level its rating is higher than the fur trade theme segment applicable to

this area. On another level, the presence of the Upper Lakes Museum at Wasaga

Beach, with its story of the destruction of the schooner Nancy, is inextricably linked

with the Willow Depot site and these two sites provide adequate representation of a

particular chapter of the War of 1812. (The Military Use of the Nine Mile Portage and Willow Depot During the War of 1812)

3. In relation to the theme of the War the Willow Depot site and that portion of the

portage trail located there, were only significant during the year l8l4. In comparison

to original sites of the War still standing, the Willow Creek site is not as significant

and therefore does not warrant complete historical reconstruction.

4. The portage road leads down an embankment on the east side of the

reconstructed storehouse at Willow Depot. Its path was investigated in the winter

months when it was snow and ice-covered and there was some difficulty in tracing

its path to the Landing.

Although Jury excavated portions of the road in September 1955, it would be

desirable to recheck the path of the road to the Landing against aerial photographs

and old maps to ensure that the present path is as historically accurate as possible.

Also, excavation for traces of corduroy should be done to validate its path.

5. Future maintenance of the road would require periodic clearing. It would also be

desirable to recorduroy this portion of the portage trail (Willow Depot to the Landing)

to give an air of historical authenticity, and also to make the road passable in wet conditions.

6. The conditions around the Landing Place are extremely swampy and in March

when the area was checked, much of the ground was flooded. Because of natural

and man-made diversions of the streams in the area, there is a possibility that the

original landing place is actually located several hundred feet away from the site

which today is known as "The Landing Place". In 1955 when Jury excavated there,

he reported it was extremely difficult to dig because the watery muck filled in the

holes they dug. He concluded that the storehouses which had stood there had

probably been erected on a platform of sorts. Some investigation should be done in

this area, perhaps in late fall, to establish as accurately as possible the original

landing place, and some traces of former occupation may be unearthed. The area

should be appropriately marked and if conditions permit, some clearing done to

suggest the original function of the site.

7. There are no "historic" buildings located on the Depot site. The structure at Willow

Creek is a recreation of an original building and presumably represents a storehouse

or magazine. Jury's Excavation Report revealed that there was some doubt as to

whether the original structure was a blockhouse or storehouse (Read The Preliminary

Report) The building was constructed in 1967 according to Jury's specifications by

soldiers from the Combat Arms School at Canadian Forces Base Borden. The details

of this structure should be checked for historical accuracy by a historical architect or by a historian specializing in military history.

8. The building shows signs of Vandalism. Floor boards within the structure have

been ripped up, and there appears to be some damage to the northeast gable of the

building. The appropriate repairs should be made to justify the time and expense

which have already been invested in this site, for it is significant enough to maintain, if not develop.

9. The site will require a continuous programme of maintenance and supervision,

both of the grounds and the building, if deterioration and vandalism are to be

checked.

10. Although there is no mention of palisades in the historical documents, the

archaeological investigation indicated that, "Cross-sections revealed the remains of a

timber palisade." The palisade has been partially restored on three sides, and

mounds located on the crest of the hill seem to indicate the original presence of

palisades. This should be investigated further and necessary palisading erected.

11. The concession road leading to Fort Willow and the driveway leading into the site

will require some maintenance work.

12. There is a portion of land adjacent to and just south of the Willow Depot site

which should be investigated. It is cleared and like the Willow Depot site overlooks

the swamp. If the Willow Depot site should be developed as an interpretive centre,

portions of this could be used for such visitor services as orientation, parking, and

picnicking.

13. Should subsequent historical research reveal strong proof that a village existed

in conjunction with or close to, the Willow Depot site, further investigation of the

land situated on Lots 13 and 14, Concession X, and even Lot 14, Concession XI,

would be merited. To date, no such documentary evidence has been found and the

site pointed out by Ross Channen has been bulldozed (Lot 13, Conc. X).

Archaeological investigation of that site might reveal evidence of a settlement, but

sources indicate that if such a village existed it developed after 1835 and thus after

the Willow Creek Depot and the Nine Mile Portage were historically significant.

14. From Hunter's report on Indian sites in Vespra township and also some mention

in historical documents, it appears an Indian site may be located on the west half of Lot 14, Concession X, in close proximity to the Depot. This should be checked.

15. Such activities as viewing, hiking, cross-country skiing, and canoeing are compatible with the historical resources present.

Interpretive Recommendations

1. The name "Fort Willow" is historically inaccurate as well as misleading. There was

never a fort on this site and the establishment located there was referred to as, "the

Commissariat Establishment at Nottawasaga Creek", "the establishment at the head

of the creek", and also by the name of "Playtor’s", "Playtov's", and "Playtoff".

However, since these last names are not familiar in the area, or to students of

general history, it is suggested that the most appropriate name might be "Willow Depot", which reflects both the site’s location and its function.

2. If the appropriate work is done on the portage and at the landing, a self-guiding

historical trail could be developed in this portion of the swamp, giving the participant

a physical appreciation of the terrain over which heavy military and fur trade goods had to be shipped.

3. It would be desirable to redevelop the historic water route from the landing at

Willow Creek to the mouth of the Nottawasaga River, as a canoe route. This would

provide a very definite thematic and geographic link between Willow Depot and the

Museum of the Upper Lakes at Wasaga Beach where the story of the Nancy is

interpreted, enabling the canoeist to make the association between the role of the

portage and Willow Depot in the War of 1812.

There are problems connected with this project which should be further investigated.

The major problem lies in the fact that the zone adjacent to the historical zone and

immediately west, has been designated as a "Gene Pool Reserve" with the

recommendation that access be prohibited to the general public. Willow Creek flows

through this zone. A further study should be done to determine if canoeists might be

permitted to pass through this area, keeping in mind that if such a canoe route was

developed, its use would be restricted to certain periods of the year because of the

insects in the swamp and low water levels at various times of the year. Such a

project would also involve a substantial amount of "cleanup" work in clearing the creek of deadfall and maintaining it in that state.

4. Some work should be done on the reconstructed storehouse to suggest its original

function. This could include a number of very simple things; for instance, transferring

the Willow Depot artifacts from the Simcoe County Museum and displaying them in

their original setting. Future interpretive plans might include a model construction of

the site, the production of a brochure, or the development of an audio-visual presentation showing the various functions of the Depot between 1814 and 1825.

RESEARCH REQUIREMENTS

The most important research which can be carried out now if the Willow Creek depot

and its environs are to assume some historical validity is of a very practical site-

oriented nature. There are some areas in which further documentary investigation

would be desirable, but the research to date suggests that the site is significant

enough to maintain, if not develop.

Site Research

1. The construction at Willow Creek should be given a critical examination by a

military expert, military historian, or an historical architect, to determine what details

of the building should be revised or added.

2. Some excavation should be carried out to check the path of the portage road

before all vestiges of the original disappear.

3. Some excavation should be done in the area of the Landing Place at Willow Creek, if at all possible. Also, the site should be checked against old maps.

Documentary Research

1. It would be desirable to find more documentation on the North West Company's

use of the portage 1814-1821 but it is uncertain just how much material is available.

An investigation of the Hudson's Bay Archives might reveal more data but it would

take several weeks of intensive research to do this, and the returns may not be

commensurate with the effort since in terms of fur trade history, this area has been

given an "IC" rating on a provincial level.

2. On another level more research should be devoted to the regional fur trade

history, particularly on the activities of the firms of P.J. Robinson and Borland and

Roe. Time did not permit an in-depth study and further research into Canadian and

Ontario Archival material, particularly the Family papers, may yield some material

which would be beneficial for interpretive purposes.

3. The Playter Diary is contained in the Ontario Archives. It is microfilmed and

consists of over nine hundred pages of cramped, and at times illegible notes. It

would take several weeks to read through but selective reading in the period from

1812-1817 might provide a clue to the origin of the name "Playtors" or "Playtoff",

which was applied to Willow Depot during the year 1810 and for several years thereafter.

INTRODUCTION AND LOCATION

The Minesing Swamp lies approximately five miles west, northwest of Barrie

constituting an area of approximately 18,000 acres in the townships of Vespra and

Sunnidale. The area covered by this study is that area marked on Figure.1 and

roughly including Lots 12-14, 11th Concession, Vespra Township. The Willow depot

site (Lot 14, Con. 11, Vespra) is situated on a high hill overlooking the Minesing

Swamp which lies immediately west and stretches to the north and south. The old

portage road extends from the depot site in a westerly direction until it reaches the

edges of the swamp and the landing at Willow Creek (Lot 13 or 12, Con. XI). This

was the old landing place from which bateaux were launched. Access to this area is

via a dirt road known as the Mac (Mack) side road. It is a dirt road and is not

ploughed in the winter beyond a certain point. A rough driveway on the west side of

this road leads right into the Willow Depot site.

The Willow Depot site includes nine acres of land and was developed under the

auspices of the Barrie Chamber of Commerce. The Chamber purchased the site in

the early 1950's and in August of 1958 Dr. Wilfred Jury, Mr. "T D. Clarke of Barrie

and several assistants did some preliminary work on the Willow site. In September

1959 the area was excavated and nine sites were uncovered. (See Section 4) In

1961 an historical plaque commemorating the site was unveiled by JAM. Sandy

Coutts, Chairman of the Huronia and Tourist Committee of the Barrie Chamber of Commerce.

As a centennial project in 1967 soldiers from the Combat Arms School at Canadian

Forces Base Borden volunteered their services to construct a replica of a powder

house. Details of construction for the size and style of the building were obtained

from Dr. Wilfrid Jury and the building was constructed of logs and sawn lumber.

At present this building is standing on the site although it shows signs of vandalism.

A palisade has been erected on three sides of the site but there is an area of 385

feet at the crest of the hill which has not yet been palisaded. Red markers indicate

the foundations of the other eight buildings which once were located on the site.

In November of 1973 the Nottawasaga Conservation Authority purchased this land

from the Barrie Chamber of Commerce.

One other site in the area was investigated; this was located along the Mac side road

approximately one half mile north of Willow depot (Lot 13 or 14, Conc. X). This was

pointed out as the possible site of Willow Creek village but subsequent cursory

investigation was fruitless as the area had been bulldozed and all foundations

covered. On the opposite side of the road the foundation of a house and barn were located (Conc. X, Lot 14).

The specific goals of the Minesing Swamp project are to maintain and enhance the

natural features and processes in the swamp, to provide a wide variety of outdoor

recreation opportunities consistent with the swamp environment, and finally to

identify and interpret man's relationships with the swamp. This report will provide input for the third goal.

HISTORICAL RESOURCE PRIORITIES

The historical resources in this area can be divided into two categories, "natural

resources" and "artificial resources". The "natural" historic resource include those

cultural features which have been relatively undisturbed. In the Willow Depot area

these include the remnants of the portage trail from the Depot to the Landing, the

Landing itself which is merely a clearing in the swamp, and finally the mounds on the

crest of the hill at Willow Depot which indicate the position of former palisading.

The "artificial" resources are those elements of the reconstruction of the site. They

are artificial in the sense that they are not historic remnants of the past but merely a

recreation of that past. The storehouse and the present palisading represent these "artificial" historical resources.

From the standpoint of protection and preservation it is most important that the

portage trail and the landing should be investigated and maintained so that we do

not lose these valuable historical remnants. The greatest danger to them is probably

the swamp which makes investigation and maintenance difficult. Periodic flooding

and year-round wet conditions threaten to remove all vestiges of these cultural

features. If they can be restored through clearing and recorduroying they can be a valuable asset to the site as well as the most significant historic feature of it.

On another level it is important to repair maintain and watch over those elements

which have been re-created in the area. While the storehouse and palisade are

artificial in the sense that they did not survive the past they should be checked for

historical veracity. They are important to the interpretation and presentation of the site as long as the visitor understands they are not the original historical resource

HISTORICAL RESOURCE IDENTIFICATION AND SIGNIFICANCE

This study was a fairly restricted site-oriented study. The resource looked at was the

Willow Depot Site (Lot 14, Con. 11, Vespra) and a portion of the transportation route

known as the Nine Mile Portage. The study specifically attempted to relate these two

resources to the Historical Systems Plan and as such there was little attempt to relate the resources to local history.

The following theme segments of the Historical Systems Plan are directly associated with the resource.

1. Military The War of l812

2. Fur Trade St. Lawrence River - Lower Lakes 1760-1820, Rating: C

The following regionally significant activities are directly associated with

the resource.

1. The development of the Schoonertown and Penetanguishene sites were dependent

upon the transportation facilities offered by the Nine Mile Portage and its various

depots. (1814-1825)

2. The development of a regional fur trade carried on by independent traders before

and to an extent after 1821 was dependent upon the use of this transportation corridor until at least 1825.

HISTORY

This report will form a portion of a larger and more comprehensive document dealing

with the history and archaeology of the Minesing Swamp, to be completed later in

1974. In some senses this is a very specialized historical report in that it deals only

with the military and fur trade history of the swamp. It is also a very site-specific

document since the focus of those two historical themes can be found at the Willow

Creek depot, Lot 14, Concession XI, Vespra Township, and on that portion of the

Nine Mile Portage which leads down from Willow Depot into the swamp and thence to

the landing at Willow Creek (lot 12 or 13, Conc. XII). Those sites reflect the history

of the Nine Mile Portage as a military and naval transportation route from 1814-1828

and as a supply route for the North West Company 1814-1821.

The most significant role the Nine Mile Portage and those sections of the Minesing

Swamp it encompasses played, was during the War of 1812. In 1813 the British

suffered a devastating naval defeat at Put in Bay in Lake Erie, with the result that

their access to the Upper Lakes via the Lake Erie route was stopped. The

consequences were predictable. If the British were unable to supply their posts in the

Northwest, notably Michilimackinac, they stood to lose the support of their Indian

allies in that area, the fur trade would be cut off, and the strategic post of

Michilimackinac would undoubtedly be captured by the Americans in the spring of

1814.

The solution was to find a viable alternate route and at first the answer seemed to be

the opening of a road from Lake Simcoe to Penetanguishene. Subsequent

investigation revealed that this project would take more men and time than the

British had. Samuel Wilmot who had surveyed in the area suggested that a road

from Kempenfeldt Bay to Willow Creek might be opened in a very short time. From

Willow Creek supplies could be taken in bateaux to the Nottawasaga River and thence down to Nottawasaga Bay on Lake Huron.

Early in 1814 workmen and boat builders were dispatched from Kingston and they

rapidly cut out the road from Kempenfeldt Bay, to the landing at Willow Creek.

Twenty-nine bateaux were constructed in the area that winter, and storehouses were

erected at Willow Creek to house the supplies which began passing over the portage

as early as February.

The relief force for Michilimackinac, under the command of Lieut. Col. Robert

McDouall, set out from the swamp on April 22, 1814 and arrived at Michilimackinac

on May 18 bringing relief in the form of guns, provisions, and men. However, the

relief was only temporary for the American attack was expected at any time and

McDouall, who took over command of Mackinac, had the problem of provisioning not

only his own men, but large numbers of Indians who congregated at the site. The

Nancy, a North West Company vessel. was refitted as a provisioning boat and she

began the long circuit from Mackinac to the mouth of the Nottawasaga for Supplies.

The expected attack did not come until the end of July by which time McDouall, much

strengthened by the provisions he had received, was able to fend off the attack. On

August 5th the Americans relinquished their hopes of storming Mackinac and adopted

a second plan. Having learned that the valuable supply route to Mackinac lay over

the Nine Mile Portage and thence to the mouth of the Nottawasaga, the Americans

set sail for that place intending to destroy the Nancy and blockade the river so that

Mackinac would be starved into submission.

Worsley, who was at the Nottawasaga loading the Nancy, received a warning of the

ensuing attack and managed to conceal the ship upriver and to hastily erect a

blockhouse. On August 14th the Americans attacked, and despite a valiant defense

Worsley and his small band were dispersed. The Nancy and the blockhouse were

destroyed. While Worsley and his men retreated to Willow Creek, the Americans

blocked the mouth of the river with trees, and left the Tigress and the Scorpion to patrol.

At Willow depot Worsley made desperate arrangements to load two bateaux with

provisions and attempt a trip to Mackinac. On August 18th he set out and reached

the mouth of the Nottawasaga to find that the enemy had been driven up the lake by

strong winds. He managed to clear the mouth of the River without detection and he

began his long journey to Mackinac. En route he encountered the Scorpion and the

Tigress and after delivering his supplies to Mackinac he set out to capture those

vessels. On September 3rd, 1814 the Tigress was taken and two days later the Scorpion was captured. Worsley's bravado recouped the loss of the Nancy.

Thus, by the late fall of 1814, the British position was immensely strengthened. Once

more they had a small fleet on Lake Huron. The American attack on Mackinac had

been repelled, and a valuable supply line, removed from the influence of the Americans, was in operation.

Historically this area, the Nine Mile Portage and the Minesing Swamp played perhaps

its greatest role in 1814. Because of this supply route the British were able to retain

the post of Michilimackinac. Without Mackinac the Indian alliance might have

collapsed, the fur trade would have been strangled, and British defences would have

been immeasurably weakened. This was the significance of the Nine Mile Portage and the swamp in the War of 1812.

Just as the supply line which was developed in this area during 1814 sustained the

post of Michilimackinac and thus the British defensive system, so too, the presence

of this route made it possible for the North West Company to continue its trade to its posts in the Northwest, during and after 1814.

From 1796 onwards the Company had complained of harassment by American

officials on the Lake Erie route which they utilized to reach their posts in the

Northwest. Although the Company seemed to express some interest in developing a

route from Toronto to Lake Huron no definite steps were taken until 1810. In that

year William McGillivary, William and James Hallowell, Roderick Mckenzie, Angus

Shaw and Archibald McLeod, all partners of the Company, presented Lieutenant-

Governor Gore with a Memorial requesting grants of land at Gwilliamsbury, the north

side of Kempenfeldt Bay, and on the south side of Penetanguishene Bay for the

purpose of making an establishment and erecting storehouses. One reason for their

sudden deep interest undoubtedly lay in the fact that the government was planning

on opening a road to Penetanguishene. Prior to this, Yonge Street had been opened

only to Holland Landing and there was no communication from Lake Simcoe to Lake

Huron. There were several other reasons for this interest. By 1810 there was some

settlement along the Yonge Street road which meant that traders could obtain some

of their required provisions from neighbouring farms. Finally, by 1810 war with the

United States was a strong possibility. The Company's request was denied and

although they claimed they had paid fees for land, two years later they still had-not transferred their route from Lake Erie.

In 1813 the British defeat on Lake Erie had resounding implications for the North

West Company and they too turned to the Nine Mile Portage as the only viable

supply route to their upper posts. The military and the fur company pooled their

resources in transporting the supplies over the portage and down the river to Lake

Huron. The north West Company also volunteered the services of their schooner

Nancy in the transport service. Throughout the summer, of 1814 The North West

Company canoes carried supplies of flour and other provisions to Michilimackinac,

and westward.

The Company constructed storehouses at Willow Depot and employed a small

number of men along the portage. In August of 1814, nine North West Company employees aided Worsley in his defense of the Nancy.

The Nine Mile Portage would serve as the main transportation route of The North

West Company for at least the years of 1814-1815 and they utilized it as late as

1820. In 1814 without this alternate path the Company would have lost many of

their contacts and been unable to collect the furs in the Northwest for some time.

The portage also had certain benefits in times of peace. It was shorter than either

the Lake Erie or Ottawa routes and it was also possible to move provisions over it for

longer periods of time. Goods could be received at York until the end of October and

then transported by sleigh up Yonge Street and across Lake Simcoe once it was

frozen. Also the ice in the Nottawasaga River broke up much earlier in the spring

than it did in the Ottawa River. Thus in several ways this route expedited the

transportation of goods, as well as saving the revenue of' the Company during 1814 and 1815.

In late 1814 the Nine Mile Portage remained the one viable route to the Upper Lakes.

Plans, however, were underway to establish a military post and naval dockyard at

Penetanguishene and to open the Penetanguishene road. Difficulties in opening this

route plus the termination of the war caused officials to vacillate about

Penetanguishene. There was, however, a very real need for a supply route to carry

provisions to Michilimackinac, and after it was ceded to the United States, to

Drummond Island. There was also a need for a wintering place for the vessels

carrying out this duty. Throughout the season of 1815 the Nine, Mile Portage

functioned as this supply route and in the fall Schoonertown was established near

the mouth of the Nottawasaga to serve as the temporary naval Establishment on Lake Huron.

Throughout 1816 the area under study was used as the supply route to Drummond

Island. Its practicality, however, was questioned and there were suggestions that the

Lake-Erie route should be readopted. A report written by Captain William Owen

vindicated the use of the Nottawasaga Portage as the supply route to Drummond

Island by pointing out that it was both the fastest and safest route, being the

furthest removed from American interference. However, certain measures were

taken to decrease the expense of sending goods by this route, one being the

reduction of personnel employed in the storehouses along the route, and secondly

the Navy took charge of the storehouses from the Commissary department of the Army.

In July of 1816 Sir Edward Owen had recommended the transfer of the

Schoonertown Base to Penetanguishene. A year later, following the signing of the

Rush-Bagot treaty which limited the size of vessels on the Great Lakes, there was a

general disbandment of the Naval Squadron on Huron. On July 1, 1817 the entire

squadron was paid off and "laid up in ordinary" at Penetanguishene. While

Schoonertown no longer existed the portage was busy as men, equipment, and supplies were transported over the portage for the new establishment.

Throughout 1818 the portage was also busy as large stores of gun powder, sails and

provisions were moved across it for use at Penetanguishene. By this time the

Penetanguishene road had been cut through, but it was a rough road and swampy in

places and during the summer the Nottawasaga route was undoubtedly the most common thoroughfare.

Until 1825 the portage route was in fairly heavy use but after this its decline was

inevitable. It was abandoned for several reasons. It was an expensive route requiring

fair numbers of men and boats to transport goods, and there were few settlers in the

area to aid in the maintenance of the road. Finally the development of alternate

routes namely the Penetanguishene Road and the Coldwater route removed the Nine Mile Portage from the competition.

The area under study was historically significant on a regional level during the period

of 1815-1825. As a supply route it was the path over which the Indian presents and

provisions for Drummond Island moved. It also provided the necessary

communication to forward supplies, workers and provisions for the establishment of

the naval Base at Penetanguishene and on another level it was the route such

famous men as John Goldie, J.J . Bigsby, and Sir John Franklin travelled during these years.

The military and fur trade traffic passing through Willow Depot and the Minesing

Swamp did not drastically alter the area. The people on the portage for the most part

were transients except for the men who minded the storehouses, and the

entrepreneurs who held contracts for transporting goods over the Nine Mile Portage.

Although most local historians claim that a village (Willow Creek Hamlet) grew up

around the Establishment at Willow Creek between 1820 and 1830 there is no

concrete evidence to support this claim. If a settlement existed it either grew up

following the period when this area was used as a supply route, or else it was so

small as to escape comment in either military documents or travelers diaries. When

the portage route ceased to be used by the military and by traders the area reverted

to "Wilderness" until it was cut through again by surveyors who were the advance guard of settlement.

CULTURAL FEATURES

Cultural features as defined by the Resources Evaluation Scheme are visible, man-

made evidences in the landscape of past human life ways or activities. These

features may include modifications of the physical landscape such as a forest

clearing, cropland, or topographical alterations. They may also include technological

features (eg. fences, roads), which are related to the exploitation of a resource.

Because the land base here has been extensively excavated and reconstructed it is

possible to identify only a few of the original cultural features.

LOCATION

1. Mounds on the southeast side of the plateau where Willow Depot was located. (Lot

14, Conc. XI) 2. The portion of the portage trail leading from Willow Depot to the landing place at

Willow Creek. Investigation

may yield traces of corduroy. A path is still evident.

3. Remains of stone fence found on site close to the area where Willow Creek hamlet

supposedly existed. Access is via the "Mac" road and the site is located on the east

side of the road at the first sharp bend.(Lot 14, Conc. X)

4. The Landing Place at Willow Creek is located on Lot 12-13, Conc. XI and is marked by a small clearing.

SIGNIFICANCE

1. Cultural Feature: Mounds

Theme Segment: War of 1812

Rating: (Assumed to be "A" rating)

Association: Probably indirect. Represents palisading which existed around

the stores as a protection for the stores, not as a defense

against the Americans.

2. (a) Cultural

Feature: Remains of portage road (supposed)

Theme Segment: War of 1812

Rating:

Association: Direct. Represents the route the British used in 1814 to sustain

Michilimackinac.

2 (b) Cultural

Feature: Remains of portage road (supposed)

Theme Segment: Fur Trade and Fur Trading Communities St. Lawrence Lower

Lakes Area

Rating: C

Association: Direct. Represents the route by which the North West Company

continued their trade when the Lake Erie route was cut off.

3. Cultural Feature: Remains of stone fence

Local Historical

Activity: Agricultural settlement

Association: Unknown. Investigated for traces of the supposed village site of

Fort Willow; no evidence of village found.

4. Cultural Feature: The Landing Place on Willow Creek - today a slight clearing.

Theme Segment: War of 1812, Fur Trade (Provincial and Local)

Association:

Direct. Here the goods from the upper storehouses at Willow-

depot were loaded onto bateaux and transported to the mouth

of the Nottawasaga River and thence to Various posts,

depending on the time period.

CONDITION

1. The mounds are still evident but only excavation would reveal if there are still

evidences of timber. It would seem logical that Jury would have excavated this to

determine if the palisade encircled the depot.

2. The Portage - It is not known if traces of corduroy remain on the portion from

Willow depot to the landing since the area was investigated in winter. Under those

conditions the path of the portage was not clear-cut although in the spring with the

surrounding growth it may present more of a path.

3. Stone Fence - Although crumbling in places it appeared to be in fairly good

condition, not a complete fence. 4. Landing Place - It is overgrown and gives little indication of its former function.

ENDANGERMENT

1. Erosion and vandalism present a threat to the mounds marking the position of the

former palisade.

2. The Portage - Jury and his helpers did some work on this portion of the portage in

1955. He reported at the time that some of the corduroy had rotted and that it was

extremely difficult to excavate in some places. If this area is not reinvestigated

shortly, all traces may be lost.

3. Stone Fence - not known

4. Landing Place - It is debatable if the place known today as the landing place was

the original. The paths of the

creeks in the area have been diverted so that the original landing place may be

covered by water or considerably

removed from the creek. Because of annual flooding, year-round swampy conditions

in this area and previous

excavation it may be difficult to determine the exact original location, or to recover

any artifacts which might

remain.

RECONSTRUCTION

(See Figure 4 for site plan)

The site as it stands today reveals the following features:

A reconstructed log storehouse or magazine.

A palisade has been constructed on the northeast, southeast and southwest sides of

the site.

The palisade on the southeast side forms a gateway but there is no gate.

The portage road at the Depot has been cleared so it is an obvious road running

down the northeast side of the site in the direction of the swamp.

Red markers indicate the size and location of the other eight buildings Jury located

on the site.

DESCRIPTION

Log Storehouse or Powder house

This building is identified as site 4 in Jury's archaeological report and because it

appeared to be constructed of heavier materials, thus suggesting a sturdier

construction, he concluded it was used as a blockhouse or bastion as well as a

storehouse. The building was constructed in 1967 of logs and sawed lumber.

Although the common pioneer practice was to use four large stones as a foundation,

the reconstruction was done on a foundation of poured concrete so it would endure.

The authenticity of this structure has been questioned. On one level a. fairly

complete survey of buildings was done at the Willow Depot in 1820 and from this it is

not possible to identify a building of these dimensions. This structure may have been

one of the five buildings at Willow Depot which had burned by 1820 or it may have

been "unfinished" in 1820. Nevertheless, it probably was a storehouse or powder

magazine since Rev. Williams in his "Pioneer Memories" stated categorically there

was never a blockhouse at Willow Creek.

On another level it is the opinion of Ross Channen that the construction of the gables

is inaccurate. He felt they should be made of logs spiked together. An historical architect should be asked to evaluate this building.

The building, however, is a vital representation of the historical themes associated

with the portage and the depot. The prime function of the site was to receive

supplies, store them and convey them for the use of the military, the navy, the

Indians, or the fur traders in the period from 1814-1828. The building as it stands

today does not readily convey what its original function was and the addition of some

detail, even something as minimal as the placing of sacks of flour within the building

could make more of an impression on the visitor.

The Palisade

The palisade today encircles three sides of the site, the southwest, the southeast,

and the northeast side. It is constructed of' cedar posts and on the southeast side,

the palisading forms a gate. There is some discrepancy between the site plan

(Figure.4) and the present construction of the palisade which suggests that the

palisading is incomplete. According to the site plan the northeast palisade was 279

feet long, when paced off it was 175 feet. One hundred and eighty-five feet of the

southeast palisade have been erected and its total length was 193 feet. On the

southwest side 180 feet of 283 feet of palisading have been erected. Finally, there is

no palisade on the northwest side although the archaeological investigation revealed it should be 190 feet long.

The palisade gives the impression that a fortification existed here when in reality the

chief function of the site lay in storage and protection of supplies. During the War of

1812 soldiers were stationed here for a short time en route to Michilimackinac and

an armed guard may have stood watch over the stores, but it is highly unlikely that

it was set up as a defensive position. Although the height of the site makes it easily

defensible it would have been difficult for the Americans to move large numbers of

troops up the river to the creek, and virtually impossible for them to pass over the

swamp. It is the opinion of local historians that the palisades were erected to keep

the Indians out. Although the documents reveal that the Indians often camped

overnight on the site, there is no mention of any looting or skirmishes with the

Indians. It would seem the palisades were simply erected to protect the stores and act as a deterrent to thieves .

The presence of palisades around the depot is not mentioned in any of the military

documents or surveys, nor by any travelers passing through. The evidence for their existence lies in the archaeological excavation.

The Portage Road

The portage road at the depot has been cleared so that it is a definite roadway leading down towards the swamp.

The Red Markers

The red markers indicating the location of the other buildings visually detracts from

the site.

CONDITION

Log Storehouse

The log house is not in good condition considering the fact that it is only seven years

old. the floorboards have been ripped up in places and the gable at the north end of

the building needs some work. An architect would be able to assess the soundness of

the building more accurately. Old palisades have been stored inside the structure

and this, coupled with broken bottles and litter on the site, destroys whatever effect might have been achieved.

The Palisades

One set of palisades have already been replaced because the cedar was not treated

and they rotted. The present condition of the palisades is not apparent although they

have been treated. Due to the fact the palisading was never finished the site has an incomplete look.

The Portage Road

Since the path of the road from, Willow Depot to Willow Creek was investigated when

it was snow and ice covered the state of the road was not apparent. At Willow Depot

there appears to have been some maintenance done on the road since it is fairly clear-cut.

ENDANGERMENT

The chief threat to the site appears to be a human as opposed to a natural one.

There is evidence of vandalism within the storehouse, and the site itself is littered

with broken bottles. There is also evidence of campfires on the site which detracts

quite noticeably from the aesthetic effect. Although the O.P.P. do some patrolling in

the area it is not known whether this damage occurred before or after the patrolling

began. Whether lack of maintenance has been a causal factor in this disintegration or

not, some form of maintenance and surveillance is necessary if the site is to be

preserved.

CONCLUSIONS

The portage trail, the landing place at Willow Creek, the reconstructed storehouse,

and the palisading are the most significant elements (both natural and artificial) of

this site. From the standpoint of preservation and protection the most significant

elements are the landing place, and the portion of the portage road running from

Willow Depot to Willow Creek, the reason being, that these natural elements may

soon be lost. For interpretive purposes the storehouse and palisading are very

significant for although they are recreations of the original they give the visitor an

idea of the function of the site, and to some extent they give an indication of what

that site once, looked like.(Figure.5)

Measures should be taken to repair the damage on these structures, to maintain them and to protect them from further vandalism.

LIMITATIONS

The fur trading themes of the Minesing swamp have not been developed as fully as

would be desired. In regards to the North West Company's use of the area the

documentation does not seem to be available, although a search of the Hudson's Bay

Company papers might have yielded a little more information. Time did not permit

an extensive study of the local trade and this is one area which might be pursued in

future studies. More information on this aspect would not alter the significance of the site but would provide data for interpretive purposes.

The length of the paper is a drawback but the organization of the report into

independent sections compensates somewhat since the reader may select his area of

interest and readily find the information he is seeking. Finally, the greatest

organizational weakness lies with the repetition. This reflects an attempt to make

each section self-sufficient but also is a result of limited time available for

organization of the report.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Articles Documents Reports Newswpapers

Books

Anonymous. Field Note Book # 702 (Vespra Township), 1835.

Bigsby, John Jeremian. The Shoe and Canoe, Pictures of Travel in the Canadas ...

London: Chapman and Hall, l85O.

Bulger, Andrew. An Autobiographical Sketch of the Services of the Late Captain Andrew

Bugler of the Royal Newfoundland Fencible Regiment. Bangalore: Printed at the

Regimental Press 2nd Battalion 10th Regiment, 1865.

Campbell, Marjorie Wilkins. McGillivray, Lord of the Northwest. Clarke Irwin and

Company, 1962.

Cruikshank, Brig. Gen. E.A. (Ed) The Correspondence of Lieut. Governor John Graves

Simcoe, 1793-1794. Vol. II. Toronto: Ontario Historical Society, 1924.

Chewett, William. Field Notes for the Township of Vespra. Field Note Book 703, l82O.

Firth, Edith. The Town of York 1793-1815. Toronto: Publications of the Champlain

Society, 1962.

Franklin, Capt. John R.N. Narrative of A Second Expedition to the Shores of the Polar

Sea 1825-1827. London: John Murray, Albemarle Street, 1828.

Goesman, John. Diary of the Survey of Flos and Tiny Townships1821-1722. Field Note

Book # 418.

Goesman,John. Diary of the Survey of the Unsurveyed Lands in the Township of' Vespra

in the Home District. Field Note Book #700, l835.

Goldie, John. Diary of a Journey Through Upper Canada and Some of the New England

States 1819. Toronto: W.M.Tyrell & Co. 1897

Greusel, Joseph. Historical Collections - Collections and Researches made by the

Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, Vol. XV. Lansing: 1909.

Head, George. Forest Scenes and Incidents in the Wilds of North America being a Diary

of a Winter's Route from Halifax at the Canadas. London: 1829.

Hitsman, J. Makay. The Incredible War of 1812. Toronto: University of Toronto Press,

1965.

Hunter, Andrew F. A History of Simcoe County. The Historical Committee of Simcoe

County, Barrie: Reproduced Edition, 1948.

Hunter, A.F. Notes on the Village Sites of the Huron Indians. Published as appendices to

the Annual Reports of the Minister of Education, 1906.

Innis, Harold A. The Fur Trade in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Library, 1927.

Kelly, Thomas. A Diary for Exploring and Surveying Part of the Townships of Sunnidale

and Merlin, Field Note Book 646 1831.

Robinson, P.J. Toronto During the French Regime. Toronto: University of Toronto Press,

1965.

Surveyors' Letters. Volume 30, Thomas Kelly to William Chewett, 1831. Volume 35,

Samuel Wilmot to Thomas Ridout, 1812.

Wingfield, Lieut. David. Four Years on the Lakes of Canada in the Years 1813, 1814,

1815, 1816 ... P.A.C. M.G. 24.

Articles

Breithaupt, W.H. "Some Facts About the Schooner 'Nancy' in the War of 1812", Ontario

Historical Society Papers and Records, Vol. XXIII, 1926.

Cruikshank, Capt. Ernest. "Early Traders and Trade Routes in Ontario and the West 1760

-1783." Transactions of the Canadian Institute, Vol. III, 1891-1892, pp. 253-274.

Cruikshank, Col. E. "An Episode in the War of 1812, The Story of the Schooner Nancy"

.Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, 1910.

Laidler, George. "The Nottawasaga Portage, Simcoe County, Ontario." Ontario History,

Vol. IV, 1942, P-39-48.

Mills, G.K. "The Nottawasaga River Route." Ontario Historical Society Papers and

Records, Vol..VIII, 1907.

Osborne, A.C. "Old Penetanguishene - Sketches of It's Pioneer, Naval and Military

Days." Simcoe County Pioneer and Historical Society, Pioneer Papers # 5, 1912, pp. 5 -

28.

Robinson, Percy J. "The Chevalier de Rocheblave and the Toronto Purchase."

Transactions of the Royal Society Canada, Series III, Section II, Vol. XXXI 1937.

Robinson, Percy J. "Simcoe's Yonge Street 1793." (An unpublished Account of the

Governor's First Exploration of the Route), Pamphlet 1936, Ontario Archives.

Robinson, Percy J. "Yonge Street and the North West Company." Canadian Historical

Review, Vol. XXIV, No. 3, Sept.1943.

Teefy, Miss L. "Historical Notes on Yonge Street." Ontario History ,1904.

Thom, Robert W. "Willow Creek Village." Random Stories from Georgian Bay, Toronto:

W.M. Prentice, 1958.

Williams, Rev. Thomas. "Memories of a Pioneer." Simcoe County Pioneer and Historical

Society, Pioneer Papers, 1908, pp. 9-70.

Documents

Admiralty Papers 1/2264, 1/2266, l06/1998, l06/1999, l06/2000. Public Archives of

Canada.

Chiles Papers P.A.C. R.G.8 Series III, Vol. 24.

Murray Papers, 1814-1815. P.A.C. M.G. 24 A11.

Royal Navy Canada 1814-1815. Ontario Archives, Vol. 1, Q.129.

Upper Canada Sundries, P.A.C. R.G. 5 A.l., Vol. 139.

Wickens Papers, Ms. Ste. Marie Among the Hurons, Midland, January 1832 - Sept. 1839

Public Archives Canada, M.G. 11 Q. Vol. 141-142. Transcripts: c 42/171-2

P. A. C. R.G. 8 Series III, Volumes 11, 13, 15, 18.

P. A. C. R.G. 8 "C" Series, Vol. 120, 121, 277, 436, 514, 733, 734, 736, 738, 740, 1219,

1325, 1326, 1847.

P. A .C. R.G.5 Al, Volumes 31, 36, 55.

P. A. C. R.G.8 B24, Volume 1913.

P. A. C. R.G.10, Volumes 30, 34.

P. A. C. W.O. 55, Volumes 863, 864.

Reports

Jury, Wilfred and Elsie McLeod. "The Nine Mile Portage from Kempenfeldt Bay to the

Nottawasaga River," Museum Of Indian Archaeology, The University of Western

Ontario, London: Museum Bulletin No. 11, 1956.

Jury, W. and Elsie McLeod. "Preliminary Report of the Excavation of Old Willow Fort

Near Barrie, Ontario." September 1959. Unpublished. Simcoe County Archives.

Porter, Chris. An Inventory, of the Historical Resources of Wasaga Beach: The

Nottawasaga River, A Route to the Northwest 1785-1830, Ministry of Natural Resources,

Huronia District, Wasaga Beach, 1973.

Woolsey, G. Brian. The History of Wasaga Beach: Geography as a Determinate in

History." Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources., 1972.

Newspapers

The Barrie Examiner, June 1, 1967, July 22, 1967, July 25, 1967 and April 22, 1968

editions.

The Military Use of the Nine Mile Portage and Willow Depot

During the War of 1812

The role the Nine Mile Portage played in the War of 1812 was a crucial but relatively

short-lived one. In 1812 this route lying between Kempenfeldt Bay and Willow Creek

was a semi-wilderness frequented only by itinerant Indians and an occasional trader

en route to Georgian Bay. By the spring of 1814 it had been opened up and formed a

part of the military supply route from York to Nottawasaga Bay on Lake Huron. The

bustle of activity along the route reflected its importance as the lifeline of

Michilimackinac.

Michilimackinac was a most strategic post both from a military and economic point of

view. Governor General Prevost had described its significance to the Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, in the terms.

Its geographical position is admirable. Its influence extends and is felt amongst the

Indian tribes at New Orleans and the Pacific Ocean: vast tracts of country look to it

for protection and supplies, and it gives security to the great establishments of the

North West and Hudson's Bay Companies by supporting the Indians on the

Mississippi, …..From these observations your Lordship will be enabled to judge how

necessary the possession of this valuable post on the outskirts of these extensive provinces is becoming to their future security and protection.

In July of 1812 the British had achieved an important victory by capturing

Michilimackinac from the Americans thus ensuring for themselves the support of the

western Indian tribes and the continuance of the British fur trade in the interior.

Then, in August of 1812 Hull surrendered to the British troops at Detroit and the

whole Michigan territory fell to the British. For a year the British were thus enabled

to use the transportation route along Lake Erie to carry the Indian presents, and military and fur trade provisions to Lake Huron and the interior.

In September of 1813 the British suffered a devastating naval defeat at Put-in-Bay

on Lake Erie. Not one British war schooner was left on the Upper Great Lakes, and in

effect the Americans had gained control of the whole western district. The supply line

to Michilimackinac had been neatly severed and consequently the British-Indian

alliance and the fur trade were gravely endangered. Owing to the lateness of the

season the Americans did not attempt to follow up their victory by attacking

Mackinac. There was, however, a very real danger that Mackinac would fall in the

ensuring spring if troops and supplies were not forwarded to her aid. It was crucial

for the British to retain Michilimackinac and this could only be done if a new supply route could be found.

The traditional Ottawa transportation route was still in operation but it was a long,

difficult route and heavy supplies were not easily transported over it. The obvious

choice seemed to be the Yonge Street route running north from York to Lake Simcoe.

Since 1896 the road had been opened from York to Holland Landing and several

considerations led officials to believe that Penetanguishene on Georgian Bay was the

logical terminus for the new supply route. The Nine Mile Portage would be the second

choice.

As early as 1793 Governor Simcoe had recognized the military and naval. potential

of the Penetanguishene site. In 1811 a road to Penetanguishene had been surveyed

at the instigation of officials who foresaw its possibilities as a trade route in time of

peace, and a military route in time of war. The site also had the benefits of an

excellent harbor, timber supplies in the area from which boats could be constructed,

and most significant of all, it was well removed from the American border and

interference.

By December of 1813 it looked as if the route from York to Penetanguishene would

be developed as the new supply route for the Northwest. Earl Bathurst instructed

Prevost that Penetanguishene had been selected as a naval depot and blockhouses

were to be erected to protect the site. When these works were completed, vessels

were to be constructed and outfitted in readiness for the expected engagement with the enemy in the following year.

The one element which was crucial, however, was time and it was this one factor

which undoubtedly dictated the use of the Nine Mile Portage and Nottawasaga Bay

over the Penetanguishene route. In January 1814 the Commissary, General, Mr.

Crookshank, travelled to Lake Simcoe to arrange for the building of bateaux to

convey provisions to Michilimackinac. While there, Crookshank learned from Mr.

Wilmot the surveyor, the impracticality of the Penetanguishene route. He reported to

Lieutenant General Drummond that a road of thirty miles would have to be cut from

Lake Simcoe to Penetanguishene before anything could be transported. Wilmot

calculated that this task would "…take two hundred men for at least three weeks

before it could be made passable, and in case of deep snow it could not be done at

all." Wilmot suggested that the best alternative would be the development of a route

from Kempenfeldt Bay to Willow Creek, a short nine miles, and from there provisions

could follow the water route along Willow Creek through the swamp to the

Nottawasaga River, and thence to Lake Huron. Wilmot had been over this passage in

1812 and he recommended that it would only take twelve men about ten days to open the portage to the Willow.

Once the decision had been made to utilize the Nottawasaga route, the plans were

rapidly implemented. Workmen and boat builders were dispatched from Kingston in

late January, and the expedition to relieve Michilimackinac set out in early February

1814. This force consisted of' ten officers, two hundred "picked" men, twenty

artillerymen with a lieutenant, and twenty seamen of the Royal navy. Lieutenant

Colonel McDouall of the Glengarry Light Infantry commanded these forces, and

Captain Andrew Bulger served as an adjutant to him.

From February to April the portage was a hive of activity as the road was cut through

to Willow Creek, bateaux were constructed at Glengarry Landing and probably at

Willow Creek, and supplies began moving across the communication. Posts or

storehouses were built at Holland River and Kempenfeldt Bay, and at Willow Creek,

".....more storehouses were built for the convenience of housing what provisions and stores might arrive....."

Documents detailing the activities on the portage in the winter of 1814 are rare but

the journal of Captain Andrew Bulger reflected the nature of the work and the

difficulties the men encountered. He also briefly described the first transport of supplies to Michilimackinac- under incredibly difficult conditions. He wrote:

....we commenced our route in the beginning of February, in severe wintry weather,

proceeded two hundred and fifty miles into a wilderness; erected huts in a grove of

pine; assisted in opening a road through the woods for the conveyance of supplies,

and with timber cut down and prepared upon the spot aided in the construction of

twenty nine large boats; embarked on the 22nd of April, having previously loaded

the flotilla with provisions and stores; descended the Nottawasaga River--the ice in

the upper part of which being still firm, we opened a channel through it-encamped

on the night of the 24th of April, in a most dismal spot, upon the northeastern shore

of Lake Huron, and on the following morning, entered upon the attempt to cross that

lake, covered, as it was, as far as the eye could reach, by fields of ice; through.

which, in almost constant and at times terrific storms, we succeeded, with the loss of

only one boat, in effecting a passage of a distance of nearly three hundred miles, arriving at Michilimackinac on the 18th of May.

Although McDouall’s arrival at Michilimackinac brought some relief in the form of

provisions, guns, and three hundred men, the position of Michilimackinac was still

endangered for the American campaign of 1814 was focused on its recapture. The

garrison at Mackinac had spent a difficult winter because of the shortage of

provisions, and the arrival of William Dickson at this post late in May, with two

hundred Indian warriors, increased the provisioning problems. To increase the flow

of supplies from the Nottawasaga to Mackinac, the Nancy a former North West

Company schooner, was cut down and retained in service as a transport vessel

between the two points. On May 26, McDouall, who had taken over the command of

Mackinac, sent a message to Drummond urging that 300-400 barrels of flour should be transported to the Nottawasaga for the next trip to Mackinac.

Throughout June and July the work of transporting goods continued. The portage

road between Lake Simcoe and the Nottawasaga Creek (Willow Creek) was further

improved perhaps to facilitate the movement of goods, and three bateaux were

employed carrying the supplies from, Willow Creek to the mouth of the Nottawasaga.

That there were snags in the transportation system was evidenced by a

communication from McDouall in mid July, stating that on the Nancy's last trip to

Mackinac she had carried only 11 barrels of government goods while he had

expected at least 300 barrels. His situation as clearly outlined in the letter was unenviable,

I however, beg to represent the great necessity which exists that the supplies should

be more liberal for this place. It is now the last point of connection with the Indians

and I believe the great importance of their alliance and the policy of conciliating

them as much as possible is generally admitted, particularly as the enemy is making

such efforts to seduce them from us; and yet what means are placed in my hands to

counteract the influence of the Americans? A continual interchange of Indians is

going on at this place and some have come a great distance for its defence, and yet I

have been compelled to refuse rations to their wives and children, and to many

others in a half-famished state; even my own garrison I am compelled to reduce the

rations of, and as soldiers have but little foresight and think only of the present, it adds to the general discontent on the subject of provisions.

However, McDouall's problems were not limited to provisioning for since May the

Americans had been planning a massive attack against Mackinac. The American land

forces numbering one thousand men were under the leadership, of Lieutenant

Colonel George Groghan, while the naval force of more than five hundred seamen

and marines was commanded by Commodore Sinclair. On July 3rd Sinclair set sail

from Detroit setting his course for Matchedash Bay (Penetanguishene area), having

been informed that the British had established their supply depot there and were

also constructing boats to convey provisions to Mackinac. His intelligence was

obviously dated and he lost time trying to navigate the tricky waters of the area.

Unable to discover the post at Matchedash Bay, the Americans sailed for the Island

of St. Joseph, where they arrived on July 20th. The Island had already been

evacuated by the British, but in capturing a North West Company Schooner, the

Mink, the Americans were able to learn that the supply base for Michilimackinac lay

at the Nine Mile Portage and the Nottawasaga, and not in the area of

Penetanguishene, as earlier believed. This information later allowed Sinclair to form an alternate plan for the destruction of Mackinac.

On July 26th, the Americans arrived at Mackinac. Although they vastly outnumbered

the British and Indian forces McDouall's defense more than compensated. By August

5th the Americans relinquished their plan of overwhelming Mackinac and plotted a

second plan. Sinclair shrewdly estimated that, if the Nancy could be apprehended

and destroyed, and if they, succeeded in blockading the mouths of the Nottawasaga

and French Rivers, the only two supply routes to Mackinac, then the post would

eventually be starved into submission. This plan also had the added benefit of cutting

off all supplies to the North West Company and thus strangling it’s trade, or forcing

the Company to ship their furs out by way of Hudson Bay, if indeed they could manage that.

McDouall, however, suspected what the next move might be and on the 28th of July

he had sent off a dispatch to Lieutenant Worsley who was at the mouth of the

Nottawasaga River outfitting the Nancy for a return trip to Mackinac. He ordered Worsley to,

... return to the Nottawasaga River and to take up the Nancy as high as possible,

place her in a judicious position and hastily run up a log house (such as were made

when the boats were built, but larger) with loopholes and embrasures for your two

six-pounders which will enable you to defend her should you be attacked, which is not unlikely.

The Nancy had set sail by August 1 but Lieutenant Livingston intercepted her with

McDouall's message and Worsley hastily complied with the instructions. The Nancy

was towed two miles up the Nottawasaga River and anchored in a position where she

was obscured by a thin band of trees and by sand dunes. Worsley and his men then

constructed a log blockhouse on the southeast side of the River for her protection.

Although Lieutenant General Drummond was informed of the desperate situation Worsley faced, time did not permit the arrival of reinforcements.

On August 14th, 1814 the small group at the Nottawasaga consisting of Worsley,

Midshipman Dobson, twenty-one seamen of the Royal Navy, nine French Canadian

boatmen, and twenty-three neighbouring Indians, were confronted with the sight of

the American squadron commanded by Lieut. Colonel Groghan. The three boats, the

brig Niagara, and the schooners Scorpion and Tigress carried a detachment of

artillery with several field guns and three companies of regular infantry. Against

these insurmountable odds Worsley attempted to defend his small post on August 14th.

The outcome of the encounter was soon obvious and Worsley made preparations to

scuttle the Nancy. However, an enemy shell hit the blockhouse and ignited the

powder magazine nearby. Within moments the Nancy herself was engulfed in flames

and she was lost to both Worsley and the Americans. He and his men made a hasty

and miserable retreat from the site of the skirmish, their one defense lying in the

fact that the river was too narrow and overhung with trees for the vessels to follow.

In a letter to his father, Worsley later described their retreat to the storehouses at the head of Willow Creek.

We walked that night with our wounded and dying thirty-six miles before we came to

any house. We lost everything we had except what we stood upright in. On my

arrival at this house which had stores in it, etc. for the Island of Michilimackinac,

which Island I had to supply with stores and provisions, I waited two days and then made up my mind to go on to it in open boats the distance of 389 miles.

The Americans had achieved the first part of their objective in the destruction of the

Nancy, and Sinclair appointed Lieutenant Turner to remain with the schooners

Scorpion and Tigress to blockade the mouth of the Nottawasaga. The mouth of the

river was blocked by felling trees across it, and on August 15th Sinclair sailed in the Niagara for Lake Erie, instructing Turner that,

... as it is all important to cut the enemy's line of communication from

Michilimackinac to York which is through the Nottawasaga River, Lake Simcoe, etc.

and on which his very existence depends, you will remain here and keep up a

blockade until you shall be driven from the lake by the inclemency of the season, suffering not a boat or canoe to pass in or out of this river.

There were at this time 89 barrels of flour and 126 barrels of pork lodged in the

storehouses at Willow Creek, and there were two bateaux and a large canoe

available to transport these supplies. On August 18th a determined Worsley set out

with the two bateaux loaded with sixty-seven barrels of flour, to attempt the passage

to Mackinac. On August 15th the enemy had been forced out of the mouth of the

Nottawasaga by the strong winds, and not counting on Worsley's perseverance they

had moved up the lake. Worsley and his crew were able to clear the obstructions from the mouth of the river and evade their enemy.

Worsley's trip to Michilimackinac and his subsequent role in the apprehension and

capture of the two enemy schooners, the Tigress, (September 3rd, 1814) and the

Scorpion, (September 5th, 1814) has been fairly well documented. The significance

of the feat lay in the fact that the American blockade had been destroyed, and the

British now possessed two vessels to patrol Lake Huron and aid in the supplying of

Michilimackinac. There was little danger that Michilimackinac would be lost that year

for it was too late in the season for the Americans to launch another fleet.

Furthermore, by September 5th plans had been formulated to transport as many

bateaux as were necessary from York to Nottawasaga to aid in the supplying of

provisions to Michilimackinac so McDouall's provisioning problems would be

somewhat relieved.

The greater implications of Worsley's contribution in wiping out the enemy fleet were voiced by Commodore Sir James Yeo in a letter to Croker.

The importance of this service is very great, it not only has saved the Post, through

keeping up a friendly intercourse with the Indians in that quarter of the World, and

protected the trade of the North West Company, but, it has formed the groundwork

for a naval establishment on the Lake, which in my opinion, is more necessary than one on Lake Erie, and which I shall not fail to form, this winter.

This also was the significance of the Nine Mile Portage and the establishment at

Willow Creek for without this valuable supply line Michilimackinac would have been

hard pressed to fend off the American attack, and all those disasters which the

British had envisioned since their defeat on Lake Erie, the loss of the Indian alliance, and the total disruption of the fur trade might very well have come to pass.

The war officially ended December 24, 1814 but the news did not reach Upper

Canada until March 1815. During the autumn of 1814 and into 1815 the portage with

its various outposts continued as a vital link in British defensive policy, first in

provisioning Michilimackinac and secondly by serving as the supply line for the proposed establishment, at Penetanguishene.

The events of 1814 had revealed the necessity of having a naval establishment on

Lake Huron to provision the vital posts in the area and also to provide some

deterrent to American invasion. The shortcomings of the Nottawasaga River as a

base had become apparent in 1814 and in the fall plans were formulated to erect the

new naval establishment at Penetanguishene. The work involved was tremendous

and events were to prove that officials were unrealistic in their expectations that the

new base could be in operation when the navigation season opened in 1815. The

Nine Mile Portage and its various depots would remain the vital military and naval

supply route for several years to come. However, the defence of the Northwest never

again rested on this tenuous link.

The North West Company and the Nottawasaga

Route 1814-1821

From 1784 onwards the Toronto Carrying Place and the portages north from Lake

Simcoe to Lake Huron attracted much attention from the North West Company. In

actuality, until 1812, its traders utilized the two traditional supply routes to reach

their posts in the Northwest. The one route lay over the Ottawa River, Lake

Nipissing, and French River path, its main drawback being its length and also the

difficulty of transporting heavy goods over it. The second route followed through

Lake Ontario and Lake Erie to the Upper Lakes. However, a variety of factors

operating in the period, principally the unsettled and unfriendly relations between the

United States and Canada, caused the North West Company to turn to the Toronto,

Lake Simcoe, Nottawasaga Bay route. The Nine Mile Portage was officially adopted

by the North West Company after 1812 and was used by members of that Company

until 1821 when the Company amalgamated with the Hudson's Bay Company

According to A.C. Osborne, the first consideration of the use of the Toronto Carrying

Place by the Company was in 1784. In July of that year Benjamin Frobisher and

Simon McTavish of the North West Company met at Michilimackinac to discuss with

Captain Robinson, the feasibility of using that communication between Lake Ontario

and Lake Huron. The Company had been in existence for only two years yet with the

signing of the Peace Treaty (following the American Revolution) it looked as if the

Grand Portage would be located within American territory - hence the search for a

new route. It was decided that the route by way of Toronto was the only

"Practicable" alternative. It's merits lay in the fact that it was a much shorter route

to the Upper lakes, and even more important, it was removed from American interference.

Whether the Company intended following the Severn route or the Nottawasaga route

from Lake Simcoe was not clarified, nevertheless there is no documentary proof that

after this meeting the Company adopted the Toronto route, although individual traders probably utilized it.

In 1793 war seemed imminent between the United States and Canada Governor

Simcoe was anxious to find a viable route between Lake Ontario and Lake Huron, for

strategic reasons. In September of 1793 he and his party journeyed north from

Toronto to Lake Simcoe and thence to Matchedash Bay by the Severn Route. Simcoe

was impressed by the area around Penetanguishene and felt the site recommended

itself both as a military and naval establishment. He also saw it as the logical

terminus of a military road from Toronto to Lake Huron. At this time the Nine Mile

Portage was not investigated, but Simcoe and his party were undoubtedly aware of it

for it was marked on Lieutenant Pilkington's map of their travels. (See Figure.7)

Some steps were taken to implement Simcoe's scheme of a military road. In 1794

Augustus Jones surveyed Yonge Street and completed the opening of the road to

Holland Landing in 1796. It was not cleared of trees until 1798 but even the limited work along the route provided an alternate route to traders.

Certain events which occurred in 1796 laid the groundwork for a serious

consideration by the Company of the use of the Toronto-Lake Simcoe route. By the

terms of the peace treaty in 1783, the posts of Oswego, Niagara, Detroit and

Michilimackinac had been ceded to the United States. Britain, however, had retained

these fortified posts on American territory on the pretext that the United States had

not compensated the Loyalists for their losses. In 1796, thirteen years later, the

posts were finally turned over to the Americans. From this time on, Canadian traders

were subjected to harassment by American officials when they followed their former route through Lake Erie.

Given these external pressures the benefits of the Toronto-Lake Simcoe-Lake Huron route, became more apparent. In 1799 D.W. Smith wrote in his Gazetteer.

This communication affords many advantages. Merchandise from Montreal to

Michilimackinac may be sent this way at ten or fifteen pounds less expense per ton

than by the route of the Grand or Ottawa rivers, and the merchandise from New York

to be sent up the North and Mohawk rivers for the north West Trade, finding its way

in to Lake Ontario at Oswego, the advantage will certainly be felt of transporting

goods from Oswego to York, and from thence across Yonge Street, and down the Waters of Lake Simcoe into Lake Erie. (Huron).

From this period on the Yonge Street road attracted much attention. In 1799 the

Upper Canada Gazette reported that the North West Company had contributed

twelve thousand pounds towards the construction of Yonge Street. This seems

questionable given the rough condition of the road for so many years afterwards,

and also because in 1801 subscriptions were again taken for improvements. In

March of 1801 the Upper Canada Gazette promoted the opening of Yonge Street by

suggesting that improvement of the route might attract the North West Company to it and thus directly benefit the area.

...when it is considered that this place will be a depot to the exports and immense

imports (the fruits of the North West Trade) everyone in the least interested, will

contribute something to put us in possession of advantages, which we now enjoy but

in prospect.

It would appear that there was some expectation that the North West Company

would transfer some of its business to this area. However, given the slow progress of

the road, and the fact that the Company had already established stores and docks in

the Lake Erie area it was understandable that they did not immediately turn to this

area. It was also Percy Robinson's contention that the Company may have feared

political interference in their trade by the Upper Canadian government if they utilized the Toronto portage.

The first real spark of interest shown by The North West Company did not come until

1810. In May of that year William McGillivary, the Chief Director of the North West

Company informed Gore that Mr. Archibald McLeod, a partner of the Company, was

going to travel the route from York to Penetanguishene in order to become

acquainted with it, and would then make a report at the General Meeting of the

North West Company on Lake Superior. McGillivray's letter suggested that he was

familiar with the route and had in many ways worked out the details of using it. He

suggested that the Company would have to have a "permanent Establishment" as

well as stores at Penetanguishene and at the Landings at Kempenfelt Bay and at

Gwillimbury (Holland Landing). He estimated that two large boats managed by a

dozen men could transport the goods from Holland Landing to Kempenfelt Bay. He finished,

such is my present view of the mode of transport, and as your Excellency has all

along patronized the Plan, urging correctly of the beneficial Effects it must produce

on the Settlements thru which we must pass, we are encouraged to hope for your

support in the undertaking and that we may be allowed to hold such Portions of Land

at the different Stations, as may be suitable for our purposes conforming of course to

the Regulations established by the Provincial Government.

Why the North West Company was finally showing interest in the route, became

apparent in November, of 1810 when they presented Lieutenant Governor Gore a Memorial.

Since the cession of the posts in 1796, they claimed they had been hassled by

American officials on their customary route by way of' Niagara and Detroit. Their

boats and property, had been seized causing them loss in time and money. The

second factor affecting their interest had been the news that Gore was planning on

opening the Yonge Street road and a communication to Penetanguishene Bay. A third

factor appeared to be the fact that there was now some settlement in the area along

the Toronto route which meant that farms in the area could supply the traders with

corn and provisions. It was suggested that by purchasing these supplies from the

settlements along the road, "...it might and would certainly be a source of Support

and advancement that would make that part of the Country a very flourishing settlement"

While indicating that they were ready to encourage the new communication and

"give it every Support", they pointed out that they would be incurring a great

expense in relinquishing their old route where they had erected stores and buildings.

Therefore, the Company suggested that the cost of establishing new stores and

buildings along the route could be offset by a grant of the wastelands at each end of the road, and at Gwilliamsbury. Specifically they asked for,

... a Grant of two thousand acres of the Waste Lands on the North-side of

Kempenfelt Bay, where the said proposed Road will leave the said Bay, and Two

thousand acres of the Waste Lands on the South Side of Penetanguishingue (sic) Bay

where the said proposed Road will come out on the last mentioned Bay and also a

Grant of Two Hundred acres of land at-the Landing place at Gwilliamsbury, for the

purpose of making an Establishment there and erecting Store Houses and other Buildings.

At the end of November 1810, Gore's secretary, Major Halton, informed McGillivary

that the government planned to buy the land along the route from the Indians, to

layout towns at Kempenfeldt and Penetanguishene Bays and that, ...no hope must be entertained of a Monopoly of the soil at either Debouche."

The Company's interest in this area was not diminished by the government's refusal

to grant lands. In January of 1812 when Samuel Wilmot was surveying a village site

on the north side of Kempenfeldt Bay he was accompanied by Angus Shaw, an agent

of the North West Company. When Wilmot had. drawn up the plan for the town,

Shaw selected lots for use by the Company. And in May of that year, Wilmot

reported that the Company, "...have expected to have passed through this Route

nearly two years ago, and say they have paid the fees for 4800 acres more than a

year past.

An explanation of the seeming contradiction between the government's refusal to

grant land, and the Company's claim to have paid money for the land was offered by

Percy Robinson. It maintained that a formal petition was made for this land in

September of 1811, the land was granted, money paid but no patents were issued.

Events in 1813, however, were to make the land ownership question irrelevant as

the North West Company and the military co-operated to send their supplies over, not the Penetanguishene Road, but the Nine Mile Portage.

Until 1812, the Penetanguishene road was considered the only viable route to

Georgian Bay. However, Wilmot, who had been surveying in the area of Kempenfeldt

Bay and Penetanguishene discovered a route between Nottawasaga Bay and Lake

Simcoe and reported its feasibility to Ridout in July of 1812. Wilmot's discovery laid

the foundation for the use of what would later be called the Nine Mile Portage. He

reported:

Nottawasaga Bay is too large to be a safe Harbour, although vessels may lay there

with as much safety as at the Head of Lake Ontario and discharge and receive

loading. The River is navigable for Bateaux to the landing on the east branch of the

Nottawasaga, (Willow Creek) and should Boats or Canoes come from

Penetanguishene Harbour it can be performed in 2 1/2 days, and a number of very

good Beaching places for Boats along Lake Huron; the distance from the East Branch

of the Nottawasaga (sic) is not more than 6 or 7 miles, an exceeding good situation

for a Road, which could be opened with a very small expense, the greatest expense

would be to make a causeway of about a quarter of a mile from the High lands to the River,..

Yet Wilmot's suggestion of an alternate route was not to be implemented for almost

two years. In July of 1812 the British recaptured Michilimackinac and until

September of 1813 the British used the Lake Erie supply route to transport men and

provisions to the west. It seems likely that the North West Company also utilized this

route, as well as the Ottawa route, to carry on their trade. They may have used the

Yonge Street road to Lake Simcoe and the Nine Mile Portage to Lake Huron but no

documentation supporting ties has been found to date. With the British defeat at Put-

In Bay in September of 1813, the North West Company faced the same predicament

as the military--how to supply their posts with that vital communication cut off. The natural alternative was the Nine Mile Portage.

The documentation of the north West Company's use of the Nine Mile Portage is

scanty but throughout the remainder of the war it was evident that the Company co-

operated with the military in achieving their common objective of supplying their

posts. Although there is no record that North West Company men aided in the

cutting through of the portage, in May of 1814 a former North West Company

schooner, the Nancy, was recruited to carry military supplies from the Nottawasaga

River to Michilimackinac. Throughout the summer of 1814 North West Company

canoes carried cargoes of flour and other provisions from the mouth of the

Nottawasaga to the "Sauganock" River, to the "Tessalon River", thirty miles from St. Joseph's, and also to Michilimackinac from whence it was redistributed.

It is probable that the Company constructed store-houses at various points along the

Nottawasaga route that first summer to house the supplies which were flowing over

the portage. Edward Owen’s map of 1815 shows a North West store located at

Willow Creek so its date of construction can be narrowed to 1814-1815 (See

Figure.8). It would also appear likely that some arrangements were made to store

goods at Holland Landing and Kempenfeldt Bay. Perhaps the military and fur company shared the storehouse space that first season.

The last documented event of 1814 which suggested use of the Nine Mile Portage by

the North West Company was the destruction of the schooner Nancy. Worsley had

little warning, of the American attack and was able to gather men only from the

immediate vicinity. Nine of his volunteers were French Canadian boatmen who were undoubtedly associated with the Company.

In 1815 the portage was well travelled by employees of the North West Company.

The news of the end of the war did not reach Upper Canada until early 1815 by

which time the Company would have made its arrangements for the year. In some

ways the Toronto-Nottawasaga route facilitated the movement of their goods. First it

was possible to ship heavy goods this way by sending them first by boat to York and

then sledding them over the now passable Yonge Street during the winter and

thence to the Nottawasaga River. Because the ice in Willow Creek and the

Nottawasaga broke up earlier than in the Ottawa River, it was possible to start the transportation of goods earlier.

In late March of 1815 Sir George Head was stationed at Kempenfeldt Bay having

been moved from Penetanguishene. At that time Head reported that Northwest

traders were passing along the route and in June he noted:

Boat loads of government stores were now arriving as well as those of the North

West Company on their way to Lake Huron and the margin of the Bay began to be a scene of active bustle.

In a letter written April 12, 1815 assessing the merits of the Nottawasaga route, E.W.C.R. Owen indicated to Murray,

I think it appeared in the papers I sent you that the N .W. Company preferred this

Communication by Nottawasaga to that of the Grand River, but if the latter is the

line which they propose to keep then it will be worth enquiry if it does not-afford one more convenient to ourselves...

That the North West Company contemplated using the portage even for a short

period of time seems to be evidenced by the fact that in 1815 they had two

storehouses on the route. One stood at Willow Creek and the other near the mouth of the Nottawasaga. David Wingfield gave reference to the latter in his journal.

...we anchored in our destined port (Nottawasaga) where I immediately went on

shore to send off provisions for the crew, and found the clerk in charge of the North

West Company's Store busily employed stewing ducks, which happened very opportune.

In a survey of the area conducted in the fall of 1815, Captain Owen noted that some

persons employed by the North West Company were constructing a schooner on the Nottawasaga River. In the same report he stated,

I have understood that the North West Company press with all their influence the

making of Roads between Simcoe and Huron, because to them, the Roads are of as

much importance as to the Government, but they are at no Expense on the Subject yet use the road constantly to its detriment.

It is difficult to assess the number of employees of the North West Company who

were employed on the route during this period, but it would seem there were a fair

number. Clerks were stationed at Willow Creek and the mouth of the Nottawasaga to

mind the North West stores. A number of men were employed in constructing a

vessel in 1815, and in May of 1816 Captain Hambly wrote to George Chiles, who was

in charge of the Depot at Holland Landing, requesting permission to hire a smith who

was to be discharged from the "Service of the north West Company at Nottawasaga".

Finally in 1815,records indicate that the establishment at Schoonertown purchased

eighteen and a half gallons of port wine from Peter Robinson. Robinson's store was

located at Newmarket and he was at this time an agent of the North West Company.

Even these small numbers suggested that the North West Company frequented the portage enough to require certain types of personnel.

Unfortunately the documentation studied to date leaves large gaps in the history of

the Company's use of the Nine Mile Portage. It is obvious that they were still using

the portage in 1818 for in the fall of that year a party of Voyageurs under the

leadership of a Mr. Lecroix Jr. of Drummond Island, destroyed the floors in one of the

storehouses at Kempenfeldt Bay. Chiles claimed that their object had been to collect

firewood and his investigation revealed that the lower and upper floors of the

storehouse were nearly all missing. Apparently this was not an isolated incident for in his letter to Laws, Chiles stated,

The depredations committed by people on their way to the Upper Country on the

buildings at Kempenfeldt have been so frequent without my being able to gain any knowledge of the offenders, that they are constantly out of repair.

It was his opinion that an example should be made to prevent future abuses.

Although, Chiles identified the men as being members of the Hudson's Bay

Company, in a subsequent report Laws referred to them as, "the trading parties to

the Northwest", and recommended that "some caution from his Excellency

(presumably the Governor or Lieutenant Governor) might put a stop to these

practices".

Further depredations occurred in 1820. Samuel Roberts reported at that time that at

Nottawasaga (Creek or River) an Indian trader was occupying one of the houses. He

had previously occupied another until a rival trader burned it down in an effort to

"force him from the competition. "Roberts did not indicate whether these men were independent traders or employed by the North West or Hudson's Bay Companies.

In 1821 the amalgamation of the Hudson's Bay and North West Companies occurred.

From this period on the fur trading routes gradually moved further north so that the

Nine Mile Portage was really on the periphery of the trade. Within the immediate

area the fur trade was centred on Drummond Island till the mid twenties and with

the evacuation of that place the traders set up their business at Penetanguishene.

The role the Nine Mile Portage played in relation to this local trade was probably

minimal. However, the Nine Mile Portage had been indispensable to the North West

Company in 1814 and for a period of several years thereafter. When the Lake Erie

route was cut off in September of 1813 the Company was able to maintain contact

with their trade in the Northwest by sending their supplies by way of the Nine Mile

Portage and also the Ottawa River.

The Nine Mile Portage and Willow Depot 1815-1835

THE FUNCTION OF

THE ROUTE 1815-

1817

THE DEVELOPMENT OF PENETANGUISHINE AND

THE DECLINE OF THE PORTAGE AND WILLOW

DEPOT 1817-1828

INTRODUCTION

The significance of the Nine Mile Portage and the establishment at Willow Depot did

not cease with the ending of the War of 1812. Rather, the route and that portion of

the Minesing Swamp it included, became vital factors in the creation and

maintenance of establishments first at Schoonertown and later Penetanguishene. It

was during the period of 1814-1820 that the greatest development occurred in this

area and it was also during this period that the site performed its most varied role.

This chapter will discuss the function of the Nine Mile Portage as a supply route to

these two bases, and to Drummond Island, while concentrating on the development

which occurred in that portion of the swamp, and how it formed a part of the defense policy of the era.

It should be remembered that at this point the report departs from the Historical

Systems Plan format, for the interrelationship between the portage route and

Schoonertown, and the portage and Penetanguishene is of regional historical importance as opposed to provincial significance.

THE FUNCTION OF THE ROUTE 1815-1817

In the fall of 1814 a decision was made to establish a military post and naval

dockyard at Penetanguishene. The need for such a post had been demonstrated by

the events of 1814 and Prevost, the Governor in Chief, was anxious that some

means should be taken to gain naval ascendancy on Lake Huron and to ensure

uninterrupted relations with the Western Indians. The establishment of such a post

and a direct communication to it would automatically divert the traffic from the Nine

Mile portage, to the east. Conversely the failure to establish this naval base until

three years later, ensured the continued use of the Nine Mile Portage as the only

viable military, naval, and fur supply line. From 1814-1817 the Nottawasaga route

and its depots were heavily used.

The war was drawing to a close in the late fall of 1814 but this was not readily

apparent to officials and they pressed ahead with arrangements to open the road to

Penetanguishene. The odds against the venture were high. In the fall of 1814 even

the Yonge Street road was, "...totally impassable for wheeled carriages in many

places. Nevertheless Deputy Assistant Commissary General, George Crookshank,

was instructed to commence opening the road to Penetanguishene, to repair portions

of the Yonge Street Road, and to arrange for the transport of as many provisions as

possible across Lake Simcoe, before the close of navigation. Seamen and artificers

were to be sent to Lake Simcoe and the Nottawasaga River to construct bateaux to transport goods to Penetanguishene and to Michilimackinac in the spring.

A report by Crookshank on December 16, 1814, revealed that geography and climate

had conspired to defeat these ambitious plans. The shipwrights intended for

Penetanguishene reached the Nottawasaga River only to find it frozen over. (There is

a strong possibility that these eighteen carpenters under Lieutenant Poyntz were

stopped at Willow Creek and not the Nottawasaga River). Secondly, the

Penetanguishene Road itself was not progressing as rapidly as had been expected.

Only four miles of the road had been cut out to a width of twenty-six feet, and

causewayed to the large cedar swamp. The swamp had delayed progress as had the illness of the man in charge of the road construction.

By March of 1815 it was apparent that the war, for the time being, was over. This

placed British officials in a dilemma for it was questionable whether the, expense of

erecting a new naval establishment was merited now that peace had arrived. Also,

the drawbacks of the proposed establishment at Penetanguishene were becoming

more apparent. Although the road had been cut through all the way it was not

durable enough to sustain the transport of heavy goods, nor did it seem probable

that the road could even be used in the summer. On the other hand, the post of

Michilimackinac would be returned to the Americans in July thus restoring American

influence to a pre-war level. There was a need for some naval depot, if not for

defense, then at least to facilitate the transference of the British post from

Michilimackinac to Drummond Island.

Penetanguishene was not to play this role for the time being. In April of 1815,

Commodore E.W.G.R. Owen sent a fairly lengthy memorandum to Murray analyzing

the difficulties associated with the development of Penetanguishene. His chief

objection to a post there seemed to be the difficulty of communication and of the

transport of stores, from Lake Ontario to Penetanguishene, and he concluded that it

was not, "...an essential object at present to form the Naval Establishment on Lake Huron".

The disillusionment with the Penetanguishene project was counterbalanced

somewhat by the recognition that the Nottawasaga route, "...adopted for the

communication with Mackinac seemed to have answered the purpose..." and

Commodore Owen suggested to Murray that there was at least one valid reason for its continued use.

"...it may be well to follow it up as the line in Peace as well as war, for tho it may be

more convenient for the Garrison to send to Amhurstburg (sic), yet as that

communication must be given up in war, we should return to the old one under many disadvantages..

Throughout 1815 the portage would be used continually although there were

indications early in the year that it too was in rough shape. Sir George Head, who

was transferred from Penetanguishene to Kempenfeldt Bay in March of 1815 reported that the portage road was,

... in a rude state, being merely a track where the trees had been partially felled by the axe, and the stumps even of these very imperfectly removed.

In March of 1815 David Wingfield was sent to take over the command of one of the

provisioning schooners at the mouth of the Nottawasaga. His journal recorded the

activities along the Nine Mile Portage during 1815 and provided one of the first

physical descriptions of the route we have. His description of the Willow Depot site

was particularly interesting. On March 19, Wingfield and his men moved to the head

of Willow Creek,

...here were several log houses scarcely habitable --many a pigsty in England

preferable--but much better than the dwellings at Kempenfeldt, which the men took

possession of, and the mid and myself took up our quarters in a small room

adjoining the house of the Commissary's Clerk in Charge of the stores: the frost

settling in anew, I expect to be detained here some time, and the men having no

employment I set them to work to build me a house with logs, after the fashion of

the country, which occupied them till the 29th, and when finished I took possession,

but it was something like the house I somewhere read of, 'in fine weather it admitted no wet, and when it rained the water was not prevented from running out.

Wingf'ield's stay at the head of the creek was relatively short-lived for by the

beginning of April his men broke their way through the partially ice-filled creek to the

Nottawasaga River. On April 4th, upon reaching the place where Lieutenant Worsley

had wintered with the schooners, Wingfield and his men were occupied in fitting out

the vessels which had fared poorly throughout the winter. On April 16th seven large

bateaux were moved to the landing at Willow Creek and loaded with provisions for

Michilimackinac. Wingfield set sail on April 18th in the Surprise with the much

needed supplies. This was to be the beginning of a busy season for in May the

Confiance sailed for Lake Erie and the Surprise was the only vessel left on Lake

Huron. Its duties were to aid in the evacuation of troops and supplies from

Michilimackinac and to transfer them to Drummond Island where the new post was to be established.

The Nine Mile Portage came in for its share of criticism during the summer of 1815.

The forwarding of supplies to the new settlement on Drummond Island was

considerably inhibited by the fact that only one schooner was employed in this

service. The method of loading the boat was also a time consuming, laborious job.

The schooner was usually anchored inside or outside the sand bar at the mouth of

the Nottawasaga and the crew then embarked up the river in bateaux, seventeen

and a half miles to Willow Creek to get the provisions from the Commissary stores

located there. The task was expedited in late August with the construction of a

storehouse near the mouth of the Nottawasaga so that the supplies from Willow

Creek could be forwarded to the mouth of the Nottawasaga River ready to load onto

the Schooners upon their return from Drummond Island. In July the schooner

Enterprise was also employed in the service of transferring the garrison and stores to

Drummond Island, and in September the transport Sauk was dispatched from the Lake Erie Squadron to aid in the winter provisioning.

A more serious problem was identified in August by Lieut. McDouall then stationed at

Drummond Island. He reported that the stores, provisions, and Indian presents

arriving at Drummond Island were in a sad state. There was evidence of pillage

particularly in regards to the tobacco and spirits and many of the provisions were

spoiled. He blamed these depredations on the, ... unprincipled Gang which infest the

Communication between York and Nottawasaga", and suggested that if this could not

be controlled, "...the route by way of Lake Erie would be infinitely preferable."

A subsequent survey on the flour landed at Drummond Island revealed the

drawbacks of the supply route. When loading the Enterprise at the mouth of the

Nottawasaga, a bateaux containing fifty barrels of flour had nearly filled with water.

It had already been repaired several times that season but the shallowness of the

Nottawasaga River and the strong current played havoc with these boats often

pitching them against, logs or stones. In addition the flour en route to the

Nottawasaga had been continually exposed to the weather because of lack of

storeroom space.

All these events, the decision to delay the development of Penetanguishene, the very

real need for a supply route to Drummond Island, the need for a wintering place for

the vessels carrying out this duty, and the obvious need for supervision of supplies

along the route, undoubtedly played a large role in the decision to form a temporary

naval establishment on Lake Huron. The site chosen was Schoonertown about four

miles from the mouth of the Nottawasaga, and Captain P. Hambly was dispatched in October 1815 to command the depot.

Hambly was given jurisdiction over the stores and buildings at the Kempenfeldt and

Holland River Landings, as well as the boats upon Lake Simcoe. His orders were to

repair and maintain the vessels at Schoonertown and to construct, from time to time

boats or bateaux which might be required in the service of conveying stores and

provisions from Nottawasaga to the new establishment on Drummond Island. The

coast of Iroquois Bay to the westward of Nottawasaga was to be examined for the

purpose of reporting,

... if any situation shall be found within a reasonable distance of it which is well

calculated to form a naval arsenal, having good timber, good banks for launching vessels, good depth of water, and easy access with good shelter from the lake.

Finally, time permitting, the boats-and vessels under Hambly’s charge were to prevent contraband trade on Lake Huron.

A survey conducted by Captain W. Owen in the fall of 1815 on the area around

Penetanguishene Bay and the supply route from Kempenfeldt Bay to the mouth of

the Nottawasaga River revealed that the communication had suffered from heavy

usage and little maintenance. The water route, particularly the first five miles from

the Willow Creek Landing to the Nottawasaga, was partially obstructed by the growth

of willow bushes on its banks in some places the passage had been reduced to a

width, of two yards. The whole course of the River was Generally in a neglected state

and fallen trees obstructed the passage in many areas. The portage road itself was in

bad shape and Owen attributed this to the fact that there had been continued

transport on it since 1814, without a stroke of repairs so that by the fall of 1815 it was hardly passable for heavy loads.

Recognizing that it would be some time before the communication with

Penetanguishene could be established by a direct road which could be used in the

summer, Owen made some recommendations for the improvement of the present

line of communication. The natural disadvantage of this route was the bar at the

mouth of the Nottawasaga which meant that no vessel drawing more than five to five

and a half feet could be employed in transporting the goods to Drummond Island,

and those that fit this description could carry so little cargo that Owen concluded,

"...we have not been able to clear the Stores by many Cargoes that are intended for

Drummond Island." He felt this could be overcome by establishing a Commissariat

Depot at Christian Island and by making some changes in the present Nottawasaga

route. For instance, he suggested the building of special bateaux which would draw only four and a half feet of water and could carry a ton of goods.

Another major drawback and expense at the time was the teaming of the goods over

the portage. The teams were brought from York and each wagon was paid at the

rate of three pounds, fifteen shillings per ton, (their capacity). Owen argued that if

the road was kept in repair and,"...settlements formed on that side, the Transport

could be made perhaps for one fourth of the Sum or even less." He also hinted that

the North West Company, who constantly used the route, might contribute a share

to the maintenance of the road.

On taking leave of Schoonertown on October 16th Owen left instructions for the men

to trace and mark the Indian path across the country to the Willow Creek Landing

and thence to Kempenfeldt Bay checking its potential as a winter road. He

recommended that the course of the Nottawasaga and Willow should be traced to

their sources and that the willow bushes should be cleared from the creek. Finally,

he suggested that the country should be traversed during the winter to see if a better line for the road to Penetanguishene could be discovered.

For the remainder of the year officials were concerned with taking stock of their

communication from Lake Ontario to Lake Huron. It was under contemplation to

improve the communication by, placing settlers on the Portage between Willow Creek

and Kempenfeldt Bay, and on the road between the head of the rapids and the

mouth of the Nottawasaga River, although no proof has come to light to suggest this

was accomplished. A return on the public storehouses and buildings located along

the route, however, indicated that there had been development along the portage in

the past year. Of the four points listed, Holland River, Kempenfeldt Bay,

Nottawasaga Creek, and the mouth of the Nottawasaga, the depot at Willow

(Nottawasaga) Creek appeared to be the largest. There were two temporary

storehouses here, constructed of small round logs but they were in irreparable

condition. A larger store (60' x 20' ) constructed of flatted timber, and shingled, was

reportedly in good order. Finally there was a house with two rooms for the clerk in

charge of the stores. A similar survey of provisions and public stores at each place

indicated that the largest stores of flour and salt pork were at Willow Creek. There were also large numbers of Indian presents there-177 packages.

Finally in December 1815, officials also took steps to control the damaging and

looting of stores which had been apparent since midsummer. Henceforth, an officer

and proper escort would accompany the stores and provisions forwarded on the line of communication between York and Drummond Island.

The year 1816 brought certain changes to the areas. As before the prime concern

was the transportation of goods to Drummond Island and particularly the Indian

presents. Certain improvements and changes were made along the route that year,

both of a material and administrative nature. This was a result of the recognition that

the Nine Mile Portage was still the most secure and viable means of supplying posts

on the Upper Lakes. Nevertheless, certain decisions made that year and

implemented within the next few years predicted the eventual decline in the use of

the Portage as a supply route and travelway. The major decision would be the determination to move the naval base from Schoonertown to Penetanguishene.

Meanwhile, early in 1816 Officers and men at the Schoonertown Establishment

carried out some of the tasks which had been assigned by Captain Owen in the fall of

1815. One of the most interesting of these was the construction of a winter road

from Schoonertown to the commissariat storehouses at the head of Willow Creek. Captain Hambly reported to W.F.W. Owen in Kingston that they had,

...succeeded in making a Road from here to Playtor's through the woods, the

distance I judge to be about fourteen miles, as I walked it yesterday with great ease

in less than five hours without snowshoes, I mean to commence blazing the trees on

the fifth with the hopes of making it a summer Road as well as a Winter one, had I a good Compass I think a shorter cut might be made...

The creation of this road facilitated communication between Willow depot and

Schoonertown and reduced the isolation of the men. Secondly the road may have

enabled them to transport stores from Willow Creek to Schoonertown through the winter so that goods could be shipped out early in the spring.

In Hambly’s report we find the first documentary use of tile name, "Playtor" or

"Playtoff". The term definitely applied to the Commissariat establishment at Willow

Creek and throughout 1816 the term was consistently used. Its origin is uncertain. It

is possible that it signified a development of some nature--settlement, or a tavern

within the area. It may have been the name of an individual who was transporting

supplies over the portage or it may simply have indicated that the depot at Willow

Creek was a major one. The interest lies in the fact that the area was no longer

denoted by its former geographical name, i.e. the establishment at the head of the

Creek, or Nottawasaga Creek storehouses, and it was the only area along the route

(aside from Schoonertown) to which a proper name was specifically affixed.

With the opening of navigation in the spring of 1816, the business of transporting

men, supplies and Indian presents commenced with the usual accompanying

difficulties. Whereas in 1815 most difficulties appeared to arise in relation to the

transportation of food stuffs, in 18l6 the problems were related to transporting heavy

ordinances. In May, Captain Owen directed Hambly to furnish assistance,

... to embark the heavy ordinance at the head of … (Nottawasaga ) creek (at

Playtus) to be transported from that place to Nottawasaga Harbour by bateaux and thence in his Majesty’s vessels to Amherst bay and Drummond Island.

Some of this heavy ordinance was undoubtedly comprised of Carronades and gun

carriages which, according to dispatches of that year, were spread between Holland

Landing, Willow Creek, and the mouth of the Nottawasaga. They had been intended

for Drummond Island and Amherstburg but only a few had been forwarded. The

problem appeared to be partially a bureaucratic one in that an officer of the Field

Train Department at the mouth of the Nottawasaga refused to grant the Pursuer of

the Naval Establishment receipts for these goods. These goods had been forwarded

from York in late 1815 or early 1816 and in September of 1816 they still had not

been dispatched to their destination. This incident demonstrated the delays,

problems and bureaucratic hassles involved in the transport of goods and may also

have reflected some dissension between the military and naval groups who co-

operated in the transport of goods. If this was the problem it was soon to be

resolved by the transference of the Commissariat stores to the jurisdiction of the

navy.

Early in 1816 other problems were encountered in transporting the goods. George

Chiles, who took charge of the Depot at Holland Landing in May, reported that the

price for transporting goods by wagon from York was very high -- twenty dollars per

load. He attributed this to a shortage of manpower and the reluctance of farmers to

leave their ploughing, and sewing for a small fee. He also notified his supervisor that,

...much inconvenience will be occasioned in paying for the transport of stores over,

the Carrying Place from Kempenfeldt to the Nottawasaga Creek owing to the want of

a large pair of Scales and Weights which cannot be procured either at York or in this neighbourhood..

The shipment of Indian presents to Drummond Island seemed to run more smoothly.

In mid July nearly a hundred Indians had received presents and many more were

expected to arrive at the Island. The policy had been to, "...liberally supply them

with presents as well as Provisions". This was a gesture to ensure the friendship of

the Indians and in a letter dated July 13th, 1816, Monk expressed optimism that

there would be no difficulty in supplying them with generous amounts of foods and

presents, since large supplies of these were located at "Playter's", and at the mouth

of the Nottawasaga River. The Schooners Sauk, Confiance and Surprise were to be employed in this service to "accelerate" the transport of Indian stores.

In August of that year the eternal question of the practicality of the Nine Mile Portage

again arose, this time in respect to its being used as the supply route to Drummond

Island. Captain Owen responded by conceding that the Lake Erie route to Drummond

Island was cheaper in transport costs, but the Nottawasaga route had the benefit of

being removed from possible interference by Americans. He reiterated,

Similar arguments to those before used should therefore induce us in this time of

Peace to Establish such means of communication for those more distant Lakes as

may be available in time of War; for the experience of this colony forces us to

acknowledge that neither can the pacific dispositions of our neighbours be relied on,

nor can we defer the arrangements which War will render absolutely necessary...

The second factor recommending the use of the Nine Mile Portage was that it was a

faster route. Owen estimated that on an average, a cargo dispatched by the Lake

Erie route took one month to reach Drummond Island because of the adverse

westerly winds in that area. However, a cargo dispatched by the Nottawasaga route

generally arrived at Drummond Island within a week. Time was money, he reasoned.

However, Owen did make certain recommendations aimed at decreasing the costs of

transport by the Nottawasaga route. One was the reduction of personnel at the

storehouses along the route. He felt that a single storeporter stationed at either

Nottawasaga or Christian Island could handle the transport by goods required at

Drummond Island provided the Commissariat Establishments at Holland Landing,

Kempenfeldt Bay, and the Nottawasaga were not allowed to deteriorate. Secondly,

he recommended that the navy should take over the storehouses from the

Commissary Department of the Army. These recommendations were speedily implemented.

In the fall of 1816 the Military Secretary directed that, the posts on the

communication between York and Lake Huron were to be given up to the Navy. On October 24th Robert Hall issued orders to the Naval Storekeeper at Holland Landing,

...to cause the Storehouses at Kempenfeldt and those at the head of the

Nottawasaga Creek to be repaired and put in a fit state for the reception and security

of Naval Stores, making a contract for the performance of the necessary works as

soon as possible and on the best terms for the Public Service that you can. And you

are further directed to enter David Wick as a storereporter to be stationed at the Nottawasaga Creek ..

It was important at this time that the route should be put in an efficient state for in

July of 1816 Sir Edward Owen had recommended that the Establishment at

Schoonertown be transferred to Penetanguishene. Although this would not be

implemented for over a year it was apparent that the portage would be necessary then to transport goods and men for the new establishment.

Although a report on the State of the Fortifications and Military buildings in Upper

Canada was executed in November of 1816 it did not of course, deal with the state of

the Commissariat storehouses which the navy had inherited. It did, however, give

slight mention to the establishment at Nottawasaga and the state of the communication to it.

This is the present Natawasauga Naval Establishment situated on a Commanding

Sand bank, bordering on the River which is about sixty or seventy Yards wide and

continues the same breadth to the mouth, nearly 3 miles distant--My progress to it

was crossing a small part of the Lake Simcoe, landing, at the Head of a long and

rather narrow bay called Kempenfeld; walking across a portage between eight and

nine miles to Platoff (sic) or the Commissariat Establishment and from thence in

bateaux down a very narrow Creek very much interrupted by fallen Trees. Although in other respects most perfectly navigable for loaded bateaux.

The chief objection to this place for the Naval Establishment is the Bar, a shifting

Sand bank,

with as little water on it, occasionally as four feet, which from the prevailing Winds,

being on the Shore and no Shelter without the Bar, the Anchorage is extremely Dangerous.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF PENETANDUISHENE AND THE DECLINE OF THE PORTAGE AND WILLOW DEPOT 1817-1828

In 1817 the portage hummed with activity. With the decision to construct a naval

base at Penetanguishene, the Nine Mile Portage was indispensable as a supply route.

In that year the government again took steps to acquire the lands lying on the

portage between Kempenfeldt Bay and Nottawasaga Creek offering as a reason that

it was in contemplation, "...to open and improve the communication by Lake Simcoe

to Lake Huron..." Negotiations had been going on since 1810 and were completed

within the next year.

Construction was carried on the length of the route. At Kempenfeldt and

Nottawasaga boards and nails arrived for the repair of the storehouses now held by

the navy. Exactly what repairs were done on these buildings is uncertain, a clue may

lie however, in a letter from George Chiles at Holland Landing to his superior in York.

He wrote asking how the boards and nails sent up should be expended. The most

common repairs required he reported, were trifling ones to the floors of the storehouses and to cases which were injured on their way up.

In March of 1817 there were at least four hired shipwrights at the Lake Huron

establishment and six sawyers. It would appear that these men were employed at

Schoonertown in the construction of the three Durham Boats, the Mosquito, the Bee

and the Wasp. All three were built in the spring of 1817 and were constructed to aid in the transportation of supplies from the Nottawasaga River to Penetanguishene.

The construction of these boats may have been one of the last major projects carried

out at Schoonertown. In January of 1817, Captain Hambly departed from Lake

Huron. In April the terms of the Rush-Bagot treaty limited naval armament on the

Great Lakes and Lake Champlain and by July the entire squadron had been paid off

and laid up in ordinary at Penetanguishene. Schoonertown was abandoned. While

Schoonertown no longer existed, the portage and depots were busy as Men, equipment and supplies were forwarded over this route to Penetanguishene.

In 1817 and 1818 large stores of gun powder, sail and provisions were transported

across the portage for use at the new establishment. The Penetanguishene road had

been cut through by 1817 but it was a rough road and there were few settlers along

the way to maintain it, so the Nottawasaga route continued to be the regular supply

route used. It also remained the route by which the Indian presents were transferred to Drummond Island.

However, by 1819 the portage and the depots along it were in rough shape as a

result of heavy usage, lack of maintenance, pillage, and even natural factors. In

March of that year, George Chiles reported that the storekeeper at Nottawasaga

Creek had notified him that a party of voyageurs had vandalized one of the

storehouses at Kempenfeldt Bay in the fall of 1818. Chiles examined the building in

March of 1819 and reported that both the lower and upper floors of the building were

almost missing having been used as firewood. That this was not an isolated incident and was clearly indicated in his report.

The depredations committed by people on their way to the Upper Country on the

buildings at Kempenfeldt have been so frequent without my being able to gain any

knowledge of the offenders, that they are constantly out of repair. I, therefore, hope

that if the evidence of a man , who heard one of the party acknowledge the burning

of the floor a few days after it took place, is sufficient, to convict them, that you

conceive an example is necessary to be made to prevent if possible similar abuses in

future.

In April of 1819 the depot at Willow Creek came in for its share of ill luck and the

unfortunate Chiles learned that the storehouses at Nottawasaga (Willow) creek. were

flooded, the waters of the stream there, "...having risen higher than was ever before

known." Unfortunately the storehouses had been filled with powder. A subsequent

survey of the stores revealed that thousands of pounds of gunpowder and cartridges

had been ruined by the water which on April 30th was eighteen inches above the floor of the Storehouse.

In the fall of 1819 when Robert Barrie undertook a tour of inspection of the route

from Yonge Street to Penetanguishene, his findings were dismal. At Holland Landing

the Naval storehouses were decaying and the government boat used to convey the

stores and troops across the Lake was almost useless. At Kempenfeldt the

storehouses were also in a state of disrepair, and the portage to Platoff's consisted of

eight miles of "very bad road". He concluded that all the storehouses from Holland

Landing to the mouth of the Nottawasaga were in a "ruinous" state and he recommended they be repaired.

Barrie's concern with the upgrading of the route lay in his recognition that this was the sole supply route to Penetanguishene until a road,

..(long since marked out on the plans, but yet in its infancy) be made from

Kempenfelt Bay to Penetanguishene

The second factor informing his recommendations was the, recognition that the lack

of supervisory personnel to

The Local Fur Trade

Very little is known about the use of the Nine Mile Portage by independent or local

traders. These individuals were in the area before the North West Company laid

claim to the route in 1812, and following 1821 independent traders and notably the

firms of P.J. Robinson, and Borland and Roe used the portage for some time,

possibly until it passed out of use around 1830.

In 1793 there were traders located along the Toronto route. St. John Rousseau was a

trader who had an establishment at Baby Point on the Humber River. George Cowan

was located on Matchedash Bay and at the time of Simcoe's visit had been

established there for over fifteen years. Cowan seemed to have a fairly lucrative

business as he employed six men and travelled to Michilimackinac once a year to

meet his supplies and forward his furs to Montreal. According to Porter it was Cowan

who informed Simcoe's party of the existence of the Nine Mile Portage, which if true,

suggested that Cowan and his men, or the Indians trading with him, utilized the Nine Mile Portage.

The use of the portage by small companies or independent traders during the years

1814-1821 has not been well documented, however, as the Nine Mile Portage was a

viable trade route during this period it is probable that local traders utilized it. It

would also seem possible that many of these men might have been employed by the

North West Company for a period. Certainly Peter Robinson was an agent in 1815.

Also many of the traders who later emerged such as Borland and Roe may either

have started by teaming goods over the portage for the military and then branched

out into the trade when this business diminished, or else they gave up their pre-war fur trading to engage in the lucrative business of the transport of military goods.

In 1825, Rev. Williams noted that the two main fur trading companies in the area

were those of P.J. Robinson and Borland and Roe. Peter Robinson was a member of

the distinguished Robinson family of Family Compact fame. His brother John

Beverley Robinson served as Attorney General of Upper Canada from 1818-1830.

Peter himself lived a varied and distinguished life involving himself in provincial

politics from 1816 onwards and undertaking the establishment of a settlement near

Peterborough in 1823 and 1824. His activities in the study area included the

operation of a store in Newmarket, the transportation of military and naval stores

over the Nine Mile Portage, and from at least 1815-1820 he was employed as an agent of the North West Company.

From the observations of travelers in the area, it is fairly certain that Robinson's fur

company used the Nine Mile Portage from at least 1821-1825. In 1821 and 1822

John Goesman was involved in the survey of Flos and Tiny Townships and he

reported that Peter Robinson had a store at the mouth of the Nottawasaga River.

This was undoubtedly the original North West store which had stood there in 1815

and was probably purchased by Robinson in 1821. An Indian trader by the name of

Mr. Sloane was employed by Robinson in 1821 and 1822 and a Mr. Sutherland was Robinson's storekeeper at the Nottawasaga in 1822.

In 1823 when J.J. Bigsby passed through the area he stayed at an Inn on

Kempenfeldt Bay for several days. While there he met a young man who offered

himself as a guide to the party. According to Bigsby he, "resided at a fur station, not

very distant". This may have been the station at Willow Creek or the one at the

mouth of the Nottawasaga, which Bigsby noted as belonging to Peter Robinson. In

1825 when Franklin travelled over the portage he recorded his gratitude to the clerk

of Peter Robinson who aided the party in transporting their goods over the portage.

The party stopped for a short time at the Willow Creek depot and then set out for the

Nottawasaga where they, "...encamped near two of the Fur Traders Houses, not far

from the mouth of the Nottawasaga River. "

It is uncertain how deep Robinson's involvement with the trade was when it ended.

Certainly his public duties from this time on would have restricted his investment in

this enterprise. However, judging by the state of the portage road in the 1830's it is probable that his trade along this route ceased some time in the late twenties.

Almost nothing has been uncovered to date on the firm and activities of Borland and

Roe. The main clue to their association in the local fur trade was Williams' statement

that they were the other company utilizing the Nine Mile Portage. The Company

owned by Andrew Borland and William Roe operated out of Newmarket and was

connected with a store there. From documents uncovered to date they were also

involved in the transportation of military and naval supplies over the Portage. In

1818 they were engaged to supply the Penetanguishene post with, fresh beef and in

1822 and in 1823 they again won contracts, "For the Safe Transport of Naval Stores,

Ordnance Stores, Provisions, Baggage Etc. for the Naval Depot at Penetanguishene. The route they would have utilized at the time was over the Nine Mile Portage.

It is certain that Borland and Roe were involved in the fur trade from 1821-25 along

the Portage, from the reports of John Goesman and Rev. Williams. By 1830 if fur

trade was still a part of the business it is likely that the company was utilizing

different routes. As late as 1839 William Roe was still involved in the transportation

business this time in association with James Browne and George Monroe of Toronto. They tendered a contract that year for

Conveyance for all Public Stores and for Officers' and all Persons traveling on the Public Service between the Posts of Toronto and Penetanguishene,..

After the mid twenties the local fur trade was focused on Penetanguishene. The

traders from Drummond Island moved their operations here following the cession of

that Island to the United States and persons such as Alfred Thompson and also Peter

Robinson operated posts here. Other traders formerly on the Nine Mile Portage possibly did the same.

This aspect of the fur trade was significant only on a local level and as yet there is so little information on it that it would be difficult to assess its impact.

The Inhabitants of Willow Creek Depot and the Village at

Willow Creek

The Inhabitants of Willow Creek Depot 1814 - 1825

The persons who utilized the portage for the most part were naval and military

personnel, as well as fur traders. Their role in the use and development of the

portage and Willow Depot has been fairly well documented. There were, however,

other individuals, for example, Indians and travelers, who frequented the area, and

this chapter will deal peripherally with their activities in the area as well as their

observations. Essentially, however, the chapter will reflect on the possible existence

of a hamlet called Willow Creek Village or Fort Willow, which most local historians claimed existed sometime between 1820-1850.

David Wingfield was the first to leave any detailed record of life along the portage at

both Willow Creek and at Schoonertown. He arrived in the area in 1815 to take

charge of the schooner Surprise and on March 19th, 1815 he got his first glimpse of'

Willow Depot. It was his impression that some pig stys in England were preferable to

the log houses erected here , and he immediately set his men constructing a house

for him. At this time a Commissary Clerk in of the military stores was living here and

Wingfield reported that there was a band of Indians in the area, a "remnant" of the

Mississauga tribe. The chief attraction for the Indians was a sugar bush located about

half a mile from the depot and several families were then involved in collecting the

sap and making maple sugar from it. Wingfield gave a lengthy description of the

process;

... each family marks as many maple trees, as they have the means of boiling down

the sap produced; they then notch the tree with a small hatchet or tomahawk, and

insert a wedge to guide the sap into bark basins placed to catch it, when they have

caught sufficient to fill their brass kettles it is boiled down to a proper consistence

and left to get cold, when they scrape, or pound it; and put it into baskets made of

the bark of the birch tree, called mococks, holding from ten to forty pounds, some of

the sugar I have used was as white as any moist sugar in England; the sap makes a

very, pleasant beverage, and is esteemed wholesome;...

As the Indians visited Wingfield every day bringing sap, sugar, game and wild ducks

to exchange for pork and biscuit, Wingfield became acquainted with their lifestyle. He

reported that this group wintered across Lake Simcoe in the settled parts of the

country. Each spring they returned to the sugar bush located near Willow Creek and

when the maple sugar season was over, the men prepared for a summer of hunting

while the women and children moved to a small settlement they had on the border of

Lake Huron near the Nottawasaga. Here they planted some Indian corn and street potatoes, although it was never enough to carry them through the winter.

Although Wingfield was impressed with their talents of making maple sugar, he felt

they had been corrupted by their "constant intercourse with the European traders in

peltry". He reported they were, "...completely degenerated, being now a cowardly,

drunken, and filthy set. George Head, who was stationed at Kempenfeldt Bay in

1815, remarked in his journal that large number of Indians passed by on their way

up the portage but he was more impressed than Wingfield with their demeanour and talents.

Although the Indians were often used as guides, at times their presence was a

menace to the Establishment. In February 1817 George Chiles wrote to David Wick,

the store porter at the Nottawasaga Creek, cautioning him to keep a close eye on the

Indians and Boatmen who "...have been in the habit of making Fires close to the

Store Houses, and not Infrequently have left them burning.." As there were large

quantities of powder stored in the, Nottawasaga storehouses at this time, Chiles

cautioned Wick,

You must, therefore consider it a very essential part of your duty not on any account to allow of Fires being made in the vicinity of the Store Houses.

Ironically this was the ultimate fate of the storehouses and buildings at Willow Creek.

In a survey conducted in 1820 five buildings (Huts) lead been burned to the ground.

The burning of at least one of these huts may be attributed to a fur trader who tried

to burn his competitor out. Whether the others were victims of Indian camp fires that

got out of control can only be speculated, however, by 1835 when Goesman passed through the area he reported the Establishment had burned down.

When Rev. Williams worked on the portage during the season of 1824 he recalled

that many Indians passed over the portage. On some days he counted as many as

twenty to thirty canoes being portaged. He also engaged in conversation with many

of these people and on the basis of his discussions he offered the opinion that, "..the Portage had been used by the Indians as a carrying place from very early times."

Wingf'ield's discussion of the Indians on the portage would lead one to believe that

for at least several weeks a year Indian families set up a camp in the immediate

vicinity of Willow Creek and the Commissariat Establishment. There may be support

for this for Hunter reported in his book, on Indian sites that there was an Indian

village located on the west half of lot fourteen, in the tenth concession of Vespra in

close proximity to the Depot. Pottery fragments were found here and Hunter wrote,

"The remains may have belonged to Indians camped near the fort but they would

seem to indicate an older period than the fort itself, as old as the Hurons. Investigation of this site may yield traces of an Indian village.

Most of the local historians who have dealt with the history of the Nine Mile Portage

and the establishment of Willow Creek claim that a hamlet named Fort Willow or

Willow Creek Village developed near the fort. The dates given for this village vary.

Some such as Robert Thom claimed it was in existence in 1818, while Andrew Hunter

maintained the village flourished between the years 1830-1855. Unfortunately most of these historians did not document their assertions.

In an article entitled, "Willow Creek Village" Robert Thom described the village location as follows,

... east of the Eleventh (concession line) and just north of Grenfell, the trail descends

a steep and stony hill. Here the track is clearly visible down to the CPR tracks, and

thence over the Eleventh Line to where once stood the hamlet of Willow Creek.

He cited as evidence of the village, a clearing, pits where storage houses and homes

stood, and pieces of broken dishes which were dug up from one of the pits.

According to Thom when the CPR line was building in the area they found some

unidentified graves along the right of way. Thom believed the settlement was there

in 1818 and reached its height in the years from 1820-1830.

It is almost certain that no village existed near Willow Depot between 1818 and

1825. Although it seems logical a village might develop in conjunction with the

military and fur trade use of the swamp, there is no documentation of it during this

period. Not only is there no mention of a settlement in the military documents but

travelers passing through the country during this period also made no mention of a hamlet.

John Goldie, a botanist, visited the area in June and July of 1819. He spent some

time at Holland Landing and travelled over the Nine Mile portage to the swamp. His observations denied the existence of such a village.

After crossing the lake there is nine miles of a portage, and then there is water

carriage all the way to Lake Huron. It is very probable that at no very distant period

this will become the most frequented of all the routes to the North West. At the

present time there are no houses nor stores on the north side of Simcoe at the

portage, which it very troublesome, and also much of the goods transported are

liable to be injured by the weather.

Similarly when J.J. Bigsby visited the area in 1823, while he commented on the

houses in the area of Kempenfeldt Bay and the establishment at Willow Creek he

made no mention of a nearby village. In 1824 Rev. Thomas Williams was employed

by Alex Walker to transport goods over the portage. Williams spent three or four

months at this task and left a description of the buildings and people involved in the

portage. According to him, the "portage family" at this time consisted of a corporal of

the detachment of soldiers at Penetanguishene, his family, Alex Walker, a negro

named Ben, and Rev. Williams himself. This definitely precludes the possibility of the existence of a village.

Hunter was of the opinion that a village arose on the site of Willow Depot, about

1830. Again this does not seem possible if one studies the surveyors' reports. In

1831 Thomas Kelly was employed to explore and survey part of the townships of

Sunnidale and Merlin and he planned to transport his provisions by way of the

portage road. It was so overgrown and obscured by deadfall that it took Kelly and his

men over a week to cut their way through. The last mile and a half to Willow Creek

was cut only as a Pack road. Kelly made no mention of a settlement in the area, and

if one had existed it, would seem strange that the occupants had not kept one of

their few transportation routes open. Furthermore Kelly even suggested that the

portage "…when cleared would open a communication for Emigration to these back

Townships"

Later, when John Goesman was surveying the unsurveyed lands in the township of

Vespra in 1835 he reported that the military establishment which had been located

at the Head of the Nottawasaga was totally burned down. He made no mention of a settlement nearby.

If a hamlet existed near Willow Creek from the above observations, it would appear

that its existence must be dated after 1835. No documents supporting its existence

have yet been found and if it did indeed flourish during this period it grew up at a

time when the portage had long outlived its usefulness. One would also question what activities its inhabitants engaged in.

There is a site located just northeast of the Willow depot, at the first sharp bend in

the Mac sideroad on the right side. Ross Channen, Curator of the Simcoe County

Museum, pointed out this site as the possible location of the village. While working

on the excavation of the Willow Depot site, Channen did some exploring in this area

and discovered several foundations and some rubble which seemed to indicate that a

number of buildings had been located here. An older area resident, Al Crawford,

remembered having seen a house in that area possibly some time in the 1920's and

his wife recalled a house situated on the left side of the road, across from the

supposed Village site. Investigation of these two areas revealed the foundations of a

house and possibly a small barn at the site Mr. Crawford's wife had recalled.

However, the site identified as that of the village has recently been bulldozed and it

was impossible to determine anything positive.

Perhaps the most famous inhabitant at Willow Depot was "Corporal Cannon" who

figures in most histories of the site. His notoriety derived from the fact that he

simply disappeared in the swamp. In reality Corporal Cannon was Lance Corporal

Owen Keirne who was employed as the Storekeeper at Willow Creek in June of 1824.

Keirne's family lived with him at the depot but in September of 1825 his wife went to

Penetanguishene to await the birth of their fourth child. An acquaintance of Keirnets

was on his way to visit the Corporal on September 6th, when he heard shots ring out

from the woods. Keirne's children informed the caller that their father was partridge

hunting, but mysteriously, he never returned. According to the muster rolls a search

began that day. On September 22nd William Duke was hired as a guide to search the

area and on October 3rd, William Johnson was also hired in the same capacity. By October 9th, both men were discharged and the muster roll declared,

Discharged 6 September 1825 - Owen Keirne - Lance Corporal at Nottawasaga Storehouses, having lost himself in the woods and supposed to be dead.

Generally, the people who lived and worked at Willow Depot and along the portage

were the military, naval and fur trade personnel. Indians, travelers, and teamsters

spent time in the area, but for the most part they were transients and the few

writings they left give us only a small slice of what life was like here. The work was

nard, the conditions less than desirable and the proximity of the swamp was

responsible for much discomfort and sometimes even death. Few travelers who

passed through the area failed to pass comment and perhaps the best historical

description we have was that of J.J. Bigsby who passed through the area in 1823. His

description reflected the beauty and the dangers coexisting in this area, and in a

sense previewed the decline of the Nine Mile Portage and Willow Depot. He wrote.

Near its lower end (the portage) we found ourselves overlooking from a lofty bank

vast prospect of marsh and wood, stretching to the south thirty miles or more, and

bounded eastward by a long range of blue hills flat-topped, and running in the

direction of Cabot's Head, Lake Huron. This marsh does not go more than three miles

northerly, and is succeeded by high forests and occasional lakes towards

Penetanguishene.

Into this forbidden marsh, which in South America would have been peopled with

serpents and alligators, we descended, and near a deserted building embarked in a

stagnant creek, twenty feet broad, often quite benighted by trees and creeping plants.

We worked cautiously among felled trees and loosened masses of earth for eight

miles along the perpetual doublings of the creek, among inundated woods of alder,

maple, willow and a few elm and ash. When we drew near to the main river, Nottawasaga, (sic), the still water was exchanged for a reflux against us.

PRELIMINARY REPORT OF THE EXCAVATION OF OLD WILLOW FORT

FORT NEAR BARRIE, ONTARIO - SEPTEMBER 1959

In September 1955 the Nine Mile Portage from Kempenfeldt Bay to the headwater of

the Nottawasaga River was traced. The report of this work was brought out as

Number 11, Bulletins of the Museum, the University of Western Ontario, a copy of

which is here enclosed. Slight additional information could now be incorporated into

the historical section, but the story of the Portage and Willow Fort remains essentially the same.

In preparation for the examination planned for 1959, I spent a few days at the site in

August 1958 with two assistants and Mr. N.D. Clarke of Barrie. We, then ran

trenches from the crest of the hill, and dug test holes in depressed areas, which gave

the appearance of having been former cellars. As a result of this exploratory work,

we could confine our examination of 1959 to the area where evidence of habitation

had occurred. This was the northeast section of the plateau, not unnaturally adjacent

to the old roadway which may yet be followed downward to the swamp where Willow Creek flows sluggishly into the Nottawasaga River (see Bulletin #11.).

Before our arrival on September 1, Mr. Clarke (with the sponsorship of the Barrie

Chamber of Commerce) had completed a survey of the area and had set up 100-foot

station posts. The section where the greatest disturbance had been evidenced was

again gridded into 10-foot squares and the excavation commenced by running trenches from east to west.

The details of the excavation need not be recorded here. Two workmen were

employed to remove several hundred poplar trees and to peel top soil. Two

assistants, Mr. Ross Channen and Miss Nansi Swayze trowelled where necessary. Mr.

Norman Clarke was map-maker, and my wife catalogued the finds. Miss Grace

Crooks of Orillia, Mr. Grant Mayor, Mr. Sandy Coutts and Mr. Cy Allison of Barrie

spent several days at the dig and gave valuable assistance. The weather was

variable with extreme heat and cold alternating, causing much discomfort. On the

whole there were few rainy days.

BUILDING SITES

The foundations of nine building sites were located as indicated on the accompanying

map. They were all log structures and in some cases considerable chinking was found in the debris.

Site 1 was relatively undisturbed and we were fortunate in discovering a cellar 12

feet long, 8 feet wide and 8 feet deep. Time did not permit a complete examination

of the interior of the house sites, except site 1 and 3. Fortunately we can be

relatively certain that artifactual remains will be scarce. There is a longstanding

tradition that military gold was buried here and potholes dug by gold-seekers riddle

the area.

House 1, 2 and 3 stood close together. Building site 5 was identified as a barn and

stable yard by the soil stains. Sites 4 and 9 were built of heavier materials than the

others, suggesting a more sturdy construction. Possibly they were used as a blockhouse or bastion as well as a storehouse.

The timber mold of the wall lines could be followed in the sandy soil. Usually one or

two foundation stones marked the corners of buildings, while similar large stones

were observed near the walls, probably foundation stones that were dislodged by

treasure hunters. Nails were found near the wall lines; fragments of window glass

were found in all sites except site 5; broken crockery, china and glassware was

general and household hardware and iron. Numerous buttons, military and naval

lead bullets, flints, gun parts; a coin; and clasp knives were found. Most of the finds were recovered in the cellar of site 1.

BRICK KILN ( bottom right of figure 5)

At the foot of the hill and east of the old roadway there was a large mound hidden by

a dense growth of shrubbery and a brush pile. In the past it was thought to be the

remains of a bake oven.

After clearing away shrubs, weeds and rubble a cross-section was made to a depth of

4 feet, revealing a dense deposit of brick, much of which was partly baked and clay.

Outside measurement of the mound was 28 feet.

This had been a brick kiln. Brick had already been found in the house sites where the

chimneys had been built of brick. It was then brought to our attention by one of the

workmen that deep clay pits could be seen in neighbouring fields. Mr. Clarke with a

party confirmed this.

PALISADE

A slight rise in the ground could be followed along the crest of the hill to the east.

Cross-sections revealed the remains of a timber palisade. It was traced for a distance of 150 feet as indicated on map.

RESTORATION

For the present, we placed posts at the four corners of each building, painted them a

bright red, and outlined the walls with the trunks of poplar trees that had been

felled. Along the palisade line we placed poplar trunks vertically, at intervals, to give

the impression of an enclosed compound.

The earth was thrown back into the excavated area, and all was levelled, as far as

was possible with the use of shovels only.

During our last days at the site, old Willow Fort began to take form again -- the

cleared plateau almost surrounded with deep forest, the Union Jack fluttering from

the flag pole, and the outlined buildings and palisade line, gave one a sense of

reality. The old fort came into being again, in form if not in substance -- a fact that

was fully appreciated when some 300 school children from Barrie visited the site on

our final day, September 30th. Their surprised wonder at, and quick understanding

of the place brought its own reward. Further development will enhance this historic site, and a new appreciation of the past of the area will be the inevitable result.

by Wilfrid Jury

Barracks

Officers Quarters

Blockhouse

Stables and Yard