THE LITURGICAL YEAR OF THE PEOPLE OF EZIOWELLE

Introduction

The liturgical Year or Calendar of a people is the fixed order of celebrations of that people

within the arch of a year. From this onset, it is worthwhile to note that this very concept of

liturgical year is not autochthonous with the Church. It is a reality native to human life. It is,

anthropologically, the outcome of the relation of human life to cosmic time. For the religious

men of antiquity, the temporal sequence was seen as a gift or disposition of cosmic heavenly

beings. They considered certain times as times of salvation, others to be times of danger or

unlucky times. Thus, created reality gave impetus to a religious attitude that was variously

shaped by divisions of time and to an annual calendar with its various ritual celebrations or

festivals. Some of these festivals are strictly cosmic i.e. inherently connected with variations

in the season of the year, while others are connected with “rites of passage” i.e. festive rituals

celebrated at key points in the life cycle. This write-up explores the liturgical year/calendar of

the people of Eziowelle. It begins by presenting phenomenologically the liturgical

year/calendar of the people of Eziowelle, then, it goes on to give their significances. The

latter will be followed by few apt comments, which hopefully will aid to an enriched

comprehension and appreciation of the topic.

A Phenomenological Presentation of the Liturgical Calendar of Eziowelle

There are six main cosmic festivals that are celebrated annually at Eziowelle. The beginning

and the end of the festival celebrations constitute a period of one native year. These festivals

are as follows: Ajachi, Umato, Iwa ji, Ofala, Osisi-ite and Ifejioku. In addition, there are two

rites of passages that are celebrated once in three years: Ima Mmuo and Afo aha Mmuo.

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1) Ajachi, as the name signifies, means sacrifice to the Almighty God. This festival

marks the beginning of the Eziowelle traditional year. It begins during the time of cultivation

of crops. Every farmer offers prayer to God on his shrine in thanksgiving for the good things

given to his family during the past year and also in supplication for an abundant harvest

during the year. There is feasting and merriment everywhere. Young boys parade the squares

with masquerades who entertain crowds of people with their exquisite dances and singing.

The atmosphere is charged with anxiety for the arrival of fresh farm products in no distant

date.

2) The Umato festival takes place during the harvesting of maize, vegetable and fruits.

The principal feature of the festival is nni-oka (pap or corn food), this is because maize is one

of earliest produce of the farm to be harvested. The big celebration will come during the

harvest of the main staple food – yam. Goats and fowls are killed on the occasion for the

preparation of Ogbono or okwulu soup. First of all the goats and fowls are offered to God and

the ancestors on the shrine. Prayers are then said for good health and prosperity of individuals

and the community. Nni-oka is placed on top of the list of local menu. After the festival this

type of food is eaten on special days, especially on Sunday in modern times. It is generally

taken in the morning but can sometimes be taken at mid-day or at night.

During the festival people are found moving around from place to place making merry. New

dances sometimes make their debut in the village square for the entertainment of eager

spectators. The festival lasts for sixteen days beginning with the exclusive celebration by the

Owelle of Eziowelle for a period of four days after which the celebration by the populace

takes place. The last day of the celebration is known as Ikporo Akwukwo Ogili, that is the

clearing of the vegetable containers and packages.

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3) Iwa Ji is the third annual festival in the liturgical year. After twenty-four days from

the end of the celebration of Umato, the Iwa ji festival begins. It is the premier annual festival

because it marks the eating of new yams in the year. Harvesting of new yams is at its peak.

The celebration last for twenty-four days and is performed in turn by different sections of the

town before the Owelle of Eziowelle celebrates his own. The reason is that in days gone by

when yam first became known for human consumption it was feared to be poisonous.

Subsequently, it was decided that before the Owelle eats the new yam various parts of the

town should first eat and its reaction watched.

In the interim, the Ikolobia Ekwensu and the Ikpala Ugwu perform their ceremonies for one

day respecitively. The Ikolobia Ekwensu are men who have achieved great heroic deeds like

killing a person during war time or killing fierce animals such as tiger, leopard, buffalo,

hippopotamus, etc, during hunting expedition. Their new yam celebration has therefore an

additional purpose of observing an anniversary of their past act of heroism and also of

propitiating the gods to protect them from any fatal accident. This is known as Ogbalido.

Three days after the Ogbalido comes the end of the first phase of the new yam festival. On

the following day the Owelle emerges from his retreat and prepares for his Ofala festival

which takes place the next day.

4) The Ofala festival is a spectacular public outing of the Owelle of Eziowelle in the

arena of his palace before a record crowd of his subjects most of whom had not seen him for

the past one year. It is the acme of all Eziowelle festivals. It is a day when the Owelle

presents himself to his people and exchanges greetings with them. It marks the thirteenth day

of the new yam celebrations. Farmers who have been living in their farmsteads must return

home for this all-important tradition in order to join thousands of their fellow citizens to pay

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homage to their monarch. Every Onitsha man or woman eagerly looks forward to this day

during the year.

The festival begins in the early hours of the morning with the usual playing of the ufie gong

in the Owelle’s palace. The atmosphere becomes charged with intense mood. Before noon all

roads lead to the King’s Square. Women singers had already taken the field, heralding the

great day. It is a day all citizens appear in their best apparels. In the surrounding villages,

teenage ulaga masquerades parade the roads, singing melodious songs. They dare not enter

the vicinity of the palace, for it is a taboo to do so. They nonetheless molest weaker sex and

non-initiates of the mmuo cult on their way to the palace. Elderly people offer protection to

these youngsters and lead them out of the danger zone. The unprotected ones sometimes

change their course and take a more peaceful thoroughfare. At noon, the ndichie chieftains,

gaily dressed in their traditional regalia, begin to arrive at the palace at the head of a long

procession of singers and drummers. It is impressive to hear women singers extolling the

prowess of the chiefs and praising the personality of their forebears.

In the King’s Square a gargantuan crowd had assembled comprising ozo titled men, age

grade societies, dancing troupes, youth clubs and numerous other social organizations, all

sparking in their gorgeous attires, while the atmosphere is rapturously rent with melodies of

heart-pervading music. Conspicuous at the palace end of the King’s Square is the gaily

decorated throne of the Owelle of Eziowelle in a spacious little building known as uno ufufe.

It is the cynosure of all eyes. At the left hand corner of the building are the players of the

egwu ota (state drum). The cavity of the drums has no opening at the bottom like other

drums. On the arrival of the each ndichie, the state drum is played for him according to his

rank and grade, while he dances in response after which he takes his seat on the dais. Then

comes the zero hour. The Owelle emerges from the palace and makes his first appearance

before his subjects. The appearance is preceded by three canon shots fired at intervals.

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He is immediately led in a procession to the distance of one third of the square by the

ndichies who burst into this ancient strain:

Owelle echie, Ewo Ewo. Owelle echie, Ewo Ewo. Iwoliwo, Ewo Ewo.

This is a post-coronation song. It reaffirms the people’s loyalty to the Owelle. Behind the

procession is a bevy of gaily dressed women who shower praises on the Owelle and wish him

years of peaceful reign. The Owelle in awe-inspiring royal dress is flanked by four uniformed

pages, each carrying the abani (state sword). The Owelle carries a brass state sword in his

right hand and a long horse tail called odu on his left. The ndichies also carry their state

swords made of steel.

After the first outing procession, the Owelle dances to the tune of the state drum before

sitting on the throne where he is flanked by sword-bearing pages. Subsequently, the ndichie

appear before the Owelle for the traditional salutation. One after the other, with clenched fist,

they throw their right arm towards their monarch each time they address him thus: Agu

(leopard), Enyi (Elephant), Agbogidi (all powerful), Ogbu onye mbosi ndunaguya (he who

kills when life is most cherished), etc. Each salutation is acknowledged by the Owelle in the

chief’s own title names. When this over the ndichie of lesser ranks, ozo titled men and non-

titled men pay their homage respectively by kneeling and genuflecting with the forehead

touching the throne foot-stool before the Owelle who gently acknowledges the homage with

smiles or by calling the person by his title or ordinary name.

After this time-honoured traditional performace, the Owelle rises for the second appearance

in the square. He majestically walks at the head of an impressive procession, and amidst

heraldic songs, to a distance of two thirds of the square after which he returns to this throne.

The ensuing interval is marked by the playing of the various tunes of the state drum, while

groups of singing women dance around the vast arena.

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During the third outing the Owelle dances around the square whilst names of nobility and

praises are showered on him by his subjects. They also wish him long life and peaceful reign.

At the end of the round the Owelle dances to the state drum and finally takes his exit into the

palace. Thus comes to a grand finale the great traditional annual outing of the Owelle of

Eziowelle. This sublime act of royal public reunion, no doubt, endears the Owelle to the

hearts of his entire subjects. Before the crowd disperses the Owelle addresses the public

himself. Subsequently, chiefs who attended the festival from neighbouring towns with their

respective drumming groups, as well as invitees from far and near places, are entertained.

The azu ofala is observed on the following day. This time the Owelle appears in the square

only twice. On this occasion all the age grade, societies stage a durbar-like dancing

procession which occupies a whole afternoon till dust. It is a traditional show worth seeing.

What is most impressive about the ofala festival is a great deal of managerial skill put into it

– the display of works of art in the throne room, the seating arrangements for chiefs and

visitors from abroad, the peaceful control of the crowd. Today, while the ofala festivity is still

observed even with greater zeal, the Owelle’s subjects see him more regularly than their

counterparts of olden days many of whom were not privileged to have glimpse of him except

on ofala day. In local parlance, any crowded, picturesque social pageantry is an ofala, while

the king’s ofala occupies a special place on the calendar.

With the passing of the ofala, the Iwa ji festival is resumed. The Owelle’s new yam

celebration known as Ikelebeji takes place the next morning and lasts for a whole day. As a

mark of respect for the monarchy, nobody else should prepare a pounded yam food for that

day except the Owelle.

It should be noted that with the new Owelle, HRH, Okonkwo-Etusi, the Ofala festival was

adjusted from its annual celebration to once in three years. This is to reduce the cost of yearly

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celebration. Also, to ensure maximum attendance and pomp, he brought it near to Christmas

time (December 23rd) when majority must have returned home for the Christmas/End of Year

celebration.

5) Nine days after the Owelle’s celebration is the Osisite festival. The osisiste marks a

general jubilation that the Owelle has survived the eating of new yam. Osisite means cooking.

In reality it is a day when dainty dishes of variegated menu are generally prepared for

entertainment in thanksgiving to God for sparing the people’s lives to celebrate the new yam

festival and for providing farmers with rich harvest. As usual merriments are predominant

everywhere. Visitors are received and entertained. On their departure gifts of new farm

produce are sometimes made to them. This festival witnesses many interesting events such as

public wrestling on the village arena, betrothing, marriages, second burials, etc. At night

wrestling contests are staged in villages when the moon is up. This kind of national recreation

provides a golden opportunity for able-bodied young men to display their physical agility.

Expert performers are invariably objects of admiration by damsels who, during the occasion,

chant the praise of those who bring honour to their villages by beating their opponents.

Young girls are no less active during this season than their male counterparts.

The festival of osisite is also marked by several dancing groups some of whom make their

debut in the village squares. Huge crowds are usually attracted to the scene to watch the new

dances. At the end of the display several gifts comprising money, goats, etc, are made to the

dancers individually or collectively by admirers. This period is also an occasion for new

dances to be learned. Tutors of the new dances may come from far off towns or villages.

They are retained for about a fortnight or a month during which talented learners acquire the

knowledge of the intricacies of the dances. What is more, events during the Osisite festivities

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are no doubt remembered for a long, long time after the season has passed away. Small

wonder the saying: “Osisite ka ona ebe,” meaning Osisite is the D-Day for a special event.

6) The last festival of the year is Ife-jioku/Iri Ede. It takes place forty-nine days or

twelve native weeks after the Osisite. It is a time when the remnants of the previous year’s

yam stock are consumed. It heralds the beginning of the harvesting of cocoa-yams. The

ceremony starts when a cock is taken to the farm where blood is extracted from its toes and

sprinkled on yams in barns. The cock is later taken home and killed in the shrine for the

preservation of the new stock of farm produce. Meanwhile cocoa-yam hodge-podge is

prepared overnight in such quantity as would be sufficient to entertain friends and relatives. It

is later offered on the shrine in thanksgiving to God for a successful harvest of cocoa-yams

during the year. The spirits of ancestors are to participate in the festival. After the ceremonies

cooked cocoa-yams are sent to distant relatives who, owing to other engagements, are unable

to respond to the invitation given to them for the festival. As usual merriments and

conviviality are the order of the day. Masquerades feature prominently by dancing in the

streets and in the village squares amidst jubilant crowds.

7) As already hinted above, beside the six annual traditional cosmic festivals, there are

also two other festivals that are neither cosmic nor annual but which is celebrated with a

regular occurrence (i.e. once every three years). They include: Ima Mmuo and Afo aha

Mmuo. They could be understood as “rites of passages” for men and women respectively.

Ima Mmuo is a rite that initiates grown up/mature youngsters into the masquerade group.

The ima mmuo is usually done at the eve of iri ede ceremony. In the morning of the initiation

day, the atmosphere is very pensive and the parents of the would-be initiates will be

preparing the initiates psychologically. Towards the evening, the youngsters are prepared

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very well with different white marks from the ‘nzu’ and are given some amulets depending

on the belief of their parents. At the appointed time, the father or an elder brother leads the

initiates(s) to the entrance of the arena and turns back. Meanwhile, the older members and

organizers of the mmuo group are already at the arena singing war and threatening songs. The

initiates are lined-up and the hidden mysteries are explained to them. After this, a fully

dressed masquerade will come before them and reveal itself, reassuring them about the

veracity of what they have been taught about masquerade.

8) Afo aha Mmuo: This could be understood as the female counterpart of the male rite

of passage, i.e. ima mmuo. But, unlike the ima mmuo, which is done in a group and the

initiates are inducted by elder members, afo aha mmuo is done singly and by the maiden

involved. Afo aha mmuo is a likened to a big meal that last for three days which the grown up

maiden gives to her fellow maidens and other female friends from other villages to officially

declare that she is no longer a child but is now ripe for womanhood. This is no particular

fixed date for this, but it is usually celebrated in the dry season after the harvest of farm

produce.

Four traditional weeks before the celebration, the maiden who wants to celebrate her afo aha

mmuo will go around inviting her friends from other distant villages. If her elder sisters are

still around, they will help the particular maiden in this regard. When it is four days to the D-

Day, the age-mates of the maiden will gather at her father’s compound to help the maiden

prepare for the celebration, by either helping her to fetch water or to collect enough firewood.

On the appointed day, the mother of the maiden and her friends will start in the afternoon to

cook the meals for the celebration, while the invited maidens arrive in the evening. At the end

of the three days, the invited maidens will sing around their host, who will dance elegantly in

their midst. This is really a nice spectacle for young men. At the end of the dance, the invited

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maidens will individually offer their host different gifts that are usually associated with

womanhood, and all depart for their respective villages. It is noteworthy that any maiden

whose parents are not very wealthy is not bound to celebrate her afo aha mmuo with such an

expensive pomp. She can always organize it according to her means, for there is no hard and

fast rule about the limit of the celebration.

The Significance of Traditional Liturgical Festivals of the People of

Eziowelle

The first liturgical celebration, Ajachi, marks the beginning of the traditional year. It

demonstrates the peoples’ gratitude to God Almighty for his past protection, blessing,

sustenance and providence. With this, the people of Eziowelle acknowledge and pledge their

dependence in God. They, at the same time, ask for God’s continued blessing as they enter a

new planting year. In Umato, the people give thanks to God for the rich and healthy harvest

of the earliest produce from their farm, especially maize. They also ask Him for an even

higher blessing on their main crop still in the ground (i.e. yam). The Iwa ji, which is the

premier annual feast in Eziowelle, is done to thank God for his blessing and for the gift of the

yam as food. The people, during this festival, also recount and remember how they first come

in contact with yam. Here, there is an attempt to reactualize the events of sacred time, the

time of origin. The latter is usually the reason behind the roasting of yam and the use of just

palm-oil to eat the yam, which has persisted even in the modern times. Because of the central

place occupied by yam among all other food in Eziowelle, it is not surprising that almost

other festival are related to it, either in preparation for the harvesting of yam, like Umato, or

as a result of it, like Ofala, Osisite and Ifejioku. However, just as every creature grows, the

ofala that originally was intended to commemorate the Owelle’s eating of yam, now has a

more dominant tone of social intensification of the Owelle’s kingship. The Ifejioku, which is

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celebrated in tandem with Iri ede, is done with the intention of asking the protection of

God/the gods over the yam tubers stored in the barn, which will be the means of sustenance

through the planting season till the harvesting of new yam. Iri ede festival is celebrated with

much thanks to God not just for the last produce of the farm, but also for His unsurpassing

benevolence throughout the year: “Thou crownest the year with your goodness, O Lord.”

These two celebrations mark the end of the liturgical year, since they are usually the last of

annual festival to be celebrated. On another hand, the Ima mmuo and Afo aha mmuo are

rituals in the traditional community of Eziowelle that officially traverse young men and

maiden from one stage in life to the next. In a way, it reminds them, in the midst of the flight

of time, the stage they have reached and are about to cross. More importantly, these rites of

passage serve as a change in consciousness both on the side of the general public and on the

side of the persons involved (i.e. the rites emphasize what they have become).

Few Observations

Just like every creature of man, culture, especially festivals, are not static and dormant. They

are fluid and ever open to both internal and external influences. Therefore, these festivals are

celebrated today no longer as exactly as they were written down in this research paper and

there are some that are now very difficult to celebrate like the rite of Afo aha mmuo. The fact

that there is no traditional liturgical rite before, during and after the harvest of cassava

indicates that cassava was a late arrival or only became part of the main food of the Igbo only

later. On another note, it is good to observe that apart from Ajachi, which marks the

beginning of the planting season and perhaps Umato, all other festivals are done in the dry

season, either during or after harvesting of yam. This indicates the relationship of the culture

of the people of Eziowelle with the environment. Furthermore, that clearing, cultivating,

planting and harvesting of farm produce are used to mark the various parts of the traditional

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year demonstrates the central role of food in the drama of man’s struggle for survival.

Finally, that these traditional (natural) markings are no longer dominant in the calibration of

time in the contemporary era seems to indicates the success of man’s effort to triumph over

the forces of nature.

Conclusion

The liturgical Year or Calendar of a people, which is the fixed order of celebrations of that

people within the arch of a year, is not autochthonous with the Church. It is a reality native to

human life. It is, anthropologically, the outcome of the relation of human life to cosmic time.

For the religious men of antiquity, the temporal sequence is the result of a mind behind these

forces of nature. This realization gave impetus to a religious attitude that was variously

shaped by divisions of time and to an annual calendar with its various ritual celebrations or

festivals. Nevertheless, the advent of modernity and the mass movement to the urban cities

has left their imprints on most of these traditional liturgical celebrations.

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