CHAPTER 29

Saviour Nathan A. Agoro, Charles Asuk, S.T. Olali and Ambilly Etekpe

Introduction

This is an overview of the migration of the Ijaw out of Nigeria into the various

countries in West and Central Africa. The pattern of Ijaw migration differed

from country to country. Whereas the Anglophone countries served as transit

settlements, the people preferred settling in large communities in Francophone

countries.

The reason for this pattern of settlement is not easy to determine. But the

greater motivating factor behind all movements out of Nigeria was economic.

People moved because they wanted greener pastures. But not all the people

who left the traditional home land wanted to be associated with the occupation

of their birth, which in most cases, was fishing.

Here a marked difference was noticed between the Ijaw who settled in Central

Africa and those who settled in West Africa. Whereas the immigrants to

Central Africa adopted the fishing solely as a means of livelihood, those who

migrated to West Africa, who were more of urban dwellers, opted for the civil

service and other professional vocations.

The Ijaw in Central Africa were able to establish little communities along the

shores of the Atlantic Ocean while their counterparts in West Africa learned to

get integrated into the cosmopolitan areas. The evidence in the disparity in the

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T H E I.Z O. N

IN W E S T A N D

C E N T R A L A F R IC A

adoption of fishing as an occupation by the Ijaw in Central and West Africa

could be seen in the response of people interviewed in the course of this study.

Of all the people interviewed in this study in Ghana, Sierra Leone and The

Gambia, only one person was associated with fishing as an occupation,

whereas all the people interviewed in Gabon and the Cameroon were actively

involved in fishing.

The Ijaw in Ghana, Sierra Leone and The Gambia

It is not easy to determine when the first set of Ijaw settlers migrated out of the

homeland and settled in countries in West and Central Africa. Though precise

dates are difficult to determine for all the countries involved, yet it will be safe

to say that the Ijaw settled in these countries many years before some of the

countries gained independence.

Some Ijaw had settled in Ghana before the first world war. One of the

informants, Joel Nathan Tubonimi, reported that his grandfather had settled in

Ghana from where he was recruited to fight for Britain in the First World War.

Other Ijaw people had settled in Ghana at this period. Though precise figures

are not available, it is obvious that the middle of the 19th century could likely

be the time the Ijaw migrated to Ghana.

The story of the arrival of the Ijaw in Sierra Leone appears a little bit more

complicated. Some Ijaw may have really been part of the Creole community

which settled in Freetown. But due to the thinness of their number many have

been assimilated into the Igbo and Yoruba which were the dominant groups.

It is the practice that most Creoles in Sierra Leone have an Igbo or a Yoruba

first name as well as an English surname. The origin of the practice is related to

the fact that many of the freed slaves identified themselves with the two

predominant groups. But recent investigations have proved that other people

apart from the Igbo and Yoruba groups from other parts of Nigeria, were part

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of the original group of settlers who have now metamorphosed into the present

Creole group. It is a known practice too that some Nigerians who migrated into

Sierra Leone have had to adopt Creole as a group to identify with, and similarly

have either adopted an Igbo or Yoruba first name as well as an English

surname. This is true of the Ijaw in Sierra Leone. Over the years, even some

who bore Ijaw names might have taken Yoruba and Igbo names along with

English names to become part of the Creole community. This position is borne

out of the present experience of some Ijaw people whom this study revealed

have adopted Yoruba names for their children in order to belong to the Creole

community in Freetown.

But, apart from the possible dating of the first set of Ijaw settlers to the era of

the freed slaves, we could date their arrival in Sierra Leone to the colonial and

post colonial era. Two sets of immigrants are discernible: namely, those who

came to look for employment opportunities or were transferred by their

companies to Sierra Leone and those who left home to school at Fourah Bay

College and stayed back to work in Sierra Leone on graduation. The peaceful

nature of the country in those days must have been very alluring. And fruitful

labour in an economy where the competition may not have been as stiff as it

was in Nigeria may have encouraged people to remain behind.

Migration of the Ijaw into The Gambia appears to be more recent than in the

other two Anglophone countries. Until recently, there was no university in the

country, unlike the experience of Sierra Leone where some people were

attracted to the country because of Fourah Bay College. The earliest possible

time of known migration of Ijaw into The Gambia appears to be about fifty

years ago. That puts the precise time of migration to slightly before

independence. The nature of migration was dictated by economic

considerations. Investigations revealed that The Gambia has provided a base

for migration into other countries like Senegal, Guinea, Guinea Bissau and

even some of the countries on the Atlantic Ocean. Since it has been somewhat

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of a transition camp for the Ijaw who have travelled abroad, the Ijaw

population in The Gambia appears recent. Following independence, some Ijaw

people have had to come to The Gambia as diplomats within the Nigerian

diplomatic corps.

The Ijaw in the diaspora have not always retained the traditional occupation,fishing. This trend is noticeable among them in Ghana, Sierra Leone and evenin The Gambia. It may be because, since fishing is mostly done as a familyoccupation, not many families have migrated together to the new environment.In most cases, even though other family members had joined the first émigré inthe new country, since the foundation had not been earlier established, it maynot have been easy to build on it. Besides, the Ijaw who migrated out to thenew environment were better educated, and therefore better equipped to facelife in the modern dispensation than their forebears. Many moved to the newenvironment with technical and professional skills to sell. Others learned totrade. Many were prepared to cope with the new work force that the newindependent countries needed. For instance, in Ghana many Ijaw worked asporters in the University of Ghana, Legon. Others were employed as cooks inthe university. Some combined civil service jobs with petty trading as well asfishing on a small scale.

This present study has revealed that Ijaw have been gainfully employed in thearmed forces as well as in the police in Ghana and Sierra Leone. Some haverisen to very high ranks in both countries. They have worked in the civilservice of the three countries in various departments. But many have been selfemployed in a gainful manner. There are Ijaw in various fields of humanendeavour in the countries they live in the Diaspora. Some have worked inprofessional areas like mining and aeronautical engineering, banking andinsurance, pharmacy and medicine. As for the self employed, some are in therestaurant business. Others have stationery stores, while some havesupermarkets. Still others have established construction firms and are intobuilding of estates and roads. In fact, the Ijaw have adapted themselves to the

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economic environment in the countries in which they find themselves in thediaspora.

The Ijaw in diaspora in the countries covered in this project are familiar with

their traditional religion, but like most of their counterparts at home, have

opted for Christianity as a religion. If in the distant past they carried on

practices associated with the traditional religion, in the present dispensation

there is no semblance of any of those practices. The influence of Christianity

has become predominant in their lives. The case is worth mentioning of The

Gambia where an Ijaw man has the largest single congregation of Pentecostal

believers. In fact, both in the physical infrastructure as well as in number, the

church ranks first in the city of Banjul. Apart from Pastor S.J. Aganaba, who is

the Senior Pastor of the Amazing Grace Victory Centre of the Redeemed

Christian Church of God, Banjul, Gambia, there is also Dr. Tonye Romeo who

is also a pastor in the church. Dr. Tonye Romeo combines pastoral

responsibilities with the practice of medicine. It is obvious that as it is in The

Gambia, Ijaw Christians in other countries of the diaspora too are into

evangelism and church planting thereby enhancing the spread of Christianity.

It is easy to determine the extent of the degree of the survival and status of Ijaw

culture in the diaspora. Since culture is the sum total of a people’s way of life,

the Ijaw in the diaspora have maintained many aspects of their way of life

irrespective of the countries in which they have found themselves. For instance,

the Ijaw in Diaspora still have respect and regard for the Ijaw language. Many

still give names to their children in their language. They teach the Ijaw

language to their children. So the distance from home has not hindered the

young ones from learning and mastering their mother tongue.

Apart from the issue of language, the Ijaw have always shown interest in the

music and dances of the homeland. Prior to the period of the Kofi Busia regime

in Ghana, Ijaw women in Ghana used to form several performance groups

which choreographed dances. These they exhibited during festive periods,

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either at the end of the year, or at some special occasions. Besides, they used to

have wrestling competitions among Ijaw who lived in several Ghanaian towns.

Chief Tubonimi instituted a cup for which Ijaw from different towns competed

each year. The competition was usually in Accra. The wrestling competition

involved a lot of fanfare. The dance procession, ogele, was usually very

colourful. Wrestling teams from different towns wore different costumes. And

they used assorted paraphernalia in adorning themselves for the occasion. They

usually tied two bells at the back of the waist as they danced along the streets

and around the wrestling arena. Some times they even wore masks to

symbolize the prowess of the particular champion. Wrestlers bore titles derived

from fishes, birds, reptiles or animals. Some wrestlers called themselves

sharks, tiger, python, boar, eagle, crocodile, elephant or lion as the case may

be. Traditional wrestling is one aspect of Ijaw culture which endeared the

people to Ghanaians.

The Ijaw in diaspora still wear dresses associated with the Ijaw at home. Even

the Ijaw who live in cosmopolitan cities like Accra, Freetown and Banjul

usually identify themselves not only as Nigerians but would by their attire like

to show off their Ijaw heritage. Apart from sports and dressing, the Ijaw in

diaspora still prepare and eat foods that are associated with the Ijaw at home.

There is no discernible political organisation among the Ijaw in the diaspora. In

the countries covered in this study, they are found as part of a Nigerian union,

either holding one office or another. In this present dispensation in Sierra

Leone they are part of the South-South Association of Nigerians, while at the

same time belonging to the Nigerian Union. In the Gambia they belong to the

newly formed Union of Rivers and Bayelsa States Indigenes. This union does

not have any political connotation. It is more of a welfare organisation which is

formed to over see the overall well-being of its members. The Ijaw in

diaspora pay allegiance to the governments in power in the countries in which

they reside and relate to Nigeria through the Embassy or High Commission.

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The Ijaw in diaspora are well received by their various host-countries. They are

properly integrated into each of these countries. But that does not mean that all

the policies put in place by these countries have been beneficial to the well

being of the Ijaw. Since such policies are always general in nature we cannot

say that any particular policy has been targeted against the Ijaw in particular.

Be that as it may, the Ijaw like other Nigerian groups abroad, have suffered

from some form of discrimination in some of these countries. The most glaring

example of an inimical policy that is worth mentioning is the Aliens’

Complaint Order of the Kofi Busia regime in Ghana. Till today the ill effects of

that foreign policy and the way it affected other nationals in Ghana and the

Ijaw in particular is still the subject of discussion in some quarters. Not too

long ago other nationals were schemed out of the transport business in The

Gambia by government fiat. The Ijaw suffered the fate of other ethnic groups

badly affected by that national policy which sought to protect national

operators in the transport sub sector of the economy.

The acceptance of Ijaw in the host countries could be seen as good

neighbourliness that the Ijaw enjoy with nationals. Besides, there are several

instances of intermarriages between Ijaw and nationals in Ghana, Sierra Leone

and also in The Gambia. Some Ijaw have become so assimilated into

communities in the host-countries that, for some of them, the idea of a return to

the Ijaw homeland, one day in the future, sounds very distant if not strange.

When confronted with the proposition of how they would feel in the face of a

forceful eviction from these countries, all the people interviewed in this study

were very resentful of the possibility of being asked out of the countries at any

point in time. Some imagined that the prospect of being evicted from the

host-countries was the figment of one’s imagination until they were confronted

with the reality of the Ghanaian experience. They were also reminded by the

not too distant expulsion of some Nigerians from Libya and the Cameroon. It is

believed that some Ijaw who managed to stay within Ghana, during the

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expulsion of other nationals from the country, adopted Ghanaian nationality.

For those categories of people their integration and assimilation have now

become total. Some Ijaw speak the mother tongues of the region of their

sojourn with ease and dexterity. Because of the rate of the fluency in the local

languages they could be mistaken for nationals, other things being equal.

Besides, a number of them, apart from being married to nationals of those

countries, have built homes and established firms and other forms of business

engagements.

Lastly, we shall consider the contribution of the Ijaw to the countries they live

in the diaspora. At the rudimentary level, they live as law-abiding citizens of

those countries and conduct the business of everyday living. They pay their

taxes and contribute their own quota individually towards the development of

those economies. Some Ijaw worked in the civil service in some of the

countries, and have risen to enviable ranks. Several opt for the police force as

well as the armed forces. Others are in paramilitary organisations.

On the whole, both in the public and private sectors the Ijaw have contributed

to the countries in which they live. In the health sector, Ijaw doctors, nurses

and pharmacists have worked hard in contributing their own quota to the well

being of their host countries. Dr. Tonye Romeo was the Consultant

Gynaecologist/Obstetrician at the Victoria Royal Teaching Hospital, Banjul, in

The Gambia. From The Gambia. he went to East Timor, following that

country’s independence from Indonesia, to help build their health-care delivery

system. As mentioned earlier, there are Ijaw in various fields of human

endeavour in the countries where they live. They have worked creditably and

contributed to the economies of their host countries in arious professional

areas. In this way they have contributed to the well-being of the countries

where they live. Not only have they been able to enhance their own standard of

living, for those of them who have not lost their bearing, they still make

wholesome contributions to their families and communities. Some have sent

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money home to take care of family and community needs. In this way, though

they are far from home their impact is still felt as they are seen to be working

towards the overall enhancement of the standard of living of their families and

communities.

The Ijaw in the Republic of Cote D’Ivoire

The history of the Ijaw in Cote d’Ivoire dates back to the mid 20th century. As

is the case with Ijaw in some parts of the West African Coast, the Ijaw in Cote

d’Ivoire did not evolve settled communities but rather migrated to Cote

d’Ivoire, as individual families, who are albeit closely knit under an Ijaw

Association and Descendants Union in Cote d’Ivoire.

The current Ijaw represent the second generation of Ijaw migrants, most of

whom were born and bred in Cote d’Ivoire, whose parents were the original

migrants. The earliest Ijaw to come to Cote d’Ivoire came primarily for

economic reasons. The Ijaw migrants may be divided into two broad

categories, namely, those engaged in private business ventures and those who

work in corporate organisations to earn a living.

Significant amongst Ijaw who migrated to Cote d’Ivoire for commercial

reasons were Messrs Benson Manawa Okpounga and Adams Abraham

Amafah.

Mr. Benson Manawa Okpounga was born on the 1st of January, 1918. A native

of Abari town in Delta State, he was a caterer by profession. He migrated to

Cote d’Ivoire in the mid 1950s, where he set-up a business in which he sold

fish and ifenia (cassava meal, farina), in large quantities, from which he made a

fortune and gained prominence as a businessman of repute in Cote d’Ivoire.

Mr. Adams Abraham Amafah is also from Abari Town in Delta State. He too

went to Cote d’Ivoire in the 1950s, and established the ifenia and fish trade.

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Adams Abraham Amafah prepared his ifenia (cassava meal) in such a fine

manner that made it delicious and attractive to a lot of customers.

Some Ijaw migrated to Cote d’Ivoire to take up employment with corporate

organisations as wage earners. Significant amongst them are Yebrifador

Denyor Daniel of Sagbama town, Bayelsa State, who worked in the Obuasi

Gold Mines in Ghana before going on to Abidjan with an American for whom

he worked; and Omonika Owerikere of Amassoma in Bayelsa State who

worked as a chef for the Transcap Shipping Company from the 1940s.

The Republic of Liberia

The Ijaw of Nigeria have had long standing contacts with the Republic of

Liberia before the 19th century. Oral testimonies given by Ijaw sons who have

lived in Liberia since the early and mid 20th century reveal that many Ijaw men

served as cooks and sailors on board European ships and ocean-going vessels

in the 19th century. The 20th century represents the era in which people of Ijaw

stock actually began to settle in Liberia individually.

The first type of settlers may be described as “chance-settlers”, because they

came to Liberia and settled there unintentionally. The second type are the

commercial settlers who came to Liberia to trade or engage in other businesses.

The third category of settlers are people of Ijaw parentage who are in Liberia

because they were born there by settler parents; and the fourth were,

professionals who came to Liberia to work for their respective organisations.

The earliest Ijaw men, known and attested to have migrated and settled in

Liberia went to that country in which they eventually lived for so many years

afterwards, by chance. For example, Sampson Richards Sambo in the 1920s

and Jones Wariebi in the 1940s, arrived in Liberia on ships bound for the

United Kingdom, and dropped in Liberia. Both own private businesses in

Monrovia.

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Besides the first category of Ijaw who settled in Liberia by chance, are

individuals who went to, and settled in Liberia for economic reasons, or to

make a living.

In addition to the Ijaw who settled in Liberia by chance, and for economic

reasons, are Ijaw who live in Liberia because they were born there, being heirs

of the other categories of Ijaw settlers. The story of this generation of Ijaw

descendants in Liberia will thus constitute another reliable index to the nature

of Ijaw livelihood through the years in Liberia.

Ijaw in the Republic of Benin

We were unable to locate Ijaw settlers in the main cities of Benin, and none

among the local fishing settlements inhabited by Fon, Yoruba and Akan.

However, a local historian, Martine de Souza (2000:35) records a migration

from the Niger Delta to Whydah in the 15th century. The leader of the

migrants, Ahobo, is credited with setting up the worship of the royal python,

dangbe, in Whydah, a deity also worshipped at Nembe in Bayelsa State, and

known there as adagba.

The Ijaw in Gabon, Cameroon, and Equatorial Guinea

The Ijaw first arrived in Central Africa in 1920, to search for a more profitable

fishing environment. The arrival of Chief Oki and his household in Tiko,

Cameroon, in 1920 marked the beginning of the influx of the Ijaw into the Tiko

area of Cameroon, which subsequently became the hub of Ijaw dispersal into

several other parts of Central Africa.

When Oki left Kulama, his hometown in present day Bayelsa State, he did not

have the intention of going up to Tiko, Cameroon. He journeyed to a village

called Atabong in the Bakassi Peninsula through the Calabar River and settled

there for sometime. From Atabong he proceeded to Cameroon and settled in a

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village called Big Kombo in the Tiko area in 1920. A second group of Ijaw led

by one Chief Isaac from Lobia arrived in Big Kombo to join Chief Oki.

According to Mr Matthew Abaka, “if Oki and other Ijaw people had arrived

Cameroon and there was no river for the fishing occupation or if the river was

not conducive for the Ijaw traditional fishing occupation they would not have

settled. This would have prompted an onward journey”.

Chief Oki’s arrival and settlement in Cameroon coincided with the placement

of Southern Cameroon under the trusteeship of Britain, Nigeria’s former

colonial master. The indirect rule system of British colonial administration

extended to Southern Cameroon as part of Nigeria. A prominent feature of the

indirect rule system was the introduction of Warrant Chiefs to collect taxes

from the people and remit to the colonial government. As the trend of the time,

many Ijaw chiefs, starting from Chief Oki, came to acquire this status and

perform the functions of overseeing the administration of an area of

jurisdiction, collection of taxes and remitting same to the government. Others

who acquired a similar status like Chief Oki of Kulama, were Chief Isaac of

Lobia, and Chief Salmon Frank of Ezetu. They collected taxes from the people

under their jurisdiction, whether Ijaw or non-Ijaw, within the Tiko District.

Chief Salmon Frank, continued in this respected position into the post-colonial

period, retiring only in 1986.

The settlement of Chief Oki in Big Kombo, Tiko District of South-Western

Cameroon and the news of his presumed wealth from the Ijaw traditional

fishing occupation signalled and prompted another wave of migration of Ijaw

into Tiko. With the continuous inflow of Ijaw, the settlement of Big Kombo

expanded and the population became too much for the place. Consequently,

many Ijaw began to move out in various directions in search of convenient

fishing grounds. It was in the course of this continuous movement that a son of

Chief Oki, Didi Oki, and his group, made up of his household and friends, got

to Gabon, and settled at a place called Akaungwa.

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During this early period of Ijaw settlement in Cameroon, when anyone of them

died in any part of Cameroon, the burial and funeral rites were done at Big

Kombo. It is now almost a deserted settlement with a handful of Ijaw settlers.

There is some controversy concerning the earliest migrations to and settlement

of the Ijaw in Gabon. It is about the first group of Ijaw to arrive Gabon, the

probable date of arrival, and the first settlement founded. The first version

came from Chief Boy Soubaikebula, the village head of Paediatric village,

Gabon and one of the earliest Ijaw arrivals (with an arrival date of 1964).

According to him, he was among the first Ijaw men to arrive and settle in

Gabon in a place called Owendo office du Bois. The first group of Ijaw

immigrants arrived in the same year (1964), though others probably came a few

months earlier. He mentioned one Isamou from Ekeni as the first Ijaw man to

settle in Gabon.

Another group while agreeing that it was Isamou who first arrived and settled

in Gabon, state that he came in 1963 and settled in Akaungwa where he met a

Gabonese who helped groups secure a plot of land, where they erected a CMS

church building. The evangelist in-charge of the church was one Mr Jonathan

Fawari (Snr) whose son, Chief Jonathan Fawari (Jnr), is one of the two Ijaw

chiefs recognized by the government of Gabon. They continued their stay in

Akaungwa till 1972 when the government of Gabon decided to build a harbour

at Akaungwa. This resulted in the evacuation of the Ijaw from Akaungwa and

their subsequent resettlement in Grand village.

The version concerning Didi Oki is stronger in Cameroon. It contends that Didi

Oki opened Gabon for the Ijaw, and that his arrival and settlement predates

1963. Albeit, it is very interesting to note that all the movement to and

settlement in Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and beyond, originated in the Tiko axis

of Cameroon.

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Our investigation in Equatorial Guinea revealed a different experience from

Gabon and Cameroon. While the Ijaw have quasi-permanent settlements in

Cameroon and Gabon, there was nothing to show as proof of settlement by the

Ijaw in Equatorial Guinea. Both indigenous and official policies did not

encourage the settlement of the Ijaw, even on the coastal lines of Equatorial

Guinea. There were a few Ijaw in Bata, the second major city after Malabo.

The consequence of this scanty settlement of the Ijaw in Equatorial Guinea is

the attendant lack of any significant impact on the economy of the country.

Foreigners, Ijaw inclusive, were not allowed to engage in the fishing

occupation and other numerous economic endeavours.

In Gabon, the Ijaw are found in the following settlements viz: Alenakiri, Petit

village, Akournam, Paediatric, Sovingab, Nede, Monkah, Ikendje, Libi,

Bananier, Cocobeach. Others are the settlers in the cities of Libreville and Port

Gentile.

In Cameroon, the Ijaw are found in the following settlements: Youpwe, Takele,

Dongo, Campo, Kombo Dibo, Biobio, Passi, Ebikoro, Angalabiri,

Mantanamasari, Gwapwe, Younwe, Kombo Mukoko, Kombo Wenge, Bouma,

Ngotti I, II, III, IV, V, Bigekiri, Pouka I, II, III, Watchman Kombo, Akara

Kombo, Beescool, Tende, Mangi, Big Kombo, Indikile, Ebikiri Zion, Kou,

Mamanda, Cap Cameroon, Gbaple, Akponla Kombo, Ebonge, Kalanga, Sanje,

Mbebelekume, Bousamba, Kakablanga, Musoko, Ngani, Ebeka, Isaki,

Matimba, Epawpaw, Kumba, Tiko, Douala, etc.

The data presented above does not include those settlements that have been

deserted either in Cameroon or Gabon.

It is clear that we do not have much to talk about Equatorial Guinea vis-à-vis

Ijaw settlements and their impact. However, there was a prominent Ijaw man,

Pastor Joel, who has a church, Christ Assurance Church, with a mixed

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population of over one thousand worshippers in Malabo, the capital city of

Equatorial Guinea.

The early period of Ijaw arrival and settlement in Gabon and Cameroon was a

period of fleeting success when the physical and social environment presented

a conducive and favourable milieu for the conduct of their traditional fishing

occupation. Therefore many Ijaw were attracted to fishing in Cameroon and

Gabon, causing some sort of population explosion of the Ijaw in these countries

and their continuous stay till this day. However, at present there is a

deterioration and degeneration of the social and economic environment that has

affected the Ijaw and their traditional occupation adversely.

It was the Ijaw who introduced the native population of the Cameroon and

Gabon to the art of fishing beyond the subsistence level. The arrival of the Ijaw

brought large-scale fish production, which served both the commercial needs of

the economy and domestic consumption. The Ijaw were seen as hardworking

and determined fishermen who, in the face of intimidating social problems,

succeeded in making a living. According to Chief Ishmael Boufaghe, the Ijaw

produce the greater portion of fish available in the Gabonese markets.

In response to and recognition of the fish production ability of the Ijaw, the

Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), a United Nations agency decided

to provide grants and financial assistance to the Ijaw to improve on the fish

production activities. Unfortunately, these incentives did not get to the poor

Ijaw fishermen but were embezzled by officials of the government of Gabon.

According to N.S. Dauda, Consular Officer, Nigerian Embassy, Gabon,“the Ijaw people control the coastal lines of Gabon and contribute about70% of the total fish production in Gabon. During the unfortunate incidentof mass repatriation of Nigerians in 1992, Gabon witnessed what could beregarded as a great depression in her economy. There was acute shortageof fish supply in the markets and the entire population fell back on meatconsumption, which was grossly inadequate and costly.”

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Consequently, there was a reconsideration of the repatriation order to the extent

that the Ijaw who avoided or escaped the repatriation exercise were encouraged

to stay back and continue fish production. When those who were repatriated

learnt of the “pseudo-acceptance” of the Ijaw again, some of them returned to

Gabon. However, the return of the Ijaw resulted in molestation and harassment,

such as the introduction of several obnoxious polices aimed at reducing the

Ijaw people to the status of Gabonese “subjects”. From 1992 till this day, the

Ijaw are confronted with severe social problems.

These policies were intended to prevent the Ijaw from reaping the benefits of

their fishing occupation. For instance, those Ijaw who used to take their fish to

the markets themselves were subjected to a system whereby the Gabonese

would have to come to the Ijaw settlements, particularly those at the coast of

the metropolis, to buy the fish from the Ijaw. Tied to the above policy is the

system of using scale, with a fixed price, introduced by the Gabon government,

to sell Ijaw fish. The adoption of this marketing approach enhanced the ability

of the government of Gabon to obtain semi-accurate statistics of the quantity of

fish that enters the market on a daily basis.

The Gabonese established a fishing industry in Libreville at the wharf to

undertake storage, preservation and processing of the fish from the Ijaw

fishermen. The arrival of the Ijaw, which occasioned the emergence of

deep-sea and large-scale fishing activities, also prompted the introduction of

mechanized fishing and trawlers for industrial fishing in Gabon. Gabonese

were sent out to study the art of fishing. Fishing vessels were imported and

manned by those Gabonese trained overseas. Bilateral relations were negotiated

with related companies in China. The new fishing company in Gabon and one

of the first in Central Africa was commissioned in October, 2005.

The Ijaw in the fishing industry compete favourably. With their knack for

creative traditional ingenuity in the area of fish preservation, they have crafted

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simple but effective methods of fish preservation. The fish is dissected, and

salt is poured on the dissected surface and all over the body. The fish is then

put in the sun for a period of two or three days depending on the intensity of

the sun. On getting dried, the fish becomes solid like stock-fish and would

remain in that state until it is used.

According to Chief Boy Soubaikebula, who arrived in Gabon in 1964, “before

the arrival of the Ijaw the Gabonese knew very little about fish. The Gabonese

depended solely on meat . The Ilaje, who arrived earlier than the Ijaw,

restricted themselves to the production of bonga fish”. The Ijaw who practised

deep-sea fishing would stay for days, between five and seven days at sea. At

first they got their fishing gear from Nigeria until a South Korean, Kavakas,

started the importation of outboard engines, nets and introduced the fabrication

of small boats in Gabon.

In July 2002, the Ijaw, who settled on the coast of Gabon, were forcefully

evacuated from their coastal fishing settlements, like Grand village, and Petit

village, and asked to merge with the natives. This constituted another horrible

experience for the Ijaw who are predominantly fishermen residing with their

fishing tools at the coast. But the people and government of Gabon were

unhappy with the establishment of independent Ijaw settlements on the coast

line. Some Ijaw settling in far away coastal communities like Monkah, Libi,

Nede and Akenzeh, with distances from Libreville ranging between 65 km to

82 km sent several delegations, including prominent chiefs like Chief Peter

Okegbe to the Gabon authorities for a consideration of the evacuation order.

They were then allowed to remain in those settlements. Later a Nigerian

government delegation, led by former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon

(Rtd), was received by the Vice-President of Gabon, and seen as an attempt to

please the Ijaw.

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In the past, Ijaw settlers lived in their own houses in quasi-independent

settlements, without anything like rent-payment. But now they have been

forced to live in houses owned by Gabonese and are confronted with the issue

of rent payment. Reduced to the status of refugees, many Ijaw sent their

children to attend school at home.

To what extent have the Ijaw been integrated into Gabonese society and its

social milieu? Ijaw culture is at great variance with the cultures of the Central

African republics of Cameroon, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea though there

may be some identifiable similarities. It is also important to note that though

there are flourishing inter-cultural exchanges between the Ijaw settlers and the

natives of these countries, there was generally a limit to these interactions. The

plethora of inter-cultural interactions did not, in any way, lead to a compromise

in the observance of the Ijaw cultural practices and their retentions in the

diaspora.

First, the aquatic environment necessitated and favoured the continuity of the

Ijaw traditional fishing occupation and other traditional cultural practices.

Closely related to the traditional fishing occupation is the art of canoe-carving.

This important aspect of the cultural practice of the Ijaw people attracted

serious attention due to the fact that it provides the principal support to the

fishing occupation. The Ijaw people take seriously the art of canoe-carving in

Gabon and Cameroon. While Ijaw in Gabon operate the canoe-carving

industry clandestinely due to the hostile social milieu, in Cameroon the Ijaw

canoe-carvers operate with greater freedom.

In Gabon, the Ijaw are not allowed free access, even to purchase timber. The

Ijaw therefore go into negotiation with the forest guards who take them into the

heart of the forest where they pay a levy when the timber is cut down. The Ijaw

canoe-carver then remains in the forest to complete the canoe-carving

processes. In the alternative, the Ijaw canoe-carvers get the timber from the sea.

Often, there are floating timbers, which would have fallen into the sea during

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the process of loading. In this case, the Ijaw fishermen, who have access to the

floating timber, bring it to the shore for the canoe-carving process.

In Cameroon, canoe carving is a thriving industry, dominated by the Ijaw. It

constitutes an important economic contribution by the Ijaw to the development

of their host countries.

Furthermore, while the social milieu in Gabon did not permit Ijaw producers of

gin to carry out their trade, those Ijaw in Cameroon introduced and dominated

the production of gin, although they were sometimes harassed, and their

products seized. They were required to pay different kinds of taxes or their

products were destroyed by the gendarmes.

The Ijaw are deeply interested in the retention and observance of their culture.

This is evident in their traditional dressing code; the continuous speaking of the

Ijaw language, which constitutes the vehicle or means of culture transmission

to the new generation; the periodic or occasional display of the owuugiri and

owubene dances; the observance of Ijaw traditional funeral and marriage rites,

and many more of their customs. Indeed, many Ijaw men and women, who

died in Cameroon and Gabon, were given Ijaw traditional burial.

There is also an example of a complete traditional marriage contracted between

an Ijaw woman and a Gabonese man at Cocobeach, Gabon. In this particular

instance, all Ijaw traditional marriage rites were observed. However, there are

many casual relationships between the Ijaw and members of their host

countries. The result of these unrecognized inter-cultural relationships are

children with dual citizenship who share heritage from both cultures.

In Gabon, there has been a growing reduction of the display and practice of

certain Ijaw traditions. Prior to the July, 2002 inter-settlement evacuation,

which resulted in the destruction of their principal settlements, the Ijaw had

tended to have quasi-independent settlement status, as those settlements had

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100% Ijaw settlers. They could therefore observe their customs and traditions

fully. But the evacuation and destruction of their settlements and their forceful

incorporation into the midst of Gabon natives reduced their observance of Ijaw

cultural practices.

The commitment of the Ijaw to the Christian religious faith resulted in the

proliferation of churches, headed by Ijaw settlers and the emergence among

them of many pastors, evangelists, missionaries and other workers. In

Cameroon, there are as many churches as there are Ijaw settlements,

particularly the Cherubim and Seraphim order. There are also a handful of

other orthodox and Pentecostal churches with important Ijaw personalities,

some headed by Ijaw. For example, Chief Jonathan Fawari (Snr), one of the

earliest Ijaw to arrive in Gabon, rose to become an eminent evangelist in the

CMS, Barak Mission, Libreville. In recognition of his achievements and

contributions to the development of the mission, at his death he was buried in a

reserved cemetery, meant for important personalities in Gabon. His son, Chief

Jonathan Fawari (Junior), has stepped into his shoes and is doing wonderfully

well to the extent that he has been offered Gabonese citizenship several times,

which he has turned down. There are people like Pastor Godwin Joseph Abaka,

founder of Triumphant Assembly Mission, Gabon; Pastor Joel, founder of

Christ Assurance Church, Malabo; Pastor Livinus, who has been shepherding

the flock of God in the Cherubim and Seraphim group in Cameroon since

1952.

In spite of limited inter-cultural exchanges, many contacts have been made

between the Ijaw and the hosts. For example, while the Ijaw introduced the

hosts to the art of deep sea fishing, they on the other hand, were introduced to

new dishes and meals like bobolo, mutoka, piodo, and gbundo.

An official policy of alienation as against integration has reinforced nostalgic

feelings in the Ijaw. Thus those of the new diaspora have a strong sense of

attachment to their homeland. For example, the Ijaw in Gabon, when

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threatened by the Ilaje due to the recent skirmish between the two ethnic

groups back home in Nigeria, quickly sent messages home for Supreme Egbesu

assistance before the intervention by the Nigerian embassy ended in the signing

of an undertaking to keep the peace.

In Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea and Gabon, these countries harass the Ijaw

through carte de sejour (resident permit) and the imposition of several fishing

taxes and levies.They are also attacked at sea by the gendarmes. Sometimes,

the Ijaw communities are attacked at night and their houses looted. The cost of

the carte de sejour in Cameroon is between CFA 100,000 and CFA 130,000

for two years, with a renewal fee of CFA60, 000; in Equatorial Guinea it is

CFA 500,000 for 6 months with a renewal fee of CFA 100,000; and in Gabon

it is CFA 600,000 for two years with a renewal fee of CFA 120,000.

A few Ijaw have been given employment as casual workers in the oil-rich

province of Ponte Gentile in Gabon outside their traditional fishing occupation.

They have not found their way into the civil service of the host countries or the

organized private sector, and official policies of these host countries prevent

Ijaw participation in the political system. Political campaigns, in fact, are not

extended to Ijaw settlements, and polling booths and centres are not provided

in their settlements. Consequently, Nigerian embassies in these countries have

cautioned the Ijaw and other Nigerians against involvement in the politics of

these countries. Human rights violations assume a record high proportion in

Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea and Gabon. Ijaw and other Nigerians are

imprisoned and brutalized without justice. Often those imprisoned die within a

short period of time, while in prison custody. The Ijaw suffer the worst of the

harassment and brutalization experiences, because their settlements are in the

creeks.

A notable element about the Ijaw in Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea and Gabon

is the political organizational structure of their communities. In their

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settlements, they practice the same system of political organization as at home.

Accordingly, in almost all the Ijaw settlements, there are two chiefs, a head

chief and an assistant, who administer them.

The trend in Gabon is a little different, while there are Head chiefs for the

various settlements, there are two prominent chiefs whose jurisdictions cover

the whole Ijaw settlements in Gabon. Currently, these are Chief Jonathan

Fawari and Chief Peter Okegbe, both recognized by the government of Gabon

and the Nigerian embassy in Libreville. as the official representatives of the

Ijaw people in Gabon. There is also the Ijaw Welfare Association, recognized

officially. They collectively administer justice, law and order among the Ijaw

in Gabon.

The Ijaw in Congo Brazzaville

Ijaw settlements exist in Mossaka in the north and in Pointe Noire in the south

in the Republic of Congo.

Mossaka is the main port of call on the Congo River. Several rivers flow into

the Congo at this point, making Mossaka a cross-roads town in the Cuvette

region. The town was founded in 1912 by Colombe, a Frenchman. Ijaw

fishermen arrived in the early 1950s along with other settlers from the Benin

Republic. They are reported to have introduced improved fishing techniques,

and gradually took over control of the fishing industry, with the use of nylon

nets and the art of smoking fish.

Ijaw settlers spread from Mossaka to found the fishing villages of Sangha,

Likouala and Ndeko. The host government set up a fish drying company, Usine

de Mokalou de Mossaka in the early 1960s but this was shut down in 1979, and

the fishermen have reverted to smoking fish. The ten Ijaw fishermen we met

there reported that due to political crises in the region, most of their kinsmen

had moved to Pointe Noire in southern Congo.

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Pointe Noire is the main seaport. Ijaw fishermen arrived from Gabon and the

Benin Republic in the early 1940s and founded a fishing village now known as

Base Agip. Bobby from Peretorugbene in Bayelsa state is Chairman of the

Ijaw community. He is engaged in deep sea fishing with a tug boat.

According to Bobby, Ijaw fishermen numbered up to a hundred in the 1960s

when Base Agip was known as Izon-Ama. It gradually became cosmopolitan,

with local Vili, Gabonese, Senegalese, and Ghanaians. Chinese commercial

fishermen now dominate the business, making small scale fishing unviable.

In sum, Ijaw fishermen influenced the fishing industry in the Republic of

Congo from the early 1940s at Mbamou, Kouilou lagoon, Mandingo Kayes,

Mossaka and Pointe Noire. In each of these areas they founded their own

settlements. Because of changing conditions, they have largely abandoned this

region, and only a small number of Ijaw now remain in Mossaka and Pointe

Noire.

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