CHAPTER 21THE EASTERN DELTA

Abi A. Derefaka and Adaye Orugbani

For the purposes of this contribution, the discussion will focus on the Okrika,Kalabari, and Ibani. For each of these peoples, a reconstruction of their history,beginning with origins and migration routes through the pre-colonial, colonial,and post-colonial periods will be presented. Also economic, socio-cultural,political, religious and other institutions utilized through time will bediscussed. In all this, the vectors and processes of change as well as the role oftraditions in the development of each society will be discussed.

Origins and MigrationsThere is ample linguistic and other cultural evidence that Okrika, Ibani, andKalabari share considerable affinity. Kay Williamson’s 1988 essay (Alagoa etal 1988) on the relationship between Ijoid languages became the focal point ofHorton’s contribution on Eastern Ijo origins, expansion and migration in 1997(Ejituwu 1997). He has modified Kay Williamson’s Table 4.8 titledRelationships in the Ijoid branch (Alagoa et al 1988:84) to produce what hecalls a Genetic Relationship within Ijoid, with special attention to Eastern Ijo(1997:203). The origin and migration history of the Kalabari, Okrika, and Ibanihas a number of versions. Horton (1997:195-255) has reviewed thereconstructions about the origins and migration routes of the Okrika, Kalabariand Ibani. Essentially, he presents what he calls the Alagoa Thesis(1997:197-200) and then uses linguistic and archaeological evidence as well asa fresh look at the oral traditions themselves to re-evaluate the accuracy of theAlagoa thesis. He concludes that on the basis of current data, two scenarios forIjoid origins, expansions and migrations are possible. In this regard his secondfigure on page 203 referred to earlier and the diagrams on pages 236 and 238respectively (showing each of the scenarios), have to be taken together andcompared with his first figure on page 199 titled Eastern Ijo origins accordingto Alagoa. In order that Horton’s (1997:235-237) proposed schemes are notdistorted; we reproduce below the two scenarios he has proposed:

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Fig. 21.1: The Ijo of the Eastern Delta

In Scenario One, we have the Proto-Ijoid-speakers coming down the Niger andentering the Delta through its apex. An initial separation of population andconsequent language differentiation take place soon after, with Proto-Ijaw-speakers remaining near the point of entry, and Proto- Defakoid-speakersmoving south-eastward toward the coast. Before long, a wave ofProto-Central-Delta (Delta Cross) speakers enters the Proto-Ijaw homelandfrom the east. Some Proto-Ijaw groups stay put, and get assimilated intoCentral Delta language, culture and polity. Other groups move away from thearea in various directions. In the course of the latter process, one group goesback toward the apex of the Delta and develops Proto-Inland Ijaw speech; onemoves south-westwards and develops Proto-Ijaw speech.

Concentrating our attention at this juncture on the Eastern Delta, we now see

the Proto-Defakoid-speakers occupying the coastal area between the mouths of

the Rio San Bartolomew and the Rio Real, with some linguistic differentiation

probably developing between the various sub-populations. Next, some of the

Proto-Eastern-Ijaw-speakers move to the west of the Proto-Defakoid bloc, to

form the nucleus of the Proto-Nembaka-speakers, whilst the others move to the

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east of this bloc, to form the nucleus of the Proto-Nikio-speakers. To the east at

this juncture, another wave of Delta-Cross-speakers, that of the Andoni

(Obolo), comes into the Proto-Nikio homeland from the creeks east of the Imo

River. Some Proto-Nikio groups stay put and are linguistically, culturally and

politically Andonized. Others move west, to form the Proto-Kio-speakers,

increasingly frustrated by the confinement of the far eastern creeks, fan out into

the main Eastern Delta. The resulting population separation leads to the

emergence of distinct Kalabari, Ibani and Okrika dialects. Finally, with the

advent of the Atlantic Slave Trade, the Kalabari-speaking town of Bile

systematically raids the villages of the Defakoid-speaking bloc to the west,

removing large numbers of people for sale into slavery, and provoking the few

survivors into flight eastwards, where they come under Nkoro protection.

In Scenario Two, we have the Proto-Ijoid-speakers coming into the Delta

through the far eastern creeks. The first round of population separation and

linguistic differentiation takes place in this area, with some elements moving

north into dry-land territory to form the nucleus of the

Proto-Defakoid-speakers, and others remaining in the coastal creeks to form

the nucleus of the Proto-Ijaw-speakers. A little later, arrival of the Proto-Ogoni

(Delta Cross) speakers results in the linguistic, cultural and political

assimilation of most of the Proto-Defakoid speakers, leaving only a small rump

in the far south of their former territory. As congestion develops among the

Proto-Ijaw-speaking groups of the far eastern creeks, some fan out into the

main Eastern Delta. Some of those who fan out quickly reach the Central and

North-Central areas of the Delta. Before long, however, another wave of

Delta-Cross speakers, the Proto-Central-Delta linguistic group, comes in from

the eastern hinterland to drive a wedge, not only between those Proto-Ijaw who

have moved toward the Central Delta and those who have moved further north,

but also between both of the latter and those who have stayed nearer the eastern

homeland. The result is a linguistic differentiation into Proto-Ijaw,

Proto-Inland-Ijaw, and Proto-Eastern-Ijaw.

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Concentrating our attention on the East, we see next a further separation,between those Proto-Eastern-Ijaw-speakers who move further west along thecoast and those who remain nearer the homeland, the result being adifferentiation into Proto-Nembaka and Proto-Nikio-speaking populations.Later, a further separation in the west leads to differentiation into Nembe andAkassa-speakers.

In the far eastern homeland, the arrival of the Delta-Cross speaking Andoni(Obolo) has the same sequels for the Proto-Nikio-speakers as we outlined inScenario One, the only difference being that the villages sacked or dispersed bythe slave-raiding Bile are not Defakoid-speakers but Kalabari-speakers.

The two scenarios are reconstructions proposed on the basis of our presentstate of knowledge derived mainly from linguistics, oral traditions, andarchaeology. Horton (1997:239) is, however, flexible enough in hisformulations to say; if a third pattern emerges, we may have to reject bothscenarios and propose a third. He rightly identifies the crucial role Archaeologyis to play in reconstructing settlement chronology in the Niger Delta. It isclearly too soon for any migration scenario in the Niger Delta to be presentedas the pattern of movements and settlement of the Ijaw in the Niger Delta.More work still needs to be done by all the relevant disciplines before we cangain absolute clarity on this matter.

The Pre-Colonial PeriodSo far we have presented migration patterns in the Eastern Niger Delta. We arenow going to analyze its history during the pre-colonial period—that is, theperiod before the imposition of formal colonial rule late in the nineteenthcentury. It was during the pre-colonial period that the Eastern Delta kingdomsevolved to represent the high water mark in the development of the basic Ijawinstitutions to be found in the Central and Western Delta. For clarity ofanalysis, we shall examine why and how the kingdoms in the Eastern NigerDelta adapted the basic Ijaw institutions developed in the Central and WesternDelta to meet the challenges of their environment in the Eastern Delta.

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Plate 21.1: A terra-cotta mask from near excvation site Ke II

Plate 21.2: A second terra-cotta mask from near excvation site Ke II

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Plate 21.3: A terra-cotta mask from excavation site Ke III

Political DevelopmentsPolitically, one of the most striking developments was a change in the structureof the state. It was in the Eastern Delta, that the Ibani, Kalabari and Okrikapeoples developed a state, territorially based on a central city headed by a king(amanyanabo) with authority radiating to hinterland trading stations.Impressed by this territorial organization, Professor Dike called them “citystates” (Dike, 1956:30-31). Another scholar, G. I. Jones, called them “tradingstates”, because of their participation in the Atlantic trade (Jones, 1963:34). Asto why the Eastern Delta kingdoms developed a complex state structure, Dikeand Jones differ in their explanations. For Dike, the critical factor was achange in the criteria for citizenship which came “increasingly to depend noton decent but on residence”—that is, a shift from a state based on kinship to amore open society. For Jones the Delta kingdoms developed their complexstate structures in response to the challenges of the Atlantic trade, first in slavesand later palm oil.

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Professor E. J. Alagoa has established the internal nature of the stimuli tochange in the Eastern Delta kingdoms. He pointed out that the most importantfactor determining full citizenship was culture – “the acquisition of the varietyof Ijaw culture developed in these states.” On the role of the Atlantic trade,Alagoa conceded that many of the peculiar features of these states weredeveloped in response to the Atlantic trade in slaves, “but others had beendeveloped in response to internal long distance trade and to other local factorssuch as environmental change”. According to Alagoa (1972: 192-193):

The institutions carried by the migrants from the Central Deltadispersal centres to the different parts of the Delta were modified bycircumstance and the pressures of the environment. The mostfar-reaching changes were effected among the groups migrating tothe Eastern Delta.

Here, the indication is that the environmental change from thefresh water delta to the salt water delta was one factor whichinduced changes. First, these communities changed from a fishingand farming economy to a fishing and salt- boiling economy. Theneeds of such a situation produced the fishing village institutionsfrom the village community structures of the Central and WesternDelta type. Not all the communities in the Eastern Delta achievedthe further development from fishing village to city-state. Thedeciding factor in this second level of change appears to have been,first, the level of participation in the internal long distance trade ofthe Niger Delta, and finally the position of the community in theover-seas trade. Where one community combined the internal andexternal trade, a decisive difference was made. Wealth and powerwere concentrated in one city which attained a position ofparamountcy, and became a city-state.

Political StructureThe Eastern Delta States retained the basic Ijaw ethnic unit called theibe—clan. Like in the Central and Western Delta, there was also the feeling ofbelonging together based on their common tongue and cultural institutions.Unlike those in the Central and Western Delta, however, the tradition ofcommon descent and a common founding ancestor was absent or very tenuousamong the Eastern Delta states. As the Eastern Delta states developed central

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state institutions and the areas over which these states exercised influenceincreased, even the cultural and linguistic unity tended to disappear. As theterritorial influence of these states expanded they came to include peoplesspeaking different languages and having different cultures. Within theKalabari territory for instance, there are the Udekama—a people with adifferent language and culture while in the Okrika territory there are theAbuloma people whose language and culture differ from that of the Okrikapeople. The existence of such small minority groups within the Eastern DeltaStates differentiates them from the Ibe in the Central and Western Delta.

The cult of a national god is another feature of the political structure of theEastern Delta states. But since all the communities in the Eastern Delta do nothave traditions of common descent, the power of the national god as aninstrument of national control is weaker in the Eastern Delta States than in theibe of the Central and Western Delta. Given their diversity, the authority of thenational god is often founded on the spiritual kinship of the village gods(Ama-oru) to the national god—whose shrine would be sited at themetropolitan city.

In addition to the national god, the states of the Eastern Delta also developedother religious institutions to strengthen the corporate unity of the metropolitancities on which states were based. One such religious institution was the idea ofthe Amakiri, god of the settled Earth; the other was the idea of theAmatemesuo, the spirit of the city as a historical and corporate entity.According to Alagoa, “…the drum priest of Amatemesuo served as the nationalanthem of the state, just as the totem or symbol of the national god served inthe nature of the national flag or coat of arms of a modern state”. (Alagoa, inAjayi and Crowder, eds, 1971:341).

The Eastern Delta states retained the basic village organization of the Centraland Western Delta. The metropolitan city comprise a number of descent groupscalled wari - a number of wari make up a larger segment called polo. Each ofthese deliberated on matters pertaining to the segment while the politicalauthority of the city assembly remained supreme. Unlike the system of

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government in the Central and Western Delta, the Eastern Delta statesabandoned age as a qualification for office. The city assembly was not headedby the oldest man (amaokosowei), but the amanyanabo who was appointedbecause he descended from the polo or wari, whose ancestors founded ordiscovered the site of the metropolitan city. The only concession made to agein the Eastern Delta states was the separation of elders from the youths in thesitting arrangements at the assembly meetings and the greater respect paid tothe elders.

Another significant political development among the Eastern Delta States wasthe institutions of the monarchy. Before they became city-states, the office ofamanyanabo was like the ritual heads exemplified by the pere of the WesternDelta. They were the heads of the village assembly, who performed rituals tothe village or national gods, and directed external wars. The beginning of theAtlantic Trade increased not only the economic orientation of the Eastern Deltastates but also increased their population. These changes increased the powerof the amanyanabo. He negotiated with European merchants on behalf of thecommunity and was paid comey and other duties for the protection he gavethem. His position as community representative with the European tradersenhanced his authority in relation to the other leaders of the community – theHouse heads. It was the amanyanabo who introduced the House heads to theEuropean traders and it was also through him that they obtained credit (trusts)from the European traders. The enhanced prestige and wealth of the monarchyoccasioned dynastic changes and succession disputes in all the Eastern Deltastates.

The House system was the most revolutionary change in the political history ofthe Eastern Delta states occasioned by the Atlantic trade. The House systemwas the adaptation of the old Ijaw wari or House to meet the challenges of theAtlantic trade.

To meet the labour demands of the Atlantic trade, enterprising traders began to

build up their personal households. They did this by various means. First, a

successful trader who had sufficient funds, paid large dowries to the heads of

the Houses of the women he married so that the children of such unions would

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belong to his House rather than theirs. Second, he could become protector or

patron of persons in trouble. The third and surest method was for him to

purchase slaves from the hinterland. By these means such a trader increased

his labour force and therefore his wealth. When such a trader considered

himself wealthy and powerful enough he presented himself to the amanyanabo

and community as a political leader. When accepted by the amanyanabo and

community, he became a chief and House head.

To be accepted as a House head meant that such a man had a following within

the city large enough to provide a fighting contingent or war canoe manned by

thirty able-bodied men in defence of the state. He also, had enough money to

provide guns and ammunition for the fighting contingent. Hence, the House

founded by such a man was called a war canoe house. By virtue of his position

as a chief and House head, he became a member of the King’s Council which

decided on internal and external affairs.

Members of the War Canoe House retained the kinship terminology of original

wari lineage, not withstanding the different ways by which they were recruited.

They all were members of the head’s trading corporation or depended on him

for recommendation to the European super-cargos. Succession to the position

of House head within the city state was very competitive, and was determined

not by heredity, but by ability to trade and capacity for leadership, as well as

the votes of all adult members of the House.

The “open” criterion for upward social mobility in-built in the institution of the

War Canoe House was thus an important step in the development of the

Eastern Delta states. But since large numbers of slaves were imported to build

the new Houses, there was a need for an institution to integrate these men and

women into the society. The house system had an in-built system of turning a

slave into a member of the community and kin to all other members of the

House. The hair of a slave was ceremoniously shaved by one of the elderly

women in the House - usually one of the wives of the House head. After this

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he was given a new name symbolizing his or her rebirth into the society. The

slave was then handed over to a senior woman in the House - sometimes the

one who had ceremonially shaved his hair - who became his “mother”. From

then on, the other children of his “mother” were expected to treat the slave as a

sibling and other members of the house were expected to treat him as one of

themselves.

Apart from the acculturative method within the House, there were othereconomic and social forces which also induced slaves to acculturate quicklyand completely. First, complete acculturation and enterprise were rewarded.For instance, a completely acculturated slave who acquired wealth of his ownor successfully conducted the trade of his House head, could be elected Househead. Second, there were societies membership of which encouragedacculturation. One of these was the prestigious masquerade playing societycalled ekine or sekiapu, (Horton, 1966). By reason of their ability to dance,members of ekine considered themselves particularly well-endowed citizens,because of their mastery of the drum language embodying the historical lore oftheir community and their ancestors. Mastery of the sekiapu drum rhythm andthe accompanying dance steps was proof of a thorough understanding of thelocal language and hence evidence of complete acculturation. Writing on theEkine society in the Eastern Delta states, Professor Alagoa has pointed out (inAjayi and Crowder, eds, 1971: 344):

Ekine or Sekiapu, then, was one institution that enshrined the opensociety traditions of the delta states where careers were determinedby talent. Rise within the society was based solely on artisticability--to sing, dance, drum, or understand the drum language.Success within sekiapu, moreover, was publicly displayed andbecame the seal of full citizenship, acceptance within thecommunity, and passport to political office. In other ways too,membership of sekiapu introduced a man to a measure of politicalaction since the society came to assist the rulers of the states in theadministration of justice. Sekiapu enforced a code of conduct on allits members, and also collected debts and punished pilferers andoffenders against public morality.

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Another association which encouraged quick and complete acculturation wasthe periogbo, an association of successful warriors present in all the deltastates. Periogbo members were courageous men who had performed such featsof valour like slaying an enemy or taking a captive in war, or killed an elephantor a leopard. As a mark of distinction, they put eagle feathers on their hats,drank with their left hands and performed the special war dance peri at theclose of a war, the death of a king or a member. Periogbo was thus anotherinstitution which demonstrated the open criterion for socio-politicaladvancement in the Eastern Delta states.

The Periogbo was not only an association for the defence of the state. Therewere aspects of peri activities which induced slaves to acculturate quickly.Among the Kalabari for instance, there was an inner group of Periogbo calledKoronogbo (the club of the strong) which performed such a function. Oncertain nights, members of Koronogbo went into the streets and challengedthose they met. If the individual was not fluent in the local language or worsestill, replied in a foreign accent, he was seized and severely punished ordispatched. Other delta states had vigilante groups that performed similarfunctions.

In sum, the war canoe Houses in the Eastern Delta states performed severalfunctions. They served as units of assimilating slaves and other strangerelements into full citizens. They did this better in some states than in others. Inthe state of Bonny for instance, Igbo, the language of the slaves, superseded theIbani language to some extent. They were also units of external defence.However, given the tendency of Houses to fragment, they were also sources ofconflict within the states. The ups and downs of the Atlantic trade led to thefission and fusion of Houses – especially in the nineteenth century. Theseconflicts led to the split of some of the city states into two.

Economic HistoryThe earliest economic activity of the Eastern Delta states was subsistencefishing. The methods used were poisons (such as the mashed endocarp of thefruit of Raphia vinifera or oxytenanthera abyssinica), basket traps andharpoons. Another economic activity of these states was subsistence hunting,

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especially in the form of communal hunting. There exists among these states awide distribution of traditions, using the stereotype of a quarrel over thedivision of the soup of an animal caught in communal hunting.

The beach ridge and salt water swamp of the Eastern Delta states is not suitablefor agriculture, consequently they produce very little vegetables. However,there are traditions of collecting and gathering palm nuts, certain species ofbanana and other plants that grew wild. The soil in the fresh water swamp ismore conducive to agriculture; and bananas, plantains (musa paradisiaca),cocoyam (taro), and the water yam (diascorea alata) have been cultivated for along time. The earliest forms of exchange of the Eastern Delta states, wastherefore, one between them and the fishing and farming communities of thefresh water swamp region.

Long Distance Trade The people of the Eastern Delta traded not only with their neighbours in theadjacent fresh water swamp, but also with people farther a field in the Ibohinterland. The Portuguese who arrived the Delta at the beginning of thesixteenth century, reported such activity between the Delta states and theirhinterland neighbouring. In 1506, Pereira reported trade at a delta port on theRio Real with those in the hinterland as far as “a hundred leagues or more.”The traders used large trading canoes made out of a single trunk and broughtyams, slaves, cows, goats, and sheep from the hinterland.

In the seventeenth century, Barbot described trading canoes at Elem Kalabari

which were very similar to these described by Pereira. Barbot listed bananas,

chickens, hogs, palm wine and palm oil as items the delta traders brought from

the hinterland. In exchange for these products the delta peoples supplied salt to

those in the hinterland. According to John Adams who reported early in the

nineteenth century, the Eastern Delta states manufactured this salt by boiling

sea water in “neptunes, or large brass pans, taken from Europe to Bonny”. A

north-south trade developed since food was in short supply in the delta and salt

was in great demand in the hinterland. There was also an east-west trade

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between the Eastern Delta states with the Itsekiri kingdom in the Western

Delta, and through them, with regions much further afield. The most important

produce the Itsekiri supplied to the Eastern Delta was a cassava meal which the

Portuguese called Farinha (mandioca). It is known throughout the Delta by

variations of its original Portuguese name. For instance, the Kalabari people

refer to it as ifenica or afenia. According to Alagoa, “The cassava (manioc)

apparently spread to other parts of the Delta from Warri.” (Alagoa, in Ajayi

and Crowder, 1971:357). Barbot described ‘a large number of manioc bushes,

which they call mandi-hoka in their language; of which they make the cassaba

or farinha de pao, that is in Portuguese, wood meal, which is the bread they

commonly feed on’. (Barbot in Alagoa, 1971:357).

The Atlantic Trade

The Portuguese arrived in the Eastern Delta in their quest for a sea route to

India. They gradually developed trade with the region by exporting local

produce and importing merchandise from other parts of West Africa and

beyond. It was the Portuguese who brought manilas from the Congo and

distributed same in the Niger Delta. Other European traders later joined the

Portuguese to trade in the Niger Delta.

The arrival of the Portuguese, and later of other Europeans, affected the

organization of the local long distance trade. By establishing trading posts at

various points along the coast, the Portuguese took over the distribution of

goods from one point to the other along the coast.

In response to this development, the Eastern Delta states developed trade with

communities in their immediate hinterland. Thus Kalabari traders operated the

Obia markets, while Bonny traders opened market in the Ndoki country at

Ohambele. Okrika traders opened markets in the Ogoni and Ikwerre areas in

their immediate neighbourhood .

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The arrival of the Europeans also led to the decline of some traditional

economic pursuits. The English for instance, imported salt which competed

with locally manufactured salt. According to Alagoa (1971), by the end of the

eighteenth century each English vessel trading to Bonny carried up to fifty tons

of salt. But by far the greatest economic impact of the arrival of the European

was the introduction of the trade in slaves,

The Slave TradeThe overseas trade in slaves was conducted on the basis of European demandand African supply. While it lasted the Eastern Delta states were one of thecore areas of supply of slaves to destinations in the Americas. Elem Kalabari,Bonny and Okrika traders obtained the slaves from markets in their hinterland,but since participation in the trade required a huge capital outlay only thosewith the required capital could participate in the trade.

Capital was required to provide canoes large enough to carry a sufficient stockof goods to the hinterland markets, and to bring back enough slaves to make aprofit. Capital was also required to provide the large number of paddlersrequired to operate the canoes. In addition, the canoes had to be armed toprovide security against pirates and trade rivals. Barbot tells us that the tradingcanoes used at Elem Kalabari in the seventeenth century were armed withjavelins and shields.

The Eastern Delta states obtained the slaves from the hinterland markets totheir north. The people of the hinterland markets, obtained the slaves fromother groups farther inland. For instance, the majority of the slaves sold to theEuropeans at the Eastern Delta ports came from Iboland. Ibani, Kalabari andOkrika traders did not engage in slave raids in the hinterland. Kalabaritradition mention raids by Agbaniye Ejike, King of Bille, who sold hiscaptives, taken from neighbouring communities within the Eastern Delta, toEuropean slave traders. To maintain a free flow of trade, the Eastern Deltarulers maintained good relations with the peoples in the hinterland markets.

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The Introduction of Staple TradeIn the nineteenth century, European Governments abolished the trade in slavesand in its place introduced trade in forest products—the so-called legitimatecommerce. Eric Williams has pointed out the economic arguments for theabolition in his book Capitalism and Slavery while the case for the trade inforest products was put forward in a book by Thomas Fowell Buxton calledThe African Slave Trade and Its Remedy.

Despite the formal abolition of the slave trade by European Governments, theircitizens continued the trade illegally. To effectively stop the slave trade, theBritish Government resorted to diplomacy. The two were complementary. Withregards to diplomacy, the British Government negotiated banning the slavetrade with those countries which had not done so. Britain also stationed adetachment of the Royal Navy (the West African or Preventive Squadron)permanently in West Africa to seize ships engaged in the slave trade. Initial British efforts at abolition concentrated on the demand side, and so theDelta rulers continued to trade with those European countries who were willingto trade with them. Besides, the Delta rulers questioned why Britain shouldhave to dictate to them. As sovereign states they argued that they could engagein any trade of their choice. How, they wondered, did Britain expect them tostop a trade in which they had invested so much? Moreover, while Britainopposed the slave-trade, Spain, Portugal, Brazil and other countries stillcontinued to trade in slaves. This led the Delta rulers to suspect that perhapsBritain was at war with these other countries. Moreover, the PreventiveSquadron could not stop this trade as the Delta states shifted their trade to otherports when theirs were blockaded. For instance, when the Squadron blockadedBonny, Bonny traders transferred their slave-trading activities to Brass.

In an attempt to overcome African opposition, Britain extended her treatymaking activity, to the Delta rulers. The Delta rulers were persuaded to signanti-slave trade treaties in return for the payment of small subsidies if theypromise to stop the slave trade in their territories. King Dappa Pepple of Bonnysigned such a treaty as did other Delta rulers.

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The second arm of the British effort to abolish the slave trade was to substitute

it with trade in forest products, such as palm oil and ivory. This was the

so-called legitimate commerce. The combined effect of British pressure and

gunboat politics compelled the Delta states to switch their economics from

slaves to palm oil. By the 1840s, the palm oil, trade had completely replaced

the slave trade. We are told by a British naval officer in 1842 that “the slave

trade at Bonny and at Calabar has been done up these three years; it is not

carried on at all” (Burns, 1972:108). A witness before the House of Common

Select Committee on the West Coast of Africa declared that the Africans

“scarcely take the trouble of buying slaves in Bonny now, they get so well

remunerated by palm oil” (Burns, 1972:108). In 1839 for instance, 13,600 tons

of palm oil were imported into Liverpool from the Oil Rivers (Niger Delta). As

the Oil Rivers were those between the Benin River and the Cameroons a

greater part of the oil to Liverpool in 1839 would have come from the ports of

Bonny and Elem Kalabari.

The Staple (Legitimate) Trade

The case for legitimate commerce was put forward in a book by Thomas

Fowell Buxton called The African Slave-Trade and Its Remedy. The author

suggested commerce, Christianity and civilization as a means to end the

slave-trade. Eric Williams also pointed out the economic arguments for the

abolition in his book, Capitalism and Slavery. Briefly, the economic argument

for the abolition states that by the 19th century, Britain, and gradually other

European countries, had industrialised; and so needed tropical raw materials,

markets and outlet to invest surplus capital. Africans were now more useful in

Africa to produce the raw materials and provide the market for European

goods. This explains why Britain was willing to pay subsidies to the Delta

rulers to convert their economies from slaves to palm oil. The combined effect

of British pressure and gunboat politics compelled the Delta states to switch

their economies from slaves to palm oil.

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During the 19th century, palm oil had a number of industrial uses. It was usedin the manufacture of soap and candles. It was also used for lubricating theaxles of railway carriages. In South Wales and the United States, it was alsoemployed in the preparation of tin plates. The plates, when white hot, weredipped in palm oil, which gave them their smooth and glassy surface.

The switch from slaves to palm oil had several attendant difficulties. First therewas the problem of transportation. Unlike slaves who were marched to thecoast, palm oil had to be transported from the hinterland to the coast. Palm oiltrade thus required huge capital outlay in the form of large canoes to transportthe oil and operate the canoes. Secondly, during the slave trade, slaves werebrought to the coast. But palm oil was produced by numerous small scaleproducers in the hinterland. To collect the oil and transport same to the coastrequired several months of residence in the hinterland during the buyingseason. It was for this purpose that the Delta rulers acquired domestic slavesfrom the hinterland as labour to conduct the trade.

Legitimate trade was conducted on the basis of credit. The European tradersadvanced goods on credit to the Delta rulers who in turn advanced a portion ofwhat they had received to their trading agents in the hinterland. This creditsystem was known as the trust system.

James Barbot has given us a good description of trade condition in the Deltaduring the 19th century. According to him (Crowder, 1966: 84-86):

On the first of July, the King sent for us to come ashore, we staidthere till four in the afternoon, and concluded the trade on the termsoffered them the day before; the King promising to come the nextday aboard to regulate it, and we paid his duties… The second,heavy rain all this morning. At 2 o`clock, we fetch’d the king fromshore attended by all his Caboceiras and officers, in three largecanoes, and entering the ship was saluted with seven guns. TheKing had on an old-fashioned scarlet coat, laced with gold andsilver, very rusty, and a fine hat on his head, but barefooted; all hisattendants showing great respect to him and since our coming

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hither, none of the natives have dared to come aboard of us, or sellthe least thing, till the king had adjusted trade with us.

We had again a long discourse with the King and Pepprell hisbrother, concerning the rates of our goods and his customs. ThisPepprell being a sharp blade and a mighty talking Black,perpetually making objections against something or the other andteasing us for this or that Dassy or present, as well as for drams,etc,…it were to be wished that such a one as he were not of theway, to facilitate trade…

Thus, with much patience, all our matters were adjustedindifferently, after their way who are not very scrupulous to findexcuses or objections, for not keeping literally to any verbalcontract, for they have not the art of reading and writing, andtherefore, we are forced to stand to their agreement which often isno longer than they think fit to hold it themselves….

We gave the usual presents to the King, etc…. To CaptainForty, the King’s general, Captain Pepprell, Captain Boileau,Alderman Bougsby, my lord Willyby, Duke of Monmouth, drunkenHenry and some others two firelocks, eight hats, nine narrowGuinea stuffs. We adjusted with them the reduction of ourmerchandise into bars of iron as the standard coin, viz one bunch ofbeads, one bar….

The price of provisions and wood was also regulated. Sixtyking’s yams, one bar; one hundred and sixty slaves’ yams, one bar;for fifty thousand yams to be delivered to us. A butt of water, tworings. For the length of wood, seven bars, which is dear; but theywere to deliver it ready cut into our boat. For a goat, one bar. Acow, ten or eight bars, according to its bigness. A hog two bars. Acalf, eight bars. A jar of palm oil, one bar and a quarter.

We paid also the King’s duties in goods; five hundred slaves,to be purchased at two copper rings a head.

We also advanced to the King by way of loan, the value of ahundred and fifty bars of iron, in sundry goods; and to his principalmen, and others as much again each in proportion to his quality andability…

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It is generally believed that only European traders advanced credit to the Deltamiddlemen. But this was not the case; Delta chiefs and middlemen alsoadvanced credit to European traders. Commenting on the trust system, E.D.Morel has pointed out (Morel, 1968: 78):

Giving out trust is not invariably confined to the Europeans. Nativechiefs have been known to give trust to Europeans up to 1000 casesof palm oil, in days too when palm oil was worth 15 per puncheon.This would represent a credit of 15,000.

The trust system was a source of conflict between the European and the

Nigerian traders. The European traders never wanted the Delta rulers to fully

repay their trust so that they would not trade with other Europeans.

To break this trade monopoly, newly arrived European traders offered higher

prices for oil. When a Delta trader broke his trust, the affected European trader

would seize the former’s goods. Conversely, when a Delta trader felt he had

discharged his obligation and the European trader thought to the contrary, the

King declared a trade boycott. It was this lawlessness on the part of both

European and Delta traders that made Prof. K. O. Dike to describe the traders

as “palm oil ruffians”.

It was the urge to maintain law and order in the palm oil trade that led to theestablishment of the Court of Equity. Writing about these courts in 1854, Baikie reported the existence of “a commercial or mercantile association”organised by some of the merchants at Bonny (Burns, 1972: 140-141).

The members being the chief white and black traders in the place,and the chair occupied by the white supercargoes in monthlyrotation. All disputes were brought before this Court…. and withthe consent of the Kings fines are levelled on defaulters. If anyonerefuses to submit to the decision of the Court, or ignores itsjurisdiction, he is tabooed, and no one trades with him. The nativesstand in much awe of it, and readily pay their debts when threatenedwith it (Burns. 1972:140-141).

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The Court of Equity was later given legal backing as it was incorporated intothe Order in Council of 1872. By 1870 such courts had been established atCalabar, Bonny, Brass, Akassa, New Calabar, the Benin River and Opobo.

Legitimate trade also affected the House system which was the basis of thepolitical organisation of the Delta states. Houses which were originally kinshipinstitutions, were transformed by the demands of the palm oil trade into tradingcorporations. As kinship institutions, blood ties were the basis of housemembership. But with the palm oil trade, domestic slaves from the Igbohinterland were absorbed into the Houses to make them effective labour andfighting men. To cope with the challenges of the palm oil trade, Houses had tomaintain war canoes manned by thirty to fifty paddlers and capable of carryingeighty to over one hundred soldiers. Hence, in the 19th century the Housesbecame war canoe houses.

Legitimate trade also brought a social revolution in the Delta states. By thecustom of the Delta states only persons of royal birth could become kings,chiefs or house-heads. But in the course of the 19th century some of thedomestic slaves from the Igbo hinterland acquired wealth and aspired topolitical leadership. These were the “new men” of whom King Jaja of Opobowas one of the most prominent. Some of the new men became chiefs and evenhouse-heads. For instance, after the death of King Opubo the Great of Bonnyin 1830, the headship of the Anna Pepple House passed to Alali who was anassimilated slave, as Opubo’s son, Prince Willian Dappa Pepple, was still aminor. Indeed, in 1833, Alali was appointed regent of Bonny.

Bonny and Elem Kalabari, the foremost trading states of the Delta, typifiedmore than any other Delta states, the social upheaval due to the palm oil trade.After the death of Alali, the headship of the Anna Pepple House passed toanother new man, Jaja, who was a purchased Igbo slave. That the new menwere now in the ascendancy in Bonny could be seen in the fact that theheadship of the Manilla Pepple House at this time was vested in Oko Jumbo,another man of servile origin.

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It was the clash between the Manilla Pepple House under Oko Jumbo and theAnna Pepple House under Jaja that led to the civil war which split Bonny.Supporters of Jaja moved to Opobo and founded a new city-state where Jajabecame King. In Elem Kalabari, the new men also challenged the traditionalnobility and the resultant strife led to the split of the city-state into three,namely Bakana, Abonnema and Buguma.Legitimate trade led to commercial rivalry and ultimately war among thecity-states. The principal cause of the commercial rivalry was falling prices dueto increased supply. The increased supply was due to new entrants into thepalm oil trade. Calabar, Bonny and Elem Kalabari, the main suppliers were, bythe mid 19th century, joined by Itsekiri, Brass/Nembe and Lagos. To maintaintheir income levels, the Delta states extended their trading activities into thehinterland markets, so as to increase their exports. This increased their costs ata time when prices were falling.

After the second half of the 19th century, the commercial rivalry turned intocommercial war as the city-states encroached on each other’s market. Kalabariand Brass/Nembe clashed over the markets along the Engenni River which ledto Oguta. Bonny, having been displaced by Opobo in her Imo River markets,moved into Kalabari markets along the Sombreiro River, thus forcing Kalabariinto the Engenni markets. These wars considerably weakened the Delta states.

Encroachment on SovereigntyIn an effort to stop the slave-trade and ensure conversion to legitimatecommerce, British agents encroached on the sovereignty of the Delta states.First, by blockading the Delta ports so that the Delta states would not engage inthe slave-trade, Britain violated the sovereignty of these states to trade withwhom they liked, as they were not consulted before Britain banned the trade. Itwas thus not surprising that when in 1836, the Anti-Slave Trade Squadronseized a Spanish ship trading in slaves in Bonny, Alali who was then regent inBonny retaliated by imprisoning the British merchants in Bonny. When theBritish Navy threatened to destroy Bonny unless the merchants were released,Prince Dappa Pepple, anxious to get rid of Alali and secure the throne, offered

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to co-operate with the British. Prince Dappa Pepple had an understanding withthe British whereby he agreed never to arrest British subjects again; the Britishin return agreed to force Alali to accept his own deportation. British subjectsthus obtained extra-territorial jurisdiction and lived outside the laws of Bonny.Alali became the symbol of all those who were opposed to Britishencroachment on the sovereignty of Bonny.

Prince Dappa Pepple’s romance with the British did not last long. The Princesoon found that the British were in Bonny to further their own interests, not hisown. With the promise of a subsidy for four years to enable him to switchfrom slaves to oil, Prince Dappa had signed an anti-slave trade treaty with theBritish. In 1854, Prince Dappa seized a British merchant ship in place of themonies the British were owing him under the treaty. The British had signed theanti-slave trade treaty four times with Prince Dappa Pepple and four timesrefused to ratify it. This time it was Alali who cooperated with the British.With the assistance of the British Navy and support of the British merchants inBonny, Alali and his supporters signed a proclamation for the king’sdeportation and the British deported the king.

However, Alali and the new men could not hold Bonny together. They lackedthe divine attribute which was part of Prince Dappa’s authority. Consequently,chaos and confusion reigned in Bonny until the British traders called for thereinstatement of the deposed king. Prince Dappa Pepple was allowed to returnin 1861 but only on the terms of the British. For instance, the British insistedthat he should not engage in trade. He was also forced to rely on comey, thatis, the customs duties paid by foreign traders. What the British wanted was aking who would maintain law and order while they controlled trade which wasthe source of wealth. As G. I. Jones has said, “the consul was convinced thatthe king should be concerned with government and not with trade, and thatKing William Dappa Pepple’s downfall was due to his neglect of thisprinciple” (Jones, 1963:119-120). King William Dappa Pepple is nowcelebrated as an early proponent of resource control in the Niger Delta.

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The Colonial PeriodBy the nineteenth century, the Ibani, Kalabari and Okrika had been in contact

with the maritime states of Europe for over three hundred years. Throughout

this period, the Eastern Delta states retained their sovereignty and maintained a

landlord–tenant relationship with visiting European traders. Though the

appointment of Mr. John Beecroft as the first Consul for the Bights of Benin

and Biafra (now Bonny) marked the beginning of direct British administration

in Nigeria, the Consular period was a phase of British interference in the

politics of the Eastern Delta states and not one of loss of sovereignty. It was

the establishment of colonial rule that ended the sovereignty of these states and

converted them into components of the Nigerian state.

Though the Oil Rivers Protectorate had been established in 1885, no steps were

taken to make it effective. It was in 1891, six years after the establishment of

the Protectorate, that a system of government was adopted for it. The system

consisted of Consuls and Vice-Consuls being appointed to the various rivers

under a Commissioner and a Consul-General resident at Old Calabar. By an

Order in Council, the Protectorate was extended over the hinterland and

renamed Niger Coast Protectorate in 1893.

As we have indicated earlier, the Consular era was one of interference in the

politics of the Delta states and for the Ibani, Kalabari and Okrika, the

establishment of the Protectorate of Southern Nigeria on 1st January, 1900 was

the beginning of formal colonial rule as they were inexorably drawn into the

orbit of the evolving Nigerian state.

The colonial period was one of economic decline for the peoples of the Eastern

Delta. The middleman position which they land lost in the nineteenth century

was consolidated during the colonial period. A few centres like Abonema

became thriving commercial centres, but the Delta peoples became factors to

the European traders and no longer independent traders.

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The colonial administration introduced measures designed to consolidate theirhold over the territory and to develop the area. To keep the vast complex ofcreeks and rivers open all the year round, the government of Southern Nigeriarequired the chiefs and people to provide compulsory labour to clear thewaterways under the provisions of the Roads and Creeks Proclamation, 1903.

In spite of the imperial acts of 1807 and 1833 which forbade the slave trade and

slavery in British territories, the trade continued in the Eastern Delta states.

For instance, in 1836 the Anti-Slave Trade Squadron seized a Spanish ship

trading in slaves in Bonny and Alali who was then regent considered it a

violation of Bonny sovereignty and retaliated by imprisoning the British

merchants in Bonny. In the Eastern Delta states the legal status of slavery was

only abolished by the Slave Dealing Proclamation, 1901, issued by the

government of the Protectorate of Southern Nigeria.

Before the emergence of a free labour market, the government of the Southern

Nigeria Protectorate met its labour needs through forced labour. Several

enactments gave legal backing to these arrangements, including the Roads and

Creeks Proclamation, 1903. This proclamation empowered the chiefs, on the

orders of the District Commissioner, to ask able-bodied men and women to

clear roads on such days as the government required but “not exceeding six

days in each quarter of a year”. The government did not exempt women from

forced labour.

Other laws designed to achieve the same end were the Native House Rule

Proclamation of 1901, and the Master and Servant Proclamation of 1901. The

Master and Servant Proclamation was amended in 1903 to cover government

contracts and to enable the chiefs to obtain “apprentices” in place of “bought”

domestic slaves. By this amendment, the government also extended the term

for which children under 16 years old could be apprenticed to learn a trade

from five to twelve years in order to give the chiefs some security of tenure in

their services. To safeguard the interests of such apprentices, the 1901

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proclamation stipulated that a contract service should be confirmed before a

British High Commissioner to whom the apprentice must be brought four times

every year (Tamuno, 1972:324-325).

Before he enacted the Native House Proclamation, Moor claimed to have

canvassed the wishes of “representative chiefs” at Bonny, Degema, Okrika and

other coastal communities.

The Native House Rule Proclamation, 1901 which came into operation on

January 1, 1902, was a compromise between slavery and free labour. It ratified

the reciprocal duties and obligations the House head and members owed each

other under native law and custom. It also tried to meet the cracks which had

appeared in the pre-colonial system through the evasions made by both parties

to a solemn, though unwritten contract of service. The House head or member

who evaded his obligations was, on conviction, liable to a fine not exceeding

£50, or to a term of imprisonment not over one year, or both. Where the House

head convincingly ill-treated any member, “the Court” had power to free such a

member from all further obligations (Tamuno, 1972: 326).

The proclamation also regulated transactions between European and African

employers in their business with members of Houses. Employers had to obtain

the prior consent of House heads before members of their Houses were

engaged. The proclamation also served as a vagrancy and poor law. Any

person caught wandering or having no apparent means of subsistence, could be

arrested, questioned and punished “unless he proves that he has sufficient

means of subsistence, or that his want of such means is not the result of his

own fault….” (Tamuno, 1972:326-327). Due to public criticism by various

interest groups, the Native House Rule Proclamation (Ordinance) was amended

in 1912 and eventually repealed in 1915. By 1915 the government had

established firm administrative control and free individual enterprise was

accepted by the people.

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Another significant development during the colonial period was theintroduction of coin currency to oust the old commodity currency. Variousitems including “trade gin”, crystal beads, brass pans, cowrie shells, copperwires called “cheethams” or “citims”, brass rods and small alloy horse shoes,called “manilas”, were in use as commodity currencies in the Eastern Deltastates. In 1903, the government began to import bronze coinage but the peopleshowed little interest in it. In March, 1908, the government introduced penniesand tenths of a penny. In the 1920s international trade collapsed and with it thefortunes of the indigenous traders of the Eastern Delta.

The most obvious political consequence of colonial rule for the Ibani, Kalabariand Okrika was the loss of their sovereignty. Throughout the colonial periodthe chiefs were subordinates of colonial officials. The earliest form of localgovernment established in the Eastern Delta by the colonial governmentconsisted of Native Councils and Native Courts. Through these councils andcourts, the colonial government utilised the indigenous customs and laws of thepeople in local administration. This was genuine indirect rule distinct from themuch publicised Lugardian version in the North.

One of the ten stages in the process of “opening up” Southern Nigeria laiddown by Sir Ralph Moor was what he called “Native Council of Chiefs infriendly towns” (Nicolson, 1969:88-89). Great importance was attached byMoor’s administration to the native courts and native councils. They wereintended to be the main instrument of progress employed directly by thegovernment supplementing the civilizing influences of commence andeducation. These courts and councils were held to be of great value, not onlyin the administration of justice, but also in “providing the means of instructingthe people in the proper methods of government”.

After the amalgamation of Lagos and Southern Nigeria, the Ibani, Kalabari andOkrika people became part of the Eastern Provinces. After the amalgamationin 1914, Lugard extended his northern version of indirect rule to these areas,and gave certificates, called warrants, to the coastal chiefs. It was thesewarrants which qualified them to sit in the Native Courts.

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As commerce followed the flag so did the church and western education.Christian missionary enterprise in the Niger Delta started in the nineteenthcentury, but it was in the twentieth century during the colonial period that theirefforts were consolidated.

Bonny is the home of Christianity in the Eastern Niger Delta. In 1863, KingWilliam Dappa Pepple of Bonny instructed his son George Pepple to formallywrite to the Lord Bishop of London for the establishment of a Church atBonny. The request was forwarded to Crowther in 1864, and led to theeventual commencement of Church Missionary Society (CMS) activities inBonny. King William Pepple had been converted while in exile, and baptizedat Christ Church, Middlesex, on 3 October, 1856 (Wariboko, 1998:52).Convinced that Britain owed its greatness to Christianity, King William Peppleused some of the money paid to him as “damages for wrongful exile” to recruitmissionaries to begin missionary work in Bonny. It was, when those recruiteddirectly by him failed, that he turned to the CMS.

It was from Bonny that Christianity spread to Kalabari and Okrika (Tasie,1978). Bonny is also remarkable because it produced the first Christian martyr,Joshua Hart, while Garrick Braide of Kalabari became the first Christiancharismatic evangelist. Joshua Hart, a young Christian convert of the ChiefCaptain Hart House suffered martyrdom rather than eat food sacrificed to thegods. On his part, Garrick Sokari Idaketima Braide was a communicant andwarden of St. Andrew’s Church in Bakana his home town. He left theAnglican Church and became a famous healer through prayer. His ralliesattracted large crowds who proclaimed their conversion to Christianity. Hewas called the second Elijah. Other Christian denominations including theAfrican Church, the Baptists and the Roman Catholics, followed the Anglicansinto the Eastern Delta.

Western education in Bonny, Kalabari and Okrika was started by themissionaries. Western education began in Bonny in 1864, Elem Kalabari in1874 and 1850 in Okrika respectively. By the beginning of the twentiethcentury, Christian mission schools were to be found in all corners of the

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Eastern Delta. As the people came to appreciate the value of Westerneducation, communities built schools. In 1938, the Kalabari people establishedthe Kalabari National College, Buguma, as the first community secondaryschool.

In those communities, where the missions had not established schools, schoolswere run directly by the government. Moor as High Commissioner of theProtectorate of Southern Nigeria, had as the declared object of hisadministration “the education and improvement of the native” and his“elevation”. Moor’s Administration was more directly involved in theprovision of education. During one leave in England, Moor raised £5,000 tohelp build new premises for the Bonny school (Orugbani, 2005 102-104).

Missionary enterprise and Western education had far reaching consequences on

the Delta societies. Delta rulers appreciated western education as providing

skills which will make their children more efficient in the palm oil trade, in

addition to providing employment with the missions (as catechists and school

masters), the mercantile houses and the government. They were apprehensive

of the effect of Christian teaching on their indigenous cultural and religious

practices. Their worries, in this regard, can be summarized by the views of

Chief Bob Manuel, Amanyanabo of Abonema, when he told the missionary

Garrick to “teach my people to read and write English book, but leave God

palaver alone”, because “this God palaver is a trouble” (Wariboko, 1998: 214).

The Post-Colonial Period

The immediate post-colonial period was a period of decline for the people of

the Eastern Delta. Abonema which became a commercial emporium during the

colonial period collapsed in the early 1960s as the mercantile houses closed

down and moved to Port Harcourt.

The creation of the Rivers State arrested this decline for the Ibani, Kalabari,

and Okrika people. The creation of the Rivers State redressed the neglect they

suffered during the colonial period and the immediate post-colonial period

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under the Eastern Regional Government. The first Government of the State,

the Diete-Spiff Administration, responded to the aspirations of the people by

providing employment, education and social services. The pace set by that

administration has been maintained in various degrees by successive

governments in the State.

The hub of economic activity in the Eastern Delta shifted to Bonny. The oil

industry which started on a small scale in Bonny before the war, is now the

mainstay of the economy of the kingdom, and indeed, of the Eastern Delta

region. Young men and women from all over the region now flock to Bonny in

search of greener pastures. The establishment of the LNG plant at Bonny is

another boost to the economy of the region.

Politically, too, the immediate post-colonial period was not favourable to the

people. Generally speaking, they supported the Action Group, the Opposition

party at the Federal level. This support earned them the displeasure of the

NCNC which controlled the regional government at Enugu. The displeasure

of the Enugu government was expressed in the form of discrimination in

employment for sons and daughters of the area and the provision of social

amenities for the people. This was the situation until the creation of States.

In conclusion, the people of the Eastern Delta have had a long history in theirpresent location. Though they migrated mainly from the Central Delta, it wasin the Eastern Delta that they developed centralized polities headed by a king(amanyanabo), and the peculiar and unique institution known as the war canoehouse. During the colonial period they lost their sovereignty as they wereincorporated into the Nigerian State without their consent. Politicalindependence, especially, since the creation of the Rivers State, has improvedtheir lot.

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