The influence of vertical spatial orientation on property verification
Transcript of The influence of vertical spatial orientation on property verification
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The influence of vertical spatialorientation on property verificationMia Šetić a & Dražen Domijan a
a University of Rijeka , Rijeka, CroatiaPublished online: 28 Feb 2007.
To cite this article: Mia Šetić & Dražen Domijan (2007) The influence of vertical spatialorientation on property verification, Language and Cognitive Processes, 22:2, 297-312, DOI:10.1080/01690960600732430
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01690960600732430
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The influence of vertical spatial orientation on
property verification
Mia Setic and Drazen DomijanUniversity of Rijeka, Rijeka, Croatia
According to the spatial registration hypothesis, the representation of stimuluslocation is automatically encoded during perception and it can interact with amore abstract linguistic representation. We tested this hypothesis in twoexperiments, using the semantic judgements of words. In the first experiment,words for animals that either fly or do not fly were presented either in the upperor lower part of a display relative to the fixation point. Reaction times showedsignificant interaction between the spatial position and the word type. Thewords for flying animals were judged faster when they were presented in theupper part while the words for non-flying animals were processed faster in thelower part of the display. In the second experiment we extended the stimulus setto words denoting non-living things which are associated with either upper orlower spatial position. Again, reaction times showed significant interactionbetween the actual spatial position where the words were presented, and theirimplicit association with upper or lower spatial position. The results providesupport for the claim that spatial representation has an active role in lexicalprocessing.
INTRODUCTION
Several theoretical accounts posit that language and abstract thoughts are
closely linked to perceptual representations (Barsalou, 1999; Langacker,
1999; Pulvermuller, 1999). Reactivation of perceptual experiences during
language processing is considered essential for understanding words and
Correspondence should be addressed to Drazen Domijan, Department of Psychology,
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Rijeka, I. Klobucarica 1, HR-51000 Rijeka, Croatia.
E-mail: [email protected] or [email protected]
We would like to thank two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments which
significantly improved this manuscript. Also, our thanks go to Igor Bajsanski for discussion on
the previous version of the manuscript, and to Ines Sirola and Igor Majcen for help in the data
collection.
LANGUAGE AND COGNITIVE PROCESSES
2007, 22 (2), 297�312
# 2006 Psychology Press, an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
http://www.psypress.com/lcp DOI: 10.1080/01690960600732430
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sentences (Zwaan, 2004). Consequently, properties of the perceptual systems
should be manifested in language. Accumulating evidence from behavioural,
neuropsychological, and brain imaging studies suggests that perception has
an important role in understanding language (Barsalou, 2003; Barsalou,
Simmons, Barbey, & Wilson, 2003; Chatterjee, 2001; Pulvermuller, 2001;
Zwaan, 2004). This is in a contrast with classical or amodal theory of
knowledge representation which rests on the assumption that cognitive
processes could be understood without considering perceptual systems
(Markman & Dietrich, 2000).
In the present article we consider how spatial position might interact with
lexical processing. Coslett (1999) argued that it is of great evolutionary
importance to remember locations in the environment where relevant stimuli
typically occur. Knowing in advance where to find food, or where to watch
for potential threats, increases the chances of survival. Therefore, it is not
surprising to find that a great deal of neural machinery is devoted to the
construction of mental representation of space involving parts of the
temporal, parietal and prefrontal regions at the cortical level and parts of
the basal ganglia and the thalamus at the subcortical level (Chatterjee, 2001).According to the spatial registration hypothesis, information about spatial
location can interact with other cognitive functions such as planning of
actions and language even if it is not directly relevant for the current task
(Coslett, 1999). On this view, links between linguistic representation and
spatial position are established through the deployment of attention over a
spatial map. Attention binds spatial location with abstract symbols by
creating a token or a pointer which specifies the coordinates of a relevant
object. A critical assumption of the spatial registration hypothesis is that the
location token is linked to all processing modules, including sensory, motor
and linguistic ones. When we learn a new word that refers to a certain object,
a symbolic representation (word) of this object is associated with sensory
properties of a given object, including its typical position in space relative to
an observer. The association is formed via the token in the spatial map. A
consequence of the activation of a particular location token is a processing
advantage for all objects or words associated with this token (Coslett, 1999).
Spatial registration is closely related to the concept of word webs put
forward by Pulvermuller (1999, 2001). He suggested that lexical processing
activates a distributed network of neurons (web) in different sensory, motor
and language areas of the cortex, corresponding to the sensory, motor and
linguistic representation of a given concept. For instance, when we hear the
word ‘car’, the network activity spreads to the sensory areas retrieving
sensory properties (shape, colour) of a typical car. The activity also spreads
to motor areas and reactivates typical actions such as when we drive a car.
Word webs are formed by the Hebbian or the correlational learning
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mechanism which links and coordinates activities in different parts of the
cortex.
When attention mechanisms do not operate properly, the spatial
registration hypothesis predicts that the language function should also beaffected. The evidence for this claim was found in the study of neurological
patients with lesions of the parietal cortex (Coslett, 1999). The parietal
cortex is known to be involved in the construction of spatial representations
and in directing spatial attention (Colby & Goldberg, 1999). However,
patients also showed differences in performance with regard to lexical tasks
(lexical retrieval and semantic search) depending on the location of stimuli in
visual space. Patients with left parietal lesions showed decreased perfor-
mance when their attention was directed to the right visual field, and patientswith right parietal lesions showed decreased performance when their
attention was directed to the left visual field. The conclusion was that
although the parietal cortex is dedicated to the construction of spatial
representation and the deployment of spatial attention, it might influence
lexical processing as well.
It should be noted that Coslett (1999) tested only left�right direction, and
it is an interesting question whether the spatial registration hypothesis could
be generalised to other spatial directions such as orientation toward the topor the bottom of a visual scene, and to neurologically intact participants. The
spatial registration hypothesis suggests that the spatial location should
produce advantage during normal lexical and semantic processing. For
instance, a word should be detected faster when its position in space is
consistent with the typical position of an object to which this word refers.
This effect should occur for all spatial positions (left, right, top, bottom). In
the following paragraphs we review two studies which address these
predictions for the top and the bottom position.In an attempt to test how the spatial position of words might influence
semantic-relatedness judgements, Zwaan and Yaxley (2003b) used word pairs
which denoted objects with a vertical spatial relation to each other (e.g.,
SKY�GROUND, ATTIC�BASEMENT). The words were presented either
in the same spatial arrangement as their referent objects (SKY above
GROUND) or in the opposite arrangement (GROUND above the SKY).
The task was to decide whether two words were semantically related. They
found that participants made faster semantic-relatedness judgements whenthe spatial arrangement of words corresponded with the spatial arrangement
of objects denoted, which they termed the spatial iconicity effect. However,
Zwaan and Yaxley (2003b) were not able to control how attention was
deployed over stimulus display, which is important for activating location
tokens. It is reasonable to expect that participants read the word pairs from
top to bottom. But, it is also possible that we construct our mental
representation of objects in space, starting from top to bottom, when links
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between location tokens and words are utilised. Therefore, longer response
times for opposite arrangement may simply reflect a violation of usual
temporal order in retrieving lexical and semantic information based on links
with location tokens. Zwaan and Yaxley (2003b) ruled out this possibility by
showing that the spatial iconicity effect was not observed when word pairs
were presented horizontally. However, the experimental paradigm they
employed does not permit us to tell whether the observed effect is due to
the processing advantage (or disadvantage) in the upper spatial position, the
lower spatial position, or both. In other words, it might be that the observed
effect occurs only with words which refer to objects in upper spatial
locations, or vice versa.
In another study of the interaction between vertical spatial position and
language, Meier and Robinson (2004) used emotionally charged words,
which were presented either in top or bottom positions in the display. The
top or the bottom position was indicated by a set of spatial cues displayed
before the word appeared. Participants were asked to judge the emotional
valence of words (positive vs. negative). The analysis of reaction times
showed that faster responses were made to positive words when they were
shown in the top position compared to the bottom position. Negative words
were processed faster when they were presented in the bottom position. The
results indicate a connection between the affective charge of the words and
the spatial position. This provides support for the claim that social and
emotional information processing is also affected by perceptual systems
(Niedenthal, Barsalou, Winkielman, Krauth-Gruber, & Ric, 2005).
Meier and Robinson’s (2004) paradigm seems more suitable for addres-
sing the issue of interaction between linguistic and spatial representations
because it uses spatial orientation toward the top or the bottom part of the
visual scene, without relying on the relative position of a word. Therefore, it
provides a better control over spatial deployment of attention and allows us
to independently test upper and lower visual fields. Accordingly, we adapted
this procedure in order to assess interaction between the spatial position and
lexical processing. We used words denoting animals which are associated
with the top or the bottom spatial position. We hypothesised that words for
animals that fly will activate the perceptual representation of a typical scene
where the animal denoted is found, which is usually the upper portion of the
visual field (e.g., sky). On the other hand, words for animals that are
typically found on the ground will activate perceptual representation in the
bottom part of the visual scene. These spatial representations should
facilitate processing of words for flying animals at the top of the display
and words for non-flying animals at the bottom of the display.
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EXPERIMENT 1
Method
Participants. The participants were 47 (41 female and 6 male, age range:19�26) undergraduate students from the Department of Psychology in
Rijeka, Croatia. They all had normal or corrected-to-normal vision and
received course credit for their participation. One female participant was
excluded from the analysis due to the extremely long reaction time (�/2.5
SDs from group latency means) and one male participant was excluded due
to the large number of errors (�/15% in total).
Apparatus. Stimuli were presented using a personal computer Pentium 4
running MS Windows XP with a 17-inch colour monitor. The responses were
collected using the computer keyboard.
Procedure. We followed the procedure of Meier and Robinson (2004)
except for the selected words. They employed words that had positive or
negative emotional valence. Instead, we used words for animals that have
clear spatial orientations toward the top or the bottom part of the visual
scene. The chosen words are listed in the Appendix.Every trial began with a spatial cue (‘�/�/�/’) presented in the centre
of the display for 300 ms. Then, the second spatial cue (‘�/�/�/’) appeared
435 mm either above or below the first cue. Next, the third spatial cue (‘�/�/
�/’) was presented 870 mm apart from the first cue either above or below
the first and the second cue, but always in the same spatial direction as the
second cue. The second and the third spatial cues were both presented for the
duration of 300 ms. After the third cue, the word was presented 1135 mm
either above or below the first cue, centred horizontally, in the same spatial
direction as the second and the third cue. Spatial cues focused attention on
the part of the screen near the position where word would be presented and
they were 100% valid. The words appeared in a yellow font on a blue
background. The task was to decide whether the word presented denoted a
flying or a non-flying animal. The instructions given to the participants
placed equal emphasis on speed and accuracy. If an error was made, the
word ‘INCORRECT’ appeared in a red font for 1.5 s. After a correct
response, a blank screen appeared for 500 ms. The participants were sitting
comfortably at a distance of about 60 cm from the display. The centre of
the display was positioned so as to be at the eye level. There were 16 practice
trials (with words not used in an experimental block) followed by a
single block of 120 trials with every word listed in the Appendix presented
twice (once in the top position and once in the bottom position). The order
of the presentation of words and the choice of their spatial location in the
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trial were randomised across the participants. The experimental session was
completed in approximately 10 minutes.
Results and discussion
The alpha level was set to .05 for all significance testing. Error trials were
removed from the analysis (5.1% of the data). Reaction times were then log-
transformed in order to reduce the impact of the extreme values and to
normalise distributions (Ratcliff, 1993). Transformed data was subjected to a
two-way repeated-measure ANOVA with spatial position (top vs. bottom)
and word type (flying animal vs. non-flying animal) as within-subject factors.
Mean reaction times and error rates for word type and spatial position are
displayed in Table 1 (left column). The main effect of spatial position was not
significant (FB/1). The main effect of word type was significant, F(1, 44)�/
33.89, pB/.001, h2P�/.44, showing that words for flying animals were
processed faster (M�/649 ms) than words for non-flying animals (M�/670
ms). The Spatial position�/Word type interaction was significant F(1, 44)�/
16.24, pB/.001, h2P�/.27. Duncan’s post-hoc test revealed that words for
flying animals were processed significantly faster when they were presented
in the top position (M�/642 ms), compared with the bottom position
(M�/ 655 ms), p�/.004. On the other hand, words for non-flying animals
were processed significantly faster when they were presented at the bottom
position (M�/664 ms) compared with the top position (M�/676 ms),
p�/.010. The same analysis was performed on untransformed error rates.
The main effect of the spatial position was not significant nor was the
interaction between spatial position and word type (FsB/1). The main effect
of word type was significant, F(1, 44)�/5.55, p�/.023, h2P�/.11; indicating
that more errors were made during the evaluation of words for flying animals
TABLE 1Mean reaction times (RTs; in milliseconds) and error rates (ERs; in percentages) for
word type and spatial position in Experiment 1
Participants Items
Items (after adjustment for
valence)
Word type Word type Word type
Spatial position Fly Non-fly Fly Non-fly Fly Non-fly
RT Top 642 (11.3) 676 (12.7) 645 (8.0) 677 (8.4) 646 (8.0) 676 (8.4)
Bottom 655 (12.3) 664 (12.5) 658 (9.4) 665 (9.5) 659 (9.5) 664 (9.5)
ER Top 5.3 (0.7) 4.4 (0.7) 5.3 (0.9) 4.3 (0.9) 5.4 (0.9) 4.2 (0.9)
Bottom 6.6 (0.8) 4.4 (0.7) 6.6 (1.1) 4.4 (1.1) 6.6 (1.1) 4.4 (1.1)
Note . Standard errors are in parentheses.
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(M�/ 6%) than words for non-flying animals (M�/ 4.4%). A possible
explanation for this speed-accuracy tradeoff is that the property to be
verified (flying) is strongly associated with the set of words for flying animals
which may lower firing thresholds for their corresponding nodes in lexicalrepresentation. This may induce participants to respond faster and to be
more confident as well as leading them to make more errors.
We also perform an item-level analysis with the word type as a between-
item factor and the spatial position as a within-item factor in a mixed two-
way ANOVA (see Table 1, middle column, for descriptive statistics). The
main effect of word type was not significant, F(1, 58)�/2.89, p�/ .095; as well
as the main effect of spatial position (FB/1). The interaction Word type�/
Spatial position was significant, F(1, 58)�/9.66, p�/ .003, /h2P�/.15. Duncan’s
post-hoc test revealed that the words for flying animals were processed
significantly faster when they were presented in the top position (M�/ 645
ms), compared with the bottom position (M�/ 658 ms), p�/ .024. On the
other hand, words for non-flying animals were processed significantly faster
when they were presented at the bottom position (M�/665 ms) compared
with the top position (M�/ 677 ms), p�/ .043. The analysis of error rates
showed that there were no significant main effects nor was there interaction
(all FsB/2).Although the current findings lend support to the claim that spatial
representation influences lexical processing, there is another possibility.
Taking into account the results of Meier and Robinson’s (2004) study, it is
possible that the observed interaction between the spatial position and the
word type could be interpreted as a consequence of a valence of words. That
is, words for flying animals may have more positive valence compared with
non-flying animals, leading to shorter reaction times for words for flying
animals in the upper spatial position compared with the bottom position.Negative valence of the non-flying words may induce an opposite pattern of
reaction times for their presentation in top and bottom spatial positions.
Therefore, we conducted the analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) with word
type as a between-item factor, spatial position as a within-item factor, and
treating the valence as a covariate (see Table 1, right column, for descriptive
statistics). The valence of the words was rated by a group of 30 participants
on a Likert nine-point scale (1 � very negative; 9 � very positive). Mean
valence was computed and used in the analysis. The main effect of word typewas not significant F(1, 57)�/2.28, p�/.14; as well as the main effect of
spatial position (FB/1). The interaction between word type and spatial
position remains significant F(1, 57)�/ 9.45, p�/ .003, h2P�/ .14. Just like
before, Duncan’s post-hoc test showed that words for flying animals were
processed significantly faster when they were presented at the top position
(M�/646 ms) compared with the bottom position (M�/ 659 ms), p�/ .025.
The responses to words for non-flying animals remained significantly faster
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when they were presented at the bottom position (M�/ 664 ms) compared
with the top position (M�/ 676 ms), p�/.045. The interaction between the
spatial position and the valence was not significant (FB/1) indicating that
their effects on reaction times were independent. All effects remained non-significant in ANCOVA for error rates. We conclude that our findings were
not the by-product of the valence of the words.
In Experiment 1 we showed that the spatial position of a presented word
influences the speed of property verification. This provides support for the
spatial registration hypothesis which states that directing attention to the
part of the visual space where we usually observe certain objects should
produce processing advantage even for words denoting them. However, as
described below, the differences in reaction times could be explained by theproperties of the categorisation task itself. In order to separate the influence
of the spatial position from the influence of the categorisation task we
conducted Experiment 2.
EXPERIMENT 2
A potential concern with Experiment 1 is that the categorisation labels used
in the experimental task are associated with the spatial position. Namely, the
category label of ‘flying’ is physically linked to an upper vertical position. In
other words, to ‘fly’ one must be ‘up’. Therefore, participants may respond
faster to words for flying animals when they appear at the top positionsimply because there is a link between the category ‘flying’ and the top
spatial position. Following a suggestion made by a reviewer, we conducted
Experiment 2 using words for animals and for non-living things. The
procedure was the same as in the previous experiment except that the task
was to decide whether the presented word was a living or a non-living entity.
Categories ‘living’ and ‘non-living’ are not associated with physical location
like the category ‘flying’.
Method
Participants. The participants were 45 (42 female and 3 male, age range:
19�25) undergraduate students from the Department of Psychology in
Rijeka, Croatia. They all had normal or corrected-to-normal vision andreceived course credit for their participation. Most of them participated in
Experiment 1. This raises a concern that they were not naive with respect to
the hypothesis of the study. Although the participants were debriefed after
they completed Experiment 1 we believe that they have not formed an
expectation that implicit spatial orientation of words is being tested again,
because the categorisation task used in Experiment 2 was different. Namely,
the categorisation of words as referring to living or non-living entities does
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not imply spatial orientation of words just like in the categorisation task used
in Experiment 1.
Apparatus. Stimuli were presented using a personal computer Pentium 4
running MS Windows XP with a 17-inch colour monitor. The responses were
collected using the computer keyboard.
Procedure. The procedure was the same as in Experiment 1 except forthe selected words and the task. The task was to decide whether the
presented word denotes a living or a non-living entity. Words for living
beings were the words for animals used in Experiment 1. Due to the fact that
most of the participants were familiar with these words they were treated as
filler items. Words for non-living entities were selected based on their
association with the upper or the lower part of the visual field. We refer to
them as top words (i.e., words which denote objects usually observed at the
top position) and bottom words (i.e., words which denote objects usually
observed at the bottom position). The chosen words are listed in the
Appendix. There were 24 practice trials (with the words not used in an
experimental block) followed by a single block of 160 trials with every word
listed in the Appendix presented twice (once in the top position and once in
the bottom position). The order of the presentation of words and the choice
of their spatial location in the trial were randomised between
the participants. The experimental session was completed in approximately
10 min.
Results and discussion
Error trials were removed from the analysis (3.9% of the data). Due to the
fact that the same participants completed Experiment 1 and Experiment 2,
we treated words for animals as filler items and excluded them from the
analysis. The reaction times for non-living entities were then log-transformed
and subjected to a two-way repeated-measure ANOVA with spatial position
(top vs. bottom) and word type (top object vs. bottom object) as within-
subject factors. Mean reaction times and error rates for word type and spatial
position are displayed in Table 2 (left column). The main effect of spatial
position was not significant (FB/1). The main effect of word type was
significant, F(1, 44)�/17.18, pB/.001, h2P�/.28, showing that words for
bottom objects were processed faster (M�/607 ms) than words for top
objects (M�/ 621 ms). The Spatial position�/Word type interaction was
significant F(1, 44)�/19.53, pB/.001, h2P�/.30. Duncan’s post-hoc test
revealed that words for top objects were processed significantly faster
when they were presented in the top position (M�/ 614 ms) compared with
the bottom position (M�/ 627 ms), p�/.005. On the other hand, words for
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bottom objects were processed significantly faster when they were presented
in the bottom position (M�/ 600 ms) compared with the top position
(M�/ 614 ms), p�/.002. The same analysis was performed on untransformed
error rates. The main effect of spatial position was not significant, F(1, 44)�/
2.83, p�/.100; nor was the interaction between spatial position and word
type, FB/1. The main effect of word type was significant, F(1, 44)�/4.76,
p�/.035, h2P�/.10; indicating that more errors were made during the
evaluation of words for top objects (M�/ 4.7%) than words for bottom
objects (M�/ 3.2%). This pattern of error rates is consistent with the results
for reaction times.
The item-level analysis was performed with word type as a between-item
factor and spatial position as a within-item factor in a mixed two-way
ANOVA (see Table 2, middle column, for descriptive statistics). The main
effect of word type was not significant, F(1, 38)�/2.41, p�/.129; as well as the
main effect of spatial position, FB/1. The interaction Word type�/Spatial
position was significant, F(1, 38)�/10.60, p�/.002, h2P�/.22. Duncan’s post-
hoc test revealed that words for top objects were processed significantly
faster when they were presented in the top position (M�/616 ms) compared
with the bottom position (M�/628 ms), p�/.031. On the other hand, the
words for bottom objects were processed significantly faster when they were
presented in the bottom position (M�/602 ms) compared with the top
position (M�/ 615 ms), p�/.024. The analysis of error rates showed that
there were no significant main effects of spatial position, F(1, 38)�/3.73,
p�/.061, and word type, F(1, 38)�/2.46, p�/.125. The interaction between
spatial position and word type was also nonsignificant, FB/1.
As in Experiment 1, we conducted ANCOVA with word type as a
between-item factor, spatial position as a within-item factor, and treating the
valence as a covariate (see Table 1, right column, for descriptive statistics).
TABLE 2Mean reaction times (RTs; in milliseconds) and error rates (ERs; in percentages) for
word type and spatial position in Experiment 2
Participants Items
Items (after adjustment
for valence)
Word type Word type Word type
Spatial position Top Bottom Top Bottom Top Bottom
RT Top 614 (9.2) 614 (9.5) 616 (5.6) 615 (5.6) 614 (6.3) 617 (6.3)
Bottom 627 (9.6) 600 (9.3) 628 (8.0) 602 (7.6) 626 (8.9) 605 (8.6)
ER Top 3.8 (0.8) 2.9 (0.7) 3.8 (0.8) 2.9 (0.8) 4.0 (0.9) 2.7 (0.9)
Bottom 5.6 (1.2) 3.6 (0.8) 5.6 (0.8) 3.6 (0.8) 5.1 (0.9) 4.0 (0.9)
Note . Standard errors are in parentheses.
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The valence of the words was rated by a group of 34 participants on a Likert
nine-point scale (1 � very negative; 9 � very positive). Mean valence was
computed and used in the analysis. The main effect of word type was not
significant, as well as the main effect of spatial position (both FsB/1). The
interaction between word type and spatial position remained significant,
F(1, 37)�/6.54, p�/.015, h2P�/.15. As before, Duncan’s post-hoc test revealed
that words for top objects were processed significantly faster when they were
presented in the top position (M�/ 614 ms) compared to the bottom position
(M�/ 626 ms), p�/.033. The words for bottom objects were processed
significantly faster when they were presented in the bottom position
(M�/ 605 ms) compared to the top position (M�/ 617 ms), p�/.026. The
interaction between spatial position and the valence was not significant
(FB/1) indicating that their effects on reaction times were independent. All
effects remained non-significant in ANCOVA for error rates (all FsB/2).
In Experiment 2 we replicated the pattern of results from Experiment 1.
The words with implicit association with the top spatial position were
processed faster when they were actually presented in the top position
compared to their presentation in the bottom position. Conversely, the words
with implicit association with the bottom position were processed faster
when they were presented in the bottom position compared to the top
position. This is achieved without the confound present in the Experiment 1
because the categorisation task was not directly related to the spatial
position. Namely, category labels of ‘living’ and ‘non-living’ things are not
related to the top and the bottom spatial position.
GENERAL DISCUSSION
Using the paradigm of Meier and Robinson (2004) we showed that spatial
position influences lexical processing. In Experiment 1 the task was to verify
whether a given word denoted a flying or a non-flying animal. Words were
presented either in the top or the bottom position relative to the centre of the
screen. Words for flying animals were processed faster when they were
presented at the top position while words denoting non-flying animals were
processed faster at the bottom. The results are closely related to a spatial
Stroop effect where the meaning of the words interferes with the location
where they appear (Lu & Proctor, 1995; MacLeod, 1991). In the spatial
Stroop task, words are used whose meaning is directly related to orientation
in space (i.e., ABOVE�BELOW, LEFT�RIGHT). For instance, the word
LEFT is detected faster when presented in the left side of the display relative
to the fixation point compared with a right side presentation. As in the
studies of Zwaan and Yaxley (2003b) and Meier and Robinson (2004) we
used words which do not make explicit reference to spatial locations but still
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have implied spatial orientation thus producing interference during task
completion. We also verified that present result is not due to the valence of
the words since the effect holds after we statistically controlled for valence in
ANCOVA. Therefore, the results observed in the present study do not reduce
to the effect of valence reported by Meier and Robinson (2004). It should be
noted, however, that neither study permits us to distinguish whether results
should be attributed to the interference due to the conflicting information or
to facilitation due to the consistent information. The problem is that there is
no control condition which could distinguish these variables. Kaschak et al.
(2005) provide further discussion on this issue.
In Experiment 2 we verified that the spatial influences observed in
Experiment 1 are not due to the properties of the categorisation task. We
employed words for living and non-living entities that are either associated
with the top or the bottom spatial position. The task was to decide whether a
presented word denotes a living or a non-living entity. The interaction
between word type and spatial position was still present (across participants
and items). The words with implicit association with the upper spatial
location (e.g., sun, moon, aircraft, and roof) were processed faster when
presented in the top position, compared with the bottom position. The words
associated with the lower spatial position (e.g., stream, road, basement, and
shoe) were processed faster when presented in the bottom position,
compared with the top position. In Experiment 2, words for animals were
treated as filler items. We also verified that the observed results are not the
consequence of the valence of words since the effects remained after we
statistically controlled for the valence in ANCOVA.
Amodal vs. modal explanation
According to Zwaan and Yaxley (2003b) the influence of spatial position on
lexical processing could be interpreted in two ways depending on the
assumptions about the representational format used in lexical processing.
The first interpretation is derived from classical (or amodal) theory of
conceptual representation in which nodes in a semantic network compete to
reach the activation threshold and constitute the semantic interpretation of
the input. We may assume that the nodes for every word are associated with
the nodes for concepts of the spatial position (TOP or BOTTOM) depending
on the typical position of the concepts these words denote. For instance, a
node for EAGLE would be associated with the concept TOP since eagles are
typically observed in the sky. On the other hand, MOUSE would be
associated with the concept BOTTOM. During on-line processing of words
their spatial position is also registered. When registered spatial position is in
conflict with spatial position retrieved from memory, the response to a given
pair of words is prolonged.
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The second interpretation is based on a theory of perceptual simulations
(or modal theory), which posits that perceptual representations are activated
during lexical processing (Barsalou, 1999). In this case, we can assume that
the spatial position is registered during lexical learning and becomes a partof the representation of the concept learned. Facilitation or interference is
explained as a consequence of a match or mismatch between the spatial
position of the presented words and their learned typical position. When a
word denoting a flying animal is presented, the upper portion of the visual
field is activated because flying animals are typically found in the sky. If the
word is presented in the top position its evaluation should be facilitated due
to the match between registered position and learned position. On the other
hand, if the word is presented in the bottom position there would be amismatch between perceptual and learned representation which delays the
response. The same processes are also evident for non-flying animals but in
the opposite spatial direction.
Mental scanning
An important aspect of Zwaan and Yaxley’s (2003b) study is the fact that
word pairs are read from top to bottom and this temporal order may
interfere with the spatial manipulation in the experimental task. They were
not able to completely exclude the possibility that the results are a
consequence of mental scanning of the perceptual representation from top
to bottom. In the present experiment this problem is avoided by presenting asingle word during a trial while the spatial position is manipulated
independently for each word. Mental scanning is not relevant here because
attention is deliberately relocated between top and bottom positions by a set
of cues. Furthermore, we were able to separate the effects of top and bottom
spatial positions while they are merged in the Zwaan and Yaxley’s (2003b)
study. Therefore, our results provide a stronger argument for spatial effects
on lexical processing and for the role in it of perceptual representation.
Strategies for solving the property verification task
Relevant to the present experiment is an issue of controlling a word’s
associative strength. Solomon and Barsalou (2004) argued that in a property
verification task participants were able to adopt different strategies depend-ing on the properties of the task (e.g., task difficulty). While they might use
perceptual simulation, in some cases it is possible to solve the task by
attending to word association between concept and property. We did not
control word association strength directly but features of the task used
allowed us to set these strategies apart. In Experiment 1, the property that is
tested (does the animal fly) is highly associated with one group (flying
animals) but not with the other group (non-flying animals). However, the
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spatial position affects both sets of words indicating that participants really
used perceptual simulation and were not just relying on associative strength.
If they were using word association strategy solely it would be manifested in
the main effect of word type and lack of interaction. Although the main
effect of the word type for response times was significant it was accompanied
by the main effect of the word type in error rates indicating a speed-accuracy
trade-off. Also it should be noted that the main effect of word type was
present in the analysis by participants only. The significant interaction
between word type and the spatial position (in the analysis by participants
and by items) points to the use of perceptual simulation. In Experiment 2,
there was no such asymmetry in association strength between words used
and property that is being tested. The main effect of word type was
significant with shorter reaction times for words for bottom objects.
However, it was present in the analysis by participants only. More important
is that we also observed the interaction between word type and spatial
position (in the analysis by participants and by items) which suggests that the
participants tried to use perceptual simulation in order to solve the task.
CONCLUSION
Irrespective of the assumptions about representational format used in lexical
processing, the present results along with the studies of Zwaan and Yaxley
(2003a, 2003b) provide additional support for the spatial registration
hypothesis which states that during our daily encounter with the environ-
ment, the spatial position of objects is automatically encoded even if it is not
necessary (Coslett, 1999). The spatial localisation is of such evolutionary
importance that it is remembered for all encountered objects. Moreover,
memorised spatial information is linked to other cognitive functions and it
could influence language processing and action planning. This hypothesis is
based on evidence from patients with damage of the parietal cortex. Besides
well known deficits in visual spatial orientation some of these patients also
show deficits in lexical access and semantic search which should not occur if
language and space representations are separated. These results, combined
with studies on comprehension of verbs (Chatterjee, Southwood, & Basilico,
1999; Richardson, Spivey, Barsalou, & McRae, 2003) and whole sentences
(Chatterjee, Maher, Gonzalez Rothi, & Heilman, 1995; Stanfield & Zwaan,
2001), are consistent with the suggestion that language and space interact in
important ways (Chatterjee, 2001).
Manuscript received October 2005
Revised manuscript received March 2006
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APPENDIX
Experiment 1
The words were selected based on a pilot study in which participants rated the
strength (or clarity) of a word’s spatial orientation toward the top or the bottom
positions on a Likert five-point scale. Participants were asked to imagine a given
animal and to rate where they usually observe it in the space. We used five-point scale,
where 1 indicates the lowest position and 5 indicates the highest position in space. In
Croatian language all the nouns presented were single words with a length of between
3 and 9 letters. There was no difference in word length between flying and non-flying
animals (t B/1). Words for non-flying animals were chosen so as to minimise the
difference in average size with respect to flying animals and to enhance their spatial
orientation toward the bottom. Therefore, we excluded large animals such as
elephant, horse, giraffe, and so on.The words for flying animals were as follows: fly, bumble bee, wasp, honeybee,
mosquito, butterfly, bat, eagle, hornet, swallow, crow, sea-gull, raven, albatross, hawk,
pigeon, bulbul, stork, sparrow, blackbird, woodpecker, condor, vulture, owl, heron,
turtle-dove, falcon, finch, little owl, and crane.The words for non-flying animals were as follows: snake, earthworm, worm, snail,
lizard, caterpillar, crab, scorpion, cockroach, mouse, rat, mole, hamster, rabbit,
hedgehog, ant, iguana, fish, badger, guinea pig, marten, weasel, skunk, racoon,
beaver, turtle, termite, fox, cat, and squid.
Experiment 2
As in Experiment 1, the words were selected based on a pilot study in which the
participants rated the strength (or clarity) of word’s spatial orientation toward the top
or the bottom positions on a Likert five-point scale. In Croatian language all the
nouns presented were single words with the length of between 3 and 10 letters. There
was no difference in word length between words for top and bottom objects (t B/1).
The words for animals were taken from the list for Experiment 1. The words for non-
living things with implicit association to top position (i.e., top words) were as follows:
sky, rainbow, sun, moon, cloud, aircraft, helicopter, tower, hanging lamp, bell-tower,
ski jump, halo, attic, ceiling, roof, satellite, meteor, chimney, peak, and aerial.The words for non-living things with implicit association to bottom position (i.e.,
bottom words) were as follows: asphalt, channel, carpet, parquet, puddle, submarine,
pit, stream, door-mat, road, floor, basement, wheel, abyss, ground, shoe, mud,
sidewalk, pathway, and railway.The words for flying animals were as follows: fly wasp, honeybee, butterfly, bat,
eagle, hornet, swallow, crow, sea-gull, raven, albatross, hawk, bulbul, stork, blackbird,
condor, vulture, owl, and falcon.The words for non-flying animals were as follows: snake, earthworm, worm, snail,
lizard, caterpillar, crab, scorpion, mouse, mole, hamster, rabbit, hedgehog, ant,
badger, guinea pig, skunk, racoon, beaver, and cat.
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