The influence of the phonological form on the L1 and L2 gender production
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Transcript of The influence of the phonological form on the L1 and L2 gender production
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The influence of the phonological form on the L1 and
L2 gender production
University of Leipzig / Germany
Andreas Opitz
Denisa Bordag & Thomas Pechmann
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Gender processing in L1
Is there an interaction between the levels of phonological and grammatical encoding?
An interaction implies that phonological forms may exhibit influence on gender selection.
contra influence: - Levelt’s model
pro influence: - Dell’s Interactive Activation Model - Caramazza’s Independent Network Model
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Gender processing in L1
empirical evidence is equivocal pro-influence:
Tucker, Lambert, and Rigault (1977) (French)
Bates et al. (1995) (Italian) MacWhinney et al. (1989)
contra-influence: Badecker et al. (1995) (Italian) Taraban and Kempe (1999) (Russian) Gollan and Frost (2001) (Hebrew)
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Gender processing in L2
Most studies find that L2 learners are sensitive to gender cues, especially word terminations: Taraban and Roark (1996) (L2 French) Taraban and Kempe (1999) (L2 Russian) Oliphant (1998) (L2 Italian) Bordag (2004) (L2 Czech)
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We focused on: speech comprehension and
speech production L1 and L2 processing German / (English)
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Gender in German
German is a gender marked language(masculine, feminine and neuter nouns)
phonological gender cues for monomorphemic German nouns:
feminine nouns end usually with a schwa –e e.g. die Kerze – ‘the candle’ typical
masculine and neuter nouns with a consonante.g. der Baum – ‘the tree’ or das Buch – ‘the book’ ambiguous
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Gender in German
a small number of monomorphemic feminine nouns end with a consonant (e.g. die Burg – the castle)
vice versa a small number of masculine and neuter nouns end with an –e (e.g. der Käse – ‘the cheese’ or das Ende – ‘the end’) atypical
(cf. Köpcke & Zubin, 1983; Mills, 1986)
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Hypothesis
If phonological cues are used for gender processing, then one should expect faster and smoother processing when a noun’s termination is in congruence with its gender.
On the other hand, one would expect processing difficulties when a noun has an ambiguous or even atypical termination for its gender.
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Items 1
Three different groups:
- A: gender typical termination (f): -e (Nase ‘nose’)
- B: ambiguous termination (m/n): -C (Hut ‘hat’ / Brot ‘bread’)
- C: gender atypical termination (m/n): -e (Käse ‘cheese’ / Auge ‘eye’) (f): -C (Hand ‘hand’)
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Selection of items
criteria: monomorphemic and concrete no natural gender (sexus) from basic vocabulary easily depictable
the groups A, B, C were balanced regarding: frequency length degree of similarity between German-English
translation equivalents (degree of cognateness)* familiarity to L2 learners*
(* based on pre-test ratings)
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Experiment 1 - L1 picture naming Subjects
18 participants German native speakers age ranged from 21 to 36 (24 on
average) students at the University of Leipzig
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Experiment 1 - L1 picture naming
Materials
48 critical items in the groups A, B, C 16 typical 16 ambiguous 16 atypical
10 practice/filler items
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Experiment 1 - L1 picture naming Procedure
picture naming 2 conditions:
Short: naming with a bare noun (Baum) Long: naming with adj. + noun (großer
Baum)* agreement between the noun and the modifying adjective (clearly gender-marked)* adjectives used: groß & klein (‘big’ & ‘small’)
2 main versions: 1. short condition – long condition 2. long condition – short condition
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Experiment 1 - L1 picture naming Example - short condition
Tasse (cup)
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Experiment 1 - L1 picture naming Example – long condition
kleine Tasse (small cup)
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Results of Experiment 1 (L1 picture naming)
‘length’ F1: p < 0.01F2: p < 0.01
‘group’: F1: p = 0.14 F2: p = 0.67
‘length x group’F1: p = 0.63F2: p = 0.86
mean naming latencies in Experiment 1
729713
730
668 663 672
600
650
700
750
800
typical ambiguous atypical
RT
in
ms
adj + noun
bare noun
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Results of Experiment 1(L1 picture naming)
‘length’ F1: p = 0.21 F2: p = 0.71
‘group’: F1: p = 0.10 F2: p = 0.20
‘length x group’F1: p = 0.13 F2: p = 0.72
error rates in experiment 1
2023
29
14
23
30
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
typical ambiguous atypical
adj + noun
bare noun
The results did not bring evidence that L1 gender processing is affected by the phonological form of the noun.
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Experiment 2 L1 grammaticality judgment Noun phrases of the form:
demonstrative pronoun + noun
e.g. dieser Baum
* dieses Blume
had to be judged as wrong or right.
All critical items were combined with a pronoun that mismatched with their gender.
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Experiment 2 - L1 gramm. decision Subjects
same as in Experiment 1 Materials
48 critical items from Experiment 1 combined with pronouns that mismatched their gender (NO-answer), but corresponded to the gender which could be expected according to their terminatione.g. *diese(f) Käse(m) ‘this cheese’
*dieses(n) Burg(f) ‘this castle’ 120 fillers were added to balance the experiment
with respect to yes- no-answers and number of M, F, N
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Experiment 2 - L1 gramm. decision Procedure
stimuli appeared on a computer screen participants had to decide whether a
presented noun phrase was grammatically correct by pressing a YES- or NO-button
the items were equally distributed in four blocks
participants’ reaction times and correctness were recorded
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Results of Experiment 2(L1 grammatical decision )
‘group’: F1: p = 0.30 F2: p = 0.49
mean response times in Experiment 2
895 900918
600
650
700
750
800
850
900
950
1000
A (typical) B (ambiguous) C (atypical)
RT in ms
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Results of Experiment 2(L1 grammatical decision)
‘group’: F1: p = 0.17F2: p = 0.28
error rates in experiment 2
27 26
16
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
A (typical) B (ambiguous) C (atypical)
number of errors
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Discussion of Experiments 1 and 2
Reaction times and the error rates were statistically identical for nouns with a gender typical, ambiguous, and atypical termination.
There were no effects observed that would support the hypothesis of an influence of phonological forms on gender retrieval.
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Experiment 3 – L2 picture naming Subjects
18 participants English native speakers intermediate to low advanced
knowledge of German age ranged from 19 to 42 (27 on
average)
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Experiment 3 - L2 picture naming Material, Procedure
… were the same as in Experiment 1 (L1 picture naming)
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Results of Experiment 3(L2 picture naming)
‘length’ F1: p < 0.01F2: p < 0.01
‘group’: F1: p < 0.01 F2: p < 0.05
Scheffé test:F1: (A, B) x C F2: A x (B, C)
‘length x group’F1: p = 0.02F2: p = 0.17
mean naming latencies in Experiment 3
1042 10741146
834 841 847
600
700
800
900
1000
1100
1200
A (typical) B(ambiguous)
C (atypical)
adj + noun
bare noun
• ‘group’: only long condition significant:
F1: p < 0.01; F2: p < 0.05• Scheffé-test: (A,B) x C
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Results of Experiment 3(L2 picture naming)
‘length’ F1: p < 0.01F2: p < 0.01
‘group’: F1: p < 0.01 F2: p = 0.01
Scheffé-test:(F1&F2): A x (B,C)
‘length x group’F1: p < 0.01 F2: p < 0.01
error rates in Experiment 3
27
75
87
23 27 30
0
20
40
60
80
100
A (typical) B (ambiguous) C (atypical)
adj +noun
bare noun
gender – errors:group A: 1group B: 50group C: 49
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Results of Experiment 3(L2 picture naming) Both the analyses of reaction times and
error rates revealed clear differences between the three groups:
Group A Group B Group C(typical) (ambiguous)(atypical)
faster slowerless errors more errors
The effect was obtained only in the long condition.
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Experiment 4 – L2 gramm. decision
Subjects … were the same as Experiment 3
Material, Procedure … were the same as in Experiment 2
(L1 grammatical decision)
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Results of Experiment 4(L2 grammatical decision)
‘group’: F1: p = 0.02 F2: p = 0.70
post hoc Scheffé test insignificant in both F1 and F2
mean response times in experiment 4
1302 1308
1335
1200
1250
1300
1350
1400
A (typical) B (ambiguous) C (atypical)
RT in ms
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Results of Experiment 4(L2 grammatical decision)
‘group’: F1: p < 0.01 F2: p < 0.01
post hoc Scheffé test:F1: A x B x C F2: A x (B, C)
error rates in experiment 4
81
110
138
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
160
A (typical) B (ambiguous) C (atypical)
errors
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Results of Experiment 4(L2 grammatical decision )
Why did RTs in F2 failed to reach significance? extremely high error rates (almost 50% in the Group C).
A (typical) B (ambiguous) C (atypical)
RT Errors RT Errors RT Errors
1302
81 (28,1%)
1308
110 (38.2%)
1335
138 (48%)
Mean response times in ms and error rates in Experiment 4
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General discussion
We found: no differences between processing of
gender typical, ambiguous and atypical nouns in L1 German
L2 German speakers had least difficulties with processing of typically gender marked nouns and most difficulties with nouns showing an atypical marking for their gender.
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General discussion
Two possible hypotheses which can account for the different patterns of results in L1 & L2: An essential difference in L1 and L2
processing: In L1 there is an independent retrieval of grammatical and phonological information, in L2 these two interact
No clear-cut difference between gender processing in L1 and L2, but the results reflect different levels of gender processing skills
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General discussion
Two possible hypotheses which can account for the different patterns of results in L1 & L2: An essential difference in L1 and L2
processing: In L1 there is an independent retrieval of grammatical and phonological information, in L2 these two interact
No clear-cut difference between gender processing in L1 and L2, but the results reflect different levels of gender processing skills
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General discussion
further evidence for the second hypothesis: connectionist simulations that correlate gender
competence with frequency of exposure (Taraban and Kempe, 1999)
L1 acquisition: children experience similar difficulties with opaquely gender marked nouns (for German: Mills, 1986; for Czech: Henzel, 1975)
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General discussion
Implications for the modeling of speech processing: Serial, modular models (e.g. Levelt, 1989) can
account only for processing in adult L1 while interactive models (e.g. Dell, 1986) can
explain the effects found for L2 processing as well.
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References 1
Badecker, W., Miozzo, M., & Zanuttini, R. (1995). The two-stage model of lexical retrieval: evidence from a case of anomia with selective preservation of grammatical gender. Cognition, 57, 193-216.
Bates, E., Devescovi, A., &Pizzaniglio, L. (1995). Gender and lexical access in Italian. Perception and Psychophysics, 57 (6), 847-862.
Caramazza, A. (1997). How many levels of processing are there in lexical access? Cognitive Neuropsychology, 14, 177-208.
Dell, G.S. (1986). A spreading-activation theory of retrieval in sentence production. Psychological Review, 93, 283-321.
Gollan T., & Frost, R. (2001). The syntactic route to grammatical gender. Journal Of Psycholinguistic Research, 30, 627-651.
Henzel, V. M. (1975). Acquisition of grammatical gender in Czech. Reports on Child Language Development, 10, 188-200.
Köpcke, K.M., & Zubin, D. (1983). Die kognitive Organisation der Genuszuweisung zu den einsilbigen Nomen der deutschen Gegenwartssprache. Zeitschrift für germanistische Linguistik, 11, 166-182.
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References 2
Levelt, W.J.M. (1989). Speaking. From intention to articulation. Cambridge, Mass.
MacWhinney, B., Leinbach, J., Taraban, R., McDonald, J.L. (1989). Language learning: Cues or rules? Journal of Memory and Language, 28, 255-277.
Oliphant, K. (1998). Acquisition of Grammatical Gender in Italian as a Foreign Language. Canadian Modern Language Review, 54, 2.
Taraban, R., & Kempe, V. (1999). Gender processing in native and non-native Russian -speakers. Applied Psycholinguistics, 20, 119-148.
Taraban, R., & Roark, B. (1996). Competition in learning language-based categories. Applied Psycholinguistics, 17, 125-148.
Tucker, G.R., W.E. Lambert, & A.A. Rigault (1977). The French Speaker's Skill with Grammatical Gender: An Example of Rule-Governed Behaviour. The Hague: Mouton.
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Thank you!
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Selection of items
gender transparency
German is L2 L1
Group A 5.43 4.23
Group B 3.5 3.49
Group C 2.05 3.09
the three groups did not differ regarding similarity
between L1 and L2 translations, familiarity,frequency and length
the three groups differed in the degreeof gender-transparency:
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Experiment 2 - L1 gramm. judgm examples of items that should easily be
detected as gender-mismatched: ‘diese Stuhl’ – this(f) chair(m) typical ‘dieses Blume’ – this(n) flower(f) typical
examples of items that should not as easily be detected as gender-mismatched:
(pseudo-congruence on phonological level) ‘diese Käse’ - this(f) cheese(m) atypical ‘dieses Burg’ – this(n) castle(f) atypical