The Copula Cycle and semantic features Elly van Gelderen 13-14 March 2014 Bologna, Copula Workshop.

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The Copula Cycle and semantic features Elly van Gelderen 13-14 March 2014 Bologna, Copula Workshop

Transcript of The Copula Cycle and semantic features Elly van Gelderen 13-14 March 2014 Bologna, Copula Workshop.

The Copula Cycle and semantic features

Elly van Gelderen

13-14 March 2014

Bologna, Copula Workshop

Outline

A. A little on generative historical syntax

B. Examples of Grammaticalization and Linguistic Cycles

C. Copula Cycles

D, V, and P/A are the sources

D. Explanations in terms of features

and some challenges.

Model of language acquisition/change(based on Andersen 1973)

Generation n Generation n+1UG UG+ +experience experience n

= =I-language n I-language n+1

E-language n E-language n+1+ innovations

Internal Grammar

Reanalysis is crucial

(1) Paul said, "Starting would be a good thing to do. How would you like to begin?“ (COCA 2010 Fiction) (cartoon is on Handout)

Minimalism of the1990s-2014Parameters consist of choices of feature

specifications as the child acquires a lexicon (Chomsky 2007).

Baker, while disagreeing with this view of parameters, calls this the Borer-Chomsky-Conjecture (2008: 156):

"All parameters of variation are attributable to differences in the features of particular items (e.g., the functional heads) in the lexicon."

Types of minimalist features

The semantic features of lexical items (which have to be cognitively based)

The interpretable ones relevant at the Conceptual-Intentional interface.

Uninterpretable features act as `glue’ so to speak to help out merge. For instance, person and number features (=phi-features) are interpretable on nouns but not on verbs.

Semantic and formal overlap:Chomsky (1995: 230; 381) suggests: "formal

features have semantic correlates and reflect semantic properties (accusative Case and transitivity, for example)."

I interpret this: If a language has nouns with semantic phi-features, the learner will be able to hypothesize uninterpretable features on another F (and will be able to bundle them there).

Radford (2000): in acquisition from + > -“[S]emantic features ..., are presumably drawn

from a universal ‘alphabet’” (Chomsky 1965: 142), “little is known about this today”.

If semantic features are innate, we need:

Feature Economy

(a) Utilize semantic features: use them as for functional categories, i.e. as formal features (van Gelderen 2008; 2011).

(b) If a specific feature appears more than once, one of these is interpretable and the others are uninterpretable (Muysken 2008).

Three factors are relevant to the Fac of Lg, e.g. Chomsky 2007

(1) genetic endowment, which sets limits on the attainable languages, thereby making language acquisition possible;

(2) external data, converted to the experience that selects one or another language within a narrow range;

(3) principles not specific to the Faculty of Language. Some of the third factor principles have the flavor of the constraints that enter into all facets of growth and evolution, [...] Among these are principles of efficient computation"

EconomyLocality = Minimize computational burden

(Ross 1967; Chomsky 1973)

Use a head = Minimize Structure (Head Preference Principle, van Gelderen 2004)

Late Merge = Minimize computational burden (van Gelderen 2004, and others)

The latter two can be seen in terms of Feature Economy

GrammaticalizationGrammaticalization is a unidirectional

change from semantic to formal (=grammatical) features.

For instance, a verb with semantic features, such as Old English will with [volition, expectation, future], can be reanalyzed as having only the grammatical feature [future]. And a pronoun can be reanalyzed as agreement on the verb.

Greenberg’s Demonstrative Cycle and additions

Demonstrative

[i-phi]/ [loc]

copula Dem C article

[u-phi] [i-phi] [u/i-T] [u-phi]

[loc] [loc]

Also: degree adverb and tense marker (Tibeto-Burman) and noun class marker.

Grammaticalization tells us which features matter

Subject and Object Agreement (Givón)demonstrative > third ps pronoun > agreement > zeronoun > first and second person > agreement > zeronoun > noun marker > agreement > zero

Copula (Katz)demonstrative > copula > zerothird person > copula > zeroverb > aspect/mood > copula

Noun (Greenberg)demonstrative > definite article > ‘Case’ > zeronoun > number/gender > zero

And about processing/economyNegative (Gardiner/Jespersen

see van der Auwera)a negative argument > negative adverb > negative

particle > zerob verb > aspect > negative > C(negative polarity cycle: Willis)

CP Adjunct AP/PP > ... > C

Future and Aspect Auxiliary A/P > M > T (> C)V > ASP

Grammaticalization = one stepHopper & Traugott 2003: content item >

grammatical word > clitic > inflectional affix. The loss in phonological content is not a

necessary consequence of the loss of semantic content (see Kiparsky 2011; Kiparsky & Condoravdi 2006; Hoeksema 2009).

Kiparsky (2011: 19): “in the development of case, bleaching is not necessarily tied to morphological downgrading from postposition to clitic to suffix.” Instead, unidirectionality is the defining property of grammaticalization and any exceptions to the unidirectionality (e.g. the Spanish inflectional morpheme –nos changing to a pronoun) are instances of analogical changes.

Renewal (of the lost features) is the other step

In acknowledging weakening of pronunciation (“un affaiblissement de la pronunciation”), Meillet (1912: 139) writes that what provokes the start of the (negative) cycle is the need to speak forcefully (“le besoin de parler avec force”).

Kiparsky & Condoravdi (2006) similarly suggest pragmatic and semantic reasons. A simple negative cannot be emphatic; in order for a negative to be emphatic, it needs to be reinforced, e.g. by a minimizer.

Copula cycle, sourcesVerbsDemonstratives = Reanalysis of Prepositions/adverbs location, identity,

and aspect featuresEnglish stative: be, feel, sound, taste, smell, ring, go, look, remain,

stay, seem, appearinchoative: become, get, turn, grow, wax, fall

aspect/mood features be remain, stay seem, appear [location] [duration] [visible][equal]

Old Egyptian (1) > Middle (2)(1) a. rmt p-n

man MS-PROX `this man.’b. ntr-w jp-w

god-P MP-DIST `those gods.’(2) ̩tmj-t pw jmn-t

city-F be west-F`The West is a city.’

(Loprieno 1995; 2001)(3) p -w > pw

[i-3MS] [distal] `be’(Later Egyptian is more complex though; Loprieno

133)

Modern Hebrew: present tense

(4) dani (hu) ha-more

Dani he the-teacher

‘Dani is the teacher.’

(5) hu malax 'al jisra'el

‘He ruled over Israel.’

(Katz 1996: 86)

Arabic and Egyptian Arabic

(6) allahu huwa ‘lhayyuGod he the.living

‘God is the living.’ (Benveniste 1966 [1971: 165]) (7) a. `ana huwwa l-mas’u:l

1S he the-responsible‘I am the responsible.’ (Edwards 2006: 51)

b. il-mushkila hiyya T-Talabathe-problem(FS) she the-students`The problem is the students.’

(Edwards 2006: 52)

Egyptian Arabic

(8) faTma ma-hiyya:-sh il-mas’u:la

Fatima NEG-be.3SF-NEG the-responsible

`Fatima is not the one responsible.’ (Edwards 2006: 53)

Old Chinese > Modern

(1) Shi shi lie gui

this is violent ghost

‘This is a violent ghost.’

(Peyraube & Wiebusch 1994: 398)

(2) Zhe shi lie gui

‘This is a violent ghost.’

(Mei Ching Ho p.c.)

equation and location

D > V

shi shi

semantic [proximate] [identity]

formal [i-3S]

P > V

zai zai

semantic [place] [location]

McWhorter (2005: 170-1)

The same division occurs in creoles: Saramaccan, Fongbe

and in: Irish, Vietnamese, Nama (Khoekhoe), Hawaiian, CiBemba

Demonstrative and adverbial source of copulas

(1) a. Mi da i tatá Saramaccan I am your father

‘I am your father.’ (McWhorter 1997: 87)

b. Hεn dà dí Gaamá

he is the chief

‘He's the chief.’ (McWhorter 1997: 98)

(2) Dí wómi dε a wósu

the woman is at house

`The woman is at home.’ (McWhorter 1997: 88)

Identification/classification vs location

Saramaccanequative – locativeidentificational da dɛclass membership da/dɛ(McWhorter 2005: 117-8; 171)

NigerianPidginbe/na - de(Mazzoli 2013: 91)

copula most often with PP, then NP, then AP (Atlas of P & C: 290)

Galo and ZoqueIn Galo, əə functions as topic marker as well as

unmarked copula and derives from a (proximal) demonstrative.

(1) bɨɨ / ŋó-kə / azèn əə3S 1S-GEN friend ART →3S 1S-GEN friend COP‘He is my friend.’ (Post 2007 : 429)

(2) Te’ tuwi kanaŋbüde Zoquete’ tuwi 0-kanaŋ=pü=teDET dog 3B-old=REL=PRED‘The dog is old’ (Faarlund 2012: 141-2)

Structurally (see HO):TP

T’

T[u-phi]

DP DPDthat [i-3S]

Croft’s Existential Cycle

Type A Type B

Regular NEG NEG + NEG EXIST

Type C

NEG = NEG EXIST

Chinese mei < Old Chinese `not exist’

(1) wo mei you shu

I not exist book

`I don't have a book.’

(2) Yao Shun ji mo ...Yao Shun since died

`Since Yao and Shun died, ...' (Mengzi, Tengwengong B, from Lin 2002: 5)

Early Mandarin(3) yu de wang ren mei kunan, ...

wish PRT died person not-be suffering`If you wish that the deceased one has no suffering, ...' (Dunhuang Bianwen, from Lin 2002: 5-6)

(4) dayi ye mei you chuan, jiu zou le chulai coat even not PF wear, then walk PF out`He didn't even put on his coat and walked out.' (Rulin Waishi, from Lin 2002: 8)

Indo-European > EnglishNo difference in copula depending on NP, PP, or

AP predicate but mood is marked in the ‘be’ paradigm:

*es (< Dem)

*bheu `grow’ > Latin fui

> Old English `be, become’

*wes `remain, dwell’

*sta ‘stand’ > estar (Spanish), tha (Hindi), tá (Irish)

*wert ‘turn’ > vartate (Sanskrit), wairþan (Gothic), and weorðan (OE)

OE: s, b, w-rootsinfinitive: wesan, beon

imperative (pl in ()): wes(að), beo(ð)

participle: wesende (pres), gebeon (past)

present sg: eam, art, is, beo, bist, beoð

present pl: sind(on), earon, beoð

past: wæs, wære, wæron

subjunctive (pl in ()): wese(n), sie(n), beo(n)

Jost 1909, Campbell 1959, Wischer 2010, Petré 2013

OE: am, art, is, sind(on) vs beo ... present/current situation future/generic

ME: am, art, is vs beo ... present Sg Pl (later are)

Wischer (2010: 222): b-form in OE more frequent in Pl than Sg;

Petré 2013: 303: b- used in ME for pl indic

Other Gmc s/b/w-distinction is mood-based (mixed indicative and s- subjunctive)

So GMc mood > OE future > ME pluralCurrently: again mood-based, be, been, being

Gmc and Early English > Mod English

Be-copula is marked for mood > mixed

New copulas arise for aspect and mood

Other languages select +/- permanence or the type of predicate

English:

identifying: can only be be. (Huddleston & Pullum 271)

classifying: aspectual, modal

location: aspectual

Curme (1935: 66-8) says there are 60 copulas in English and that “no other language shows such a vigorous growth of copulas” (67). Visser (1963: 213-9) has over a 100.

There is some debate as to what counts as a copula, e.g. Lyons (1977: 471) defines it as a “meaningless lexeme” and that means excluding verbs other than ‘be’; Mazzoli (2013) follows this. I will use a broader one.

OE copulas, according to Visser 189ff.

aspect

durative: (a/ge/þurh)wunian, (ge)bidan, belifan, gestandan, warian,

lie, sit, stand (217-8, under quasi)

inchoative:

come, (ge)weorðan, (ge)weaxan

mood

þuncan

ME additionsaspectcliffian `continue’, (en)dure, dwell, hove, last,

remain, rest, bego, begrow, run, makehang, play, yawn (quasi in Visser)

become, fall, go, grow, turn, waneblow, blush, break, fly (quasi in Visser)

moodappear, (be)seem, prove, showsmell (quasi in Visser)

ModE additions (some obs)aspect

continue, hold, keep, persevere, persist, stay, wear

befall, commence, get, result

burst, flash, flush (quasi in Visser)

mood

come (expensive), fall (flat), loom, turn out/up

feel, ring, sound, strike, taste

English and Spanish light verbs (Rude 1978)

adjectives and PPs select their copula

COCA: 598 seem + possible,

only 54 remain + possible

be, sit, stand predominate with locatives

COCA: temporary

seem as copula:(1) & te bitæche icc off þiss boc. Heh wikenn. alls itt

semeþþ. All to þurrhsekenn illc an ferrs. (OED, ‘to be suitable’ Ormulum Burchfield Ded. l. 66) 

(2) His grisliche teeð semden of swart irn ‘seemed of black iron’

(OED, ‘have a semblance’ a1225 St. Marher. 9)(3) As the mone lyght, Ageyn whom all the sterres semen

But smale candels. (OED, a1366, Romaunt Rose 1011)

OED says < Old Norse, but I can only find the noun sæmð ‘honor’. There is an OE gesemen ‘reconcile’ and a ME ‘be suitable’.

(4) He hæhte setten hire on nome þe hire [þe burh] mihte isemen 'He ordered to set her a name which her might suit.' [c1300 Otho semi]. (MED, Laȝamon Brut, Caligula 4780)

appear < Old French ‘come into sight’

> ‘be clear’:(1) Þat it may apere þat þe prescience is signe of

þis necessite. (OED, 374 Chaucer Boethius v. iv. 162)

(2) And the Lord siȝ, and it apperide yuel in hise iȝen. (OED, a1425 Wycliffite Bible L.V. Royal Isa. lix. 15)

(3)I am afraid of making them appear considerable by taking notice of them. (OED, 1712 Steele Spectator 445.7) 

remain < Anglo-Norman ‘stay behind’: PP and AP

(1) so shall remayn be the grace of God all the days of myn liff (Visser I: 195, 1460, Paston 4.5)

(2) the great primar, whiche before daies I gave to my wif, remayn styll to her. (OED, 1513 Will of Robert Fabyan in R. Fabyan New Chron. Eng. (1811) Pref. p. vii)

(3) The lyppes of the membre remaynedene holy together. (a1450 Arderne 17th Internat. Congr. Med. (1914) xxiii. 121)

PP V

to her remayn

V DP [loc] DP PP

remayn primar [dur] primar to her

[location] [i-3S]

[duration] [Th]

[uTh]

stay < Old French (Latin stare)

late ME ‘to stop’ and keep the meaning of `stay/dwell’ and copula in:

(1) That this their meate may not stay long vndigested in their stomackes, they sup off the foresaid broth. (OED, 1600 J. Pory tr. J. Leo Africanus Geogr. Hist. Afr. i. 20)

The various cycles in terms of featuresThe cycle of agreementnoun > emphatic > pronoun > agreement > 0[sem] [i-phi] [i-phi]/[u-phi] [u-phi]

The cycles of negationAdjunct/Argument Specifier Head (of NegP) affix

semantic > [i-NEG]> [u-NEG] > --

Modal CycleVerb > AUX[volition, expectation, future] [future]

Copula CycleDem > light vVerb keeps a specific

character[location, duration]

Where do features come from?

Chomsky (1965: 142): “semantic features ... too, are presumably drawn from a universal ‘alphabet’ but little is known about this today and nothing has been said about it here.”

EvG: If a language has nouns with semantic phi-features, the learner will be able to hypothesize uninterpretable features on another F (and will be able to bundle them there).

How many?

Cinque and Rizzi (2008): the number of functional categories is 32 in Cinque (1999: 130) and around 40 in Kayne (2005). Cinque and Rizzi, using Heine & Kuteva’s 2002 work, come up with 400.

Benincà & Munaro (2010: 6-7) note that syntax has reached the detail of phonological features.

Pinker (1989/2013: 244-5) has 30 for verb semantics.

Innate vs acquiredsemantic interpretable

shapes grammatical number

negatives negation

`if’

real-unreal irrealis

+/-individuated mass-count

duration progressive

Explanations of the CycleRecent shift towards third factors and parametric

features: Minimize structure and movement.

This can be seen in terms of Feature Economy:

All change is in the lexicon: sem>i-F>u-F

Why?– Maximize syntax?– Keep merge going?– Lighter?

Acquisition, Sign Language, ...Unidirectional change in sign language

e.g. Aronoff et al; Fisher & Gough; Pfau & Steinbach: V>ASP, N > AGR,

and L1 Acquisitione.g. Brown (1973); Josefsson & Håkansson (2000)

Interlanguage: debate as to featuresLardiere (2007), Hawkins (2005), Tsimpli et al (2004)

Pre-human features: place, duration, negation ...

ConclusionsUnidirectional change provides a window on

the language faculty

Cycles: relevant to features and economy

Role of UG determines what changes:

PS rules > parameters > features

More work: features!

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