1 The Common People in Hong Kong History: Their Livelihood and Aspirations Until the 1930s David Faure

Several theme s recu r frequentl y i n th e writin g o f Hon g Kong' s history . G. B . Endacot t bega n wit h governmen t policies , Jame s Haye s continue d with th e histor y o f th e peopl e o f th e Ne w Territories , Elizabet h Sin n an d Carl Smith described the elites, and now Ming K. Chan and Tsai Jungfan g have started on the history of the working classes. 1 In this chapter, I would like t o blu r th e difference s an d loo k fo r a commo n experience ; on e tha t despite incom e difference s stretche d acros s class , an d despit e dialec t differences reache d beyond the ethnic identity. I am tempted to think that it might b e characterize d a s th e experienc e o f urbanization , th e mov e fro m village t o city an d the change in lifestyle an d worldview tha t suc h a move might imply . Fo r muc h o f Hon g Kong' s history , th e commo n peopl e o f Hong Kon g hav e been predominantl y peopl e wh o move d int o th e city , o r who were descended no more than a generation from peopl e who had done so. Concentratin g o n th e 1880 s t o the 1930s , I would lik e t o sho w i n thi s chapter ho w i n th e tim e o f just ove r a generation , th e commo n peopl e o f Hong Kong came into their own and fostered a character tha t became ver y much recognized a s part of Hong Kong itself.

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Houses

The Chadwick Report

The Chadwick Report, 1882 , is a useful startin g point for its clear exposition of th e layou t o f Chines e houses i n Hon g Kong . I t described suc h subject s as house constructio n an d drainage , formatio n o f streets , public sewer s o r drains, water supply, scavenging and the removal of nightsoil. It commented on the defects o f existing arrangements, and it concluded with a short section on village houses in Kowloon. 2

The house s wer e no t congeste d b y th e standard s tha t Hon g Kon g became used to. In four house s Osber t Chadwick went into in Taipingsha n Street, h e counte d abou t 1 0 t o 1 1 peopl e i n eac h basemen t tha t wa s occupied, an d betwee n 1 4 and 2 0 peopl e o n th e secon d floor. Wher e th e ground floor wa s no t used a s a shop, it housed u p to 30 people. Chadwic k calculated ho w muc h spac e eac h perso n occupie d i n cubi c measures , an d he found tha t in these four houses , each person might have been given 30 0 to 400 cubic feet. If we assume that the ceiling was 1 0 feet, and a substantial amount o f spac e mus t b e subtracte d fro m th e overal l averag e t o mak e u p the corridors an d the kitchens, the bedrooms occupie d by these inhabitant s would have conformed t o his description :

In the house in Kai-ming Lane, like the great majority of dwelling-houses, the upper floor is divided off by board partitions into cabins about 9 feet long and 10 feet wide. Each of these forms the dwelling of an individual family. These cabins do not extend to the full heigh t of the storey. On the contrary they are but about 7 feet 8 inches high; for in order furthe r to economise space a platform or floor, locally known as a "cockloft," is constructed abov e them. The cockloft i s almost universa l in dwelling s of the middle and poorer classes.

In thi s hous e i n th e uppe r floor onl y ther e wer e fiv e familie s including 16 souls. There were here three cabins and a platform extending over them, and over the passage. Hence the total cubic space per head was 437-1/ 2 cubi c feet , an d thi s include s th e whol e domesti c accommodation, with the exception of the cookhouse, and not sleeping room only, which in the case of the cabins does not exceed 13 0 cubic feet per head. It must be remembered that the lower floor rarely belongs to th e inhabitant s o f th e uppe r floors. Ver y frequentl y eac h floor i s leased separatel y from th e owner, or from hi s "comprador," and sublet again to individual lodgers.3

Elsewhere, Chadwic k note s tha t the population o f 10 6 000 o f urban Hon g Kong (includin g non-Chines e people ) i n 188 1 occupie d 6 40 2 houses ,

THE COMMO N PEOPL E I N HON G KON G HISTOR Y 1 1

averaging 16. 6 person s pe r house . I t woul d see m tha t th e Taipingsha n houses represented the extreme of congestion rather than the norm. Because among th e Chines e population , ther e wer e 6 7 00 0 men t o 1 8 000 wome n and 1 7 000 children, it would also appear that many rooms would have been occupied b y smal l families . Man y singl e me n woul d hav e live d i n be d spaces.

Hong Kong has since become used to tiny bedrooms and men living in bed spaces .

Chadwick went into the state of the sewers and the drains in great detail. He insisted on standards and supervision :

In Februar y las t a ne w drai n wa s bein g constructe d i n th e followin g manner. The drain was square 1 foot 2 inches wide by 1 foot 3 inches high. The sides were of brick on edge, and did not rest on the tile which formed the sole ... Under these circumstances it need hardly be said that a great proportion of house drains are but elongated cesspools, the greater part of their fluid contents filtering int o the subsoil. In one case a drain was found having no bottom but the natural soil.4

He commented on the state of the latrines, his precise descriptions bringin g home with stark realism the bare necessities of life :

As a genera l rul e throughou t Hon g Kong , i n accordanc e wit h time-honoured Chines e practice, human excret a ar e removed b y hand, on wha t ma y b e calle d th e "pail " system . Neithe r deodorisatio n o r disinfection of any kind is attempted.

In many European houses waterclosets are used in connexion with the town drains, but they are for the use of Europeans only; the method just mentioned being used for the native servants.

In som e publi c building s th e us e o f dr y earth , o r mor e properl y decomposed granite, has been partially introduced.

As in the Chinese cities o f the mainland, the men of the working classes resort to public latrines. Only in the houses of the more wealthy is there any latrine accommodation for men. Women and children of all classes use pots, generally kept under their beds. In coolie houses where there are no women, there is frequently a total absence of any provision for this purpose.

There are 25 public latrines in the city of Victoria, having in all 565 seats, the number in each varying from 2 to 51. These latrines are built and owne d b y privat e person s a s a busines s speculation . Thei r construction and management is supervised by Government, who levy a tax o f $0.6 0 per sea t pe r annum . The latrine owne r derive s hi s profi t (said to be very large) from th e sale of the manure collected, an d from

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fees o f 1 or 2 cash paid by those using them, according a s paper an d cigarette are furnished o r not.

... O n the whole the existing latrines are offensive an d a nuisance, both a s t o positio n an d construction , an d the y ar e s o crowde d a s t o render improvements as to maintenance very difficult. 5

Chadwick noted that manure was removed daily from th e latrines, as it was from privat e houses . H e als o wen t int o th e questio n o f cos t o f nightsoi l removal. Nevertheless , h e settle d i n favou r o f th e constructio n o f hous e drains, arguing tha t the dry earth system solve d only partly the problem o f waste disposal . Althoug h huma n excremen t carrie d a commercial valu e a s manure an d was therefore profitabl y remove d b y nightsoi l carriers , no-one collected slopwate r fo r th e disposa l o f whic h drain s wer e absolutel y necessary.

Chadwick observe d tha t i t wa s tru e tha t n o epidemi c ha d broke n ou t that migh t b e linked t o sanitation , bu t he noted tha t the mean ag e a t deat h for me n wh o survive d beyon d 2 0 wa s 4 2 year s an d wome n 46 . H e concluded tha t "th e dwelling s o f th e Chines e workin g classe s ar e inconvenient, filth y an d unwholesome." 6

Background to the Chadwick Report: residential segregation

Osbert Chadwic k wa s appointe d b y th e Colonia l Offic e a s a possibl e solution t o a long-standin g disput e betwee n Governo r o f Hon g Kong , Si r John Pope Hennessy (Governo r 1877-1882 ) an d his civi l servants , notably the Colonia l Surgeo n an d th e Surveyo r General . Th e issue s tha t th e Chadwick Repor t addressed were sores in the dispute, and they arose fro m precisely th e questions o f ventilation fo r congeste d houses , drains, sewage, and th e disposa l o f huma n waste , th e appropriatenes s o f wate r closet s fo r the Hon g Kon g environmen t figurin g prominentl y amon g them . Dr . G.H . Choa, i n hi s biograph y o f H o Kai , ha s gon e int o th e Chadwic k Repor t a t length and discussed its consequences. A Sanitary Board was set up to which Ho Kai was appointed, and a Public Health Ordinance was enacted. One of Ho Kai' s firs t fier y speeche s was directed a t precisely th e issue of sanitar y enforcements o n th e Chines e population , a n issu e tha t coul d hav e com e directly fro m Hennessy' s argumen t wit h hi s civi l servants . Ho Ka i o n th e Sanitary Board , comin g clos e upo n th e appointmen t o f N g Cho y o n th e Legislative Council , signalle d th e recruitmen t o f prominen t an d highl y Westernized member s o f th e Chines e communit y int o th e Hon g Kon g governing elite , an d betwee n the m an d th e Chines e communit y a t larg e would hav e bee n opinio n leader s aroun d suc h character s a s H o A-mei ,

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vividly describe d b y Car l Smith , an d th e Tun g Wa h Hospita l directors , brought to life by Elizabeth Sinn. 7

Yet the focus o n the elite would have left behin d the inhabitants o f the houses tha t Chadwick described . H e referred t o them, whe n h e did , a s th e chair coolies o r the Chinese working classes but, if one would return to the reports of the Colonial Surgeon and the Surveyor General , they would have been non e othe r tha n simpl y th e Chinese . Som e o f th e house s described , indeed, would have been among the worst in the urban districts in the 1870 s and earl y 1880 s but , a s Henness y himsel f pointe d out , althoug h Chines e houses wer e increasin g i n numbe r i n Hon g Kong , th e livin g quarter s attached to them were looked upon as temporary abodes by the shop owners. They di d no t build i n Hon g Kon g wha t he referred t o a s "family houses, " which he had noticed they did in overseas Chinese communities, in Labuan, Malacca, Penan g o r Saigon . "Th e wealth y Hon g Kon g Chinama n ha s a temporary abod e clos e t o hi s stores , bu t hi s famil y hous e i s i n Maca o o r Canton." 8

The backgroun d o f th e Chadwic k Repor t revolve d aroun d a contes t between Governo r Si r John Pop e Henness y an d som e o f hi s civi l servant s on wha t migh t b e impose d o n th e Chines e resident s o f Hon g Kon g ove r matters tha t relate d t o sanitation . Th e Surveyo r Genera l i n 187 7 ha d lai d out one issue . Ethnic segregatio n wa s implemented i n Hong Kong throug h provisions in building leases. The lease specified tha t houses had to be built in conformit y wit h th e characte r an d descriptio n o f othe r house s i n thei r neighbourhood, an d thi s allowed government , "i f i t chose to avai l itsel f o f it, t o disallo w th e erectio n o f Chines e tenement s i n purel y Europea n quarters." H e note d tha t th e requiremen t ha d no t restricte d th e sprea d o f Chinese-type tenement houses , but matters wer e coming to a head becaus e plans ha d bee n submitte d t o hi m b y lan d developer s wh o ha d purchase d properties i n th e Europea n quarter s wit h th e intentio n o f convertin g the m into Chines e tenemen t houses . H e neede d a rulin g fro m th e Colonia l Secretary o n the issue because, "experienc e teache s tha t a European hous e standing next to or between Chinese properties, will not let as profitably a s one standing among buildings of its own class." An interest in encouraging business suggested to him that Chinese shops be allowed to extend into the European business district, but the segregation policy was to continue in the location of residential houses. He continued:

There i s no occasion fo r an y sacrifice , becaus e the case i s no t one of native shops, but simply of native dwelling-houses, and there is ample building ground for these in Syingpun [Saiyingpun ] and other Chinese

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neighbourhoods. I think, therefore, w e should no t depreciate the value of th e Englis h propertie s b y countenancin g th e erectio n o f Chines e dwellings in their midst, and consequently, I would venture to recommend that n o permit s shoul d b e issue d fo r th e latte r [i e Chines e houses ] anywhere, above a line running along Upper Wyndham street, Hollywood road, Aberdee n street , th e back o f th e lot s facin g Cain e an d Bonha m roads and High street.

The Surveyo r Genera l recommende d alon g wit h thi s proposa l tha t a hig h standard b e require d o f th e Chines e house s buil t i n thi s extension , bu t lamented tha t "i t woul d b e almos t impossibl e t o avoi d th e swarm s o f swinging signboards and other features, peculiar to such tenements, the most striking o f whic h is , unfortunately , th e begrime d appearanc e o f thei r exteriors, there being nothing in the Statute Book authorisin g the Surveyo r General to demand an occasional healthy coat of lime-wash or paint, or even a scrub with soap and water." 9

The Registra r Genera l oppose d thi s proposal , bu t i t wen t t o th e Executive Council , which upheld the Surveyor General's suggestion . There the matte r migh t hav e rested , bu t fo r th e stat e o f hygien e i n Chines e styl e houses and the objection o f the military to having such houses built near its barracks.

Background to the Chadwick Report: sanitation and Chinese houses

On th e question o f hygien e i n Chines e houses , a report ha d been mad e i n 1874 by the Colonial Surgeon. It outlined a sorry state of affairs tha t had to do wit h pigs , ventilation , drainag e an d th e lac k o f toilets . Th e Colonia l Surgeon discovered "tha t pigs were kept in houses al l over the town, by the hundreds, an d tha t pigstie s wer e t o b e foun d unde r th e bed s an d i n th e kitchens of first , second , and third floors." He said :

Imagine houses whose upper floors ar e constructed of thin boards, with wide interstices between them, and whose lower floors are mud, and the state they would be in under these circumstances, with pigs' urine , &c. dropping through from floo r t o floor. I t is needless to observe that the minute this state of things was brought to the notice of Government, i t was a t onc e pu t a sto p to , and tha t no w al l pigs foun d i n house s ar e confiscated, and, on repetition of the offence, the owner is fined as well.

Ventilation wa s poor. Houses were either constructed back to back with no ventilation excep t fro m th e front , o r were separate d onl y b y a narrow an d often clogge d gully in between two houses.

THE COMMON PEOPL E I N HONG KON G HISTOR Y 1 5

He noticed the congestion :

The average size of the main rooms is 26 feet by 14 feet by 10 feet high, containing eigh t partitions , averagin g 7 feet b y 6 feet b y 7 fee t high , over which a sort of lof t i s often buil t to increase the accommodation , and in a room of this description, from 1 6 to 25 people live.

The houses were also dirty, for the brick walls were not whitewashed, wid e interstices appeared between wooden planks that made up the upper floors , and th e groun d floo r wa s mad e o f mud . Thi s constructio n mad e washin g the floor impossible :

The first-floor tenant s cannot wash thei r floors, because they ar e mud; the upper-floor tenant s cannot wash theirs, because they would, if they attempted it, half drown the inhabitants of the floors beneath them.

These long, dark, poorly ventilated and dirty houses had no toilets. The men went to public toilet s an d the women an d children use d chamber pot s kep t under thei r beds . I n a separat e report , th e Colonia l Surgeo n note d tha t h e was not speaking of poverty. He had seen poorer people in London, but they did not live in such squalor. He was appalled that Chinese people paid high rent in return for such poor quarters, and he had begun to implement changes before Hennessy' s arrival . I t may wel l be tha t th e change s di d hav e som e impact, fo r wher e he found pig s in al l Chinese styl e houses, Chadwick di d not report any. 10

The pressur e o n th e Governo r ha d com e als o fro m th e Wa r Office , which ha d writte n t o th e Colonia l Offic e o n th e complain t o f th e Commander o f Force s i n Chin a an d th e Strait s Settlemen t tha t congeste d Chinese-style tenement s wer e no w appearin g i n th e proximit y o f th e barracks. The complaint had been mad e on the principal groun d tha t thes e unhygienic houses were a health threa t to the troops and , it seems, because the Colonia l Offic e ha d known o f th e existence o f the Colonia l Surgeon' s report o f 187 4 o n suc h issues , i t wa s demandin g t o b e sen t a copy . Th e Governor sheepishl y di d a s h e wa s told , addin g th e provisio n tha t th e Colonial Surgeon' s repor t ha d bee n foun d t o b e misleading . I n hi s ow n defence, th e Governor pointed ou t that the new buildings near the barracks were built to higher-than-usual standard s and that, if water closets were not installed i n them , i t wa s becaus e the y wer e unsuitabl e fo r th e loca l environment, and that thanks to consultations with leading Chinese residents in Hong Kong , he had succeede d i n implementing usefu l changes . On thi s last point , i t ma y b e note d tha t i n extendin g regulation s regardin g th e

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building of verandas over the pavement, the Government could now demand that a n ope n yar d b e incorporated int o design s o f building s separatin g th e kitchen from the rest of the house and this particular change introduced into building design s ha d long-lasting effect s i n tenement house s buil t in Hon g Kong.11 Consultatio n wit h Chines e lan d owner s an d residents , however , indicated t o Henness y tha t th e Chines e wer e no t i n favour o f th e Wester n standards bein g impose d o n them . A memorandu m fro m Chines e lan d owners an d residents upo n being show n a plan o f these new houses by th e Surveyor Genera l expresse d concer n tha t thes e house s migh t becom e th e new standard . The land owner s agree d tha t these had been designed fo r " a very superio r clas s o f residence , tha t the y provid e fo r th e ordinar y requirements o f Chines e tenant s i n a satisfactor y manner, " an d tha t the y were "in no way deficient i n regard to supplying the space for the admission of ligh t an d ai r whic h i s require d b y thei r habits , ideas , an d wants. " But , they said :

These habits , although you r memorialist s ar e given t o understand tha t they are condemned by the more recent rules of western science are, as a matte r o f fact , th e outcom e o f a lengthene d experienc e amon g th e Chinese of living in large and crowded cities, and are as deep rooted as most o f thei r customs , s o tha t i t i s quit e certai n tha t th e tenant s fo r whom these houses ar e intended .. . woul d no t understand th e reason, would in no way avail themselves of the facilities fo r the free access of light an d air which the Surveyor General' s proposed alterations woul d allow for them.

The windows lookin g ou t into the proposed alley s would be kept closed an d th e alley s themselve s no t bein g intende d fo r us e a s thoroughfares, woul d be made receptacles for the deposit of refuse an d filth whic h woul d beyon d questio n b e suffere d t o accumulat e t o a n extent in itself dangerous to health.

Such in fact has been the practical result of providing similar alley ways in other parts of this city, as, for instance, in East and West streets, Taipingshan, where , owin g probabl y i n grea t measur e t o thi s cause , epidemic disease s ar e frequen t i n th e ho t season , an d a t time s whe n houses i n Tung-mun-lane , Gilman' s Bazaar , an d othe r street s leadin g from the Queen's Road to the Praya where houses have been built back to back, remain altogether free from such visitations.

The grea t citie s i n th e mainlan d o f China , suc h a s Canto n an d Fatshan, ar e singularl y fre e als o fro m epidemi c disease ; an d ther e al l along the streets and main thoroughfares i t has been the practice fro m time immemorial to build the houses back to back.

THE COMMO N PEOPL E I N HON G KON G HISTOR Y 1 7

There wer e othe r objections . Lan d wa s scarc e an d th e alley s constitute d a waste. They would not be properly li t and thieves would hide in them. The Chinese peopl e i n Hon g Kon g woul d no t appreciat e thes e ne w standards . Quite the contrary, they were "certainly calculated to alarm and irritate those interested in land and to depreciate the value of property." All this was put forward wit h ostentatiou s stylize d deprecation , fo r thes e memorialist s belonged "t o a law-abidin g order , t o who m .. . factiou s oppositio n i s unknown, and they should not in this instance depart from thei r usual habi t of silen t submissio n t o suc h law s an d regulation s a s ar e mad e fo r thei r obedience, if they did not feel strongly that the points apparently decided in the letter of the Honourable the Surveyor General tend to press with injustic e upon them." The same objections were to be raised by Ho Kai in 188 6 when he served on the Sanitary Board. 12

The other seemingly innocuous subject o f the water closet proved to be the matte r o f contentio n betwee n th e Governor , th e Colonia l Surgeo n an d the Surveyor General. In his report to the Colonial Office, th e Governor had said on 29 April 188 1 that he acknowledged he disagreed with the two men who had responsibilities ove r public health in Hong Kong:

... O n th e seriou s questio n o f preferrin g a n under-groun d syste m o f drainage i n a tropica l colon y t o th e Chines e house-bucke t an d th e dry-earth systems, I find that Mr Price's [the Surveyor General's] account of the disposa l o f house refuse i n Hong Kong, as given in paragraphs 11, 12 , and 1 3 of his letter, does not correspond with the account given by th e Chines e themselves , no r wit h th e report s o f th e inspector s o f nuisances, nor with some facts that come occasionally before the police magistrates. A few months ago I had to draw Mr Price's attention , not for the first time , to the fact that the Government scavengers employed by his department had been fined by the police magistrate for deliberately emptying night-soil into the underground drains of the city of Victoria. Soon after I arrived in Hong Kong I had to point out to Mr Price and to Dr Ayres [the Colonial Surgeon] the danger to public health of allowing the Survey Department scavenger to empty every morning a considerable portion o f th e night-soi l o f th e prisoners int o th e gao l drains , an d t o deposit night-soi l i n large quantitie s i n a place chose n b y th e Surve y Department at Belcher's Bay, near the west end of the city of Victoria. Though I then told him that every public institution in the colony should have dry-eart h closets , an d latrine s onl y o n th e dry-eart h system , h e made a n effort , som e month s afterwards , t o ge t th e Governmen t t o sanction water-closets in the new hospital, on the ground that Jenning's patent water-closets would provide such a large 'volum e of water as to at once greatly deoderise the dejecta.'13

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The Governor attache d a report that show s 18 2 water-closets approved , al l of whic h wer e locate d i n residentia l house s o r office s belongin g t o Westerners. The first water-closet, it would seem, was fitted in the City Hall in 1869. 14

The remova l o f nightsoi l continue d i n som e Chines e tenement s fo r decades. Wel l int o th e 1960s , th e descriptio n o f toile t arrangement s i n a Wanchai tenement read :

There are no flush toilets and bathrooms. Dry-pan lavatories are used by the children and the very old. These are kept under the bed. The night soil is removed by the Urban Services Department without charge. The adults avail themselves of the nearby public conveniences. The kitchen serves as the bath-space also.15

By Augus t 1881 , the Governo r wa s fallin g ou t wit h bot h hi s ow n officers an d the Colonial Office . Th e Surveyor Genera l reported to London his disagreements with the Governor in terms that show quite unmistakably where he thought the fault lay :

I also enclose, for you r Lordship' s information , a copy, marked C , of the instructions to the Nuisance Inspectors, drawn up some years ago by the Colonial Surgeon and myself. These instructions were cancelled by Governor Henness y tw o years ago , because his Excellency considere d them oppressiv e t o the Chinese , an d because the y di d no t conform t o Chinese idea s o f wha t th e dutie s o f a Nuisance Inspecto r shoul d be . Many months after Governo r Hennessy abrogated the instructions, and upon m y applicatio n fo r som e othe r sanitar y cod e i n substitution , hi s Excellency directed me, in an official lette r (copy of which I will duly submit), t o cal l o n th e Rev . Dr . Eitel , who , i n consultatio n wit h th e Chinese of the place, would give me my new rules.16

If hi s feeling s toward s th e Rev . Dr . Eite l an d th e Chines e wer e no t sufficiently clea r in this paragraph, he spelt them out in a later one:

The filthy condition of the cities and villages of Southern China, sickening and revolting beyond all power of language to describe, arising out of a combination of ignorance and neglect on the part of the authorities, and objectionable personal habits on the part of the people, should demonstrate that in a British colony like Hong Kong, with so many European lives to be jeopardised, i t is not to a guild o f native traders tha t the Executive should apply fo r it s sanitar y maxims . I cannot but think the wishes of your Lordship would be more correctly interpreted by Governor Hennessy

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seeking, i n preference , th e counse l an d assistanc e o f th e proper professional officer s provide d fo r th e purpos e b y He r Majesty' s government, an d wh o b y thei r experienc e an d technica l trainin g ar e likely to be better acquainted with the principles of public hygiene than the Reveren d Dr . Eite l an d th e Chinese , a t presen t th e onl y person s consulted.17

At th e Colonia l Office , patienc e wa s als o beginnin g t o ru n thin . Th e dispute wit h th e militar y ha d no t blow n over . Th e Commande r o f Force s had written to report that open space behind the newly built houses had been used "mor e o r less a s a latrine." Worse, when he complained abou t thi s t o the colonia l government , i t built a urinal, "fo r th e sole use of the Chinese " at the same spot.18 Mor e to the point, the Colonial Office als o found i t hard to accep t tha t the dry-earth syste m a s favoured b y the Governor shoul d b e an adequat e sanitatio n measure : Hennessy' s report s conflicte d wit h thos e received fro m th e Colonia l Surgeo n (no w dismissed ) an d th e Surveyo r General. Under these circumstances, it was necessary to send to Hong Kong an enginee r fro m Britain , wh o woul d repor t independentl y o n th e Hon g Kong sanitatio n conditions . Th e Governo r ha d wante d approva l t o se t u p an independen t sanitatio n department , whic h woul d hav e t o wai t unti l th e engineer ha d submitte d hi s report . Th e enginee r i n questio n wa s Osber t Chadwick.19

People

The dispute with the Colonial Surgeon and the Surveyor General , and then the Colonia l Office , ha d arise n because th e Governo r sa w regulation s tha t enforced Wester n standard s a s restriction s o n th e Chinese . I n hi s annua l report i n 1881 , he note d severa l suc h restriction s tha t h e alleviated . N o sooner ha d h e arrive d i n Hon g Kong , tha n th e loca l Chines e peopl e ha d complained abou t the draft "Rule s an d Regulations wit h respect to Chinese graves," which specifie d tha t "singl e grave s shal l no t be more tha n 6 fee t long by 2 feet wide, nor less than 5 feet deep." An ordinary Chinese coffin , it wa s describe d t o him , measure d 6 fee t 6 inche s i n lengt h an d 2 fee t 7 inches wide at the head, and longer and wider if the deceased was a person of importance . H e referre d als o t o th e questio n o f convertin g Europea n houses into Chinese houses in the city area, and the suggestion that the Hong Kong Governmen t shoul d registe r al l sleepin g partner s i n Chines e businesses, eve n thoug h thos e i n Wester n busines s house s woul d remai n unregistered. The n h e referred als o to sanitation , whic h ofte n consiste d o f

20 DAVI D FAUR E

recommendations o n the "pulling down o f Chinese houses , compelling th e Chinese to adopt what ar e called the rules of western sanitar y science , that is, to have underground drains , to build their houses afte r a system they d o not like, and to conduct their domestic arrangements according to European and American models." The Governor consulted the Chinese on such issues, and h e reported , "The y sai d al l thi s woul d onl y ten d t o driv e the m away , and they ventured , shrewdl y I think, to say that their own system had som e merits, and tha t the syste m to be substitute d fo r thei r own had no t worke d well elsewhere , ha d cause d typhoi d fever , diphtheria , an d cholera , fro m which the Colony and the neighbouring ports are free. "

His report also built upon the increasing importance of Chinese people in Hong Kong. He noted, in particular, that the Chinese people were wealthy and were capable of spending vast sums purchasing land. Recognizing thei r commercial potential, he decided to open to them the possibility of building Chinese-style house s i n the business are a which ha d hithert o bee n limite d to Western developments . In his speech to the Legislative Counci l in 1881, he noticed that in 1 6 months, the Chinese had purchased 1. 7 million dollars ' worth o f rea l estat e fro m foreigners , eigh t time s wha t th e foreigner s purchased fro m th e Chinese . Citin g th e statistic s o f th e censu s returns , h e enumerated th e trade s th e Chines e o f Hon g Kon g wer e engage d in : the y operated 3 7 stea m launches , 65 6 cargo boats , 2 088 sampans ; they owne d 395 trading companie s i n the Nam Pak Hong; 2 377 described themselve s as traders , 45 5 brokers , 20 8 shroffs , 1 4 teachers o f shroffing , 3 4 bullio n dealers, 111 money changers, 55 bankers, 10 9 piecegoods dealers, 58 cotton yarn dealers, 51 tea merchants, 12 8 rice dealers, 20 coal dealers, 20 firearm s dealers, 10 7 timbe r dealers , 15 6 drapers , 19 1 foreig n good s dealers , 9 5 compradors, 11 3 shi p compradors , an d 4 1 shi p charterers . In a populatio n of 13 0 000, he enumerated the occupations, therefore, of about 7 000 people. If w e coul d ad d t o tha t number , wome n an d children , sho p worker s an d domestics, and on top of that , a substantial number of porters an d builders, we have here a vivid description of the working population of Hong Kong.20

The Governor cited the statistics from the census report of 1881 . As the censuses became more sophisticated, they became also more informative o f the Chinese population . Th e census o f 191 1 reported that , o f th e "Chines e land population" (i.e . excluding boat people and New Territories villagers) , 115 000 men were married but only 46 000 women were . That must mea n that more than half th e married men had left thei r families i n China as they lived and worked in Hong Kong.21 However , a larger number of people now settling in Hong Kon g translates into unanticipated statistic s i n the census. For example , the census o f 192 1 noted tha t the number o f married wome n

THE COMMON PEOPL E I N HON G KON G HISTOR Y 2 1

compared t o married men had increased slightl y fro m 2 8 out of 10 0 in the married Chines e lan d populatio n t o 3 3 ou t o f 10 0 i n 1911 , but explaine d this a s the result o f a n increase i n the number o f widows residing i n Hon g Kong b y 15 9 percent . I t says : "Formerl y o n th e deat h o f th e husban d th e widow returne d t o the country ; no w sh e evidently remain s i n Hon g Kon g where sh e ca n i f necessar y fin d wor k i n th e variou s industrie s whic h ar e beginning t o sprin g up. " Th e sam e repor t note d tha t th e numbe r o f concubines was also rising, from 1 290 in 191 1 to 2 974, "in addition to 79 concubines whose status was irregular." 22

The histor y o f th e discover y o f th e commo n peopl e i n Hon g Kon g i s usually describe d a s the transitio n betwee n th e firs t fe w decade s o f Hon g Kong's foundin g a s a colon y an d th e emergenc e o f a Chines e mercantil e class. In the early days of Hong Kong's history, British settlers in the colony, more used t o the luxurie s o f lif e o f th e Chines e merchant s o f Guangzhou , quite openl y declare d thei r disdai n fo r th e Chines e peopl e the y foun d i n Hong Kong. Their view of the Chinese community wa s shrouded in fear o f piracy o r secre t societies , and it was only when thei r attempt to restrict th e Chinese community b y legislation ha d failed tha t they cam e to terms wit h the economic life that the Chinese people had made possible in Hong Kong. Hennessy's governorship made a transition in this process, to the extent that he might fin d acceptabl e the views o f Chinese people that were thought t o fall shor t by Western standards .

Yet, throughout , on e read s littl e o f th e commo n people , unles s on e thinks o f th e enquirie s int o th e sal e o f women , th e incidenc e o f venerea l disease an d s o on. The petitions made by th e Chinese people on question s of sanitation , a s in reports b y the Colonia l Surgeon , however , sugges t tha t the house s i n disput e wer e no t reside d i n onl y b y th e poor . An d i n thi s faceless crowd , the following extrac t coming from a law suit is illuminating:

The case for th e plaintiff i s tha t Leun g Kwon g Ch i had certai n lands , Inland Lot No. 19 and Marine Lot No. 7 in Aplichau, and that he lived there and carried on a trade as a rope and sail maker till 1868 , when he died from th e result of an accident at the age of 61 . It was alleged that the titl e deed s ha d bee n los t o r take n possessio n o f b y som e o f hi s partners, and his wife named Lau Chuk Yee lived in the country at Nam Tau, and being ignorant of English law and usages, although she knew of th e existenc e o f th e property , ha d take n n o ste p til l las t yea r t o recover it. She and an alleged adopted son, named Leung Fuk Yam, are admittedly the persons who would benefit by these proceedings, as the real son of the widow and the deceased, named Leung Hi Kwan, has not been heard of since 1869, and is supposed to be dead or to have emigrated

22 DAVI D FAUR E

— havin g disappeare d fro m Aplicha u abou t tha t tim e afte r collectin g debts due to his father Th e mother admit s this and says she got some of the money collecte d

The adopte d son , Leung Fuk Yam, i s said to have been o f surnam e Chan, and was adopted a s the son of a concubine name d Lai , who live d with th e deceased a s his s o called secon d wife , th e firs t o r lawfu l wife , as i s generall y th e custo m here , livin g a t he r nativ e village , an d onl y periodically visiting Aplichau where her husband live d

Lau Chu k Yee , th e wido w o f th e deceased , say s sh e marrie d he r husband under the name of Leung Kwong Chi , that he was called Leung Sui Wa also , and tha t he was also called Mang Wai , or blind Awai Sh e says he wa s als o calle d Wa i Ku n (sh e mean s Wa i K m n o doubt ) The y were married 43 years ago, and she did not come to Aplichau til l 5 years after th e marriage , althoug h th e concubin e La i wen t wit h th e husban d One o r tw o year s afte r th e marriag e th e husban d tol d he r abou t th e Aplichau propert y an d th e titl e deed s Th e witnes s admitte d i n cross-examination tha t sh e had give n th e name o f Leun g Ch i Kwon g t o Mr Caldwel l instea d o f Leun g Kwon g Chi , fo r i t appear s sh e had gon e to him in the first instance , when sh e came from th e country t o seek her rights Sh e wa s tol d o f the m b y som e woman , wh o too k he r t o Taipingshan, wher e sh e foun d som e on e wh o too k he r t o th e lawyers , she says

Leung Fu k Ya m sai d he was the adopte d so n tha t he an d H i Kwa n were presen t a t the deat h o f Leun g Kwon g Chi , a s the y live d wit h hi m and th e 'smal l mothe r ' H e say s tha t th e partnership betwee n hi s fathe r and other s wa s dissolve d befor e hi s father' s deat h H e say s th e fathe r was als o calle d H m W a an d Wa i Km , tha t h e ha d see n hi m write , an d witness being asked to write 'Wai ' writ e it thus a s did Lum Chiu Tin, another witness called by the plaintif f

Lam Chiu Tin say s he is 39 years of age , says that he knew Kwon g Chi, an d wa s presen t whe n h e die d H e say s th e decease d wa s i n partnership wit h Cheun g A-tm g an d others , an d tha t th e busines s wa s called Leun g Ho p Li , but tha t before th e deat h o f Kwon g Ch i o r Man g Wai th e business wa s burn t down , an d tha t n o busines s wa s earne d o n after tha t H e als o state d tha t H i Kwan , th e son , collecte d th e father' s debts 23

So far , th e testimon y pointe d toward s a singl e direction , bu t evidenc e contrary t o thi s wa s produce d

Cheng Yu k Cheun g o r Chen g Ch i Ting , wh o i s 6 1 year s o f age , an d carries o n rop e busines s a t Aplicha u say s tha t th e decease d wa s calle d Hm W a an d wa s hi s partne r wit h other s i n rope an d sai l makin g unde r the name o f Leun g Ho p Li , that the y earne d o n business o n Inlan d Lo t

THE COMMO N PEOPL E I N HON G KON G HISTOR Y 2 3

19, and that Hin Wa lived in the end house. He says that the partners were Leung W a Chau , Leun g Hi n Wa , Mo k Kwon g Fa t an d himsel f Cheng Chi Ting. He said that Hin Wa had two shares , and that a t the sale of the lots in 186 1 the ground was bought as partnership property. He state s tha t i n th e en d o f 186 7 ther e wa s a larg e fir e a t Aplicha u which burned them out, and that the title deeds were burned. He produces copies of the lease got from the Surveyor General's Office afte r the fire, and these have been in his possession ever since. He also produced the Crown rent receipts from the beginning of 1868, and states that after the fire th e Leung Ho p Li business wa s wound up , and tha t th e decease d and the others apportioned the land amongst them, the deceased having his two shares in it.

He says that the characters Leung Kwong Chi written in the lease were written by him, and the Leung Kwong Chi was a made up name representing persons in the partnership. "Leung" being taken for the two partners o f the Leung Hop Li, "Kwong" from a third, and "Chi" fro m his own , tha t the y ha d agree d t o tak e th e lease s i n thi s wa y i n th e interest o f all , an d tha t b y agreemen t h e signe d an d too k th e lease s thus.24

The tria l judge accepte d thi s version o f event s an d cam e to the conclusio n that "there was not a person o f the name of Leung Kwong Chi , but that the characters represented a 'Tong.' " This does not alter some of the other fact s in th e case , tha t th e rop e make r fro m Nanto u (Cantones e Na m Tau ) ha d worked i n Aplicha u no t a s a n employe e bu t a s a self-employe d artisan , holding a shar e i n th e partnershi p tha t wa s hi s business , leavin g hi s wif e back hom e an d livin g wit h a concubine i n Hon g Kong . H e wa s probabl y not rich by the standards of the Nam Pak Hong merchants, but he probably would not have been very different fro m the many craftsmen on e might find near present-day Centra l District .

I hav e reproduce d thi s cas e because th e evidenc e tha t i s availabl e o n occupants o f houses , o f th e sor t describe d i n Chadwic k o r th e Colonia l Surgeon's reports , give s scan t persona l details . Ye t som e shade s o f differences hav e now to be introduced because, somewhere in those details, we have the fine lin e developing betwee n wha t might become the Chines e elite in Hong Kong and the common workmen. The Chinese land developers that Governor Henness y ha d received petitions from wer e now busy in the Man Mo Temple, and associated with that, the Tung Wah Hospital and the Po Leun g Kuk . Attache d t o thes e communa l organizations , increasingl y receiving governmen t sanctio n no t onl y i n Hon g Kon g bu t als o i n China , were the many guilds and commonplace associations that Elizabeth Sinn has documented.25 B y 1912 , the Registrar General produced a very interesting ,

24 DAVI D FAUR E

though brief, report describing some 60 guilds. As he was looking more for indications of what trades they were engaged in than what their membership consisted of , h e mad e n o distinctio n betwee n thei r statu s a s employer s o r employees beyon d th e explici t declaratio n t o thi s effec t b y th e guild s themselves. Even then , h e noted tha t the masons an d the matpackers wer e divided int o tw o guilds , on e for master s an d th e other fo r employees . Th e benevolent societie s fo r "restauran t employees, " "cook s an d boy s o n steamers" an d "servants " wer e obviousl y mad e u p o f employees , bu t th e members o f th e guild s o f California n merchants , an d th e Na m Pa k Hon g were almost certainly employers. 26

The blurrin g o f relationship s betwee n employer s an d employee s wa s very much a feature of the artisans' employment market.27 Detail s in a small collection o f guil d regulation s (i n Chinese an d English translation ) amon g the Clement i paper s shoul d bea r ou t thi s conclusion . Th e mason s an d th e shipbuilders wer e divided int o guilds fo r master s (employers ) an d artisan s (employees), suc h guild s bein g generall y know n respectivel y a s dongjia hang (th e easter n guilds ) an d xijia hang (wester n guilds) . The regulation s for bricklayers and carpenters pertain only to the artisans' guilds . The guild of contractor s include d th e maste r carpenter s a s shoul d b e clea r fro m th e regulations o f the carpenters' guild. 28

The Master Masons' Guil d was made up of 12 0 members. Some of the prominent members and committeemen lived near the business district , and others live d a t Thir d Street , Saiyingpun , Lowe r Rutte r Stree t o n Taipingshan, o r Wanchai. The bricklayers, artisans, had a meeting house at No. 2 Upper Rutter Street, and four of the six prominent members cited gave this a s thei r address . Th e bricklayers , th e shipbuilders , th e carpenter s an d the contractors , tha t i s t o say , bot h master s an d artisans , celebrate d th e festival o f th e deit y L o Pa n a t th e L o Pa n Templ e a t Shektongtsui . Th e master mason s celebrate d th e Tin Ha u Festiva l a t Tanglunchau , whil e th e artisans did not record in their regulations sacrific e a t a temple. The Master Masons' Guil d considere d itsel f a branch o f th e Master Masons ' Guil d o f Guangzhou, an d ther e the y me t a t th e guildhal l (huiguan) a t th e L o Pa n Temple a t a location known as Sai Shek Kok. The other guilds were set up in Hong Kong .

The document s recordin g th e guild regulations include , in quite a fe w instances, th e name s o f member s an d altogethe r recorde d ar e severa l thousand names . It would see m that these people were very much the type who ha d bee n livin g i n th e tenemen t house s describe d i n governmen t records in the 1880s .

Portions o f these regulations dea l with fees, charges made to the guild ,

THE COMMO N PEOPL E I N HON G KON G HISTOR Y 2 5

conditions of work — that is to say, hours of work and the amount of foo d to b e provide d o n a dail y basi s — and , importantly , th e term s o f apprenticeship. An essentia l feature o f the regulations i s the assumption o f short-term contractua l relationship . Th e Artisa n Masons ' Guild , whos e regulations wer e draw n u p i n 1889 , rule d that , "whe n a master-maso n engaged a n artisa n fo r hire , th e ter m o f engagemen t woul d b e hel d t o b e one month unless other wise stipulated." The rules of the Carpenters' Guild , drawn u p i n 1894 , specifie d tha t engagemen t o f wor k fo r on e yea r woul d be considered long-term. Aside from this clause, the provisions for food an d payment o f wage s sugges t tha t the carpenter s contracte d thei r work by th e day in the manner o f "casua l labour" (sangong), a term that was employe d quite freely i n these rules.

The questio n o f wage s deserve s comment . Chadwic k referre d i n on e case to a rent of 8.50 dollars per month that was paid by a tenant for a whole floor i n a house i n Pee l Street . Th e hous e had a frontage o f 1 5 feet an d a depth o f 5 0 feet , an d th e whol e o f thi s floo r wa s sufficientl y larg e t o b e divided int o fou r room s o f 1 0 fee t b y 1 0 feet . Th e tenant , wh o wa s a "fireman" o n a loca l steamer , occupie d on e roo m an d suble t th e othe r three.29 Th e Bricklayers ' regulation s cite , for 1884 , wages o f .21 6 tael pe r day fo r master-bricklayer s an d .14 4 tael per day for under-bricklayers . In a fully employe d 30-da y month , therefore , a master-bricklayer migh t receiv e 6.7 taels or 9 dollars, and an under-bricklayer 4.3 taels or 6 dollars. Neither would have been able to afford a n entire flat i n Peel Street , but the master -bricklayer would have been comfortably of f wit h a room.

The guilds exerted a "closed shop" on the people engaged in their trade. The Carpenters ' Guil d stipulates :

Arrivals fro m anothe r por t mus t ente r thei r name s i n th e guild ledge r within te n days , otherwis e thei r cas e wil l b e considere d i n genera l meeting.30

The Bricklayers ' Guild , i n regulations draw n u p in 1902 , sees a n impose d fee on the hiring of labour as a service that the guild might provide:

A ma n wh o has no t ye t joined th e guil d bu t take s od d jobs i n Hon g Kong should be invited t o join ou r guild . I f he refuses t o join, shoul d our guild procure labourers for him, he will be charged guild-tax at the rate of .0 4 tael as guild-money; i f employed by the guild a s a master-workman, h e mus t pa y .0 1 tae l a s guil d money ; i f employe d a s a n under-workman, a t a daily wag e of .0 8 tael, he must pay .00 5 tael as guild-money. I f hi s daily wage is less than .0 8 tael, no charge wil l be

26 DAVI D FAUR E

made. Al l thes e charges ar e daily . I f a stranger comes t o Hong Kong from anothe r port, no charge wil l be made for 7 days after hi s arrival: but afte r th e 7th day , the full fe e fro m th e date of hi s arriva l must be paid. I f he works for a month he must enter the guild. Evasion of this rule will be considered and punished in general meeting of the guild.31

Despite the claim made on the right to work, the guilds quite possibly made room fo r place-of-origi n differences . I n the Masons' Artisans ' Guild , suc h recognition wa s explicitly spel t out . The artisan mason s o f the Li surnam e from Jiaying , thos e o f th e Zeng surnam e als o from Jiaying , an d people o f all othe r surname s fro m Jiayin g belonge d t o thre e differen t "tong, " whil e among Huizho u artisans , those o f th e Zhang surnam e an d people o f othe r surnames belonge d t o tw o differen t "tong. " N o provisio n wa s mad e fo r artisans who had come from neithe r Jiaying nor Huizhou .

The regulation cite d abov e from th e Bricklayers' Guil d shoul d also be interesting for another reason: it is clear that it assumes that the artisan might also hir e eve n thoug h h e belonge d t o a n artisans ' guild . Th e preambl e t o the Bricklayers' Guild , while accepting that it was an artisans' guild , state s that ther e wa s n o separat e guil d fo r masters . Th e Bricklayers ' regulation s differentiate betwee n charge s mad e o n member s wh o wer e master s fro m those mad e o n member s wh o wer e artisans , it s member s consistin g o f contractors, sub-contractor s an d workmen . On e regulatio n distinguishe s between "bi g contractors " an d "smal l contractors. " "I f a sub-contracto r completes the work according to contract and hands it over to his employer, then being a subordinate artisan of small means his account should be settled and his wages paid up to date as soon as possible;" but "the big contractor s deal necessaril y wit h th e bi g employers , bu t thes e latte r usuall y hav e a number o f master-bricklayer s wit h who m the y dea l yea r afte r year , an d whose wage s wil l frequentl y b e i n arrears. " Thi s particula r claus e ban s members fro m finishin g wor k lef t undon e by "smal l contractors " who had not bee n paid , bu t accept s a s a necessity , arrangement s wit h "bi g contractors." I t migh t b e argue d fro m thi s descriptio n tha t th e mean s tha t contractors wer e capabl e o f varie d ove r a fairly wid e range , s o that a t th e poorer end , th e artisa n an d th e sub-contracto r wer e probabl y littl e distinguishable.32

Another prominen t featur e indicate d i n the rules i s th e emphasi s o n a personal bond to the contractor or the guild. In the treatment of apprentices , this featur e i s explicitl y spel t out . Th e rule s o f th e Carpenters ' Guild , fo r instance, put it in the following terms :

THE COMMO N PEOPL E I N HON G KON G HISTOR Y 2 7

All apprentices i n Hong Kong must work 3 years (withou t wage) , and are not permitted to leave while their term of apprenticeship is incomplete If they do, the men who brought them to Hong Kong (and stood guarantee for them) must refund the expense of their board33

This claus e seem s t o assum e tha t th e "me n wh o brough t the m t o Hon g Kong" an d therefor e stoo d guarante e fo r apprentic e carpenter s wer e no t themselves master carpenters, but the rules of the masons and ship-builder s are worde d m suc h a wa y a s t o sugges t tha t th e apprentice s wer e boun d directly to their masters Th e Master Masons' Guil d further make s clear that the apprentic e worke d fo r th e maste r t o who m h e wa s apprenticed , wh o could b e a membe r o f th e artisans ' guild , rathe r tha n th e employe r "I f a member of the artisan guild keeps an apprentice in the shop of his employer [1 e a master] , he mus t pa y t o suc h employe r $1 0 a s board o n accoun t o f such apprentice "34

The prevalenc e o f sub-contractin g necessaril y blur s th e distinctio n between employer and workmen Th e possibility o f bringing in friends an d relatives from the country to supplement the labour needed in the fulfilmen t of work contracts contributed to a culture where workmen saw considerable scope i n becoming contractor s o r sub-contractor s I n the strike s fo r wage s cited by the Registrar General's report of 1912 , it would be quite in keeping with th e characte r o f sub-contractin g tha t th e sub-contractor s wer e considered amon g the employees

Little informatio n i s availabl e o n wha t th e commo n peopl e o f Hon g Kong i n th e 1880 s migh t hav e fel t abou t livin g ther e Fo r thi s reason , th e following singula r paragrap h i n a Guangdon g genealog y i s perhap s o f interest

In the 13t h year of Guangxu (1887) , in the year Ting Hoi, Hong Kong celebrated its fiftieth anniversar y A n exhibition added to the celebration and the view was pleasing I went with my aunt Madam Kam to Hong Kong for half a month Thi s was the most enjoyable time of my life35

Madam Kam was married to a Hong Kong rice importer who had probably arrived m th e 1850 s Th e family ha d been poo r i n Xinhu i count y bu t fou r brothers, includin g th e ne e importer , settle d i n Hon g Kon g On e o f thes e became an opium merchant, an d another was successfu l a s a mechanic B y the 1880s , th e mechani c wa s movin g u p i n th e worl d H e wa s soo n associated wit h peopl e wh o eventuall y forme d th e Societ y fo r th e Improvement o f Engineerin g i n Hon g Kon g an d a so n wa s t o acquir e a degree from Columbia Umversity I n the 1880s , such a family wa s only just

28 DAVI D FAUR E

about moving into the elite. A tinge of tourist interest from member s of the family bac k hom e wh o ha d visite d Hon g Kon g fo r a brie f visi t woul d probably have been quite fitting .

In 1931 , of the 655 000 Chinese people who did not live on boats o r in New Territorie s villages , 253 000 claimed to have lived in Hong Kon g fo r less tha n fiv e years , an d anothe r 15 7 000 fo r les s tha n ten. 36 Thi s was a n immigrant communit y an d lengt h o f stay , i t wil l be seen , had muc h t o d o with status .

The Immigrant Behind the Working Man

By th e 1920s , Hon g Kon g wa s movin g int o industria l society . Th e Economic Resources Committee se t up by the Governor, which reported in 1920, provided a lis t o f wel l ove r 20 0 industria l operation s unde r Chines e management, manufacturin g ratta n furniture , biscuits , cigars , tobacco , preserved ginger , soap , vermilion , lard , singlet s an d socks , blackwoo d furniture, leather , noodles , soy , i n additio n t o machinery repai r shop s an d iron and copper smiths . All this was reckoned quite apart from transport , o r industries unde r Wester n management , whic h include d th e docks , Gree n Island Cement , Chin a Suga r Refining, an d the power companies . Throug h the 1910s , th e cos t o f livin g an d wage s wer e bot h rising , an d a majo r concern o f th e committe e wa s th e deterrenc e tha t increasin g cost s migh t pose fo r industria l growth . I t was notice d that , wher e Hon g Kon g paid 5 0 to 90 cents in wages , in Guangzhou th e worker would have received 5 0 to 70 cents , an d elsewher e o n th e mainlan d (presumabl y i n sout h Chin a o r Guangdong itself ) 4 0 t o 6 0 cents. 37 Strangel y enough , despit e the interes t in wage costs , the committee di d not have access to information o n wage s other than what individual committee members had acquired from persona l experience. Th e followin g exchang e o f view s make s i t obviou s tha t th e Chinese elite was now quite isolated from th e common worker :

Mr Ross Thomson:- .. . It is a fact, is it not, that ordinary labourers, here in th e Cit y o f Victoria , deman d a ver y muc h highe r wag e than , fo r instance, they would ge t in Sha Tau Kok or in places in the hills over the other side.

The Chairman:- Of course, they have to pay so much more for rent. Mr Chow Shou-son:- The cost of living is higher.

Mr Ross Thomson:- Is that enough to account for the difference o r is it simply a matter of combination?

THE COMMO N PEOPL E I N HON G KON G HISTOR Y 2 9

The Chairman - Then nee costs considerably mor e

Mr Ross Thomson - But labour has gone up out of al l proportion

Mr Chow Shou-so n - Necessities have gone up fifty pe r cent

Mr Ross Thomson - Labour has gone up a hundred and fifty pe r cen t

The Charrma n gav e a n exampl e o f a chai r cooli e no w pai d $1 2 pe r month as against $6

Mr Ros s Thomso n - Take bricklayer s an d carpenters , ho w thei r wage s have advance d Doe s anybod y know 7 I t woul d b e rathe r interestin g t o have information o n that

Mr Cha n Har r - Th e advanc e i n wage s o f bricklayers , carpenter s an d joiners within the last fifteen years , I should say , is from fift y t o sevent y per cent

Mr Ross Thomson - 1 thought it was more

The Chairman - More A hundred per cent

Mr Cha n Har r - No Mos t o f th e labou r i s contract , bu t takin g th e od d jobs, s o far a s I know fro m m y ow n job contractor s puttin g u p jobs fo r my Company , the y tel l me , a fe w month s ago , tha t fiftee n year s ag o they coul d ge t a bricklayer fo r 4 5 cents a day, he to find hi s own chow Now they want 75 to 80 cents a day

Mr Ross Thomson - And stil l gets his own chow*?

Mr Chan Harr - Yes

Mr Ros s Thomso n - Well , I ma y b e mixe d abou t th e period s Yo u sa y fifteen year s I can' t g o bac k muc h earlie r tha n that , bu t I kno w the y were satisfied a t one time with 20 cents a day

Hon M r La u Chu-pa k - Wages ros e thre e year s ag o fro m 3 0 t o 7 0 pe r cent

Mr Chan Harr - Living these four o r five years is double

Mr Ros s Thomso n - Ha s no t th e cos t o f buildin g a t th e presen t tim e compared t o wha t i t wa s 2 0 year s ag o o r 1 5 years ag o bee n increase d more tha n i s represente d b y th e increas e i n th e cos t o f livin g o f th e labourers^

The Charrman - Yes

Mr Chan Harr - Yes

Mr Ross Thomson - Then it is due to combination —

The Chairman - Combination o f circumstance s

Mr Ross Thomson - Combination o f the workers

30 DAVI D FAUR E

The Chairman - No, to combination of things The y have to pay more to import things, including material from up river, from Canton , etc , such as fi r An d th e Governmen t i s muc h mor e stric t i n carryin g ou t th e Building Ordinance than before Mr Ros s Thomso n - I s no t th e contractors ' busines s ver y muc h mor e remunerative today than it used to be9

The Chairman -1 cannot say Mr Chow Shou-son - They pay their men in proportion Hon Mr Lau Chu-pak - And they have to pay more for imported articles After further discussion (on wages and cost of living),

Hon Mr Lau Chu-pak - The Chinese have been too much Europeamsed in the last few years The y have taken to luxuries 38

The discussion conclude d tha t the committee shoul d loo k into the housing question I n further meetings , considerable concern was expressed over the cost of land

Rising ren t i n Hon g Kong , a s always , wa s cause d b y th e influ x o f population Th e population , reporte d a t 270 000 in 1900 , had expande d t o 650 000 by 192 0 Wages , nonetheless, fell behind rent increases, and it was argued tha t a n impedimen t t o buildin g mor e house s m Hon g Kong , quit e aside fro m th e shortag e o f lan d an d th e lac k o f roads , cam e fro m th e shortage o f skille d labourer s t o work o n construction Th e argumen t crep t in, in the 1920s , that Government shoul d subsidiz e rent to keep the cost of living lo w fo r workme n an d thi s i s eviden t i n th e recommendations mad e to the Government by the Housing Commission in 192 3

We also recommend that the Government build, in various districts, and rent out at cheap rents, houses for the occupation of Chinese workmen engaged m the building trades Fro m the answers which we have received to question 1(6 ) m our circular letter of the 9th April, 1923, there seems to be little doubt that, if only sufficient accommodation s were provided for labourers in the building trades at reasonable rents, a sufficient suppl y of skille d labourer s fo r buildin g woul d b e willin g t o com e int o th e Colony O n this point the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce say, m their letter in Enclosure 1 "Ther e is no scarcity of skilled labourers, and procuration o f more such is not difficulty, bu t the labourers in the interior would always hesitate before coming to Hong Kong, considering the high ren t an d th e hig h cos t o f livin g her e " Late r o n i n th e sam e letter the Chamber state "Thi s Chamber is strongly of the opinion that the Government should be urged to build two or three hundred houses in

THE COMMO N PEOPL E I N HON G KON G HISTOR Y 3 1

each of the following districts , namely, Causeway Bay, Kennedy Town, Yaumati and Mongkoktsui, etc. ; and also extend the tramlines so as to make them easily accessible. The Government could build these houses at a cost o f $4,00 0 t o $5,00 0 each , reckoning o n a 5% or 6 % return , each house could be let a t $20 to $30 a month. Thus the middle class and the working class inhabitants in the Colony will be rescued from the hardship of paying high and excessive rent, and simultaneously the rent in the whole Colony will be restored to its normal condition . . .39

The sam e repor t als o reaffirme d th e nee d t o provid e fo r a Europea n Reservation. Bu t i t adde d th e argumen t tha t "i n time s o f strik e o r othe r internal commotions , a n aggregatio n o f Britis h resident s i n on e distric t renders i t easie r fo r the m t o tak e commo n actio n fo r th e defenc e o f th e whole community agains t disorders." 40

In th e 1920s , politica l development s i n Chin a wer e fas t creatin g th e ideology o f th e workin g class , an d th e Housin g Commissio n o f 192 3 ha d very muc h i n min d th e seamen' s strik e i n 1922 . However , th e ide a tha t government shoul d financ e housin g seem s to have taken root, for th e point was raise d agai n i n th e Housin g Commission' s repor t i n 1938 , whe n th e Hong Kon g housing situatio n had come under much greate r strai n becaus e of the population influx from China . This very important report put forwar d the suggestions tha t slums should be cleared to make way for new housing , that compensation be given for those cleared from th e slums, that adequat e housing be provided fo r the poor, that housing shoul d not be left t o private enterprise alone , and tha t area s outsid e the currently populate d district s b e found tha t migh t b e develope d fo r industry. 41 Thes e ver y importan t suggestions becam e th e base s o f th e Hon g Kon g Government' s housin g policies in the 1950s .

Yet, i n th e 1950s , whe n housin g ha d t o b e provide d a t lo w cost , th e Hong Kong Government ignored a n essential recommendation mad e in the memorandum writte n b y th e secretar y o f th e commission , W . H . Owen , which was appended to the report:

The unit of occupation i s the family an d standards should be based on the requirements of family life.42

This general point is elaborated in the following terms :

The question of overcrowding is dependent to a great extent on unit of occupation adopted or implied. The Hong Kong Ordinances do not cater for th e famil y a s a unit ; no r d o the y giv e an y consideratio n t o th e

32 DAVI D FAUR E

question o f the sex separation. The overcrowding standar d i s based on so many square feet o f floor spac e and so many cubic feet of air space per person. Given sufficien t floo r an d air space any number of people, regardless of sex, may occupy one room. Applied to the normal tenement each floor of which is capable of accommodating 1 0 or 12 persons, and in man y case s more , then, provide d thos e number s ar e no t exceeded , there is no overcrowding. If the available accommodation be measured on this basis, then the 75,000 floors can accommodate 750,000 to 900,000 people and there is no housing shortage. The fallacy is obvious. It would be quit e impossibl e t o distribut e th e populatio n evenl y amon g th e available houses. Family ties should frustrate any attempt to do so.43

The tradition from the Chadwick Report onwards, of course, was to consider housing needs in terms of "so many squar e feet o f floor spac e and so many cubic feet of air space per person." Housed in private tenements, the poorer people of Hong Kong squeezed in as many bodies as possible within a flat , with th e obviou s resul t tha t familie s lacke d privac y an d a guarded famil y life. Thi s situatio n wa s no t corrected unti l the newer type s o f Governmen t subsidized housing in the 1960s .

The politica l fervou r o f th e 1920 s subside d b y th e 1930s . Only i n th e 1930s ar e there availabl e description s o f working men in Hong Kong , an d the best sourc e for suc h descriptions i s the report o f th e Labour Office r i n 1939.44

H. R . Butter s wa s Hon g Kong' s firs t Labou r Officer , an d readin g th e report, one can see the frustration o f a writer who knew descriptions of trade unionism an d labou r legislatio n wer e incomplet e withou t a sens e o f wha t the worker s themselve s wer e like . Ye t h e wa s frustrate d becaus e he , too , had no access to such information. On e sees the desperation behind the one-line introductio n fo r th e 2 0 cases h e include d i n th e report : " I have take n statements fro m twent y individual s chose n a t random a s representative o f various classe s o f workers, " for , immediatel y afte r thi s lin e he goe s o n t o Case 1 , one Yiu Sun , "male , age 30 (found buyin g cigarette s fro m stal l i n Hing Lun g Street , Hon g Kong , afte r carryin g vegetables.) " On e ca n visualize Butter s grabbin g Yi u Su n an d thrustin g a t hi m question s o n hi s livelihood. On e can als o hear the Cantonese in response tha t is reproduce d in English in the report:

YIU SUN , male , ag e 3 0 (foun d buyin g cigarette s fro m stal l i n Hin g Lung Street, Hong Kong, after carrying vegetables) In Hong Kong one and a half years, came from Kong Moon, Kwangtung Province, to look for work; in Kong Moon was small farmer and gardener;

THE COMMO N PEOPL E I N HON G KON G HISTOR Y 3 3

now tea-carrying coolie for Douglas boats, employed by coolie foreman Ng Pui who is employed b y Tea Guild Wif e i n country, no children , married four years, supports mother in country Live s 10 Chinese Street m cockloft on first floor which he shares with two fellow workers at one dollar eac h mont h Fiv e families , eightee n adult s an d si x children , on floor Employment regular , paid onc e a week according t o number o f boxes earned, earn s fiv e t o si x dollar s a week Whe n n o te a ships , n o tea -carrying, carries vegetables at thirty cents to a dollar a day Has tw o meal s a day fro m stree t stal l a t twenty cent s a meal Wear s clothes he brought from the country Ca n sometimes make two dollars a day I f sick , female cousin , 9 Chinese Street , whose husband i s also a coolie, looks after him, if very sick would go to hospital Wif e in Kong Moon weaves at home, can earn very little, mother also weaves Send s them abou t te n dollar s a month The y spen d si x t o seve n dollar s an d save the balance in case children are bom Since arrival in Hong Kong never been back to country, wife never been to Hong Kon g Clansma n write s fo r hi m two or three time s a month Travelling trade r o n board Kon g Moo n boa t arrange s hi s remittance s and pays them i n Chinese currency Expect s t o go home on visi t i n a few months at Ching Ming Festival Bette r off here than in Kong Moon, does no t smok e opium but spend s three cents on cigarettes a day (six cigarettes) Hours of work 8a m - 5 p m , sometime s works late till 9p m Average earnings when working $1 60-$ 1 70 a day, Sunday a holiday — walks about the streets In the country worships idols, Gods of the sky, in Hong Kong does not care Canno t read or write Whe n no work fellow workers come together and discuss affair s Winter clothing — two singlets, two jackets and two trousers (one short), does not wear shoes Rises 6 a m, goe s to bed 8 p m , 5 pm - 8 p m take s a walk, has a bath at home every two days Clansman introduce d hi m t o N g Pu i (hi s immediat e employer ) hal f month afte r arriva l i n Colony , clansma n fe d hi m fo r tha t hal f mont h Does not gamble, occasionally drinks five cents wine after hard work 45

Yiu Sun , wh o mad e hi s livin g carryin g te a chests , worke d fo r a "cooli e foreman" wh o was a member o f the Tea Guild H e was a new arriva l fro m the country , havin g bee n i n Hon g Kon g fo r onl y a yea r an d a hal f Hi s family remaine d i n the country , an d fo r thei r livelihood , h e sen t them te n dollars ever y month , tha t bein g perhap s a quarte r o f hi s incom e Livin g alone m Hong Kong , he shared a cockloft wit h two fellow workers , paying

34 DAVI D FAUR E

1 dolla r per month. He had some relatives in Hong Kong , who might tak e care of him if he was ill. He smoked, spendin g 3 cents on cigarettes a day. Other than that , he seems to have had few amusements. He "walked abou t the streets" and chatted ("discussed affairs" ) wit h his mates.

In contrast to Yiu Sun, the description of a longer-term resident in Hong Kong show s tha t tim e i n residenc e coul d hav e mad e a grea t dea l o f difference t o livelihood:

LAM SANG, male, aged 34, joiner, Taikoo Dockyard :

Employed there for last nine years. Married, one son four years, residing 61 Main Street, Saiwanho, 1st floor. Principal tenant of floor, rent $14.50 (formerly $11.00) , retains for self one cubicle and sitting room, has two subtenants a t four dollar s each . Bom San Wui, Kwangtung Province . Came to Hong Kong, aged 16 , with a clansman as was poor in country. Apprentice for three years in furniture shop , Wanchai, Hong Kong, no pay, fre e boar d an d lodging ; the n nin e dollar s pe r mont h wit h fre e lodging but not free food . Afte r tw o months lef t sho p to look for odd jobs as pay was too low. After several years obtained work at Taikoo, at first unde r contractor ; thre e year s ag o joined permanen t staff . Tim e work, $1.26 a day — both under contractor and directly employed.

Hours: 7 a.m. - 1 2 noon, 1 p.m. - 5 p.m. Sunday work — time and half; over-time — time and half.

If ill, leave but no pay.

Wages amount to about forty five dollars a month, paid monthly. Wife does no work excep t hous e work — no servants. Not member o f any union or guild. Food for family about eighteen dollars per month. Remits seven to ten dollars per month to mother in country. Can read and write Chinese: learned in country when boy. No savings.46

Quite apar t fro m th e likelihood o f a higher incom e i n return fo r regula r work, Lam Sang, the joiner a t Taikoo Dockyar d manage d t o live in Hon g Kong wit h hi s family . H e manage d t o pay the ren t b y makin g himsel f principal tenant, for his two subtenants paid him 4 dollars each, leaving him only 6.50 dollars for his share of the flat, which amounted to a cubicle and a sitting room. He also remitted 1 0 dollars to his mother in the country every month. Th e arrangement lef t hi m about 3 0 dollars a month fo r foo d an d other expenses.

Yet a third case would show that , by the time the children were able to bring in an income, the family was decidedly well off :

THE COMMO N PEOPL E I N HONG KON G HISTOR Y 3 5

CHAN PUI, male, 48 years, plater, Taikoo Dockyard:

Married: two sons, four daughter s eldes t age d 22 , 48 Saiwanho Stree t ground floor. Principal tenant paying $11.50 per month, four sub-tenants from whom he collects from $8 to $9, retains one cubicle and bedspace, no servants. Two daughters work at Fung Keong Rubber Factory, earning thirty to sixty cents a day each which they hand over to him; he provides them with house, food and clothing.

Came to Hong Kong, aged 29, from Toi Shan, Kwangtung Province, as no work in country, learned trade for three years at Bailey's Shipyard at forty cents a day — then in Kowloon Docks from two to three years — fifteen year s at Taikoo Dock, employed through a contractor, time work.

Hours: 7 a.m. - 1 2 noon, 1 p.m . - 5 p.m. Wages $1.50 a day. Overtime — time and half, Sundays — time and half.

Sent remittance t o country monthl y whe n mothe r was alive. Can read and write Chinese. Not member of any union. Eldest son, aged fourteen, goes to private schoo l — fees thirtee n dollar s a year. Onl y eldes t gir l went to school. Food for family forty dollars per month.47

Chan Pui , aged 48 , had lived i n Hong Kon g fo r ninetee n years . Les s rent receive d fro m sub-tenants , he paid a n effective ren t o f approximatel y 3 dollar s fo r hi s shar e o f th e flat . Tw o grown-u p daughter s contribute d their income to the family, amountin g possibly to 15 dollars per month. His mother in the country ha d died, an d so he no longer remitted mone y bac k home. I t is not clear wha t hi s income was , but he paid just ove r 1 dollar per month fo r a son's schoolin g an d 40 dollars per month for the family' s food.

The able-bodied men employed as carrier-coolie or skilled labourers all fared bette r than the woman workers . Chan Pui's two daughters earne d 30 to 60 cents per day at Fung Keong Rubber Factory. Another woman, Cheng Kwai Ying, a 22-year old outworker for Fung Keong Rubber Factory, made 70 cent s t o 1 dollar pe r day of 1 0 to 1 2 hours each , fo r whic h wor k she provided th e sewing machine . Pan g S o Fong, age d 24 , gummed shoe s a t Fung Keon g fo r 1.2 0 dollar s pe r day. (Her brother wh o had an office job also a t Fung Keong , receive d 15 0 dollars pe r month.) Th e coolie wome n were a s poorly pai d a s the factory wome n workers : Won g Tai , aged 36, "found carryin g sand " received 40 cents per day; Leung Sam, aged 40, also "found carryin g sand " wa s paid 3 0 cents a day , all o f who m compare d favourably t o the domestic servant : Ng Wai, aged 34, "employed by Wong family a t 6 Queen Victoria Stree t third floor, Hon g Kong," who received 2 dollars per month. Ng served a master and mistress who occupied a cubicle

36 DAVI D FAUR E

and sh e slep t i n a cam p be d outsid e it . Sh e ros e a t 6 i n th e mornin g an d went to bed between 9 and 1 0 in the evening.48

The star k detail s give n i n th e repor t give s a sens e o f realit y t o th e livelihood o f workin g peopl e i n Hon g Kon g i n th e 1930s . Littl e wa s sai d about th e condition s unde r whic h the y worked , bu t th e brie f paragrap h below is as worth quoting as a part of their livelihood :

One of those inspected, a tailoring establishment , was so overcrowded that one male worker engaged in ironing was found suspended from the roof o n a bea m wit h hi s ironin g boar d suspende d i n fron t o f him . Conditions in printing establishments and in many Chinese newspapers, most of which are concentrated in old property in the central district of Hong Kong, are generally bad.49

The description is surreal but, in view of the realism in the rest of the report, quite believable.

A substantia l portion o f the 540 pages o f a manual for Chinese peopl e living in Hong Kong under the title, What Hong Kong Chinese People Must Know i s mad e u p o f Chines e translatio n o r summar y o f rule s an d regulations, ranging from the registration of schools and shops to application for th e transpor t o f corpse s bac k t o China . No t a wor d i s include d i n i t concerning employment . Assistanc e i s provided , nevertheless , fo r th e application of what by the Rent Ordinance of 188 3 was known as a "warrant of distress. " O n applicatio n fro m landlord s an d principa l tenants , th e Supreme Cour t could issue a "warrant o f distress" to allow for th e auctio n of good s an d furnitur e o n premises fo r whic h ren t ha d no t been paid . Fo r rent owe d fro m 1 dollar u p t o 50 0 dollars , stam p dut y o f 2 5 cent s t o 1 5 dollars ha d t o b e paid , 9.6 0 dollar s fo r watchme n t o kee p watc h o n th e premises fo r th e require d eigh t days ' notic e serve d an d transpor t fo r th e bailiff t o serve the warrant , o f 40 cents o n Hong Kon g Island an d 1 dollar in Kowloon . Th e accompanyin g explanatio n note s tha t th e warran t migh t be applied for a s long as rent had not been paid for a month. The moderat e cost of effective evictio n underlies the lack of security for the tenant. 50

Concluding Remark s

Settling in Hong Kong, housing congestion, the lack of sanitation, but wages that surpasse d thos e foun d i n sout h Chin a an d th e possibilit y o f rapi d mobility wa s ver y muc h a commo n experienc e tha t man y Hon g Kon g families underwent , before the Second World War and after. I t does not tell

THE COMMO N PEOPL E I N HON G KON G HISTOR Y 3 7

the entire stor y because i t leaves ou t noticeabl y th e seam y sid e o f society , the prevalence o f prostitution, contro l rackets, corruption an d drugs. It also leaves ou t muc h o f cultura l life , th e wealt h o f ritual s structure d aroun d temples and monasteries, the entertainment provided by the Chinese operas, and th e increasin g intrusio n o f th e newspape r and , int o th e 1920s , th e cinema. I t give s weigh t t o th e histor y o f me n a t wor k a t th e expens e o f women a t work, i n the factory, a s domestics, bonded servants , housewive s or i n th e brothels . I t stereotype s th e able-bodie d mal e a s th e worker , discounting childre n a t wor k an d th e handicapped . Despit e th e gaps , th e impression come s throug h clearl y tha t fro m th e 1880 s t o the 1930s , a s a n elite emerged fro m amon g the Chinese population, a substantial number of people lived , no t necessaril y i n monetar y povert y — whe n wage s ar e compared betwee n Hon g Kon g an d the mainlan d — bu t under th e burde n of hig h ren t tha t outstrippe d an y improvemen t tha t wag e increase s migh t warrant. Thi s settin g highlight s th e difference betwee n th e new-comer an d the long-ter m settler . Th e majorit y o f new-comer s appea r i n Hon g Kon g without a hold on land, while the long-term settler might have, in pre-World War I I years , turne d himsel f int o a majo r tenan t o r sub-landlord . Th e effective reductio n i n ren t mad e th e differenc e betwee n bein g abl e t o maintain a family i n Hong Kong or having to leave wife and children in the village, an d wit h that , th e possibilit y o f second-generatio n mobilit y int o a new echelo n o f Hon g Kong' s rising elite . Rich o r poor, second-generatio n mobility became an ideal the Hong Kong person lived for .