The "Chanson Spirituelle," Jacques Buus, and Parody Technique

The "Chanson Spirituelle," Jacques Buus, and Parody TechniqueAuthor(s): Howard BrownSource: Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Summer, 1962), pp.145-173Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the American Musicological SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/829639 .

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The Chanson Spirituelle, Jacques Buus, and

Parody Technique BY HOWARD BROWN

I

EXTRAVAGANT AND FRIVOLOUS MUSIC had a prominent place in the list of

popish "excesses" to which John Calvin most strongly objected. Six-

teenth-century Catholics accompanied their liturgy with elaborate poly- phony and with musical instruments, so that the sacred text was obscured or omitted altogether, and the congregation could take no part. Worst of all, outside the church the worldly Roman apparently ignored his religion and

sang for his own amusement dishonest, dissolute, and outrageous chansons. In contrast the Genevan reformer demanded that the liturgy be simple and direct. Only texts which had been inspired by God Himself were to be admitted into the service. For Calvin these included the psalms and the decalogue; singing any other words in church was forbidden. More- over psalm settings had to be easy enough for the congregation to partici- pate, and simple enough so that the Divine Word was always clearly audible. And, after 1541, Calvin's position as a secular authority in the town of Geneva enabled him to legislate against the profane chanson. Outside the church the Reformed Christian was to sing spiritual songs exclusively.'

These chansons spirituelles, encouraged and disseminated by the Cal- vinists, were mostly adaptations of secular songs already in existence. A Protestant poet would change enough of the objectionable words to make his pious point, and keep the original melody. As a result, in most of them sacred replaces profane love. Thus the complaint that lack of money is a curse, for without it one cannot buy a lady love: Faulte d'argent, c'est

1For an extended study of Calvin's views on music, see H. P. Clive, "The Cal- vinist Attitude to Music, and Its Literary Aspects and Sources," Bibliothdque d'hu- manisme et renaissance XIX ('957), pp. 8o-io2, 294-319; and XX (1958), pp. 79-107. "Chansons deshonnestes, dissolues ou oultrageuses" are forbidden in a decree published at Geneva, dated February 3, 1547, and quoted in Clive, p. 302. To the sources given there, add Charles Garside, Jr., "Calvin's Preface to the Psalter: A Re-Ap- praisal," The Musical Quarterly XXXVII

(i951), pp. 566-577. Orentin Douen, Climent Marot et le psautier huguenot, z vols. (Paris, 1878-79) is

still the most comprehensive work on the Huguenot Psalter, the central musical document of the French Reformation. For further bibliography see the articles "Calvin" and "Calvinistische Musik" in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. According to Pierre Pidoux, "Les Psaumes d'Antoine de Mornable, Guillaume Morlaye et Pierre Certon," Annales musicologiques V ('957), pp. 179-198, a new study of the music of the Psalter is now being prepared.



146 JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

douleur non pareille, one of the most popular tunes of the late I5th and early 16th centuries, is transformed into a statement about the articles of faith: Faulte de foy, c'est erreur non pareille.2 And thus one of Clement Marot's most famous and most charming love lyrics, Tant que vivray, in which the poet pledges his loyalty to the god of love (Ex. Ia), becomes a sober declaration of devotion to the central Christian mystery (Ex. Ib).3

Ex. I

4) Tanf que vi-vray en aa-ae

flo-ris-san, Je ser-vi ray d'a- b) Tant qce vi-vray en aa-ge flo-ris-san+t Je ser-yi - ray le

mour le dieu puis-san+, En *fai'z, en dictz,_

en chan - sons eF a- Sei - gneurtout puis-sant, En faitz, en dicz.

en chan - sons et a-

cordz. Par plu- silou ours m'a +e-nu lan-guis-sant, Mais a-pres cordz. Le vieil ser - pen m'a te-nu Ian;-uis-sani, Mais Je-su

cveulI m'a faid re-lou-is-sanf, Car l'ay la- mour.. de la- bel-leau gent corps. Chris m'a faict re-lou-is-sant•En ex- po-sant. pourym son sang ef corps.

These contrafacta and others like them are preserved in a series of poetic anthologies that issued from Huguenot presses in an ever-increasing number from the early I53o's.4 Such miscellanies contain merely the words of the songs. The tunes to which they were sung are usually only cited, by their titles or first few words. Sometimes, as with Tant que vivray, the musical and poetic model would have been obvious in any case, since the Protestant poet has preserved so much of the original. At other times, however, the pious adaptation borrows no more than the rhyme scheme and rhythmic structure of the model, so that a timbre is necessary for

2The Protestant contrafactum is printed in [Matthieu Malingre], S'ensuyvent plusieurs belles & bonnmes chansons, que les chrestiens peuvent chanter ([Neuch^tel?: Pierre de Vingle? ], 1533), fol. A5. For a bibliography of Faulte d'argent see Howard Brown, Music in the French Secular Theater: 14oo-155o, Vol. II: Catalogue, No. 127 (now in course of publication).

s In Ex. ia the first stanza of Marot's poem, printed complete in Marot, Oeuvres, ed. Pierre Jannet (Paris, 1873), Vol. II, pp. 181-182, is set to the superius of the chanson a 4 by Claudin de Sermisy (printed in the version for solo voice and lute in Lionel de la Laurencie et al., eds., Chansons au luth et airs de cour franpais du XVP siecle [Paris, 1934], PP. 48-49). In Ex. ib the same melody is set to the first stanza of text as printed in Henri-L6onard Bordier, ed., Le chansonnier huguenot du X VI siecle (Paris, 1870), pp. 22-23 (after Malingre, 1533, fol. A7).

The paradox involved in the fact that the poems of Clement Marot were among those the most often adapted as chansons spirituelles emphasizes the difficulties and ambiguities of the early history of the Reformation in France. Marot, the principal translator of the Huguenot Psalter, was also the poet whose secular poems had to be "purified" in order to be usable by the reformers. And the psalms themselves, as is well known, were originally translated for use in the frivolous, humanistic court of Francis I.

4Bordier, op. cit., prints a good many of the texts of these songs, and furnishes the most complete list of editions of Protestant song books.



CHANSON SPIRITUELLE, JACQUES BUUSI AND PARODY TECHNIQUE 147

identification.6 The chansons spirituelles themselves may be roughly di- vided into two large categories. Some, as for example Tant que vivray, are purely devotional, sober, and pious reflections of a devout Christian. Others are violent polemical diatribes, the militant songs of a persecuted minority, as a random sampling of text incipits quickly reveals. Siducteur, mauvais Antechrist, La Papaut6 est contre Christ, La Sorbonne la bigotte, and Le pape, Antechrist de Rome," are but a few of the expressions of scorn and contempt the reformers heaped on the heads of their enemies.

Poets interested in the new religious ideas had a precedent to follow in composing their sacred contrafacta. From the very beginning of the 16th century, small, inexpensive editions of the words to the latest song hits were published. Along with the standard repertoire and latest novelties appeared texts intended to be sung to some better-known tune. Many of these dealt with current events; they were only of passing interest, and therefore did not merit music of their own. Important battles, state visits, and political crises were all celebrated in song by the populace.' The strug- gle over the new religion was no exception. Last year's battle was replaced in the popular imagination by this year's crop of burning heretics. Gradu- ally the chanson spirituelle evolved; the Calvinists merely developed and extended a tradition already established.

The history of the chanson spirituelle begins, in fact, with the very first troubles in France, and before John Calvin became a central figure in the French Reformation. As early as 1525 the workers of Meaux, influ- enced no doubt by ideas emanating from the brilliant humanistic circle gathered around their bishop, Guillaume Brigonnet, were singing danger- ously heretical chansons, which had to be suppressed by order of the Par- liament of Paris.8 As the new religion gained adherents, more and more chansons spirituelles came to be published. In the early 1530's Pierre de Vingle, the printer responsible for the famous placards against the Mass that scandalized Paris in I534, brought out several volumes of songs and noels edited, if not entirely written, by Matthieu Malingre, a converted

5 See, for example, Rendre te faut, esprit malin (modeled on Le second jour d'Avril), Holoferne a puissance (modeled on Las que dit-on en France), and Douce mort, heureuse mort (modeled on La, la, tenez vos amours secrettes), all in Chan- sons spirituelles d l'honneur et louange de Dieu (sl., 1569), Nos. 11-13. There are many similar examples. 6 Op. cit. (fn. 5), Nos. 123, I24, 126, and 129.

7Texts of songs composed on contemporary political events are collected in tmile Picot, ed., Chants historiques franfais du seizieme sidcle (Paris, 19o3); and in Antoine-Jean-Victor Le Roux de Lincy, ed., Recueil de chants historiques franFais depuis le X116 jusqu'au XVII1 sidcle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1841-42). The most complete list of editions of song books is to be found in the bibliography of Brown, Music in the French Secular Theater.

8Three chansons from Meaux are printed in Bordier, op. cit., pp. xv-xx; and in Picot, op. cit., Nos. 50-52. By 1525 the circle around Brigonnet had already been dis- persed; see G. R. Elton, ed., The New Cambridge Modern History (Cambridge, 1958), Vol. II: "The Reformation," pp. 214-217.




priest and literary figure later to be associated with Calvin.9 At least three editions of Chansons spirituelles pleines de saincte doctrine et exhortations pour ediffier le prochain and an anthology of songs demonstrating the decadence of modern times appeared around 1545; in that year the authori- ties of Toulon discovered these along with several dozen other heretical books hidden in a garden. In this case the Inquisition was completely successful, for not a single copy of any of the song books survives today.'x The following year, I546, saw the appearance of Chrestienne Resjouys- sance, a collection of more than I50 texts, all with timbres, and all the work of Eustorg de Beaulieu, "one-time priest, musician and organist in the false Popish Church, but now, by the grace of God, evangelical min- ister in the true Church of Jesus Christ," as he describes himself on the title page." Curiously enough none of Beaulieu's pious adaptations found their way into what must be regarded as the central Huguenot chansonnier, the Recueil de plusieurs chansons spirituelles tant vieilles que nouvelles, published in 1555 without indication of place, which was apparently Geneva.12 This was the largest collection yet published-the second edition of 1569, the only one I have seen, contains over zoo song texts-and it remained the most important one for some years. Printed at least five times, the last time in 1678, its pre-eminence was first rivaled in 1591, the year of L'Uranie, ou nouveau recueil de chansons spirituelles & chrestiennes (Geneva: Jacques Chouet, 1591). This 1555 recueil seems to be a selection of all the best that had appeared so far; doubtless it contains many texts from those earlier collections that are now lost. It does, for example, re- print many of Malingre's pieces; but then Malingre himself may have had a hand in its preparation.

That all of these anthologies have been neglected by music historians is explained by the fact that no polyphonic settings of the standard Gene- van repertoire have been known. Presumably Protestants sang mono-

SOn Vingle see Eug6nie Droz, "Pierre de Vingle, l'imprimeur de Farel," Aspects de la propagande religieuse (Geneva, 1957), PP. 38-78; and Th6ophile Dufour, Notice bibliographique sur le Cat'chisme et la Confession de foi de Calvin (1537) et sur les autres livres imprimnzs a Ge'nve et a Neuchdtel dans les premiers temps de la Re- forme (1533-1540) (Geneva, 1878). On Malingre see also Henri Vuilleumier, His- toire de l'6glise riformde du pays de Vaud (Lausanne, 1927-33), Vol. I, pp. 453-463.

10 See Octave Teissier, "Saisie de trente volumes lutheriens trouv6s a Toulon en 1545," Bulletin de la Societe de l'histoire du protestantisme frangais XXVIII (1879), pp. 417-418.

11 On Beaulieu see Nanie Bridgman, "Eustorg de Beaulieu, Musician," The Musical Quarterly XXXVII (i951), pp. 61-70; idem, "Beaulieu," Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Vol. I, cols. i468-69; and Vuilleumier, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 463-474. 12 A unique copy of the 1555 ed. is in the Bibliotheque de la Soci6te de l'Histoire du Protestantisme Frangais in Paris. I am indebted to Mr. David Fuller for having examined this copy for me. The second edition (Chansons spirituelles a l'honneur et louange de Dieu [s.l., 1569]) is in the Bibliothique de l'Arsenal in Paris. There were also editions in 1596, 16oi, and 1678. Contents of all the volumes thus far dis- cussed, and others, may be found in Bordier, op. cit., pp. 4i7ff. On Malingre's possible part in the 1555 volumes see Vuilleumier, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 453-463.



CHANSON SPIRITUELLE, JACQUES BUUS, AND PARODY TECHNIQUE 149

phonically, or else used the settings already composed for the tunes on which their contrafacta were based. Indeed, before 1550, one volume of polyphonic Protestant songs does exist, the Premier livre de chansons spirituelles, published by the Beringen brothers of Lyons in 1548, with words by Guillaume Gueroult, and four-part music by Didier Lupi Sec- ond. But this collection differs from all of the others in that Gueroult's poems are not imitations of previously existing ones, and Lupi's music is likewise newly invented. The volume is the source of the most famous and most widely distributed and imitated of all the Huguenot songs, Su- sanne un jour. And significantly, this poetic version of the Apocryphal story of Susanna and the elders, and its companion piece, Dames qui au plaisant son, along with one other poem, are the only parts of this 1548 print that were taken into the I555 Calvinist recueil.13 And composers throughout the century seem to have followed Lupi's example. The only polyphonic chansons spirituelles are those that have newly invented texts and freshly composed music.14

But there is one exception to this rule. No one has heretofore pointed out that there is a single volume of polyphonic chansons that does contain settings of texts taken from the standard Genevan repertoire, a collection that includes, in other words, religious poems that are contrafacta of secular songs and that were originally intended to be sung to some well-known tune. In 155o Girolamo Scotto, Venetian printer, published the Libro primo delle canzoni francese a cinque voci, di M. Jaques Buus Fiamengo.15 Just possibly this was not the first time that these chansons had been printed, for, although nothing on Scotto's title page would indicate it, a manuscript note added after the place of publication reads "edit.

2da•. The great majority of the texts in the volume, 16 out of the 21, may also be found in the 1555 Calvinist collection (see the concordances in Appendix A). Of the remaining five texts, all are clearly Protestant, four are otherwise completely unknown although Pour ung plaisir (No. Io) resembles a contrafactum in the 1555 volume, and one, the last piece in the Buus print, is Clement Marot's Benediction devant manger, a rhymed

1s On the Gueroult-Lupi volume see Kenneth Levy, "'Susanne un jour:' The History of a i6th Century Chanson," Annales musicologiques I (1953), PP- 375-408; Georg Becker, Guillauzme Guiroult et ses chansons spiritielles (Paris, 188o); and idem, Jean Caulery et ses chansons spirituelles (Paris, 188o). A few other poems in the I555 volume are also apparently newly composed, or at least have no timbres. And a few isolated chansons spirituelles were set polyphonically before the 1548 volume. See, for example, Hilas mon Dieu, ton ire s'est tournde, possibly by Gueroult, and set a 4 by Janequin in Seisiesme livre (Paris: Pierre Attaingnant, I545); modem ed. in Douen, Climent Marot, Vol. II, pp. 78-82.

14See, for example, the chansons spirituelles listed in G. Thibault and Frangois Lesure, "Bibliographie des editions musicales publides par Nicolas du Chemin (1549- 1576)," Annales musicologiques I (1953), pp. 269-373, and the same authors' Biblio- graphie des editions d'Adrian Le Roy et Robert Ballard

(zty5t-zy98) (Paris, 1955). 15 A complete copy is in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. For the exact title, list of contents, and concordances, see Appendix A.




grace, first published in i533 as a part of Marguerite de Navarre's Miroir de treschrestienne Princesse Marguerite de France.

Is it possible that Buus's volume, which antedates the great Huguenot chansonnier by five years, or by more if it is in fact a second edition, was actually the source for the Genevan anthology? The likelihood is so exceedingly slight that the answer must be an unqualified "no." In the first place, a number of Buus's texts did not appear in a Calvinist context for the first time in

1555. One is a slight adaptation of a no61 from Malin-

gre's volume of the early '30s. Some are mentioned in the Toulouse Index of the '4os, and some are copied out by hand into a 1545 edition of Marot's psalms. One is a psalm translation, although it is not labeled as such in 1555; it comes not from Marot's pen but from the Antwerp Psalter of 1541, the work of an otherwise unknown N. So many of Buus's texts are so clearly associated with the central tradition of Calvinism, in other words, that it seems extremely unlikely that they originated with Buus.

Where then could he have found these texts, why did he set them, and how does this rather surprising discovery affect our notion of him and of his position in the history of music? In order to suggest some answers, the few known facts of his life must first be reviewed. Apparently our composer came from the county of Flanders. Both Bruges and Ghent have been suggested as his birthplace."' In i541 a Venetian document refers to him as "Organista Maestro Jachet de guant fiamengo."'7 And two organ makers, Joos Buus and Joris Buus, both from Bruges, are known to have been active in various towns of Flanders during the last years of the I5th and the first years of the I6th century.1s Very probably Jacques was a relative. He himself steps into music history for the first time on July I5, I541, when he won the competition for a post as second organist of St. Mark's in Venice, a position left open by the death of Baldassare da Imola. Thirteen of the sixteen judges examining the candidates voted for Buus, who obviously dazzled them by his great virtuosity at the keyboard. He

160 On the life and works of Buus, see Edmond van der Straeten, La musique aux Pays-Bas avant le XIXe sidcle (Brussels, 1867-88), Vol. VI, pp. 269-309; H. Kraus, "Jacob Buus, Leben und Werke," Tijdschrift der Vereeniging voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis XII (1926-28), pp. 35-39, 81-96, 221-235; Gordon Sutherland, "The Ricercari of Jacques Buus," The Musical Quarterly XXXI (1945), PP- 448-463; H. Colin Slim, "The Keyboard Ricercar and Fantasia in Italy, c. 1500-1550" (Har- vard University Dissertation, 1960), pp. 203-207; and Joseph Schmidt-G6rg, "Buus," Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Vol. II, cols. 542-544. Kraus adds almost no new information to van der Straeten, and his analyses of the works are inade- quate. Schmidt-G6rg suggests Courtrai as the birthplace of the composer. 17 See Rene Lenaerts, "La Chapelle de Saint-Marc ' Venise sous Adrian Willaert (1527-1562)," Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome XIX (1938), p. 210.

18s See Maarten Albert Vente, Proeve van een repertorium van de archivalia betrek- king hebbende op het Nederlandse orgel en zijn makers tot omstreeks 163o (Me- moires de 1'Acad6mie royale de Belgique, Classe des Beaux-Arts, Vol. X; Brussels, 1956), pp. 28, 37-38, 70, io6, 133-135, 157-i60, and 204.




stayed at St. Mark's for nine years. In 1550 the Signoria granted him a four-month leave of absence, from which he never returned.'" Perhaps he really did go to Flanders to attend to pressing family business as he said he would, but in any case he turns up during the same year at the court of Ferdinand I in Vienna. When the Venetians, through their ambassador, tried to get him to come back to their city, he refused. Or rather, he said that it had been a great honor to play in Venice-he had enjoyed his life there-but he would return only if the Signoria would match the salary the emperor was then paying him. He stayed in Vienna until his death in 1565.20 His earliest published music, two chansons, appeared in the third volume of the Parangon series, printed in Lyons in 1538 by Jacques Moderne. A hand- ful of other chansons, and a single motet also appeared under Moderne's imprint in the years between 1538 and 1543. Buus's other publications include a book of motets, several madrigals, two books of chansons (the ones now under discussion), two volumes of ricercari in part books, and one volume of ricercari in organ tablature, all printed in Venice, and one motet in a German anthology brought out in 1564, the year before his death.21 Buus has had a secure if modest position in music history as one of the earliest composers of organ ricercari-only the two Cavazzonis printed similar pieces before him-and as one of the oltremontani who infused the Italian ricercare with specifically Netherlandish characteristics. His instrumental music epitomizes the northern technique of pervading imitation.

The year of his birth is unknown. Scholars have suggested vaguely that it took place at the beginning of the century. The fact that no notices of his extraordinary virtuosity survive from his home country might be more easily explainable if he were born around 1515. Perhaps he was edu- cated in or near his birthplace, and left home only when he was ready for a career, so that he was a young man in his twenties when he made his impression on the Venetian judges. But was this son of an organ-building family merely a young adventurer going off to foreign lands to see the world and to make his fortune, or was he not rather a Protestant refugee, escaping the blood baths of the Catholic suppression, particularly severe in the Netherlands? Until new archival material turns up no such solution can be positively maintained. That Buus set Calvinist texts does not prove anything about his religion; Catholic composers used Protestant material,

19 On the Venetian years see the studies named in fn. i6 above, and also Giacomo Benvenuti, Andrea e Giovanni Gabrieli e la musica strumentale in San Marco (Istituzioni e monumenti dell'arte musicale italiana, Vol. I; Milan, 1931), pp. xli- xliii.

20 On the Viennese years see the studies named in fn. 16 above, and also Albert Smijers, "Die kaiserliche Hofmusik-Kapelle von 1543-1619," Studien zur Musikzvissen- schaft VII (1920), pp. 121-122.

21The most complete list of his works is in Robert Eitner, Biographisch- bibliographisches Quellen-Lexikon (Leipzig, 1900-1904), Vol. II, p. 255. See also Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Vol. II, cols. 543-544-



I 2 JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

but usually not in such great quantities, and often because that material had become a part of a central musical tradition in spite of its religious connotations, as is the case for example with Susanne un jour. If Buus were a Protestant he might have fled to Italy in 1539, the year of the uprisings in Ghent, when that proud city was brought to her knees by Charles V.22 But the fact that Buus's music turns up in a Moderne volume of 1538 suggests that he might already have been in Italy by that time, for Mod- erne's regular stable of composers included many Italians as well as oltremontani working in the south, and it seems likely that the publisher had agents there to gather material for him. But where in Italy could a Protest- ant Netherlander seek refuge in a difficult time? One city that springs to mind immediately is Ferrara, where Rente of France, daughter of Louis XII and wife to Duke Ercole II d'Este, had been harboring converts for some years. Unfortunately no archival notices associate Buus with Ferrara, but the records of court musicians there are lost for the years between 1535 and 1541, precisely the time when the composer might have arrived. Perhaps the circumstance that Buus dedicated his first book of chansons to Rente in 1543 is significant in this respect.23 The volume may have been a thank offering, a hypothesis made even more plausible by the fact that it is the only volume by this composer published at his own expense. Moreover it is not unreasonable to suppose that Buus obtained the texts which he set in his second volume of chansons, the print of 1550, from the duchess herself or from someone at her court, for she was an ardent admirer of Calvin, and had entertained both him and Marot in Ferrara shortly before Buus might have arrived in Italy. For, although the composer could easily have found Calvinist texts in Venice between 1541 and i55o--the city was a center for heretical books from Switzerland, Ger- many, and France-it is not likely that he would have brought chansons spirituelles with him from the Netherlands. The religious orientation of

.22 See Cornelis Hofstede de Groot, Hundert Jahre aus der Geschichte der Reforma- tion in den Niederldnden. zyz8-1619 (Giitersloh, 1893), pp. 122-138.

23 On Renke and Ferrara see Bartolommeo Fontana, Renata di Francia, Duchessa di Ferrara, 3 vols. (Rome, 1889-99). For more recent studies consult Carlo Zaghi, "Saggio Bibliografia di Renata di Francia e della Riforma in Ferrara," Atti e Memorie della Deputazione Ferrarese di Storia Patria XXVIII (1931), pp. '7-130. On music and musicians in Ferrara see Walter Weyler, "Documenten betreffende de muziek- kapel aan het hof van Ferrara," Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome XX (1939), pp. 187-222. The "Jaches organista" mentioned frequently in the accounts printed by Weyler has sometimes been mistaken for Buus. But this was actually Jacques Brumel, whose activity in Ferrara is well documented long after Buus was in Venice. I have been unable to find any information about the dedicatees of Buus's other volumes. The composer dedicated his book of organ ricercari, published in I549, to Paolo di Hanna. He dedicated both volumes of ricercari in part books, published in I547 and 1549, to Hieronymo Utingher. Earlier in the century, a Heinrich Utinger was a Chorherr in Zuirich, a Protestant, and a friend of Ulrich Zwingli (see A. Corrodi-Sulzer, "Zur Biographie des Chorherrn Heinrich Utinger," Zvwingliana IV [1921-28], pp. 245-249), but whether or not he was related to Hieronymo is impossible to say.




that country was towards Germany and the fountainhead of Protestant- ism, Martin Luther. The Nijhoff-Kronenberg bibliography of books printed in the Netherlands between 1500 and 1540, for example, lists sixteen editions of the works of Luther, and none of the works of Calvin.24 And the index of prohibited books prepared by the University of Louvain in 1546 does not mention chansons spirituelles at all, in contrast to the several indexes distributed in France around the same time.25

Venice, of all the states in Italy, offered the safest asylum to adherents of the new religion, so that, if my hypothesis is correct, it is small wonder that Buus wanted to settle there. Perhaps, then, it is more than coincidental that the composer left the city precisely during the time when the authori- ties stopped tolerating heretics. Venice never proceeded against them as harshly as some cities; but pressure was brought to bear against the Protestants during the late '40s.26 Even though Buus's relations with the

city remained outwardly cordial, therefore, he may well have left because he feared that his secret might be discovered.

His choice of Austria as a place to live and work might be explained by the fact that the populace there was largely sympathetic to the new religion; and possibly Buus had friends at court, for many of the Emperor Ferdinand's musicians were Netherlanders.27 It is curious, but perhaps not as paradoxical as it seems, that the composer dedicated his volume of Cal- vinist songs to the Archduke Ferdinand II, one of the most Catholic of the H-lapsburgs. Other composers in the erudite archduke's sphere of influence also set Protestant songs: in i574, for example, Johannes de Cleve, Ferdi- nand's Kapellmeister, composed polyphonic settings to ten Lutheran melodies.28 And the archduke's father and Buus's employer, the Emperor Ferdi- nand I, was altogether more tolerant in matters pertaining to religion than almost any other ruler in Europe. Indeed, the emperor never quite gave up hope that the warring parties might come to some agreement, and re-

24 See Wouter Nijhoff and M. E. Kronenberg, Nederlandsche Bibliographie van 1500oo tot 154o, 6 vols. (The Hague, 1923-6I). The French psalter printed in Antwerp in 1541 (see Appendix A, source for A toy Seigneur) would have been published after Buus was already in Italy.

25 See Franz Heinrich Reusch, ed., Die Indices Librorum Prohibitorum des sech- zehnten Jahrhunderts (Bibliothek des litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, Vol. CLXXVI; Tiibingen, i886), pp. 27-43, for the Louvain Index, and pp. 86ff. for various French ones.

26 See Emmanuel Rodocanachi, La reforme en Italie (Paris, 192o-2 ), Vol. II, pp. 483-551; and Thomas McCrie, History of the Progress and Suppression of the Refor- mation in Italy in the Sixteenth Century (2nd ed., Edinburgh, 1833), pp. 254-271.

27 See the study by Smijers cited in fn. 2o above, and also Hellmut Federhofer, "Die Niederlinder an den Habsburgerhifen in ?Osterreich," Anzeiger der Oster- reichischer Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse XCIII (1956), pp. 102-120o. 28 See Hans Joachim Moser, "Johannes de Cleve als Setzer von zehn Lutherischen Melodien," Tijdschrift der Vereeniging voor Nederlandsche Muziekgeschiedenis XVI (1940), pp. 31-35;

and idem, "Lutheran Composers in the Hapsburg Empire, 1525- 1732," Musica disciplina III ('949), PP. 3-24.




establish one universal church.29 Possibly Buus's dedication is to be regarded as a gesture of conciliation, as the composer's small contribution towards healing the breach. The texts he has chosen to set support his moderate views; most of them are purely devotional, and none of them

expresses violently militant sentiments. In the few places where the words of the polyphonic settings differ from those in the Calvinist song book, Buus has modified and softened too obvious allusions to Catholic persecu- tion. The Genevan version of the chanson Quand j'fay bien d mon cas

pense,30 for example, offers the Christian the consolation that, even

though he die, his soul will live on, for, and this is the key phrase, "their hand" is not strong enough to destroy both body and soul at once. In the Buus setting it is injustice that is not strong enough. The composer sub- stitutes an impersonal abstract concept for a personal enemy.

II

Having investigated the implications of the texts of Jacques Buus's Libro primo delle canzoni francese a cinque voci of 1550, there remains the task of discovering what the music was like. The central musical problem involves the relationship of the composer's polyphonic settings to the melodies originally intended to be used with the poems. Did Buus adopt the suggestions of the Genevan song books, and are his compositions, as a result, polyphonic elaborations of monophonic originals?

Timbres are known for almost all of the chansons in the 1550 print (see Appendix A). Probably the three texts not to be found anywhere else-En ce temps salutaire, Prince duquel tout bien distille, and soyons de Dieu amateurs-were also patterned after pre-existing songs, so that Marot's benediction, Nostre bon PNre tout puissant, is the only poem in the Buus volume that was not written to be sung to a better-known tune; indeed it may not have been meant to be sung at all. But, as we shall see, it may possibly be based on pre-existing material.

Although the timbres for practically all of these poems are listed in the Genevan song books, not all of the tunes associated with these words have survived. For some of them nothing beyond the title remains. J'ay le cueur souvent marri and Mon pdre mariez-moy, ou je suis fille perdue, the models for Nous sommes en tres grand'ennuy and Je scay ma condition, are known only because they are cited as timbres in the Genevan song books. For others we have complete texts but no music. The lament of a poor Lyonnais, condemned to death as a result of the uprisings in his na- tive city in 1529, Enfans, enfans de Lyon, the model for Resjouyssons nous trestous, was reprinted a number of times in the poetic anthologies of the '30s and '40s, but the music associated with it was apparently never writ-

29 See D. Eduard B6hl, Beitriige zur Geschichte der Reformation in Osterreich (Jena, 1902), pp. Io9-136.

80 Printed in Bordier, Le Chansonnier, pp. 336-337.




ten down.31 These same miscellanies include the poem, Au bois de dueil, d l'ombre d'ung soulcy, on which the Calvinist Esjouis toy, esjouis jeune enfant was based, but again the melody to which it was sung has disap- peared. Just possibly the anonymous composer who made a four-part polyphonic setting of a quatrain of the third stanza of Au bois de dueil preserves some of the original melodic material, but his music is unrelated to Buus's setting of the sacred contrafactum, so that this hypothesis can be tested only if the complete melody is ever recovered.32

Certain of the other timbres are associated with music which has been preserved in a form unsuitable for comparison with the Buus chansons. Thus two of his texts, Pour reparer le grand forfaict, and Quand j'ay bien d mon cas pens6, are based on a song written to commemorate the siege of P6ronne in 1536, Les Bourguignons ont mirent le camp. The only musical setting of that is a two-part canon by Francesco de Layolle in the fourth volume of Moderne's Parangon series. But in order to make his pre-existing material work as a canon Layolle may have had to alter its original shape rather drastically. In any case the canon certainly does not resemble the simple, square tunes to which such texts were normally sung.33 That Buus's settings do not resemble Layolle's in any way may or may not be significant; if both composers depart very much from one central version, the thread of connection might well be invisible. Another difficult case is Qui veult avoir liesse, a sacred contrafactum of one of Marot's poems. The pious adaptation appears in print almost as often as the original, and in the same miscellaneous poetic anthologies of the first half of the century that preserve so many of these texts. The timbre for both versions is variously given as Quand parti de la rivolte, M. de Bourbon, and Gentil fleur de noblesse. Several sources cite two of the three songs as models, stating that Qui veult avoir could be sung either to the one or to the other..4 But whether the miscellanies mean that there is a single melody called by several names, or that this poem might have been sung to various different melodies, is unclear. In any case only one musical document survives for the complex, a chanson in the Wolfenbiittel Chansonnier which has a rondeau, En m'esbatant auprds d'une riviere, as its superius, and two cantus

31 The text is printed with bibliographical information in Picot, Chants historiques, No. 58.

32 The earliest dated poetic anthology that contains the text of Au bois de dueil is S'ensuyvent plusieurs belles chansons nouvelles avec plusieurs aultres retirees des anciennes impressions (Paris, 1535), P. I17. The text was reprinted in numerous later anthologies. It appears in 1535 and later along with a sacred contrafactum with the same timbre and text incipit. The third stanza begins "Venes regretz, venes tous en mon cueur;" the anonymous polyphonic setting a 4 is in Trente et deux chansons musicales (Paris: Pierre Attaingnant, n.d.), No. 16.

33Compare the Layolle canon with the monophonic chansons in Gaston Paris, ed., Chansons du

XV? sidcle (Paris, 1875); and Theodore G'rold, ed., Le manuscrit

de Bayeux (Strasbourg, 1921). 34 For bibliographical information on Qui veult avoir liesse and its three timbres

see Jean Rollin, Les chansons de Climent Marot (Paris, 1951), pp. 222-223.




firmi, Gracieuse plaisant meusnidre, and Gentil fleur de noblesse, as lower

voices.35 The latter melody as it appears in this potpourri resembles neither the four-part setting by Roussel of Marot's Qui veult avoir liesse (see Ap- pendix A), nor the five-part setting by Buus of the sacred contrafactum.

Disregarding those cases where music for the timbres no longer exists, or where the music appears in a form but dubiously related to a presumed original, there are still nine of Buus's settings to consider.36 Of the nine, four are based on previously composed material, four are evidently en-

tirely new, and one, Nostre bon Pare, must be considered separately. Dis-

appointingly, no clear rationale of borrowing emerges by comparing set-

tings of the timbres which Buus has used with those he has chosen to ignore. Most of the timbres cited in the Genevan anthologies are "popular" monophonic tunes, or else they are Parisian chansons of the sort set by Claudin de Sermisy to Marot texts."3 As the following table shows, both kinds appear in both categories of Buus settings:

Buus CHANSONS WITHOUT BORROWED MATERIAL

C'est bien raison En soulas & liesse

Je chanteray Par ton regard

Buus CHANSONS WITH BORROWED MATERIAL

A toy Seigneur Chantons de cueur

Christ souffrit peine

Pour ung plaisir

SETTINGS OF timbres

Villier, Le dueil yssu En douleur (originally

monophonic) Anon. (Parisian), Je demeure seule Claudin, Par ton regard

MODELS

Claudin, C'est une dure departie Conseil, L'autre jour (originally

monophonic?) Sohier, Mon pere (originally

monophonic) 38 Claudin, Pour ung plaisir

85 Wolfenbiittel, Herzog-August-Bibliothek, MS 287 extravagant, fol. 9v, modem ed. in Brown, Music in the French Secular Theater, Example No. 2o. 86 Counting Nos. 6-8 as one. The 1555 Genevan song book gives two timbres in- correctly. Although the timbre for En soulas & liesse is given as En douleur & tristesse / Je finiray mes jours the Calvinist volume probably refers to En douleur & tristesse / Languiray je tousjours; in any case the Protestant poem agrees in rhyme scheme and meter with the text for the latter as found in the musical settings. Similarly the timbre for Je chanteray a voix haulce is given as Demeuree seule esgarde although the rhyme scheme and meter agrees with Je demeure seule esgaree.

S For a discussion of this distinction see Howard Brown, "The Chanson rustique: Popular Elements in the I5th- and I6th-Century Chanson," this JOURNAL XII (x959), pp. 16-26.

38 That Sohier uses a cantus prius factus as his tenor is suggested by the fact that it consists of two phrases that are both repeated literally, while the other voices have no similar repetition scheme. The text of the Conseil chanson is of the sort usually associated with popular monophonic melodies, but it would be difficult to prove that one of its voices is borrowed, since the setting is almost completely homorhythmic.



CHANSON SPIRITUELLE, JACQUES BUUS, AND PARODY TECHNIQUE I 57 Three of Buus's newly composed chansons were originally intended to be

sung to melodies borrowed from polyphonic Parisian chansons, and one to an originally monophonic melody. Two of the composer's chansons

using pre-existing music are based on polyphonic Parisian chansons, and two on originally monophonic melodies (albeit ones that survive today only in polyphonic settings).

But, although Buus employs different sorts of models, he invariably uses the same technique for incorporating older material into his own

compositions. He takes a given melodic idea, reshapes it, and then treats the resulting line as though it were his own, in sections of music where

every possible opportunity is seized to include imitative entries. Thus in Pour ung plaisir, the top line of Claudin's setting a 4 (Ex. 2a) is com- pressed and condensed and used for Buus's first point of imitation (Ex. 2b).

Ex. 2a

Claudin de Sermisy

Pour un plai-sir qui si peu dure

Ex. 2b Buus

Pour un plaisir qui tous jours dure

Only the refrain of Sohier's four-part Mon pare m'y marye (Ex. 3a) finds its way into Buus's Christ souffrit peine (Ex. 3b). The adapter changed

Ex. 3a Sohier

Ri- bon, ri- bal - ne, mais dcestoutmal- 9r moy.

Ex. 3b Buus

Chris souf-fri peI- ne iout pour I'a-mour de moy.

the direction of a few notes and simplified the close, but the original melodic shape remains unmistakable. In these two examples the relationship is restricted to the opening point of imitation. After this section, in both cases the longest of the composition, Buus continues freely without allusion to the model.




In the other two chansons where borrowed material is present, the

relationships are less close but they continue throughout the compositions. At least three bits of salient thematic material from A toy Seigneur (Ex. 4a) resemble parts of C'est une dure departie (Ex. 4b), and although a

Ex. 4a Buus

Superius

A foy Sei-gneur sans ces-ser cri- e

Nry-ant re - ard a mon erreur

Tenor-tr us r ne u F Por-ter ne put Fbsr-te ne pass

Ex. 4b Claudin de Sermisy

Superius

C'esf u-ne du-re de-pmr-ti e

De oe - luy o. lay mis mon cueur

Et tous lesajours,au ma- ti-ne"

strong case for conscious adaptation could not be made for any one of them in isolation, the pattern of resemblances is striking when considered as a whole and in context. Similarly if two of the important melodic ideas of Chantons de cueur (Ex. 5a) are extracted and compared directly with

Ex. 5a Buus

Tenor I---x

8 Chan-oFns le cueur tous en grand ioy- -e

donibl a bas .su-vreee-" -

- - nir

Ex. 5b Conseil

AI x

I I~I

A ,,,0

the superius of Conseil's L'autre jour (Ex. 5b) it will be seen that these loosely related motives connect the two chansons with each other.

To be sure, linking themes of one composition with those in another is always a dangerous occupation. Even in a style as familiar as Mozart's, the cliches common to all composers in an age are sometimes difficult to




distinguish from the original donne'es of the individual. In a period as com- paratively unfamiliar as the I6th century it is especially difficult to assess what a composer regarded as a commonplace, and what as the germane element of a theme. But it is important to attempt such discriminations, for in deciding what kinds of relationships were intentional, and what kinds accidental or merely conventional, we shall have gained some insight into the style of the music, and we shall hear it in a different way.

Economy of means is not necessarily an aesthetic virtue. That Buus considered all manner of variants as related can easily be demonstrated. The opening section of Qui veult avoir liesse, for example, contains a number of melodic fragments (Ex. 6) that are to be equated, even though their

Ex. 6 Buus, Qui veult avoir liesse

IN -I-

relationship with each other is rather rough and ready. And these are taken from an initial point of imitation where Buus normally shows the most reluctance to depart from the central melodic idea. Not to put too fine a point on it, the composer almost never works out his imitative entries in very great detail. For him the broad gesture is enough, and his style depends for its effect on a luxurious and seamless counterpoint that avoids full stops, and is always rich and highly allusive without being finicky about exact equivalents. To criticize this music because the texture lacks light and air, or because the text declamation is not always as sensi- tive and clear as it might be, is to miss the point completely. And a composer who writes in this style is capable of making the kinds of thematic connections described above.

Possibly, then, his setting of Nostre bon Pare tout puissant might be linked with the Genevan setting of Psalm cxxxiv, the tune commonly known in this country as "Old Hundredth."39 A comparison of the first two phrases of the psalm tune (Ex. 7a) with the first two points of imita-

Ex. 7a Psalm CXXXIV

39 The Psalm tune is printed in Waldo Selden Pratt, The Music of the French Psalter of 1562 (New York, i939), p. 192.



i 60 JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Ex. 7b Buus

Nos- re bon P•-

re to ut puis-san+

Don-ne nous par ton es-crip-tu re

tion in the Buus chanson (Ex. 7b) certainly reveals a kinship as close as any in the other chansons. And the opening of the psalm setting dominates the music for the first four lines of text in the Buus-Marot composition. But here the problem of what is intentional and what accidental is particularly acute. Textually the two pieces are unrelated. The Genevan psalm tune was written for Theodore de Bize's translation apparently some time after I551 when the words first appeared in print, and before

I554 when the tune was first published, presumably the original invention of Loys Bourgeois.40 Could both he and Buus have used a common source? Or was Buus alluding to something that had circulated in manuscript for a number of years before publication? The questions are rhetorical; there can be no positive answer.

Beyond these simple thematic relationships nothing structural connects the original tunes and the Buus settings of the contrafacta. The Buus chansons often use repetition schemes that match the rhyme schemes of the poems. A section will be repeated literally or with voices exchanged, or the same thematic material will be reworked when a line of text is repeated or when it uses the same rhyme word as a preceding line. But this is a commonplace of all chanson composers, and needs no special comment. What is perhaps worthy of note is that these chansons are constructed using techniques that some instrumental teachers of the 16th century suggested as a way for pupils to learn to play fantasias. Juan Bermudo, for example, warns that vihuelists and organists should not play them until they know many works. They should study well the music of Josquin and Gombert and then they can extract fantasias from the pieces they have learned.41 This procedure is exactly the one Buus uses. He writes vocal fantasias on given themes; perhaps it is no accident that he is most famous for his ricercari. And perhaps the example he sets in this volume should warn us to sharpen our ears for allusions to vocal music in his abstract instrumental pieces.

In other words these Buus chansons are not simple polyphonic settings 40 See George A. Crawford, "Old Hundredth Tune," Grove's Dictionary of Music

and Musicians (5th ed.; New York, 1959) Vol. VI, pp. 184-85. 41 Juan Bermudo, Declaracidn de instrumentos musicales (Osuna, 1555; facsimile

ed. by Macario Santiago Kastner [Cassel, 19571), fol. 99'. The translation is par- aphrased from Slim, "The Keyboard Ricercar and Fantasia," p. 404. I am indebted to Mr. Slim for various suggestions made in the course of writing this paper.




of the melodies approved by the Calvinists. They are, rather, elaborate imitative pieces, some of which allude to the original tunes. To over-sim- plify, Catholic techniques are applied to Protestant words, or at the very least the anti-aesthetic bias of John Calvin is ignored in these luxuriously polyphonic compositions. But this is merely another way of saying that they appear to be what they actually are: French chansons written for an Austrian prince by a Protestant Netherlander living in Italy.

III The five-part chansons of Jacques Buus deserved our attention not

only for the significance of their texts, but also because they teach us a little more than we knew before about how a i6th-century composer wrote his music. Buus's six-part chansons as well offer new insights into the compositional techniques employed in the first half of the century. These are the chansons printed in the earliest volume devoted entirely to the works of Buus, the anthology dedicated to Renbe of Ferrara, II primo libro di canzoni francese a sei voci di Jaques Buus (Venice: Antonio Gardane, 1543).42 The present writer has pointed out that the history of the chanson in the 15th and i6th centuries parallels that of other genres with regard to the use of borrowed material.43 The cantus-firmus chanson developed in the 15th century and continued far into the i6th, but gradually other ways of incorporating pre-existing material evolved. A composer might place a borrowed melody in the top voice of his arrangement, or write an ornamented paraphrase, or he might treat the older material as a thematic repository, writing his new work with the given melodic elements, but without stating the cantus prius factus completely in any one voice. All the parts of a polyphonic piece, and not just a single voice, can also be borrowed. The Buus collection of 1543 is significant because it is the first thus far studied that contains a substantial number of parody chansons.

Unlike the five-part chansons, the texts of the six-part chansons are of the sort normally found in contemporary anthologies of polyphonic music. Most of them deal with love, almost always with unrequited love. But here the plight of the unhappy courtier is not set forth in the stilted, artificial terms of the I5th-century rhe'toriqueurs. The pleas are more natural, and more personal, and the rhetoric approaches more closely that of Marot. These are the sorts of poems set by the Parisian composers. Like them, Buus sometimes celebrates love in a more jocular tone, as in Marot's pas- toral Martin estant dedans ung bois. At least one of the texts, Allons, allons gay, gay ement, is a "popular" song. And one, La la la maistre Herry, quite unusually includes quotations in Flemish and German.

The only extant settings of some of these texts are those by Buus (see the concordances in Appendix B). And doubtless the composer was the

42 For the exact title, list of contents, and concordances, see Appendix B. 43Brown, "The Chanson rustique."




first and only person to write music to a number of the poems. But the absence of alternate versions or competitive settings does not necessarily mean that these chansons were entirely original, and use no borrowed material. Quite the contrary, several of the chansons for which no other versions survive were almost certainly set to music before Buus set them. Puisqu'en amours suis malheureux, for example, is cited a number of times in anthologies containing noel texts as a tune to which an aguillenneuf, a New Year's song, could be sung.44 And choreography, but no music, for Puisqu'en amours suis malheureux as a basse dance figures also in the un- dated Moderne dance book, S'ensuyvent plusieurs basses dances, presumably printed during the 1530's.45 The text, then, was set to music long before 1543, but whether or not the earlier tune associated with this text has any relationship with the Buus setting cannot, of course, be determined. The polyphonic version certainly does not resemble anything a modem musician might associate with a basse dance. One other title in the Mod- erne dance book, Tout au rebours (No. 124), may be the same as the Buus Tout au rebours. But these opening words are not enough to equate the two satisfactorily. The Buus setting involves one of those musical puns whose ancestry goes back at least to Machaut's Ma fin est mon commence- ment. The altus is a cancrizans version of the tenor, thus illustrating the opening words of the poem. Possibly, then, this is a chanson with a canonic cantus firmus, although there is no proof that the structural voices were borrowed.

One genuine canonic cantus firmus does, however, appear in the 1543 Buus volume: Allons, allons gay, gayement, the alternate versions of which are listed in Appendix B. In this chanson the voices around the canon take part so consistently in the thematic life of the piece that it possibly de- serves the modifier "paraphrase" as well. In any case another chanson in the volume, Amour, amour, tu es par trop cruelle, is a more classical example of the migratory paraphrase technique in operation. Here Buus refers only to the superius of the four-part Claudin setting, but the borrowed voice is never stated completely in any one voice. Instead it permeates the entire polyphonic fabric as the basis for Buus's highly imitative texture.

Eight of Buus's twenty-seven chansons of 1543, however, are true parodies of polyphonic models. Four of these eight are based on largely homorhythmic, homophonic settings by Claudin de Sermisy and related composers; in other words, on Parisian chansons. Buus has chosen two by Claudin himself: Content desir, and its response, Vivre ne puis content, as

44In Noelz nouveaux nouvellement faitz et composez a l'honneur de la nativite de Jesuchrist (Lyons: Olivier Arnoullet, n.d.), No. 17; Les Grans noelz (s.l., n.d. [Paris,

Biblioth.que de 1'Arsenal, R6s. 8* BL io.6491), fol. Iio; and Lucas Le Moigne,

S'ensuivent plusieurs chansons de nouelz nouveaulx (Paris, 1520); modern ed. in Noels de Lucas Le Moigne, ed. J'r6me Pichon (Paris, i86o), No. 29.

4 See Franqois Lesure, "Danses et chansons " danser au debut du XVIe siecle," Recueil de travaux offerts a M. Clovis Brunel (Paris, 1955), pp. 176-184, No. 172.




well as the anonymous Ces fascheux sotz and the ubiquitous Douce memoire by Sandrin. The other four of Buus's models are all in the style of pervading imitation, three by Nicolas Gombert: Pleust d Dieu, Tant de travail, and Hors envieulx, and the anonymous Dieu vous gard, originally published in an Attaingnant print of 1530.

At this stage of our knowledge a definition of parody technique more discerning than the one usually given-basing a composition on the several voices of a polyphonic model-would seem premature. Ward's suggestion that parodies are "free variations upon an autonomous thematic complex" may more truly describe the process involved.46 In any case it seems clear that parody means something different from mere allusion. The reference to Tristan und Isolde in the last act of Die Meistersinger and the appearance of "The Star-Spangled Banner" in Madame Butterfly, for example, have little to do with the technique. Similar instances can be found in the I6th century. Ward, in "The Use of Borrowed Material in I6th-Century Instrumental Music,"47 mentions compositions in which large sections of a model are quoted literally between freely invented material. The anonymous Le souvenir de vous me tue a 3 in the Vatican, Capella Giulia MS XIII, 27, fol. 65v, illustrates this sort of borrowing. It begins exactly like the Morton composition which is the best-known setting of the text, but then continues freely.48 What the anonymous composer has done does not approach parody as closely as it does the sort of allusion found in I5th- century chansons, which affects only one voice of a model. The anonymous H6, fortune, pourquoy a 3 in the Pavia Chansonnier, for instance, alludes to Binchois's Dueil angoisseux, and the anonymous Si je fet ung coup a 4 in the Cortona song books quotes a bit of one line from Colinet de Lannoy's Cela sans plus.49

Not much more complex than isolated literal quotation is the technique of borrowing only one voice of a model, usually either the superius or the tenor, and then introducing its other voices occasionally. Josquin applies this procedure in his setting a 6 of Ma bouche rit.50 He quotes the Ockeg-

46 See Slim, op. cit., p. 228. 47 This JOURNAL V (1952), pp. 88-98. 48Modern ed. of the Morton chanson in Knud Jeppesen, ed., Der Kopenhagener

Chansonnier (Copenhagen, 1927), p. 37- 49 H", fortune is in Pavia, Biblioteca Universitaria, Cod. Aldini 362, fol. 48' (for a more complete bibliography, see Brown, Music in the French Secular Theater, II: Catalogue, No. 83). Modern ed. of Dueil angoisseux in Gilles Binchois, Chansons, ed. Wolfgang Rehm (Mainz, 1957), No. 50. Modern ed. of the Colinet de Lannoy Cela sans plus in Johannes Wolf, Handbuch der Notationskunde (Leipzig, 1913), Vol. I, PP- 395-397. Si je fet ung coup is in Cortona, Biblioteca del Comune, Cod. 95-96, and Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS nouv. acq. fr. 1817, No. IS. The final section of the Josquin Cela sans plus a 3, printed in Helen Hewitt, ed., Harmonice nmusices Odhecaton A (Cambridge, Mass., 1942), No. 6i, may also allude to the opening motive of Colinet's setting.

50 Modem ed. of the Ockeghem model a 3 in Hewitt, op. cit., No. 54, among other places.




hem model literally at the beginning--the allusion is obscured by the thicker texture of the arrangement--but continues by stating the older composer's superius complete and unchanged as his top voice, while ac- companying it with imitative counterpoint based exclusively on the opening motive. Buus goes one step further in refining this process. In his setting of Douce memoire he presents a variant of Sandrin's tenor in canon, and brings in the remaining three of the model's voices from time to time throughout the piece, always with the original disposition of voices. In Content desir Buus borrows Claudin's superius, but the original altus, tenor, and bass also appear, mostly at the beginnings and ends of sections, and mostly two at a time, related to each other in the same way they were in the model.

But sometimes the composer works almost constantly with the entire polyphonic complex that serves as his model. The instrumental arrangement of Claudin's Tant que vivray in the Regensburg MS 940, and the Janequin reworking of Guyard's My levay ung matin both fall into this category.51 And so do Buus's Ces fascheux sotz, and Vivre ne puis content. In these pieces Buus's treatment is so varied that it is virtually impossible to formulate any consistent usage. At the beginning of Ces fascheux sotz, for example, Buus first states the original superius and tenor (Exx. 8a and 8b),

Ex. 8a

Attaingnant, 42 Chansons, No. 8, Ces fascheux sotz

Superius

Tenor

followed in the second measure by the original superius and bass. In the third measure all three of the original voices are presented. In the second section of Ces fascheux sotz Buus paraphrases the tenor of the model. The third phrase opens with a quite literal statement of the model's third phrase, and continues with a free rearrangement of all of its voices. Sim- ilarly, in Vivre ne puis Buus refers to the original almost continuously, presenting it section by section, with new material interpolated, and with the older material rearranged, varied, and treated in numerous different ways.

In parodies of Parisian chansons, where imitation is relatively rare, 51Modern ed. of the Regensburg Tant que vivray in Wilfried Brennecke, ed.,

Carmina germanica et gallica (Hortus musicus, No. '37; Cassel, 1956), Part I, No. io. Modem ed. of both the Janequin and Guyard settings of My levay in Brown, Music in the French Secular Theater, Vol. II, Examples Nos. 51 and 52.




Ex. 8b Buus, Ces fascheux sotz

Canfus

Altus

Tenor

Sextus

, Bassus

great freedom can be allowed the parodist in varying the material while still retaining some connection with the model.52 If, however, the original is itself in the style of pervading imitation, and the composer allows himself too much freedom in rearranging the voices, the result will be indis- tinguishable from paraphrase, and, indeed, here is a place where the two categories do overlap. If, for example, the four voices of a chanson each enter with the same theme, and the composer, basing a new composition on this model, lays out his material in a completely different way, then the arrangement really paraphrases the original. In order for it to be a true parody the composer must, at least a part of the time, quote literally from the parent work; only then can he proceed to a freer arrangement. And this is precisely what Buus does when his model is highly imitative. He is always careful to reproduce the original relationships at least once in the course of each section of music.

This technique is at its simplest in Dieu vous gard. The model consists of three phrases. The Buus version expands all of them. At the beginning of each section a literal quotation from the original is followed by an imaginative development of the same musical material. In his adaptations of the three Gombert models, Buus is less systematic in his use of exact

52Nicolas Gombert, for example, uses this technique in parodying Claudin de Sermisy's Jouyssance vous domnneray (modern ed. of the model in Gustave Reese, Music in the Renaissance [New York, 1954], pp. 292-293; the Gombert version is in London, British Museum, Royal Appendix MSS 49-54, No. 14). The beginning of the Gombert uses the tenor and bass of the Claudin model, sometimes in the original relationship to each other, but sometimes detached from one another and treated separately. Since imitation plays a subsidiary role in the model, each of the four polyphonic parts has an individuality and can be recognized as something apart from the others. After this opening section, Gombert treats imitatively only the Claudin tenor, however, so this is really more of a paraphrase than a parody chanson.




duplication, but nevertheless his versions share many points in common with the originals.

Parody technique can, then, assume various guises. A polyphonic model can be quoted literally and surrounded by free material, or else each voice of the model can be treated separately. But Buus prefers to emphasize one of the original voices, bringing in the others only sporadically, or else he works constantly with the entire polyphonic complex. And when he parodies a model which is itself highly imitative he is always careful to quote literally at least on occasion.

Thus far I have accounted for all but eight of the chansons in Buus's 1543 volume. These eight are settings for which other versions do exist.53 But the relationship of these chansons with their counterparts puzzles me greatly. The problem would appear to be a simple one. Sixteenth-century composers either wrote competitive settings of texts composed by other musicians, and the two are not related at all, or else composers based a new arrangement on an older model. Buus seems to use neither procedure. Perhaps the dubious relationship should be dignified by a category, included under the larger term, paraphrase. For example, the beginning of the tenor part of Vulfran's Dictes ouy ma maistresse (Ex. 9a) resembles the beginning of the Buus Dictes ouy (Ex. 9b), but whether the connec-

Ex. 9a Vulfran

Ex. 9b Buus

tion is intentional or coincidental is impossible to say. Buus himself set three of these texts twice: Bandez vostre arc, Martin estant, and Et puis a-t-on ouvert. All three of the earlier four-part settings relate but dubiously to their counterparts a 6. The theme sung to the words "est-il temps de dire bon jour" from the four-part Et puis (Ex. ioa) unmistakably resembles the theme sung to the same words in the six-part version (Ex. iob). But the openings of the two chansons and the remaining portions of

Ex. ioa

8 eS- . iitempsde J-re Lon-jour

Ex. iob

s- il mpde dire bon-jour

58 The eight chansons are: Bandez vostre arc, De peu asses, Dictes ouy madame, Et puis a-ton ouvert la porte, Je n'ose estre content, Las, que crains tu, Martin estant dedans ung bois, and Trop de regretz.




them are not so unmistakably related. Between the extremes of De peu asses, where the two versions are apparently totally unrelated, and of Et puis where the two are apparently somewhat related, we are in an area where facts are rather fuzzy, a never-never land where one man's guess is as good as another's.

That Buus was capable of conceiving inexact thematic relationships has already been demonstrated in connection with his five-part chansons, and this fact gives me courage in connecting his six-part compositions with the earlier settings. If the counterpoint in the chansons spirituelles sometimes seemed free and easy, it nevertheless appears taut and well-controlled by comparison with the 1543 chansons. These earlier compositions sound like the work of a young composer who has not yet learned to prune judi- ciously. This final predicament should warn us that, especially in the I6th century, things are not always what they seem to be. And my remarks should emphasize the fact that many of the basic techniques of I6th-century composition--in this case the prevalence of borrowed material in genres other than the Mass-are still dimly understood and relatively un- explored.

The University of Chicago

Abbreviations used in Appendices A and B n.d. Noels

[Malingre, Matthieu]. Noelz nouveaulx. s.l., n.d. [Neuchitel?: Pierre de Vin- gle?, 1533?].

1535 SPBC S'ensuyvent plusieurs belles chansons nouvelles avec plusieurs aultres retirdes des anciennes impressions. Paris, 1535.

1555 CS Recueil de plusieurs chansons spirituelles tant vieilles que nouvelles. s.l. [Ge- neva?], 1555. (All references are to the second edition of 1569, which has as title: Chansons spirituelles d l'honneur et louange de Dieu.)

Bordier Bordier, Henri-L6onard (ed.). Le Chansonnier huguenot du XVIV sidcle. Paris, 1870.

Brown Brown, Howard. Music in the French Secular Theater: 1400-1550o (now in course of publication).

ClemensO Jacobus Clemens non Papa. Opera omnia. Ed. K. Ph. Bernet Kempers. American Institute of Musicology, 1951- .

CW Das Chorwerk. Ed. by F. Blume et al., Wolfenbiittel, 1929-

Douen Douen, Orentin. Climent Marot et le Psautier huguenot. 2 vols., Paris, 1878- 79.

JanequinT Janequin, Clement. Trente chansons d 3 et 4 voix. Ed. by Maurice Cauchie. Paris, 1928.

LauC Laurencie, Lionel de la, Adrienne Mairy, and G. Thibault (eds.). Chan- sons au luth et airs de cour franFais du XVPI sidcle. Paris, 1934.

LesA Lesure, Frangois et al. (eds.). Antho- logie de la chanson parisienne au XVP sidcle. Paris, 1952.

London 41-44 London, British Museum, MSS Royal Appendix 41-44.

MGG Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegen- wart. Ed. by F. Blume. Cassel and Basel, 1949-.




MMRF Expert, Henry (ed.). Les maitres mu- siciens de la renaissance franfaise. 23 vols. Paris, I894-I9o8.

OppelF Oppel, Reinhard. "Einige Feststellun- gen zu den franz6sischen Tiinzen des 16. Jahrhunderts," Zeitschrift der inter- nationalen Musikgesellschaft XII (19" 1), pp. 213-222.

ParisC Paris, Gaston (ed.). Chansons du XV? sidcle. Paris, 1875.

ParrishM Parrish, Carl, and John Ohl. Master- pieces of Music before 1750. New York, 1951.

PubAPTM Publikation iilterer praktischer und theoretischer Musikwerke. Ed. by Rob- ert Eitner. 29 vols. Leipzig, I873-1905.

Regensburg 94o Regensburg, BischSfliche Bibliothek Proske, MS A. R. 94o/4i (described and indexed in Wilfried Brennecke, Die Handschrift A. R. 940/41 der Proske-Bibliothek zu Regensburg [Cas- sel and Basel, 1953]).

Reusch Reusch, Franz Heinrich. Die Indices Librorum Prohibitorum des sechzehn- ten Jahrhunderts. Tiibingen, I886.

RISM Ripertoire international des sources musicales. Vol. I: Recueils

imprimns, XVI'-XVIIW siecles. Cassel and Basel, 196o.

Rollin Rollin, Jean. Les chansons de Cl6ment Marot. Paris, 1951.

Seay Seay, Albert (ed.). French Chansons. Evanston, Ill., 1957.

APPENDIX A Concordances for LIBRO PRIMO / DELLE CANZONI FRANCESE A / cinque Voci, Di M. Jaques Buus Fiamengo, organista della / Illustriss. Signoria di Venetia, In san Marcho, / Accommodate per cantare & sona- / re di ogni instrumento. / NOVAMENTE DA LUI / Composte, Et hora / poste in luce. / CAN [Printer's mark] TUS / VENETIIS, / Apud Hieronymum Scotum / 550o.

On fol. ix: dedication "AU TRES ILLUSTRE, ET / Trespuissant Archeduc d'Austrice Fernand / Second de ce nom, mon Prince / et vray Seigneur." Sources of the text and the timbre are listed in paragraph A. Settings of the, melody on which the text was to be sung are listed in paragraph B. Where a modern edition of a setting is available, no other bibliographical information is given.

No.

12 A toy Seigneur sans cesser crie A. I. 1541 Psalter (see Douen I, 321): a translation by N. of Psalm

cxxx: on C'est une dure departie (see above p. 15o). 2. 1555 CS, No. 25: same timbre; not identified as psalm.

B. i. Setting a 4 of C'est une dure departie by Claudin de Sermisy (pr. in MMRF V, No. 18; version for keyboard pr. in OppelF, pp. 216-217, after RISM 15317). Buus bases his thematic material on the Claudin superius.

2. Setting a 4 by Lupi (pr. in CW XV, No. Io) paraphrases Claudin's superius in its superius, and there are occasional references to Claudin's lower voices.

3. Setting a 3 by Janequin (? or anon.) in RISM 1541 , p. 39, uses Claudin's superius as its superius.

4. Clemens non Papa parodies Claudin in his Magnificat octavi toni




(mod. ed. in ClemensO IV, iio-i I; facs. in MGG II, cols. 1477-78).

5. Setting a 6 by Claudin Le Jeune in RISM 1572', fol. 7I, based on Claudin de Sermisy.

6. Fragment of Claudin quoted in fricassee pr. in LesA, No. 7. 7. Claudin superius arranged as a basse dance for ensemble in

Susato, Het derde musyck boexken (Antwerp, 1551), fol. 3 (pr. in OppelF, pp. 217-2 18).

9 C'est bien raison que facions penitence A. 1555 CS, No. 98: on Le dueil yssu. B. Setting a 4 of Le dueil yssu by de Villiers (in RISM 1538", No. 14:

RISM 1538", p. 29; RISM 1549", No. 26; RISM '551"'-; RISM 1560o, p. i9; and Regensburg 94o, No. 144) is not related to Buus. Villier's chanson is a response to Sandrin's Si mon travail (pr. in most of the above sources and in PubAPTM XXIII, No. 52) and is based on it musically as well as poetically.

I Chantons de cueur tous en grand joye A. i. n.d. Noels, No. io: slightly different text from Buus; on L'autre

jour jouer m'alloye / Au joly boys pour mon plaisir. 2. 1555 CS, No. 84: same timbre; same text as Buus.

B. Setting a 4 of L'autre jour by Jean Conseil (in RISM 1529', No. 2) is related to Buus. For other chansons beginning L'autre jour, none of them related, see Brown, Catalogue, Nos. 247, and 249-251.

3 Christ souffrit peine A. 1555 CS, No. 82: on Ribon ribaine. B. Setting a 4 of Mon pere m'y marye (with refrain "Ribon ribaine")

by Sohier (in RISM [c. 1528]', fol. o10) is related to Buus.

19 En ce temps salutaire (Otherwise unknown) 14 En soulas & liesse

A. 1555 CS, No. 78: on En douleur & tristesse / Je finiray mes jours. B. The settings of En douleur & tristesse / Languiray je tousjours in

Brussels MS 11 239, and by Noel Bauldewyn, Adrian Willaert, and Nicolas Gombert (and others listed with bibliographies in Brown, Catalogue, No. 93) are all related to each other, but not to Buus.

I6 Esjouis toy, esjouis jeune enfant A. I555 CS, No. 87: on Au bois de dueil. B. No music survives for the timbre. A chanson a 4 based on a quatrain from the third stanza of Au bois de dueil is cited in fn. 32

above. It is unrelated to the Buus chanson. 11 Je chanteray a voix haulce

A. 1555 CS, No. 192: on Demeure'e seule esgaree. B. The anon. setting a 3 of Je demeure seule esgarde in RISM 1529',

No. 6 (version for solo voice and lute pr. in LauC, No. I2) is not related to Buus.




17 Je scay ma condition A. 1555 CS, No. 90: on Mon peore mariez-moy, ou je suis fille perdue. B. No music survives for the timbre.

21 Nostre bon Pere tout puissant A. Text by Clement Marot, pr. in his Oeuvres, ed. Pierre Jannet

(Paris, 1872) IV, 57 (and Douen I, 152). B. i. Setting a 4 by Crespel (in RISM i552"', p. 24) is not related to

Buus. 2. Buus may use Genevan melody for Psalm cxxxiv (see above, p.

I59). 20 Nous sommes en tres grand'ennuy

A. 1555 CS, No. 95: on J'ay le cueur souvent marri. B. No music survives for the timbre.

6-8 Par ton regard, Par ton parler, and Par ton amour A. i. Toulouse Index, I540's (see Reusch, p. 134): Chanson d'esper-

ance, foy, charite, on Par ton regard. 2. 1545 Marot psalm (MS addition: see Bordier, Le Chansonnier,

p. 441; text pr. there, pp. 36-37): same timbre. 3. I555 CS, No. 75: same timbre.

B. Setting a 4 by Claudin (in RISM 1 53o', No. 6) is not related to Buus.

(Nor is setting a 4 of Par ton parler by Mittantier in RISM 154060, No. I.)

2 Pour reparer le grand forfaict A. 1555 CS, No. 74: on Les Bourguignons [ont misrent le camp]. B. i. Canon a 2 by Layolle (in RISM 1539'", fol. 17) is not related to

Buus. 2. See below for Quand j'ay bien which also uses Les Bourguignons

as a timbre, and which is also not related to Pour reparer. io Pour ung plaisir

A. This text is otherwise unknown; there is a similar one in I555 CS, No. 97 (pr. in Bordier, p. 341): on Pour ung plaisir.

B. i. Setting a 4 by Claudin de Sermisy (mod. ed. in Seay, No. 5'). Buus bases his thematic material on the Claudin superius. 2. Setting a 4 by Crecquillon (mod. ed. in ParrishM, No. 20) is not

related to Claudin and Buus. 3. Setting a 5 by Susato in RISM 1545"1, fol. I6, parodies Crecquil-

lon.

5 Prince duquel tout bien distille (Otherwise unknown) 13 Quand j'ay bien

' mon cas pense

A. 1555 CS, No. 73: on Les Bourguignons; pr. in Bordier, pp. 336-337. B. See above under Pour reparer. The Layolle and the two Buus chan-

sons are all unrelated.

15 Qui veult avoir liesse et avecques Dieu part A. i. This text is a contrafactum of a Marot poem (pr. in his Oeuvres,

ed. Jannet, II, i8i). The contrafactum appears in i535 SPBC, No. 76 (and in text anthologies of i537, 1538, and I542). See



CHANSON SPIRITUELLE, JACQUES BUUSj AND PARODY TECHNIQUE 171

the bibliography in Rollin, pp. 222-223. Timbre given variously as Quand parti de la rivolte, M. de Bourbon, and Gentil fleur de noblesse.

2. Toulouse Index of I540's (see Reusch, p. 134): listed as Qui veult vivre en liesse, to be sung to Gentil fleur.

3. 1555 CS, No. 56: on Quand parti de la rivolte. B. i. Setting a 4 of the Marot original by Roussel (in RISM 15595, p.

44) is not related to Buus. 2. Setting a 4 of Gentil fleur de noblesse (as a cantus firmus with

the texts, En m'esbatant, and Gracieuse plaisant meusmirre; pr. in Brown, Example No. 20) is not related to Buus.

i8 Resjouyssons nous trestous A. i. Toulouse Index of 1540's (see Reusch, p. 134): on Enfans, enfans

de Lyon. 2. i555 CS, No. 46: text begins "Vray Dieu qu'il vit en malaise"

(refrain begins "Resjouyssons"): timbre given as Vray Dieu. B. No music survives for the timbre.

4 Soyons de Dieu amateurs (Otherwise unknown)

APPENDIX B

Concordances for II primo libro di canzoni francese a sei voci di / Jaques Buus organista dell'illustrissima / signoria di Venetia a Santo Marco / Sex [Printer's mark] vocum / Con gratia et privilegio. / Venetiis Apud Antonium Gardane. / M. D. XXXXIII. On fol. 2: dedication "Alla Illustrissima et eccellentissima Madama Renera Inclita Duchessa di Ferrara."

No.

zI Allons, allons gay, gayement a. The settings by Willaert (a 3), Manchicourt (a 6), Le Jeune (a 5),

and Castro (a 3), are listed with bibliographies in Brown, Catalogue, No. 12; mod. ed. of the Willaert and Manchicourt there, Examples 2 and 3.

b. The Buus setting uses the cantus prius factus as a canon a 2. 21 Amour, amour, tu es par trop cruelle

a. Anon. setting a 4 in RISM [c. 1528]', No. 14. b. Setting a 3 by Janequin (?) in RISM i541", p. 42, and RISM 1541',

No. 88, borrows the superius of the anon. setting as its superius, and the lower voices irregularly for its lower voices.

c. The Buus setting uses the superius of the preceding versions as a thematic repository on which to draw for its own imitative texture (migratory paraphrase technique).

i9 Amours mi font tousjours languir (Otherwise unknown) 26 Bandez vostre arc

a. Setting a 4 by Buus in RISM 1538"7, No. i9, and in Regensburg 940, No. 142.

b. The Buus setting a 6 is not clearly related to the a 4 setting.




25 Ces fascheux sotz a. The anon. setting a 3 (in RISM 1529'; pr. in the version for solo voice

and lute in LauC, No. 9), and the settings a 2 by Gardane, and a 4 (anon. in London 41-44) are listed with bibliographies in Brown, Catalogue, No. 45.

b. The Buus setting parodies the anon. setting a 3. 17 Content desir

a. The settings by Claudin (a 4; mod. ed. in Brown, Example No. I2), Gardane (a 2), Crecquillon (a 3), Nicolas (a y), and as a basse dance, are all listed with bibliographies in Brown, Catalogue, No. 64.

b. The Buus setting (mod. ed. in Brown, Example No. 13) is a parody of the Claudin setting.

27 De peu asses a. The setting a 4 by Gardane in RISM 1544', No. 25, is unrelated to the

Buus setting.

13 Dictes ouy madame, ma maistresse a. The setting a 4 by Vulfran (in RISM 1546"2, No. 15) is not clearly re-

lated to the Buus setting.

7 Dieu vous gard ma belle amye a. Anon. setting a 4 in RISM x53o0, No. 26. Buus parodies this.

16 Douce memoire a. The settings by Sandrin (a 4; mod. ed. in PubAPTM XXIII, No. 50),

Layolle (a 2), Gardane (a 2), Manchicourt (a 2), Baston (a 3), etc., are all listed with bibliographies in Brown, Catalogue, No. 81.

b. Buus presents Sandrin's tenor in canon, with elements of parody technique.

20 Et puis a-t-on ouvert la porte a. Setting a 4 by Buus pr. in CW LXI, No. I I. b. The Buus setting a 6 is a dubious paraphrase of the setting a 4.

5 Fort me desplaict en toy (Otherwise unknown) io Hors envieulx

a. Setting a 4 by Gombert in RISM I536', No. 2. Buus parodies this.

4 Je ne me plains de toy (Otherwise unknown)

2 Je n'ose estre content a. The setting a 4 by Claudin in RISM I532", No. 22, is not clearly re-

lated to Buus.

9 La la la maistre Herry 2" pars: En mon vivier (Otherwise unknown)




23 Las pourquoy donc laisses vous (Otherwise unknown)

3 Las, que crains tu a. Setting a 4 by Claudin in RISM 1532", No. 23. b. Setting a 4 by Janequin in JanequinT, No. 7, is not related to Claudin. c. The Buus setting is not clearly related either to Janequin or to

Claudin.

5I Martin estant dedans ung bois a. Setting a 4 by Buus in RISM 1543", No. Io, is not clearly related to

Buus setting a 6.

I Pleust ~ Dieu a. Monophonic version in ParisC, No. Io2. b. The setting a 6 by Gombert in RISM I54418, No. 5, is based on the

monophonic version. c. The Buus setting parodies Gombert.

22 Puisqu'en amours suis malheureux a. No other setting survives. See fn. 44 and 45 above for earlier refer-

ences to the melody.

6 Seray je jamais quitte (Otherwise unknown)

8 Tant de travail a. Setting a 4 by Gombert in RISM 154'", No. 4. Buus parodies this.

I2 Tout au rebours a. Apparently unique. See, however, p. i62 above, for mention of a basse

dance, Tout au rebours.

24 Trop de regretz a. Setting a 4 by Hesdin in RISM 153Wo, No. 2, is not clearly related to

Buus.

I8 Vivre ne puis content a. The setting a 4 by Claudin de Sermisy is in RISM 1536', No. Io. b. The settings by Certon (a 4), Gardane (a 2), and anon. (a 4; in RISM

1560'), all share thematic material with Claudin. c. The Buus setting parodies Claudin.

14 Voicy le temps d'estre joyeulx 2' pars. Ne suives plus (Otherwise unknown)



The "Chanson Spirituelle," Jacques Buus, and Parody Technique

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