The Autorship of Jicotencal

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The Authorship of "Jicotncal"

Author(s): Marissa L. GarlandSource: Hispania, Vol. 88, No. 3 (Sep., 2005), pp. 445-455Published by: American Association of Teachers of Spanish and PortugueseStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20063123.

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The Authorship of Jicot?ncalMarissaL. GarlandColumbia University

Abstract: Since its publication in 1826 by the William Stavely Press, the authorship o? Jicot?ncal, a historicalnovel centered on the defeat of a Tlaxcalan military hero by Cort?s, has continued to intrigue and elude scholars.This study offers additional evidence to support the hypothesis that F?lix V?rela is indeed the author ofJicot?ncal. More specifically, a comparison of the formal aspects of the novel with those of V?rela's otherworks reveals that there are multiple stylistic and linguistic similarities among the texts, such as the repetitionof certain phrases and aphorisms. This study also establishes the consistency of the ideas presented in the textsand concludes that while the Cuban priest supported concepts closely associated with Enlightenment thought,his perspective on issues such as sovereignty, government, religion, and humanity was very much his own andprovides further evidence of his authorship of the novel.

Key Words: authorship, deism, Heredia (Jos? Mar?a), Jicot?ncal, V?rela (F?lix), Xicot?ncal

Since its publication in 1826 by theWilliam Stavely Press, Jicot?ncaPs authorship hascontinued to intrigue and elude scholars. To discern the identity of the author, scholarshave evaluated the historical context in which the work was written, along with thelinguistic features and ideological positions present in the novel. Initial commentary regardingthe novel focused on the nationality of the author. Published in Puebla, Mexico in 1829, Jos?Mar?a Mangino's play Xicot?ncatl: Comedia heroica en cuatro actos contains one of theearliest references to the anonymous work. In an author's postscript, Mangino acknowledgesthat his play contains historical inaccuracies and errors inMexican topography, but takes noresponsibility for themisinformation, claiming that his work is simply an interpretation of thesource text, Jicot?ncal. According toMangino, the numerous mistakes regarding Mexicanhistory and geography found throughout Jicot?ncal suggest that the novel's author was not

Mexican.Although there are other contemporary references toJicot?ncal, scholars did not seriously

begin to address the question of the novel's authorship until the mid-twentieth century.1 InLascorrientes literarias en la Am?rica Hisp?nica, Pedro Henr?quez Ure?a concludes that the authorof Jicot?ncal was Spanish-American, and most likely Mexican, due to the strong Mexicanpatriotism and the equally fervent anti-Spanish sentiment expressed throughout the novel (128,243). Enrique Anderson Imbert, while not opposed to the possibility that the author was Mexican,asserts that the politically liberal ideas on which Henr?quez Ure?a bases his assessment wereshared by Spaniards and Spanish-Americans alike, making it equally plausible for the author tohave been from either the peninsula or the colonies (5). He further conjectures that the use ofphrases such as "nuestros antepasados" and "pa?s remoto" to refer to Spaniards and toMexi?o,respectively, implies that the author was probably Spanish and not Spanish-American (22).2

Rojas Garcidue?as, however, disagrees with Anderson Imbert's hypothesis by arguing thatthere was a distinction between European and Spanish-American liberals. Although both groupssought increased political freedom for the colonies, Spanish-American liberals distinguishedthemselves from their European counterparts by advocating colonial independence (Rojas Garcidue?as, 73). Jicot?ncal, a novel which explicitly condemns the oppressive nature of Spanish rulein the Americas in favor of colonial independence, does not espouse European liberalism assuggested by Anderson Imbert, but rather the more radical political liberalism found in the

Garland, Marissa L."The Authorship of Jicot?ncal"H?spanla 88.3 (2005): 445-55

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446 Hispania 88 September 2005Americas. Consequently, it is unlikely that the author of the novel was Spanish.While many scholars have offered hypotheses as to the nationality of the author, no oneprovided convincing evidence attributing authorship to an individual until 1960 when Luis Lealproposed that the novel was the work of the Cuban priest, F?lix V?rela. In his research, Lealconsiders all Spanish-Americans and Spaniards living in either New York or Philadelphia at thetime of publication.3 He condenses the list by eliminating those individuals who were not writers,and by disqualifying all Mexicans and Spaniards based on the findings stated above. The refinedlist includes the Cubans Gaspar Betancourt Cisneros, Domingo del Monte, F?lix V?rela, JuanGilberto Ortega, Jos? de la Luz Caballero, Jos? Mar?a Heredia, Jos? Antonio Saco, and Jos?Teurbe Tol?n; the Colombian Jos? Fern?ndez Madrid; the Venezuelan Nicanor Bolet Peraza; the

Argentinean Jos? Antonio Miralla; the Peruvian Manuel Lorenzo Vidaurre; and the EcuadorianVicente Rocafuerte.Whenever possible, Leal examines circumstantial information inorder to determine the likelihood of an individual's authorship of the novel. More specifically, he considers the individual's

decision for settling inPhiladelphia and the activities inwhich he engaged while there. Leal disqualifies Dom?nguez, Lanuza and Ortega, for example, because none of them published originalworks; theywere translators. In the case of F?lix V?rela, however, there are two pieces of circumstantial evidence that support his authorship of the novel.

Shortly aftermoving toPhiladelphia from New York in 1824, V?rela published the first issueof his political newspaper, El Habanero, and the second edition of his Lecciones defilosofia.Both of these works were published by theWilliam Stavely Press, the same publishing house thatprinted Jicot?ncal. That V?rela conducted business with the William Stavely Press does notprove he wrote the novel, but itdoes increase the likelihood. Similarly, V?rela's relationship withthe owner of the copyright of Jicot?ncal, Frederick Huttner, also increases the probability that itwas he, V?rela, that authored the novel. As Leal explains, Dr. Frederick Huttner lived at 239Spruce Street in Philadelphia, not far from F?lix V?rela, who lived at 224 on the same street.Although there isno evidence toprove thatV?rela agreed to have Dr. Huttner acquire proprietorship of the novel, the physical proximity of the two men does allow for the possibility of such anarrangement.4While the circumstantial information reinforces the link between V?rela dinaJicot?ncal, it isLeal's assessment of the lexicon and ideology that supports a more definitive connection. Lealassembles an extensive list of words employed in the novel and inV?rela's other works. Further

more, he notes that the author o? Jicot?ncal, like V?rela, uses the article "la" when referring togeographic locations that normally do not require the article, such as "la Am?rica" and "laEspa?a." Similarly, both authors refer to themselves as "el fil?sofo." Lastly, Leal compares thephilosophical and religious sentiments m Jicot?ncal with those found inV?rela's other writingsand concludes:

Ambos autores tienen una inalterable noci?n de lo justo y, con frecuencia, expresan sus ideas de lamisma manera. Mas es en la ideolog?a, sin embargo, donde encontramos mayor semejanza. En Jicot?ncalno hay ninguna idea?moral, religiosa o filos?fica?que no pudiera ser atribuida al P. V?rela. Al mismotiempo, en las obras del fil?sofo cubano no hemos hallado ideas que contradigan las de la novela. (Lealand Cortina xxx)

This study seeks to offer additional evidence to support the hypothesis that F?lix V?rela isindeed the author o? Jicot?ncal.5 The connections linking F?lix V?rela to the authorship of thenovel are based on an examination of the life of the Cuban priest and on a close reading of hisother published works, such as Observaciones sobre la constituci?n pol?tica de la monarqu?aespa?ola (1821), the political newspaper, El Habanero (1824), The Protestant's Abridger andAnnotator (1830), and Cartas a Elpidio (1835).6 More specifically, a comparison of the formalaspects of the novel with those of Varela's other works will show that there aremultiple stylisticand linguistic similarities among the texts, such as the repetition of certain phrases andaphorisms. This study also establishes the consistency of the ideas presented in the novel with



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The Authorship of Jicot?ncal 447those found in V?rela's other works and concludes that while the Cuban priest supportedconcepts closely associated with Enlightenment thought, his perspective on issues such assovereignty, government, religion, and humanity was very much his own.

Furthering the Case for V?rela: Linguistic EvidenceIdiomatic expressions andmaxims form part of language and are often reflective of culturalnorms. Because of their incorporation in language, these sayings are shared by many individuals.Yet the phrases and proverbs found in Jicot?ncal and V?rela's other publications are not

commonplace. They are unique modes of expression, and therefore they can be viewed asindicative of an individual's manner of speech.As Leal and Cortina note, it is not only the consistency between the ideas espoused inJicot?ncal and inV?rela's other publications, but also theway inwhich these ideas are expressedthat suggests thatV?rela authored the novel. Civic duty, for example, is explored at length inJicot?ncal and El Habanero. In both works, man is urged tomake sound political judgmentsbased on reason and experience. He is also apprised of the obstacles thatmay impede his abilityto make well-founded decisions, such as the struggle between reason and emotion (or selfinterest). The texts repeatedly cite this conflict as the primary threat to political stability: "es

menester mucha prudencia y saber dominarse a s?mismo para que las pasiones sin freno no nosarrastren a una infelicidad merecida" (Jicot?ncal 21); and "para sacar todas las ventajas posiblesy minorar los males, debe anticiparse y hacerse por los mismos habitantes, callando por unmomento la voz de las pasiones, no oyendo sino la de la raz?n y someti?ndose todos a laimperiosa ley de la necesidad" {ElHabanero 59). The view presented in both publications (i.e.,that personal considerations be sacrificed for the good of the country) is identical. Yet, it is themanner in which these ideas are communicated that links these two publications moredefinitively.Worried about the future of his country, Jicot?ncal the Elder urges his son to continue to actin the best interest of his homeland. More specifically, he advises him, "no pierdasyamos de vistala salvaci?n de la patria: ?sta es la ley de las leyes, y el norte de las acciones de un honradotlascalteca" (68;my emphasis). Equally concerned about the salvation of his country, V?rela uses

nearly identical terms in "Tranquilidad de la isla de Cuba" from the second volume of El Habanero: "Mas ya que todo elmundo calla, yo no s? callar cuando mi patria peligra [...] su imagenjam?s se separa de mi vista, su bien es el norte de mis operaciones" (61; my emphasis).In both citations the individual believes that the well-being of his country should takeprecedence

overpersonal considerations and

as such influence his actions. An analysis of thesetwo statements, however, reveals more than just patriotic devotion. That the author utilizes thesame vocabulary (i.e., jam?s de (mi) vista; el norte de las acciones/operaciones) to communicatethe same thought not only constitutes a marked similarity between the two phrases, but alsomakes it likely that the same individual is their author.Like this one, there are other examples linking Jicot?ncal toV?rela's other publications. InLecciones defilosof?a and Observaciones V?rela states:Mas toda obra que excede a lasfuerzas de toda laNaturaleza creada es un verdaderomilagro; luego la revelaci?n debe estar acompa?ada demilagros verdaderos. (Frases 50;my emphasis)

?Qu? es un milagro? Es un fen?meno que excede a todas las leyes de laNaturaleza,como el de resucitar a un muerto. (Jicot?ncal 85; my emphasis)Se dir? que esto es a impulsos divinos, y lo confieso, pues ni la hoja del ?rbol se muevesin la voluntad eficaz del Se?or. (Observaciones 16;my emphasis)



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448 Hispania 88 September 2005[NJo se mueve la hoja en el ?rbol sin la particular y expresa voluntad de Dios.(Jicot?ncal 45; my emphasis)

Again, the repetition of select vocabulary, nearly identical words, in order to communicate thesame idea suggests that the phrases are thework of the same individual.In addition to the overlap invocabulary and idioms, the novel and El Habanero share othersimiliarities of expression. At least once in each of the six editions of the political newspaper,V?rela explicitly states that he is frank or speaking frankly. By depicting himself or his ideas asforthcoming, V?rela attempts to give credence to his views and underscore his statements. Thefollowing is a list of excerpts from the newspaper articles which include this terminology:

[H]ay uno u otro hombre inmoral en su conducta privada, y de excelente conducta comohombre p?blico, o cuando se trata del bien de la Patria, aunque hablando con todafranqueza yo no he conocido ning?n hombre de esta especie, y creo que ser?amuydif?cil demostrar uno. (6;my emphasis)Jam?s he dado a nadie el trabajo de adivinar mis opiniones; siempre he hablado con

franqueza, y mucho m?s debo usarla cuando se interesa el bien de mi patria. (59; myemphasis)[L]o conozco, y confieso con lafranqueza que me es propia [...] esperando que otros a

quienes la desgracia no ha herido como am?, sacasen en favor de la Patria todas lasventajas que les da su feliz posici?n. (60; my emphasis)

Pero ?qu? tiempo ser? el de esta permanencia? He aqu? un asunto en que es menesterhablar confranqueza. (91; my emphasis)Yo no s? hacer la guerra de asesinos, ni he hecho otra que la de razones, francamente,sin ocultar mi nombre y de un modo decoroso. (138; my emphasis)Yo soy franco, y usted mismo me acusa de serlo algo m?s de lo que a veces dice ustedque conviene; pero es gana esperar de m? otra cosa, y as? puede usted creer que no tratode alucinar a nadie ocultando el peligro, o disfrazando los hechos. (158; my emphasis)

Debo hablar con lafranqueza de que siemprehe usado, y desenmascarar a muchos

que se han constituido losHer?clitos de la isla de Cuba. (173; my emphasis)Assertions of "frank" speaking appear with even greater frequency in the novel. On average, atleast two of these references appear in each chapter. For example, in a conversation between Fray

Bartolom? de Olmedo and Diego de Ordaz, the Spaniards debate the crown's objectives in theAmericas. Ordaz, convinced that it is themonarchy's quest formaterial wealth which forms thebasis of colonization, states:

Respecto al rey, a quien se dice que servimos, seamos francos, padre. Usted sabe quelos primeros hombres que acompa?aron a Col?n eran unos forajidos que no conoc?anm?s rey ni mas dios que su codicia. (12; my emphasis)No, se?or; jo soy ranco: el esp?ritu aventurero, laholgazaner?a anexa a losmilitares, laambici?n que fomenta la profesi?n de las armas y, sobre todo, el oro y la plata, cuyaabundancia en estos pa?ses se han ponderado tanto, estos son los gu?as que nos hanconducido y los motivos y las reglas de nuestra conducta. (13; my emphasis)



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The Authorship of Jicot?ncal 449Similarly, when Jicot?ncal the Elder converses with the General about the allegations leveledagainst his son, he is insistent that they both speak frankly:

TheElder: ?Qu? motivos de queja puedes tener contra un joven cuyas virtudeshacen las delicias de mi vejez y las esperanzas de lapatria?General: Amigo, tu amor de padre te ciega; tu hijo es un orgulloso y su altaner?aperjudica mucho a sum?rito.TheElder: ?En qu? te ha faltado? Dime confranqueza sus defectos, que por grandesque sean, ninguno resistir? al poder de mis consejos paternales [...]. Siquieres o?r la voz de un anciano que, con un pie en el sepulcro, no tieneque reconvenirse de un crimen, escucha mifranqueza, que nunca conoci?la intriga. (65;my emphasis)

To characterize someone as frank or to state that one speaks with frankness ishardly original, butthe frequency and the context in which the references are employed do suggest the particularmanner of speech and method of debate of one individual.The use of debates in order to contest ideology is another technique V?rela employs in thenovel and inhis other works. For example, in "Di?logo que han tenido en esta ciudad un espa?olpartidario de la independencia de la isla de Cuba y un paisano suyo anti-independiente," whichappeared in the third volume of El Habanero, the two characters carry on a dialogue inwhichthey discuss the pros and cons of colonial independence. V?rela himself acknowledges hispreference for addressing problematic issues by presenting the reader with both sides of the argument. Inhis article, "Paralelo entre la revoluci?n que puede formarse en la isla de Cuba por susmismos habitantes, y la que se formara por la invasi?n de tropas extranjeras," which also appeared in the third volume ofEl Habanero, V?rela explains and justifies the format of the article:"Yo formar? un paralelo de ambas revoluciones y sus consecuencias, para contribuir por mi parteen cuanto pueda a disipar un error, que enmi concepto es funest?simo" (91). Though V?rela doesnot make use of dialogue in order to discuss the issue at hand (in this case the consequences ofa revolution carried out with and without foreign intervention), he does organize the article insuch away that he presents both sides of the argument as if itwere a debate. Dividing the articleinto two fragments, he labels each section as follows: "Revoluci?n interviniendo una fuerza extranjera," and "Revoluci?n formada sin auxilio extranjero." Within each segment he explains theconsequences of such a revolution. Although V?rela is explicit in his support of a Cuban revolution without foreign aid, he adopts this method of debate to justify his opinion. By evaluatingboth options, he not only highlights the advantages of the viewpoint he supports, but alsoaddresses the weaknesses of the other argument.These dialogue-debates appear in the novel as well. Although Jicot?ncal does recount theevents of theMexican conquest, it is primarily a didactic work. For this reason, the author keepsthe description of characters and places to aminimum. The details that he does provide, such asthe quantities of Spanish supplies or the recounting of themarriage ceremony between Jicot?ncaland Teutila, serve primarily to lend historical veracity to the work. Furthermore, the ideologicaldebates in the novel, of which there aremany, take precedence over the development of the plot.Often interrupting the storyline, they underscore Varela's didactic intent inwriting Jicot?ncal.In the first chapter, Ordaz severely criticizes Spanish rule in theAmericas, claiming that theconquistadores did not colonize theNew World out of devotion to theKing or the faith. Instead,"Crist?bal Col?n vino a laAm?rica impelido por su gran genio y por el noble amor de la gloria.Empero sus soldados mancharon la de nuestra naci?n, y las p?ginas de su historia har?n estremecerse a laHumanidad" (12). Aware thatOrdaz has drawn some valid conclusions, Fray Bartolom?admits that the Spaniards may not be justified in their conquest of the Americas. However, as amember of the church he feels obliged to support the Spanish presence in theNew World, anddefends the conquest by claiming it to be an act of faith whereby "Dios ha escogido grandespecadores para instrumentos de sus altos designios" (13).



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450 Hispania 88 September 2005While the two characters debate the justification of the Spanish conquest of the Americas,the development of the plot is suspended. The novel stands still, as itwere, while the reader waitsfor the characters to end their discussion in order to find out what the Senate of Tlaxcala has

decided regarding Cort?s's request to enter their lands?a crucial link in the novel's plot. Onlywhen the two characters, startled by the sound of thunder, scatter for cover from the rain, doestheir conversation end and the action of the novel resume. The questioning of Spanish colonialauthority, as expressed in the conversation between Ordaz and Fray Bartolom?, as well as thecriticism of the Catholic Church, are topics of debate which appear both in the novel and inEl

Habanero.

Furthering the Case for V?rela: Ideological Evidence

The events leading up toV?rela's immigration to the United States help to understand hisactivities inNew York and Philadelphia as well as his writing of the novel. In 1820 the Spanishgovernment issued amandate requiring all educational institutions in the colonies to incorporatethe teaching of the Spanish Constitution into the curriculum. The bishop of Havana, Juan Jos?D?az de Espada, was charged with carrying out the mandate in all of the religious institutions ofinstruction in the capital. Already having distinguished himself as an accomplished instructor attheReal y Conciliar Colegio Seminario San Carlos y San Ambrosio inHavana, F?lix V?rela wasapproached by the bishop to teach this new course on the Constitution.

Although V?rela was initially reluctant to accept the bishop's offer because of his inexperience with the subject matter, he eventually agreed to teach what would be the first politicalscience course ever offered at the seminary. The content of the course was later published underthe title, Observaciones sobre la constituci?n pol?tica de lamonarqu?a espa?ola. An examination of this work shows thatV?rela did not teach the course by reading through every article ofthe constitution as they appeared in the document, but rather organized instruction thematically.He explored concepts such as sovereignty, liberty and equality, and the division and balance ofpower in order to explain not only themechanics of government, but its source of power, whichhe ultimately believed resided with the people.V?rela's constitution course and its publication were well received both within the academyand by the general public. Because of this success, V?rela was nominated to represent Cuba inthe Spanish Parliament from 1821 to 1823. His role as representative, albeit brief, greatly influenced his political perspective, a perspective later presented inEl Habanero and Jicot?ncal.As is evident inhis Observaciones, V?rela supported the democratic principles on which theSpanish government

was founded, such as el pacto social.1 Consequently, V?rela believed thatthe Spanish colonies, receiving their sovereignty from the people, should be autonomous. For

V?rela, the parliament's rejection of the "Proyecto de gobierno auton?mico: Pre?mbulo de laInstrucci?n para el gobierno de Ultramar" (a proposal seeking increased autonomy for Cuba,Puerto Rico, and the Philippines) violated el pacto social. Aware of the Spanish government'sintent to limit colonial rights, V?rela adopted amore radical political view. Formerly a proponentof Cuban autonomy, V?rela fled Spain upon the dissolution of the parliament in 1823 and arrivedinNew York a strong advocate of Cuban independence.

After having immigrated to theUnited States, V?rela continued to remain active inpolitics byvoicing his opinions in El Habanero. Reference to el pacto social as the foundation of sovereignty, harsh criticism of Spanish imperial power, and support of colonial independence in theAmericas were but a few of the political positions expressed in the paper that can also be foundin the novel. As indicated in the passages from El Habanero and Jicot?ncal given below, elpacto social is an arrangement through which individuals relinquish a certain amount of autonomyto a governing body. Consequently, the legitimacy of government is dependent upon thesupport of the people it governs.

El orden natural de las cosas devuelve en semejantes ocasiones todos los poderes a los



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The Authorship of Jicot?ncal 451individuos que los hab?an delegado para el bien com?n. (Jicot?ncal 117)

Todo pacto social no es m?s que la renuncia de una parte de la libertad individual parasacarmayores ventajas de laprotecci?n del cuerpo social, y el gobierno es un medio deconseguirlas. Ning?n gobierno tiene derechos. Los tiene s?el pueblo. (ElHabanero 54)

Although Varela's beliefs regarding sovereignty are well defined, he does not favor anyparticular form of government over another. In his Observaciones he states: "Donde quiera quese hallen las virtudes, son hijas de Dios, y ?stas no est?n vinculadas ni en las rep?blicas, ni en lasmonarqu?as, sino en la sociedad de los hombres, que puede tener diversas formas" (16). This

liberal view is reiterated in the novel during a conversation between Jicot?ncal theYounger andOrdaz inwhich the former advocates a representative form of government and the latter amonarchy. Jicot?ncal the Elder attempts to resolve the debate by shifting the focus of theargument. More specifically, he tries to convince the two that it is not the form of government

which should be evaluated but rather its legitimacy: "Creedme que todos los gobiernos tienensus ventajas, y a?n m?s todav?a sus inconvenientes [...] la corrupci?n y los vicios son lamuertede losEstados, como las virtudes forman suvida y su vigor" (51). Like V?rela, Jicot?ncal theElderisnot critical of the type of government, but rather of itsmoral character, of theway itadministersits power.

Furthering the Case for V?rela: Deism Reconsidered

Despite the linguistic and ideological evidence offered above in support of F?lix V?rela, thedeism-Catholicism debate in the novel may argue against Varela's authorship o? Jicot?ncal,since the debate appears to favor deism. A careful assessment of the religious discussionpresented in the novel will show that the ostensible positive portrayal of deism and censure ofCatholicism is not inconsistent with Varela's authorship.In fact, ifF?lix V?rela is indeed the author oiJicot?ncal, the inclusion of Enlightenment ideasis not at all surprising. V?rela, a lifelong scholar, was familiar with Enlightenment thinkers,including Bacon, Locke, Voltaire and Rousseau, and incorporated some aspects of their work inhis own thinking. His eclectic philosophy urged the combination of both reason and experience,

warning not to rely too heavily on either one (Garcia-Menocal, 92). But despite his acceptance ofsome of the principles of the Enlightenment, F?lix V?rela was not a proponent of the religiousideas that developed during the Age of Reason, such as deism, which challenged orthodoxy.Although deists did not deny the existence of a supreme being, they did denounce the Church aswell asmany Christian beliefs. Varela's writings suggest that he inno way condoned these views.His Cartas a Elpidio, for example, constitute a response to themore radical movement of liberalthought in the early nineteenth century that saw religion and the Enlightenment as irreconcilable.In these fictional letters, V?rela seeks to convince his readers of the importance of religion inscientific and intellectual pursuits, and addresses the three impediments he believes to be mostharmful to human progress and happiness: irreligiosity, superstition, and fanaticism. In fact, hegoes on to define several types of irreligiosity, one of which corresponds to "those who ad

mitting the existence of a Supreme Being want to subject Him to their ideas" (33). This definitionmay be applied to deists, who acknowledge a divine being, yet believe that this supreme entityconformed to the same rational and immutable laws of the universe he created. IfVarela's viewson deism aremade clear inhis Cartas, written in 1835, his depiction of deism m Jicot?ncal, whichwas written ten years earler, while not as explicit and unambiguous, is certainly not inconsistentwith his previous views.Since in the novel the natives are the representatives of Enlightenment thought, it is notincongruous that they are also proponents of deism. In his dialogue with Fray Bartolom?,Jicot?ncal the Elder explains his people's religious beliefs in terms strongly reminiscent of someaspects of deist thought:



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452 Hispania 88 September 2005Yo s? que hay un Dios, esto es, un Ser muy poderoso que ha ordenando todo el universo con unainteligencia tan grande, que cada cosa corresponde a un gran fin con una admirable precisi?n. Dentrode m? mismo lo siento, en las cosas m?s abstractas lo mismo que en las m?s materiales. Hasta aqu?llegan mis conocimientos; pero pues que t? los tienes mayores, seg?n dices, dame a conocer este Dios,

que yo creo muy poderoso y muy sabio, pero del que no tengo m?s idea de la que me dan sus obras. (8384)

The Elder's comment reflects the cosmic philosophy of Newton that was later adapted as thecentral tenet of deism. Newton proposed that the elements within the universe and within naturewere the creation of one superior entity. He also claimed that these elements existed in relationship with one another and were guided by natural laws, hence creating a universe based on"precision." While deists primarily relied on perceived reality and reason to assess theirworld,they also allowed for the presence of the divine inman, concluding that "humans were imbuedwith a spark of the divine reason and so were privy to a limited knowledge of the divine.

Ultimately, however, awareness of God's essence was beyond the race's ken" (Walters 32).Thus, deists were able to reconcile a speculative belief inGod, based

on an inherent "feeling,"within their predominantly rationalist ideology.Accepting that his comprehension of God is limited, Jicot?ncal is intrigued by Fray Bartolom?'s claim to have complete understanding of this divine being. He then challenges the priestto explain Catholic doctrine and his understanding of God. To Jicot?ncal's disappointment, the

priest is unable to fully explain the articles of his religion, claiming that they are amatter of faith.Jicot?ncal rejects the Catholic doctrine, and underscores the lack of reason as its primary flaw:?Y t? quieres hacerme creer que ese Ser tan sabio, ha comunicado unas cosas que repugnan a mi raz?n??Qu? fin podr?a haberse propuesto en una conducta semejante? [...] ?Y que necesidad hay para eso deunos misterios contradictorios y absurdos cuando tengo mi juicio [...]. Mis deberes est?n bien claros,

y, cuando la miseria de mi naturaleza intenta extraviarme de su senda, tengo en m? un instinto, unacosa que me los recuerda y que t? llamas raz?n. (84)

The discussion ends since Fray Bartolom? is unable to contest successfully Jicot?ncal's assertions and defend the Catholic faith. Although it would appear that Jicot?ncal has won theargument, and therefore has proven that the deistic principles he advocates are superior to thoseof Fray Bartolom?, an assessment of the religious doctrines themselves cannot be made becausethe debate, in essence, is incomplete. That Fray Bartolom? is unable adequately to explain thetenets of the Catholic religion does not indicate that the doctrine itself is faulty, but rather that itsrepresentative is not capable of disseminating its principles. The critical tone of the debate is,therefore, geared towards the priest's shortcomings rather than to the doctrines themselves.Furthermore, neither Jicot?ncal nor Fray Bartolom? realize that the native and Catholic religionsthey debate both incorporate articles of faith. Establishing the commonality between the twofaiths is a technique V?rela uses here, and in other religious discussions, both in the novel andhis other works. By creating a parallel between the religions, V?rela avoids pitting the two againstone another.

Despite themany differences between the Tlaxcalans and Spaniards, both parties celebratethe same moral teachings. The following conversation between Fray Bartolom? and Jicot?ncalthe Elder reveals the commonality between the two groups:

Fr. Bartolom?: Obcecado anciano: mi divina religi?n prescribe unas reglas de moral que te aseguran,si las observas, la felicidad en este mundo y te quitan los temores para el otro. He aqu?su resumen: "Ama a Dios sobre todas las cosas y al pr?jimo como a ti mismo." Dimeahora que no es divina la religi?n que te ordena esta conducta.

The Elder: Sin duda, mi amigo, esas reglas vienen de Dios; ellas est?n aqu? en mi pecho y me lasha dado el mismo a quien debo estas manos, esta lengua con que te hablo y los pensa

mientos que te expresa. S?, yo siento [...] que es menester ser justo y ben?fico [...] tumoral es la misma que la m?a. Luego ?sta viene de Dios. (85-86)

Evaluating the Tlaxcalan beliefs presented here by the Elder, one could conclude that



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The Authorship of Jicot?ncal 453unbeknownst to him, he professes the basic tenets of Catholicism. In The Protestant's Abridgerand Annotator, written in 1830 in response to a Protestant attack on the Catholic Church, V?relaargues that an individual is considered amember of the Catholic Church, and therefore worthy ofsalvation, if he or she abides by two basic stipulations: he or she 1)must be baptized and 2) obeythe Catholic doctrine. Of particular import is his address regarding individuals who are notfamiliar with Catholicism. He asserts that an individual's association with the Church is basedforemost on one's actions. If one is not familiar with Catholic doctrine and acts in accordance tothe law of nature, he or shemay be saved by God, and "united to the only Church of Jesus Christ,to that church, whose head on earth is theBishop of Rome, although he should not have any ideaof such a Bishop nor ofthat city" (The Protestant's Abridger 11). Individuals unaware ofCatholic doctrine may, therefore, become baptized implicitly through the value of their actions.With respect to adherence toCatholic doctrine, one cannot be condemned for violating Catholicdogma if he is unaware of it. Although V?rela states that itwould be extraordinary for anindividual who isnot explicitly baptized nor familiar with Catholic doctrine to be considered partof the Catholic Church and redeemed, it is nevertheless possible.The emphasis on one's actions as the primary determinant of one's religious state, noted inVarela's The Protestant's Abridger, is also echoed in the novel when Jicot?ncal the Elderrecognizes the overlap in native and Catholic doctrine. Resorting to an analogy with domesticanimals that attempt to please theirmasters, the Elder states, "Observa los animales dom?sticoscuando nos halagan: cada uno lo hace a su modo, y nosotros no nos cuidamos de la manera conque se explican y atendemos solo a lo que manifiestan sus se?ales. As? elAutor de laNaturalezano atender? sin duda m?s que a nuestra intenci?n" (86). The Elder effectively argues thatGod willevaluate individuals primarily based on what they show or how they act. In light of Varela'sdiscourse on the determinants of one's religious state and the Tlaxcalan view of morality, thenatives could be considered members of the Catholic Church, worthy of salvation.In fact, Jicot?ncal the Elder entertains the possibility of converting, informing Fray Bartolo

m? that "Os creeremos cuantos misterios nos querr?is proponer, por absurdos que sean, porqueentonces el sacrificio de nuestra luz natural ser?a recompensado con la felicidad del g?nerohumano" (86). Yet he ultimately rejects conversion because, "?predicar una doctrina semejantecon laguerra, el libertinaje y los vicios m?s escandalosos ... ?Quecontradicci?n ?Diosm?o estossucesos ponen a prueba mi creencia de tu sabidur?a " (86). In this conversation, the Elderpoignantly notes the inconsistency between the Catholic doctrine which Fray Bartolom?preaches and the actions of his Spanish compatriots. The Elder's decision to resist conversion,therefore, should not be interpreted as an objection to Catholic doctrine, but as his rejection ofthe Spaniards' professed role as spiritual savior. Since V?rela equates the fundamental principlesof deism and Catholicism, the seemingly positive or negative portrayals of the religious systemsshould not be interpreted as a judgement of the ideologies themselves, but rather of theinterpretation ormanifestation of these principles.The comparative analysis of Jicot?ncal with Varela's other works presented here providesadditional linguistic, stylistic and ideological evidence to bolster Luis Leal's assertion that F?lixV?rela was indeed the author of the anonymous historical novel published in Philadelphia in1826. That certain personal maxims are repeated almost word for word in both Jicot?ncal andVarela's other publications, for example, provides a strong indication that the Cuban priestauthored the novel. Although the religious discussion in the novel appears problematic whenconsidering Leal's hypothesis, the novel's treatment of deism does not contradict Varela'sauthorship, but is in fact consistent with views presented in his other works, thereby providingfurther evidence to support the Cuban priest's authorship of Jicot?ncal.NOTES

'A book review of Jicot?ncal, written by William Cullen Bryant, appeared in the February 1826 edition ofthe U.S. Review and Literary Gazette. Although the article does not address the issue of authorship, it does



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454 Hispania 88 September 2005provide a synopsis of the novel, and a historical-political analysis of the work.

2In Liberales y rom?nticos: una emigraci?n espa?ola en Inglaterra (1823-1834), Vicente Llor?ns Castillo supports Anderson Imbert's conclusion that Jicot?ncal's author was Spanish (212). Ironically, Jos? Rojas

Garcidue?as utilizes Llor?ns Castillo's comparative analysis of Spanish and Spanish-American liberalism tobolster Henr?quez Ure?a's hypothesis that the novel's author was not Spanish, but rather Spanish-American andprobably Mexican (74). Also see Llor?ns Castillo 19, 134-35, 212, 249.3For a full listing of the individuals see Leal's study, "Jicot?ncal, primera novela hist?rica en castellano."The list of potential authors is arranged by nationality, and includes individuals from Cuba, Mexico, Colombia,Venezuela, Argentina, Peru, Ecuador and Spain.

4The policy of the United States during the early nineteenth century required that proprietorship of allpublished materials be documented. In the case of Jicot?ncal, proprietor information can be found on the reverseside of the cover page of the original edition, and reads as follows:

Eastern District of Pennsylvania, to wit: Be it remembered, that on the eighteenth day of August, inthe fifty-first year of the Independence of the United States of America, A.D. 1826, Frederick

Huttner, of the said District, hath deposited in this office the Title of a book, the right whereof heclaims as Proprietor, in the words following, to wit: "JICOTENCAL." In conformity to the act of theCongress of the United States, intitled, "an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing thecopies of maps, charts and books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies, during the timestherein mentioned"?and also to the act, entitled, "an act for the encouragement of learning, bysecuring the copies of maps, charts and books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies, duringthe times therein mentioned," and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving,and etching historical and other prints. D. Caldwell, Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

5Since Leal's study, scholars have continued to evaluate the authorship question. In El enigma de Jicot?ncal: Estudio de dos novelas sobre el h?roe de Tlaxcala, Alejandro Gonz?lez Acosta disputes Leal's findings andpresents evidence to suggest that Jicot?ncal is the work of Cuban poet, Jos? Mar?a Heredia. Like Leal, Gonz?lezAcosta bases his conclusion on linguistic, ideological, and circumstantial considerations. For example, Gonz?lezAcosta points to Heredia's interest in Mexican history as indicative of his authorship of the novel. Gonz?lezAcosta also compares the lexicon, phrases and sentence structure found in the novel with that of Heredia'sworks to show similarities between the two. He concludes that the frequent use of the word "que" (whichGonz?lez Acosta refers to as queismo) and the overlap of epithets and other phrases support Heredia'sauthorship (219-24). The study also provides a theoretical analysis of the novel and considers its historicalsources.

6For ease of reference I have decided to abbreviate the titles of V?rela's publications as follows: Observaciones, The Protestant's Abridger and Cartas.

7While a close analysis of V?rela's Observaciones indicates that he supported the principles of the SpanishConstitution, it is too broad a topic to address in detail here. Instead, I base my conclusions regarding V?rela'sfavorable opinion of the constitution on the remarks he made in his inaugural speech, included in the prologueof his Observaciones. In referring to the constitution, V?rela states: "Mas ?stos y otros muchos elogios mealejar?an demasiado de mi objeto, que es dar una corta idea del plan que me propongo seguir en la explicaci?n denuestras leyes fundamentales, para manifestar el armonioso sistema pol?tico que contiene una constituci?n que[...] si no es la obra m?s perfecta del entendimiento humano, al menos es la mejor que conocemos en su clase, yel fruto m?s sazonado que pod?a prometerse la Espa?a" (2). V?rela speaks at length about the pacto social in hisObservaciones and again in El Habanero. V?rela's definition of the pacto social does not differ greatly from

Rousseau's Social Contract. In brief, V?rela believes that every individual has certain inalienable rights.However, in order for societies to be mutually beneficial, a form of government should be established to

implement laws and regulations. This government, however, is not an autonomous body since it receives itsauthority from the people.

WORKS CITEDAnderson Imbert, Enrique. "Notas sobre la novela hist?rica en el siglo XIX." La novela iberoamericana. Ed.

Arturo Torres R?oseco. Albuquerque: U of New Mexico P, 1957. 1-24.Bryant, William Cullen. Rev. of Jicot?ncal. U.S. Literary Review and Gazette (1 February 1826): 336-46.Garcia-Menocal, Carlos Manuel de C?spedes. Pasi?n por Cuba y por la iglesia: Aproximaci?n biogr?fica alPadre F?lix V?rela. Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1998.Gonz?lez-Acosta, Alejandro. El enigma de Jicot?ncal'. Estudio de dos novelas sobre el h?roe de Tlaxcala.

M?xico: Universidad Aut?noma de M?xico, 1997.Henr?quez Ure?a, Pedro. Las corrientes literarias en la Am?rica Hisp?nica. M?xico: Fondo de Cultura

Econ?mica, 1949.Leal, Luis. "Jicot?ncal, primera novela hist?rica en castellano." Revista Iberoamericana 25 (1960): 9-31.Leal, Luis y Rodolfo J. Cortina, eds. "Introducci?n." Jicot?ncal. Houston: Arte P?blico Press, 1995.Llor?ns Castillo, Vicente. Liberales y rom?nticos, una emigraci?n espa?ola a Inglaterra (1823-1843).



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The Authorship of Jicot?ncal 455M?xico: Colegio de M?xico, 1954.

Mangino, Jos? Mar?a. Xicot?ncatl: Comedia heroica en cuatro actos. Puebla: Pedro de la Rosa, 1829.Rojas Garcidue?as, Jos?. "Jicot?ncal, una novela hist?rica hispanoamericana precedente al romanticismo

espa?o\."Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Est?ticas 24 (1956): 53-76.V?rela, F?lix. Frases de sabidur?a. Ed. Rafael B. Abislaim?n. Miami: Ediciones Universal, 2000.

?. El Habanero: Papel Pol?tico, Cient?fico y Literario. Miami: Ediciones Universal, 1997.?. Jicot?ncal. Ed. Luis Leal and Rodolfo J. Cortina. Houston: Arte P?blico Press, 1995.?. Letters to Elpidio. Trans. Felipe J. Est?vez. New York: Paulist Press, 1989.?. Observaciones sobre la constituci?n pol?tica de la monarqu?a espa?ola. La Habana: Editorial de la Universi

dad de Habana, 1944.?. The Protestant's Abridger and Annotator. New York: G. F. Bunce, 1830.Walters, Kerry S. The American Deists: Voices of Reason and Dissent in the Early Republic. Lawrence: U of

Kansas P, 1992.

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