Thapa - Padmasambhava Legend in Tibet

8/9/2019 Thapa - Padmasambhava Legend in Tibet

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The Early Development of the Padmasambhava Legend in Tibet: A Study of IOL Tib J 644 and

Pelliot tibtain 307Author(s): Jacob DaltonSource: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 124, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 2004), pp. 759-772Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4132116

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The Early Development of the PadmasambhavaLegend inTibet: A Study of IOL Tib J 644 and Pelliot tib6tain 307JACOB DALTONYALE UNIVERSITY

This article offers some new evidence on Padmasambhava,he Indian masterwho, accord-ing to legend, was instrumental n establishingBuddhismin Tibet. In the course of my re-search on tantra n the Tibetanmanuscriptsdiscovered near Dunhuang,I have found twopassages relatingto the earlydevelopmentof the legends surroundinghis famous Buddhistmaster,neither of which have been studied to date.I The two passages arepresentedbelowin translation,anddiscussed in light of the other availableearly evidence.

The results of this studyreveal a mutability n the earlybiographiesof Padmasambhava.The master's role in the Tibetan maginationgrew and evolved in dramaticways duringtheninthto eleventh centuries,so thatby the time of his firstcomplete biography,the twelfth-centuryZangs gling ma by Nyang ral nyi ma'i 'od zer (1124-1192), Padmasambhavahadbecome the single most important igurein Tibetannarrativesof theirearly conversion toBuddhism.The new evidence presentedherecontributes o ourunderstandingof how theseTibetanconversionnarrativesgrewoverthe early years.Thepresent nquiry s therefore essconcerned withPadmasambhava s a historicalpersonthanwith his legend and the thematiclines along which it developed.2 An evaluationof the early evidence helps to clarify bothhow Tibetansperceivedthemselves and how they understood heir firstencounterswith theBuddhistreligion.This new evidence indicates that the Padmasambhavaegend initially flourishedduringthe so-called "darkperiod"of Tibetanhistory.This periodstretched rom 842 C.E.when theTibetanempire collapsed, to roughly 978 c.E. when a royal court and Buddhist monasticinstitutionsbeganto reappear,bringingwith them a new orthodoxy.Accordingto traditionalTibetanhistoricalsources,this periodof one and a half centurieswitnessed a horrificdegra-dation of Buddhism, as monasteries were persecutedand the teachings corrupted.Recentscholarshiphas begunto questionthis traditionalversionof events.3Certainly, he Tibetanswho emerged from the dark period were far more Buddhist, however such affiliation ismeasured, than the Tibetans who had entered it. It seems that despite the closing of themonasteries Buddhism continuedto flourish at the local level. The forms Buddhism tookduringthese years may well have been "corrupt"n the view of later Tibetans,but thesesame corruptionswere fundamental o the formationof the TibetanBuddhistidentity.Freedfrom the watchfuleye of the imperialcourtand the monasticorthodoxy,Tibetansof the darkperiodwere able to make Buddhism theirown. The themes, the imagery,and the strategiesTibetansdevelopedduring he inchoateyearsof the darkage formed the cultural oundationsuponwhichTibetanBuddhismwas built.Only by excavatingthesefoundationsandshedding

1. My thanks to the InternationalDunhuang Project based at the British Libraryfor making this researchpossible.2. For some speculations(which remain ust that)on the historicityof Padmasambhava, ee Bischoff 1978.3. See Karmay1988: 8-10; Yamaguchi1996; Kapstein2000: 11-12.

Journalof the AmericanOrientalSociety 124.4 (2004) 759


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760 Journalof the American OrientalSociety 124.4 (2004)some light on the darkperiodcan we gain a clearerappreciationof the Tibetan assimilationof Buddhism.

The manuscriptsdiscovered at Dunhuangprovidea glimpse of the events of this era. Itis increasinglyclear thatmost of theDunhuangmaterialsdate from the darkperiod,well afterthe collapse of the Tibetanempire,4and what the Dunhuangcollections reveal about theTibetan assimilation of Buddhism is the central role that tantric Buddhismplayed in thisprocess.5 Earlier, duringthe empire, the exoteric traditions enjoyed far greater support,thanksparticularly o the patronageof the royalcourt,while the translationof tantric textswas carefully controlled,if not prohibited.With the collapse of the empire,these controlswere lifted, andTibetansplunged eagerly into the world of Buddhist tantra.One of the constantmotifs of Tibetanreligion over the centurieshas been the animated,and often malevolent, landscape,and the need to mollify, pacify, or subjugate t. The ma-terials I will examine here suggest that, rather thanbeing something projectedback intoTibetanhistory by later histories andchronicles,this motif is a key element in some of theearliest Tibetan Buddhist egends. The Tibetans seem to have been attracted o tantra n partfor its effectiveness in controllingspiritsand demons. The Tibetan universe is infused withspirits-spirits that live in the rocks, the trees, and the mountains,spiritsthat live in one'sbody, that wander the landscape,that live undergroundandin the sky, spiritsthat cause ill-ness or naturaldisasters.The spiritworld of Tibet is anunrulydomain.Spiritsdemand rec-ognition andrespect, yet they are foreverchangingnames, can be associated with multiplelocations, appearin different groups, escape classification, and manifest themselves inaccordancewith shifting iconographies. Conversely,tantricritual is often guided by meta-phorsof power andcontrol,with the practitionerseated as a virtualsovereign at the centerof the mandalapalace, rulingover the realmby threatof violence. Buddhismprovidedbothritual methods of control andoverarchingnarrative chemes forexplainingthe spirits'rolesin Tibetan life. Through antra he spiritscould be mappedonto the Tibetanlandscapeandcorrelated with the more orderlyBuddhistsystem of deities.The evidence presentedbelow suggests that the legends surrounding he Indian tantricmasterPadmasambhava hould be understoodaspartof this tantricconversionof Tibet.Thetheme of demonsubjugations crucial to Tibetanculture,and Padmasambhavas the demontamerpar excellence. He is also often depictedas the principalfigure responsiblefor bring-ing Buddhism to Tibet.Todaythe geographyof Tibetis covered with countless sacred siteswhere the tantricsaint is said to have subjugated ocal Tibetanpre-Buddhist piritsand con-verted themto Buddhism.The new evidence offered here reveals much about how these twothemes, of Padmasambhavaand Tibetantantra,developed in concert.

4. Here amsetting side hemassesof professionallyopiedMahdyanaitras,many f whichmayhavebeensponsored ythe Tibetan ingRalpacanduringhefirsthalf of theninth enturyseevan Schaik 002:136-37).Some preliminarywork on post-Tibetan-occupationDunhuangmanuscriptshas been done by TsuguhitoTakeuchi(2004). In my opinion, Takeuchi's conclusions can be taken even further: he vast majorityof the Tibetantantricmaterials(andpossibly much of the suitricmaterialstoo) date from the tenthcentury.I am currentlycompletingabook on these issues, in collaborationwith Sam van Schaik.

5. By distinguishing he tantricelements from the otherforces at work in the conversion of Tibet,I do not meanto underestimate he influences of the sitras. However,the tantras n particular ppear o have captured he Tibetanimagination,andmanyof the more creativeTibetanadaptations f Buddhismseem to have involved tantric hemes,from new developmentsin Rdzogs chen to new mythicnarratives. n any case, the legends relatingto Padmasam-bhavagrew out of the tantricsphere,and these are ourpresentfocus.


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DALTON:heEarly Developmentof thePadmasambhavaLegendin Tibet 761I. ITJ644:6PADMASAMBHAVAAT THE ASURA CAVE

The first piece of evidence appearsin a short manuscriptheld in the Stein collection.Though catalogued by Louis de la Vall6e Poussin in 1918, ITJ644has been overlooked byscholars,apparentlybecause of the unremarkable ntryit received:"Atreatise on the Phalas(compareAbhidharma-kosa,VI, Madhyamaka-vrtti,XXIV)."7The remainderof the entryis limited to the manuscript's opening and closing lines, neither of which provide any in-dication of the work's actual significance. There are in fact two items in the manuscript,which are closely related. The first item is a presentationof a nine vehicles (theg pa dgu)doxographicalsystem, the second a discussion of the differentvidyidhara levels, which arealso grouped by vehicle.8The relevantpassage appears n the second item, in the context of the threevidyadharalevels associatedwith the vehicle of Kriyatantra.Herevidyadhara knowledgebearer'refersto one who has mastered he teachingsof the Buddhisttantras.A vidyddhara's"knowledge"is specifically one of magic spells, and throughoutIndian literaturethese beings are en-dowed with abilities to fly, to travel to other realms, and to perform spells.9 Accordingtoour text, there are three vidyddhara evels that can be attainedthroughthe practiceof theKriya tantras:the vidyddharaof accomplishments(grubpa'i rigs 'dzin), the vidyadharawho dwells on the levels (sa la gnas pa'i rigs 'dzin),and the spontaneouslyaccomplishingvidyadhara (lhun kyis grub pa'i rigs 'dzin). The description of the second of these, thevidyddharawho dwells on the levels, reads as follows:

ThenVajrapanirrived ndgrantedhe siddhis.Thenhewent o theAsuraCave,anduponbe-holding hevisageof an emanation f Vajrapaniresenthere,he struck herockwithhis foot.It seemedas if he had stuck t into dough.From hatfootprinthe sacramentsamaya)de-scended, nd romwithin hat here amea springwitheightstreams.Oneflowed o the southface of Mt.Meru, o that he springwas calledAsvakamra.even of themfell insideof theAsuraCave.Inthis[spring] e cleansedhimselfandgainedaccomplishment.hushe becameone who is calledavidyadhara hodwellson thelevels.10

Unfortunately heprotagonistof this shortstoryremainsunnamed,but severallinks betweenthis story and the laterdepictionsof Padmasambhava.First,Padmasambhava s commonlyassociatedwith anAsuraCave atYang e shod,locatednearmodem-dayPharpingon theedgeof KathmanduValley in Nepal. ' Todaythis is one of the most importantPadmasambhava

6. Scholars aveusedaconfusing ariety f acronymsorreferringo theSteincollectionheldat theBritishLibrary ndthe Pelliot collectionheldat theBibliothbqueationale. haveopted orITJ,anabbreviation f"IOL[IndiafficeLibrary] ib[etan]," ince his s howtheTibetanDunhua'ngaterials re dentified t the Brit-ishLibrary.imilarly, Twill be used o refer o the "Pelliottib6tain" aterialsn Paris.7. de la Vall6ePoussin1962:205.8. A discussion f theninevehicles ystemofferedn thismanuscriptanbe found nmyforthcomingrticleon the tantric oxographicalystems f earlyTibetanBuddhism.9. Onvidyadharas,eePrzyluski 923;Granoff 000.10. ITJ644,2a.6-2b.1. de nas phyag na rdo rje gshegs nas/ dngos grub sbyin ba dang/ a su ra i brag phug duphyin pa dang/ de na phyag na rdo rje'i sprul pa gcig bzhugspa'i zhal mthongnas brag la rkangpa gcig brgyabpa dang/zan la brgyabbzhinsnang ngo/ rjes de nas dam babs nas/ nang de na chu myig yan lag brgyad dang Idanba brgyadyod pa la/ gcig ni ri rabkyi lho ngos su rdol te chu myigrta rnazhes bya o/bdun a su ra i nang na 'babpa la khrusbyedcing bsgrubpa de/ sa la gnas pa'i rigs 'dzinces bya'o.11. We shouldbecautious, owever, smultipleAsura avesarementionedn Tibetanantriciterature.ee,forexample,Dharmairi975:45.3 and51.4,whereotherAsura avesarediscussed.Of particularnterest re hementions f two Chineseranslationsf earlyKriyaVajrakumfraexts seeMayer1991:186;mythanks oMayerforbringinghese o myattention).


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762 Journalof the AmericanOrientalSociety 124.4 (2004)religious sites andis recognized by most Newar andTibetan Buddhistsas the place wherePadmasambhavaperfectedthe ritualsystems for the deity Vajrakilaya.This modern belief is generallyconsistent with the principal Dunhuangsource on Pad-masambhava hat has alreadybeen studied. PT44 is a work devoted to the ritual traditionsof Vajrakilaya.12 t relates how Acarya Sambhava, as he is called, practiced meditation,battleddemons, andperformedmiracles at the Asura Cave at Yangla shod:

AfterarrivingtYang[-la]-shodnNepal,heperformedhepracticeselongingtoalltheclassesof yoga]from hegeneralKriyaup throughAtiyoga.Heproclaimedachandevery ransmis-sionof theKila, orthepurposesf allthevehicles, rom heHundred housandVerse]Tantraof Vajrakila,s [is affirmed]nall the secret antras.n thatway,havingdefinitivelystablishedthetransmissionsoncerningttainment,ndhaving gain scortedheHundred housandbackto Nepal],AcaryaSambhavahenperformedhe ritesof attainmentntheAsura avewiththeNewariSer-po, ndra-shu-gu-ta,ra-be-se, ndothers.Andthushe performedherites, mpel-lingthefourBsegoddesses,whoseembodiedormshadnotpassedaway.HenamedhemGreatSorceress f OuterSplendor,Miraculous ourisher,GreatWitchBestowingGlory,andLife-GrantingConjuress.Havingperformedhegreatattainmentorsevendays,he manifestly e-heldthevisageof VajrakumaratheAdamant outh, nepithet f Vajrakila].Havingacquiredheaccomplishmentf theKila,concerninghisattainmentf] thesigns,Padmasambhava,avingset a limitless orestablaze, hrust theKila]at the blaze.Srigupta,having truckt at therock ntheregionof the frontierorestof India,broke herock ntofourfragmentsnd hus"thrustt at stone."TheNewariSer-pohrustt at waterandso reversedhewater's ourse,hereby stablishing epal tselfas a mercantileenter. uchwere hemiraculousabilitiesandpowers hatemerged.13A numberof parallels between this account andITJ644immediately present themselves.Until now PT44 had been our earliest evidence of the Padmasambhavaegend. In light ofthe parallels in ITJ644,PT44 now appearsto be just one rendition of a popularstory.Both accountshave theirrespective protagonists ravel to the Asuracave, practiceKriyayoga, beholda vision of a wrathfuldeity's "visage" zhalmthong),andthenperformmiraclesinvolving the alterationof natural ormations n the landscape.Taking hese broadparallelsas our focus, we can comparethe more specific differencesto reveal thematic lines alongwhich the story may have developed. In ITJ644the masterpractices only Kriya,while inPT44 he practices all the tantricvehicles from Kriyato Atiyoga. Similarly, in the formermanuscripthe venerates the deity Vajrapani,while in the latterVajrakilaya.Both of thesedifferences-the additional vehicles and the altereddeity-suggest that the Pelliot manu-script representsa laterversion of the Asuracave narrative han our shorterStein passage.Recent scholarshiphas noteda marked ncreasein the popularityof Atiyoga andMahayoga(with which Vajrakilaya s usually associated) among Tibetansduringthe ninth and tenthcenturies,and we might expect these shifts to be reflectedin the Dunhuangdocuments thatdate from this same period.14The impressionthat PT44 representsa later version of events may be supportedby Tsu-guhito Takeuchi'srecentdatingof the manuscript o the late tenthcentury,near the time of

12. The entire item was introduced, ransliterated, nd translated n Bischoff and Hartman1971: 11-27. Thesection on Padmasambhava's ctivitieshas been retranslatedmorerecentlyin Kapstein2000: 158-59.13. PT44, la.3-9a.5. As translated n Kapstein2000: 158.

14. Onthe "gradual rticulation f a self-conscious GreatPerfectionmovement n Tibet"during hedarkperiod,see Germano1994: 219.


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DALTON: TheEarlyDevelopment of thePadmasambhavaLegendin Tibet 763the closing of the Dunhuangcave. 15As Bischoff and Hartmannoted in their 1971 article,a fragmentof a Tibetandate is found on thecoverpage of PT44 that reads"thesecondyear,the tiger year"(lo gnyis stag gi lo). They were unable to identify this date, but Takeuchisucceeds where they did not. The paperused to make PT44 was apparentlyrecycled; in itsprevious incarnation t had been a letter from the Khotanese king to the Chinese ruler ofShazhou.On the basis of theTibetandatenotedby Bischoff,a Chineseseal,anda still legiblefragmentof the original letter written in Khotanese, Takeuchi was able to date the Kho-tanese letter to the year 978. This means, concludes Takeuchi,"thatthe Buddhist text onPadmasambhavawas written even later,namely after the 980s."16Thus PT44 may be one of the latest of the Dunhuangdocuments (given that the cavewas sealed in the early eleventh century), a fact that at least does not contradict the ideathatITJ644representsan earlier traditionof the legends surroundingAsura caves. In short,certain details of an earlier Asura cave story appearto have been reworked,as in PT44,into a more elaborate form that supportedthe Padmasambhavaand the Vajrakilayaritualtraditions.17A similarreworkingof the legend may be seen in the Zangs gling ma, the early Padma-sambhavabiographyby Nyang ral nyi ma'i 'od zer. WhereITJ644says that our unnamedhero attained hevidyddharaof "dwellingon the levels" while meditatingatthe AsuraCave,Nyang ralhas him attaining he vidyddharaof mahamudra.The vidycdharaof mahdmudradoes appearin ITJ644, but later, as the highest level of vidyddhara,attainedthroughthepracticeof Mahayoga.'8As in PT44, Padmasambhava'sevel of practiceduringhis visit toNepal was made higher in the Zangs gling ma, possibly updatedto appealto laterTibetaninterests.

There is a furtherelementin ITJ644that deserves attention: he accountof the springthatwas createdoutof the miraculous ootprint n the rock.Themodem-dayPadmasambhava itein Nepal is locatednear a naturalspring.Moreover,according o the later Buddhisttradition,

15. Most scholarsnow agreethat thecave containing heDunhuangmanuscriptswas sealedin theearlyeleventhcentury,c. 1006. On the closing of the cave, see Rong Xinjiang 1999-2000: 247-75.16. Takeuchi2004: 3.

17. I remain hesitant about this argument,however, given several caveats that should be added here:First, asnotedin the introduction o the presentarticle,it is increasinglyclear that the overwhelmingmajorityof the Tibetantantric materials from Dunhuangdate from the tenthcentury,andperhapseven from the second half of the tenthcentury.This means that PT44's late date might not be so unusual,andthatourITJ644manuscriptmay well datefrom the sameperiod.However,even if ITJ644representsa contemporary lternative o PT44's Yangle shodnarra-tive, it remainssignificantthat such alternativesexisted, and the pointson which the two accounts differlikely stillreflectthe kinds of Tibetan concerns that motivated the changingnarrative.Second, in the interlinearnotes to theDunhuangversionof the Thabskyi zhags pa pad mo'i 'phrengba commentary ITJ321),the commentary s attrib-uted to Padmasambhava. f we acceptthis attribution andthe existence of a historicalPadmasambhava),we mustalso accept that the master was at least aware of the early Vajrakilaya itualsystem, for in chapter twenty of thatwork the famousPhurpa bcu gnyis is cited (ITJ321,64v.6, orP.4717,119b.8:Ki la ya bcu gnyis kyita ntra),as wellas its "supplementaryantra"phurpa bcugnyis kyi rgyiudphyi ma;ITJ321,70b.4, orP.4717,122b.4).The tantra squotedin a section on violent rites, and it is only one amonga series of titles cited, but it implies Padmasambhavahad at least read this seminalVajrakilayaantra.Finally,regarding hedifferencebetweenVajrapani ndVajrakilaya,we should consider thepossibilitythatthesewereconsidered wo forms of the samedeity.If so, the idea thatITJ644representsan earliernarrative, n this regardat least, would be less significant.18. Note that this is different rom the later normative ormulationsof the fourvidyadhara evels of Mahayoga,in which the vidyddharaof mahamudras only the secondhighest level, placedbelow that of spontaneousaccom-plishment(lhungrub).


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764 Journalof the AmericanOrientalSociety 124.4 (2004)when subjugating he local ndga spirit,Padmasambhavaeft an imprintof his ritualdagger(kila) in the rocks directly above the spring.From this imprint"wateremerges at certainauspicious moments."19

Apartfrom these modern traces of Padmasambhava'segendaryactivities, I have beenunableto locate any accounts of eight streams n the laterbiographiesof the master.How-ever, a clue does appear n the recently discovered Dba' bzhed, a narrativehistory of theTibetanimperial periodthatmay datefrom as early as the eleventh century.20The relevantpassagetakesus to Padmasambhava's ime in centralTibet,when he is said to have assistedthe Tibetanking (btsanpo) Khrisrong Ide'u brtsanin the subjugationof demons and theirrigationof the lands aroundBsam yas monastery:

Later,as the bTsan o waswashinghishairand he mKhan o [Padmasambhava]eard boutthis,heaskedwhere hewaterused orwashinghe headof the bTsan ohadbeen aken rom.bZheszla [aclose servant f theking]answeredhat t hadbeentaken rom herTsanghabriverof 'Ombutshal.ThemKhan o said:"This s of nouse. Theres a spring alledrTamaontopof theRi rab i.e.,Mt.Meru]. f thewater orwashinghebTsan o'shair s taken romthere, his willbringhim ong ife andhighpoliticalauthority."21

The translatorsof this passage, Wangduand Diemberger,remarkon the unusualname ofthe spring:"rTarna, i.e., 'HorseEars',is known as the Tibetan form for Asvakarna,one ofthe Golden MountainsaroundMt. Meru/Rirab.In this legendary storyit has turned nto aspring on top of Meru."The Dba' bzhed's transformationof As'vakarnarom a mountainaround Mt. Meru to a spring atop Mt. Meru is easily explained by our shortpassage fromITJ644. There the miraculousspring createdby our unnamed hero duringhis time at theAsuraCave flowed fromthe southern ace of Mt. Meru,thereby giving the springits name,Asvakarna.Furthermore,n bothpassages washing in the waters of thatspring grants greatblessings, blessings of a religious naturefor our hero and of a secularone for the Tibetanking. Once again the events described in ITJ644 appearto have been reworked towardsotherpurposes,this time in the Dba' bzhedtowardslinking the master's famous successesin Nepal to the Tibetanking. Whetherthe protagonist n ITJ44 s Padmasambhava r not, itis at least clearthat this manuscriptncludes a numberof precursors o the later Padmasam-bhavalegend.

II. PT307: PADMASAMBHAVAAND THE DEMON QUEENS OF TIBETThe second piece of new evidence is more extensive. It appears n a short workon thefemale protectors n the wrathfulmandalaof Sri Maha Heruka.The otheritemson the same

scroll include a discussion of the tantric vows and a relatively standardMahayogaritualtext. Unlike ITJ644,this text refers to Padmasambhava y name(Mkhanpo padma sam baba) and recountshis activities in Tibet:

19. Dowman1995:96. HereDowmans followinganexplanationythefourthKhams prul,Choskyi nyima(1730-79/80),of the viewof the ocalNewarVajrficaryas.hams prul's ccount houldnotbeimmediatelyaccepted,owever,or tispossiblehat heNewarswere hemselvesnfluencedyearlierTibetan ilgrims. oday,unlesstheyhavehadlongcontactwithTibetaneachers,Newarshave ittle to sayaboutPadmasambhavamythanksoHubertDecleer orhis clarificationf thesepoints).For woother ateTibetan eferenceso themaster'sdemon-tamingctivities tYange shod, eeWylie1970:31.20. Ondating, eeWangdundDiemberger000:xiv and8.21. Wangdu ndDiemberger000:56 (my talics).


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DALTON:The Early Development of the Padmasambhava Legend in Tibet 765Rdorjekungragsma has a black-coloredbody.Tomany she appearspleasing, [in which case,]if their samaya is kept, she wears dharmarobes and is adorned with various additionalorna-ments,displayinga beautifulandlovely form. Orshe maybe displeasing, [inwhichcase,] if thesamaya is kept, she is black with [herhairin] a top-knotandriding a mule. She is also calledRkongla de mo ('obliged to Kong po'). She is the leader of these seven.Rdorjekun tubzanghas a white-coloredbody.Forherseat,she sits upona white all-knowinghorse,and she relishes the saliva fromvows. She is also called Shamyed gangs dkar('fleshlesswhite snow mountain').Rdo rjekun gsal ma has a pink-coloredbody.She usuallywearsblackrobes and rides a bluehorse. She is also called Lhari g.ya' ma skyol ('the slate bearerof Lhari').Rdorjeye shes mchoghas a pink-coloredbody.She wearsan assortmentof clothes. She ridesan emanationof a female mdzo.She is also called Bda' la btsan mo ('queen of the herders').Rdo rje sgronma usually wearsrobes. For her seat, she rides an emanatedmyan.She is alsocalled Kharagkhyungbtsun('reveredgarudaof Kharag').Rdorje 'odchagsma has a red-coloredbody andusually wearsclothes. For herseat, sheridesanemanationof a wild (khamyu?) female yak. She is also calledByang gi gser tangyi ge 'khor'dul ma ('tamerof the wheel of letters,the golden tone of the north').Rdo rje g.yu sgron ma has a blue-coloredbody. As her throne she rides an emanated bluehorse. She is also known as Lho'i ting ting ('chime of the south').These seven arealso known as dddkinis,he powerfulwomen, the seven greatmothers,or theseven greatraksasis. Originally the two types of mandalaswere arrangedand arose, andthenin the chapteron the taming of Ma tang Rudra,theirvows were bestowed and their activitiesappointed. The great charnel ground was opened, and the seven protective guardianswereaddressedby the Heruka.Furthermore,hey are an assembly which is large but seems small.Thereafter hey were also sacredconsorts to the noble one.After that,both the IndianmasterPadmasambhava ndRlang dpal gyis seng ge subjugatedand suppressedthem. Bestowing upon these ladies of Tibet vajras to hold, they gave themnames for being in the company of [the buddha]Vajradhara. ince then, they have aided andsupportedhose who accomplishthe secretmantra n accordancewiththe scriptural ystems,andthey have been entrustedas the eternallyunfailing guardiansof Tibet.They are also sisters. These women who are greaterthanthe greathave promised;they areavowed. They rejoice in the saliva from vows. They are pleased by the remainderofferings.They strive to actunremittingly or meditatorsandfor thepuresubstances.They wield a varietyof terriblyfearsome weapons. At othertimes they wield lovely andbeautifulimplements.Great leader Rdo rje kun grags ma, fleshless white snow mountain Rdo rje kun tu bzang,glorious one of Lha ri, Kun gsal ma, queen of herders Rdo rje ye shes mchog, reveredgarudaof Kha rag, Rdo rje sgron ma, golden tone of the north Rdo rje 'od chags ma, chime of thesouthRdo rjeg.yu sgronma: For the welfareof sentientbeings, performaccordingto the vowsyou took in thepresenceof the nobleones. If theprevious ewels aredeceived or if thevows areviolated, then the devastations will be unbearable-one's mind will burn andone will shudderwith horrorat the hell fires.Keep me in mind!Come here! Performcompletely the activities ofpacifying, expanding,overwhelming,andviolence. Accomplish withoutfault.22

As noted above, the Tibetan landscape is dotted with innumerable sacred sites where Pad-masambhava is said to have subjugated and converted the local Tibetan pre-Buddhist spirits.It is probably no exaggeration to say that these conversion narratives represent the dominantway in which the Tibetan assimilation of Buddhism has been understood by Tibetans them-selves. PT307 may be our earliest reference to such narratives.

22. PT307,ines10-32. Fora completeranscription,ee theAppendix.


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766 Journalof the American OrientalSociety 124.4 (2004)The relationshipbetween Padmasambhavaand the seven female deities described hereshouldbe considered n light of the saptamdtrkd'seven mothers').Carvingsof these sevenmothersare prominently displayed on buildings throughoutNorthernIndia and the Kath-mandu Valley of Nepal, and, even more significantly, systems of holy sites (pitha) andtemples associated with the seven mothers are common.23The saptamdtrkd ites played an

importantrole within eighth-centuryIndiantantric circles. The Guhyasamija Tantra, orexample, recommends that wrathful subjugationrites be performed"in the places of thematrkd"(Skt. matrg.rhe,Tib. ma mo gnas).24 The importanceof the saptamdtrki wasclearly recognizedby the dark-periodBuddhists of Tibet;references to the ma bdunappearthroughout he Dunhuangmanuscripts.There is little to indicate that these were referencesto anythingother than the normativeIndian set of seven. In PT307 however, we see theseven goddesses transformedandtransplantednto the Tibetanlandscape.Whatever their Indianprecedents,in Tibet the seven mothers came to be seen as pre-Buddhistspiritstiedto specificallyTibetansites, usuallysacredmountainsor lakes. Innumer-able lists of such local "pre-Buddhist"piritsare found throughoutTibetanliterature,andmany make specific reference to the seven goddesses. The autobiographical writings ofKlong chen pa (1308-1363) refer to a set of "seven sisters," houghnow headedby Rdorjeg.yu sgron ma (the last of our own seven), while the other sistersremainunnamed.25Evenmore significantly,Franz-KarlEhrhardhas observed the existence of a "Cultof the SevenMothers"(Ma bdun bka' brgyudpa) continuingwell into the nineteenthcentury.26t is im-portant o note, however, that none of these laterreferencesto the seven mothers s priortothe influence of Buddhism.For this reason we may never know whethera parallel set ofseven goddesses existed in Tibet before Buddhism's arrival,or if the Tibetan set appearedin response to the Indiansaptamdtrki.The list of the seven goddesses in our PT307 shares names with many othergroups ofnative Tibetandeities.27Any attempt o use these other ists to locate the homes of oursevensisters is frustratedby theirfluidity.In a study by the eighteenth-century cholarKlong rdolbla ma, for example, the chief sisterin our own text appears wice, once underherBuddhistname Rdo rje kun gragsma as the protectorof the lake Gnammtsho phyug mo, andagainunderherpre-BuddhistnameRkongla de mo as theprotectorof Bresna rigdongin Kong.28Countless ists of local spiritsappear hroughoutTibetan iterature;Nebesky-Wojkowitz'svoluminous, yet partial, survey is so overwhelmingthat one might wish to dismiss theselists as meaninglesschaos. Yetwe areleft withthe Tibetans'own consistent interest n theselists, and this makes them significant.Tibetansareclearly eager to make sense out of the

23. Onthe saptamatrka, ee Macdonaldand Stahl 1979: 83-105; Harper1989;Panikkar1989;Gronbold2001:vol. 1, 369-75; Davidson 2002: 300-303.24. GuhyasamdjaTantra,XIV,55. The interlinearnotes to this verse in the Dunhuangedition (ITJ438, 53v.5)confirmthat the ma mo were understoodby earlyTibetans to be the same as the seven mothers(ma bdun).25. Fora translationof the relevantpassage,see GermanoandGyatso2000: 258. The storyis also told in Dud-jom Rinpoche 1991:vol. 1, 581-85.26. Ehrhard's xplorationshave been based on a twenty-two-foliotextdealingwith thecult by Bragdkarrta sosprul sku (b. 1775), titled Dpal Idan gur rigs mdo chen brgyud pa'i lo rgyus nyung ngu'i ngag gi brjod pa padmara ga 'iphrengba. Accordingto Gene Smith(oral communication), he cult was a sub-school of the Stod 'brugtra-dition and seems to havebeenpopular n the Skyid grong regionon the Tibet-Nepalborder.Thelineages of the cultwere affiliated with the Zur family, and several students of Tshe dbang nor bu wrote on the ma bdun rituals.Ehrhard's indingswill certainlyadd much to ourunderstanding f the developmentof the seven mothers n Tibet.

27. The list of the twelve Brtan ma (orBstanma) goddesses in particular an shed some light on the homes ofour seven sisters. See Nebesky-Wojkowitz1996: 181-88.28. See Tucci 1949: 728.


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DALTON: TheEarly Developmentof the PadmasambhavaLegendin Tibet 767disorder of names and places, the shifting iconographies, and the various groupings.Thespirit world of Tibet is an unrulyone: the Tibetanuniverse is filled with powerful beingswho demandrecognition, yet are foreverevading classification.TantricBuddhism offeredearly Tibetans a way to order these chaotic beings.Thus it is not surprisingto see some of our seven sisters appear again in Nyang ral'stwelfth-centurynarrativeof Padmasambhava's emontamingactivities. TheZangs gling mafollows the masterthrougha series of eight locations in central Tibet.29At each location hesubjugates he local spirits,andfinallyatG.ya'ri ('Slate Mountain')he binds them all underoath as guardiansof the new Buddhistreligion. Nyang ral's version of events is far moreelaborate thanPT307's, but the fundamental heme of Padmasambhavaorcing the Tibetandeities to accept vows to protectBuddhism is the same.The theme of violent subjugationwas of course not a new one in Buddhism. Of par-ticular nterest n PT307 is the explicit connection made between the popular antricmythofthe Buddha's violent subjugationof RudraandPadmasambhava'sown activities in Tibet.Here we can see that from an early date Tibetans looked to the tantricsubjugationmythtounderstand heir own conversion to Buddhism. In India, Rudra was another name for theHindugod Siva, a fact that has causedmanyscholarsto speculatethatstrongSaiva-Buddhistcompetition may have contributedto the myth's popularitythere. PT307 reveals how theIndiannarrativeof the Buddhistconversionof Siva was adoptedby the Tibetansandappliedto their own non-Buddhist deities.

Of the manyversions of the Rudrasubjugationnarrative,ourPT307 passage almostcer-tainly refers to thatfound in chapterfifteen of the GuhyagarbhaTantra.The "twotypes ofmandalas"mentioned are probablythe peaceful and the wrathfulMayajijlamandalasde-scribedin this influentialwork.30And the reference to the bestowal of vajrasfor the sistersto hold likely refers to the closing lines of the Guhyagarbha chapter, in which all thewomen in Rudra's demonic host are addressed:"Then the GreatJoyous Bhagavan,havingbestowed the vajra into their hands, conferred the name initiation, then he arrayedthemaround the outer edges of the mandala."31 imilarly,in PT307 the Tibetangoddesses aregranted vajrasto carryas symbols of their new roles as Buddhistguardiansandgiven newBuddhist names bearingthe prefix "Vajra."Thus Rkong la de mo is renamed Rdo rje kungrags ma ('VajraRenown') and so on. The goddesses' position around the outside of themandala s also implied by the line in PT307 statingthat"theyarepleasedby the remainderofferings."(The leftover offeringsaretraditionallyoffered to the mundaneprotectordeitiesaround he mandala's edges.)The connection between Padmasambhava ndthe tantricsubjugation ites is reinforcedbyotherearly evidence. One of the few works that was attributed o the master from an earlydate is the Man ngag lta ba'i 'phrengba, a commentaryto the thirteenthchapterof theGuhyagarbhaTantra.32 n addition to the Rudramyth in its fifteenth chapter,this tantra

29. For an English translation,see chapternine of Tsogyal 1993: 62-64.30. Chapter ifteen of the GuhyagarbhaTantraopens with the wrathfulmandalaemanatingout of thepeacefulmandala hatis discussed earlier n the tantra:de nas de bzhingshegs pa thams cad kyi bdagpo sangs rgyas thamscad kyingo bo nyid kyi khrobo'i dkyil 'khormngonpar 'dumdzodde (GuhyagarbhaTantra,195.6).31. GuhyagarbhaTantra,206.1-2. de nas bcom Idan 'das dgyes pa chenpos/ lag tu rdo rje byin nas ming gidbag bskur te dkyil 'khorgyi phyi rim du bkoddo.32. For a discussion and translationof this text, see Karmay1988: 137-74. The early date of its attribution sbasedprimarilyon (1) its being cited in the Bsam gtan mig sgron, a workcomposed by Gnubschen sangs rgyas yeshes in the early tenthcentury,and on (2) the existence of a sub-commentaryo the Man ngag Itaba'i 'phrengbawritten n the eleventh century by Rong zom chos kyis bzang po (c. 1012-88).


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768 Journalof the American OrientalSociety 124.4 (2004)was known in Tibet for its connectionsto the rites of liberation(sgrol ba), or ritualkillingof demonic beings. Furthermore,here is a text in the Dunhuangcollections that is attrib-uted to Padmasambhava,a commentaryon anotherMahayogatantra, he Thabskyi zhagspa padmo'i 'phrengba,33and in this workthe authormakes direct reference to liberatingbeings who are "attachedto wrong views."34Clearly, Padmasambhava's nvolvement indemon taming was established from an early date.

Appendedto this same manuscript ITJ321)is a short verse praisingthe merits of Pad-masambhava.An interlinearnote (mchan 'grel) attributes he verse to Santigarbha Slobsdpon shan ti gar ba), an Indiancontemporaryof Padmasambhavawho was also active atthecourt of the Tibetanking KhrisrongIde'u brtsan."Santigarbhaxamined this work,andhavingfound it to be withouterrors,he praisedPadmasambhava.."35 Little is known aboutSdntigarbha.Varioussources say he specialized in medicine and the ritualsassociated withthe Buddhistdeity Yamantaka.He is also said to have presidedat the consecration of Bsamyas, the firstBuddhistmonastery n Tibet. In any case, fromthe perspectiveof the later Ti-betantradition, t is remarkablehat the opinion of a relativelyinsignificant figure ike San-tigarbhawould have any relevancefor one with the statureof Padmasambhava.In a similarway, our PT307 is unusual for its referenceto a second playerin the narra-tive of Tibet's exorcism andconversion;the TibetanRlang dpalgyis seng ge is also a rela-tively obscurefigure.He is said to have been one of the firstTibetans to receive ordinationat Bsam yas monasteryin the late eighth century.The few referencesto him agree thathewas anexpertat controllingthe spiritsof the Tibetan andscape.Dudjom Rinpoche, for ex-ample, writes that "by propitiatingMundanePraise, Pelgi Senge was served by the eight-fold groupsof spirits."36 he deity MundanePraise('Jig rtenmchodbstod)is usuallyfoundin the list of eight deities in the Rnying ma school's MahayogaSadhanaClass (sgrubsde),where he is consideredone of three mundanedeities who were convertedby Padmasam-bhava. Whatever hehistoricalaccuracyof suchclaims, for ourpresentstudyit is significantthat even today Dpal gyi seng ge is associated with themundanepre-BuddhistprotectorsofTibet.The presence of such an obscure figure alongside Padmasambhavas unusual. In latertraditionsPadmasambhava tands n a class by himself, as the lone conquerorof Tibet's localspirits duringthe imperial period.PT307 suggests that Padmasambhava's ole in the estab-lishmentof Buddhism n Tibetmayhaveexpandedovertime, so as to eclipse others(notablya nativeTibetan)actingaroundhim. In the Tibetanimagination,Tibet'spre-Buddhistand-scape required he expertiseof a foreignerto tame it. The importantrole played by a nativeTibetan was inconsistent with the later narrativesand so was forgotten.

III. POSSIBLE CONCLUSIONSThe inflationof Padmasambhava's ctivities has also been observedby the translatorsofthe Dba' bzhed, who write, "Thispeculiarnarration,consistent in several details with the

scantymentionof Padmasambhavan dynastic sources(PT44), is very differentfromwhatwe read in later works; it seems to indicate that this text must have preceded the greatmythographical radition."'37he new evidence presentedin this article makes it clear that

33. For the tantra, ee Peking458. Thecommentary s found atPeking4717 but is missing from theRnyingmacollections. The attribution f the work to Padmasambhavawas forgottenby the later Tibetan tradition.34. ITJ321,2a.2.35. ITJ321, 84a.5. slobs dpon shan ti gar bas brtags nas ma nor nas /sam ba bha la stod pa'o.36. Dudjom Rinpoche 1991: 535.37. WangduandDiemberger2000: 13-14.


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DALTON:TheEarly Development of thePadmasambhavaLegendin Tibet 769in fact PT44 and the Dba' bzhedwere already partof the "mythographical radition."TheAsuraCave account,the AMvakarnapring,and otherevidence all indicate thatby the timePT44 and the Dba' bzhedwere composed in the late tenth or eleventh century,the traditionwas well established,with strongroots in the darkperiodof Tibetanhistory.

WangduandDiemberger'sconclusion leads them to speculateon the characterof a his-toricalPadmasambhava.n theDba' bzhedPadmasambhava's isit to Tibet is far shorter hanin latersources,as he is sent back to Indiaby Tibetansopposinghis activities.This promptsthe following theory:Theportrait f Padmasambhavasmainlyconcernedwithwatermagicandsheerwater ech-nology (for example,when he suggests trainingrivers andlakes with gabions so that these canbecrossed),mayevenhintat apossibleattemptoimportntoTibet hesophisticatedrrigationsystems used in his land of origin. In fact both in northernPakistan[Padmasambhava's irth-place] and in furtherwestern regions there had been a long traditionof extremely advancedirrigation echnology which allowed a very efficient use of springsand even made it possible tocross great expanses of desert with coveredchannels.Given the political importanceof controlover waterresources, t is not surprisinghat the Tibetanpoliticalleadership elt more threatenedthanpleased.38

There is some evidence of the importanceof irrigationand water rights in other regionsof central Asia amongthe documentsdatingfromthe late eighth century.39One might alsobe tempted to use Wangduand Diemberger's theory to explain ITJ644's account of our(proto-?)Padmasambhava reatingthe spring and the eight streams at the Asura Cave inNepal. Moreover it is certainlythe case thatanyoneworking n eighth-century ndia or Tibetto manipulatebodies of water wouldinevitablyhave beenfaced withlocal beliefs in thenagaspiritsprotectingthose sites.40The tantricsubjugationrites wouldhave complementedsuchwork, and Padmasambhava'sdemon-tamingactivities described in PT307 may well reflectthis dual role. Padmasambhava's ransformationof the Tibetanlandscape may have beenboth physical and spiritual n nature.However we should be wary of such speculations, particularly given the extensivemutabilityseen in all of our evidence. Whateverthe case may be regardinga possibly his-torical Padmasambhavaand his involvement in the physical landscape, it was the spiritualaspectof Padmasambhava hatcaptured he Tibetan magination.The theme of violent sub-jugation is crucial to Tibetanculture, and Padmasambhavas the demon tamerpar excel-lence. Others have noted a tendency among Tibetans to refer to themselves as "Red-FacedFlesh-Eating Demons" in need of taming.41Vajrakilaya,the main deity used for pinningdemons to the ground,appears hroughoutall kinds of Tibetanrituals.Reenactmentsof theBuddha'stamingof Rudra,or of Padmasambhava'samingof the native demons, areper-formed at almost every Tibetanfestival. Padmasambhava tands at the center of all theseaspects of Tibetanculture. Whatever the historical realities of Padmasambhava,his legenddeveloped along the themes of subjugation.

Ultimately, o searchfor anoriginalPadmasambhavamay in fact be less illuminating hanto trace his continuallychangingmanifestations hroughTibetanhistory.Tibetans hemselves38. WangdundDiemberger000:14.39. On he ateeighth-centuryocumentBritishLibrary, r.9268A)concerninghestrictly ontrolledaleofwater ightsaroundKhotan,eeSkjaerv0orthcoming.ndaccordingo RongXinjiang,rrigation asimportantaroundDunhuangseeRongXinjiang 004:60).40. On the links betweenBuddhism, agas, and waterreservoirs,ee especiallyShawforthcoming;lsoGunawardana979:215-16. Onthe use of violent itual n the constructionf irrigationystems, eeSpiro1978:104-7;Wessing ndJordaan 997:117.41. SeeGyatso1987.


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770 Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.4 (2004)hold that Padmasambhavahas always acted like a mirror,perfectly reflecting whateveraspectsof the Buddhistteachingsarerequiredby his faithful followers.Perhapswe too learnmoreby seeing Padmasambhava n this way, less as a historicallylocatablepersonthan asa shifting matrix of meaningsconstantlycalling for interpretation.

BIBLIOGRAPHYBischoff, E A. 1978. Padmasambhava st-il un personnagehistorique?In Proceedings of the Csomade K6rdsSymposium,ed. Louis Ligeti. Pp. 27-33. Budapest:AkaddmiaiKiad6.Bischoff, E A., and Charles Hartman.1971. Padmasambhava's nvention of the Phur-bu:Ms. PelliotTibdtain44. InEtudestibetainesd4didesa' a mdmoiredeMarcelle Lalou.Pp. 11-27. Paris:AdrienMaisonneuve.Dalton, Jacob P. Forthcoming.A Crisis of Doxography:How TibetansOrganizedTantraduringthe8th-12th Centuries.Journalof the InternationalAssociation of BuddhistStudies.Davidson, Ronald M. 2002. Indian Esoteric Buddhism.New York:Columbia Univ. Press.Dharmasri,Lochen. 1975. 'Duspa'i mdodbang spyidon rgyud ungmanngag gi gnadgsal byed sgronme. In Collected Worksof Smin-glingLo-chen DharmaSri,vol. 12. Dehra Dun: D. G. KhocchenTrulku.Dowman, Keith. 1995. Power Places of KathmanduValley.London: Thames and Hudson.Dudjom Rinpoche. 1991. The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism, tr. Gyurme Dorje. Boston:Wisdom Publications.Germano,David. 1994. Architectureand Absence in the Secret TantricHistoryof the GreatPerfection.Journalof the InternationalAssociation of BuddhistStudies 17: 203-335.Germano, David, and JanetGyatso. 2000. Longchenpaand the Dakinis. In Tantra n Practice, ed.David G. White. Pp. 239-65. Princeton:PrincetonUniv. Press.Granoff,Phyllis. 2000. OtherPeople's Rituals: Ritual Eclecticism in EarlyMedieval IndianReligions.Journalof IndianPhilosophy 28: 399-424.Gr6nbold,Giinter.2001. 'Saptavara'.A DharaniCollection from Nepal. In Le Parole e i Marmi,ed.Raffaele Torella.Vol. 1, pp. 369-75. Rome: Istituto italianoper l'Africae l'Oriente.GuhyagarbhaTantra. The mTshams-BragManuscriptof the rNying-ma rgyud 'bum. Vol. wa, ff.152.6-218.7. Thimphu,Bhutan:National Library.GuhyasamajaTantra, d. S. Bagchi. Darbhanga:Mithila Institute.Gunawardana,R. A. L. H. 1979. Robe and Plough: Monasticism and Economic Interest in EarlyMedieval Sri Lanka. Tucson:Univ. of Arizona Press.Gyatso, Janet. 1987. Down with the Demoness: Reflections on a Feminine Groundin Tibet. TibetJournal 12: 38-53.Harper,KatherineAnne. 1989. Seven Hindu Goddessesof Spiritual Transformation. ewiston, N.Y.:Edwin Mellen Press.Kapstein,Matthew. 2000. The TibetanAssimilationof Buddhism.Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.Karmay,Samten. 1988. TheGreatPerfection.Leiden: E. J. Brill.Macdonald,A. W., and Anne V. Stahl. 1979. Newar Art. Warminster:Aris & Phillips Ltd.Mayer,Robert. 1991. Observationson the TibetanPhur-paand the Indiankila. In BuddhistForumII,ed. TadeuszSkorupski.Pp. 163-92. London: School of Orientaland AfricanStudies.Nebesky-Wojkowitz,Rend. 1996. Oracles and Demons of Tibet. Delhi: Book Faith India.Panikkar,ShivajiK. 1989. Saptamat.rkaWorshipand Sculptures.New Delhi: D. K. PrintworldLtd.Przyluski, Jean. 1923. Les VidyarSija:Contribution i l'histoire de la magie dans les sectes Mahaya-nistes. Bulletin de l 'Ecole rangaise d 'Extrdme-Orient 3: 301-18.RongXinjiang. 999-2000.TheNature f theDunhuang ibrary aveand heReasons or ItsSealing.Cahiers d 'Extrdme-Asie 1: 247-75.

.2004. Official Life at Dunhuangin the TenthCentury:The Case of Cao Yuanzhong.InThe Silk Road: Trade,Travel,Warand Faith, ed. Susan Whitfield.Pp. 57-62. Chicago: SerindiaPublications.


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DALTON:The Early Development of the Padmasambhava Legend in Tibet 771Shaw,Julia.Forthcoming.Naga Sculptures n Sanchi'sArchaeologicalLandscape:Buddhism,Vaisna-vism, andLocal AgriculturalCultsin CentralIndia,FirstCenturyB.C.E.o FifthCenturyC.E.Arti-bus Asiae.Skjwervo, rods Oktor.Forthcoming.Legal DocumentsConcerningOwnershipand Sale from Eighth-

centuryKhotan. In From Nisa to Niya. New Discoveries and Studies in Central and Inner AsianArtand Archaeology,ed. M. Ghose andL. Russell-Smith. London:SaffronPress.Spiro, Melford E. 1978. Burmese Supernaturalism.Philadelphia:Institute for the Study of HumanIssues.Takeuchi,Tsuguhito.2004. SociolinguisticImplicationsof the Use of Tibetan in East Turkestan romthe End of TibetanDominationthrough heTangutPeriod(9th-12th c.). InProceedings of "TurfanRevisited-The First Centuryof Research into the Artsand Cultureof the SilkRoad,"ed. DesmondDurkin-Meisterernst t al. Berlin: Museumfir Indische Kunst.Tsogyal, Yeshe. 1993. The Lotus Born: The Life Story of Padmasambhava, r. Erik Pema Kunsang.Boston: ShambalaPublications.Tucci,Giuseppe. 1949. Painted Scrolls. Rome:Libreriadello Stato.Vall6e Poussin, Louis de la. 1962. Catalogue of the TibetanManuscriptsrom Tun-huangn the IndiaOffice Library.London: OxfordUniv. Press.van Shaik,Sam. 2002. The TibetanDunhuangManuscriptsn China. Bulletinof theSchoolof Orientaland AfricanStudies65: 129-39.Wangdu, Pasang,andHildegardDiemberger.2000. dBa' bzhed:TheRoyal NarrativeConcerningtheBringing of the Buddha's Doctrine to Tibet.Vienna: Verlag der OsterreichischenAkademie derWissenschaften.Wessing,Robert,andRoy E. Jordaan.1997. Death at the BuildingSite:ConstructionSacrifice n South-east Asia. History of Religions 37: 101-21.Wylie, Turrell.1970. A TibetanReligious Geographyof Nepal. Rome:Istituto Italianoperil Medio edEstremoOriente.Yamaguchi,Zuih6. 1996. The Fictionof KingDar-ma'sPersecutionof Buddhism.InDu DunhuangauJapon: Etudeschinoises et bouddhiquesoffertesaiMichel Soymid,ed. Jean-PierreDrege. Pp. 231-58. Geneva: Droz.

APPENDIXTRANSCRIPTION F PADMASAMBHAVAASSAGEFROM PELLIOTTIBtiTAIN 07,

LINES10-32@/:/rdorje kun grags ma/ sku mdog nag mo mang dgyes sam thugs dam skongs na na bza' darrmagsol/ rgyan gzhan la yang sna tshogs kyis brgyan pal gzugs mdzes shing sdug par ston / myi dgyesla thugs dam skongs na nag mo ral pa can tre'u la bcibs/ rkongla de mo zhes kyang bgyi/ 'di bdungyi gtso mo lags//rdo rje kun tu bzang sku mdo dkarmo cang shes dkarpo'i gdan la bzhugs shing thugs dam kha chula dgyes/ sha myed gangs dkarzhes kyang bgyi/rdorjekungsal ma/ sku mdog snarmo na bza' gtsos gsol/ rtasngon po la bcibs/ lha rig.ya' ma skyolzhes kyang bgyi/ /rdo rje ye shes mchog/ sku mdog snar mo na bza' sna tshogs gsol/ /mdzo mo sprulte bcibs / brda' labtsan mo zhes bgyi/rdo rje sgron ma/ na bza' gtsos gsol gdan/ smyan sprulte bcibs/ kha rag khyung btsun zhes bgyi/rdo rje 'od chags ma/ sku bdog dmar mo na bza' gtsos gsol/ /gdan khri 'bri khamyu sprulte bcigs/byang gi gser tang yi ge 'khor 'dul ma zhes bgyi/rdorje g.yu sgronma/ sku mdog sngon mo gdan khri rtasngon po sprulte bcibs/ lho'i ting ting zhesbgyi'o/


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772 Journalof the American OrientalSociety 124.4 (2004)@/:/ 'di bdunyang mkha' 'gro ma zhes kyangbgyi/ shug 'groma zhes kyang bgyi/ ma chen mo bdunzhes kyang bgyi/ srin mochen mo bdun zhes kyang bgyi stel /thog ma ni dkyil 'khorrnamgnyis bshams shingbyungba dang/ma tang ru ta bthulba'i le'u dang las/ /dam stsol zhing las su bskos te/ /dur khrod chen po phye dang bdun srungba'isrungsmar/ /he ru kas bka'stsol to/ /de yang chen chung 'dra' ba'i tshogs so/ /de slan chad ni dpal gyi yang gzungs dampa'o/ /de'i 'og du ni rgya gargyi mkhanpo pad ma sam ba ba dang/ rlang dpal gyi seng ge gnyis kyis btulcing dambrnantel /bodkhamsgyibdag mo 'di rnamslag du rdo rje byin nas rdo rje 'chang gi gral du mying btags so/ /de nas gzhungbzhin gsang sngagssgrub pa rnamskyi mthudang stong grogs bgyid pa dang/bod khamsmtharmyi 'jig pa'i srungsmarbcol zhing/ sring moyang yin/ che je chen mo rnamskyis zhal gyis bzhes shing/ dam bcas so/ /dam tsig kha chu la dga'/mchod pa lhagla dgyes so/ bsgom ba dang rdzas dag nan tan cher bgyi 'tshal/Vphyag mtshanyang 'jigs tshul rnatshogs pa thogs so/(b)ar 'ga' ni phyag mtshansdug cing mdzes pa thogs so// /bdag nyid chen mo rdorje kun gragsma/gangs dkarsha myed rdo rjekuntu bzang/dpalIdanIhari rdorjekun gsal ma/ brda' la btsan mo rdorje ye shesmchog/ kha rag khyungbtsun rdo rje sgron ma zhe'o/ byang gi gser tang rdo rje 'od chags ma/ lho'i ting ting rdo rje g.yusgron ma/ /sems candon phyir 'phags pa'i spyan sngar khyed/ /dam bcas khas 'ches gang yin de Itargyis/ /dkon mchogbslussam/ yang na dam nyams nal rang rgyud sreg cing dmyal mye skyi g.ya' ba'i/ /'jigs chen myi bzadde soms'dirgshegs la/ /zhi/ rgyas/ dbangdang/ mngon spyod las kyi rnams/ /rdzogs parmdzodlaskyon myed grub par gyis/ /.

Thapa - Padmasambhava Legend in Tibet

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