The Tell Nader and Tell Baqrta Project in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq:

Preliminary Report of the 2011 Season.

Konstantinos KOPANIAS, Claudia BEUGER, Tristan CARTER, Sherry FOX, Angelos HADJIKOUMIS, Georgia KOURTESSI-PHILIPPAKIS,

Alexandra LIVARDA, John MACGINNIS

Submitted for publication in SUBARTU - Archaeological Journal of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (April 2012).

Introduction .................................................................................................................................1Tell Nader Project .......................................................................................................................2

Preparation ..............................................................................................................................2Survey .....................................................................................................................................2Principles of excavation ..........................................................................................................3Excavation...............................................................................................................................3Pottery .....................................................................................................................................7Archaeobotany and environmental sampling..........................................................................9Faunal Remains .....................................................................................................................10Human Remains ....................................................................................................................14Lithics ...................................................................................................................................15A Preliminary Report on the Tell Nader Obsidian Characterisation ....................................16

Tell Baqrta Project ....................................................................................................................21Tell Baqrta - first reflections on its place in history .............................................................22

Future Directions for the Tell Nader and Tell Baqrta Project ..................................................26Cited Works ..............................................................................................................................27Appendix ...................................................................................................................................31

1

IntroductionDr. Konstantinos Kopanias

In October 2010 the University of Athens obtained permission by the Ministry of

Municipalities and Tourism of the Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq (KRG), the General

Directorate of Antiquities of Kurdistan and the Directorate of Antiquities of Erbil to conduct

excavations in two important archaeological sites: first in Tell Nader, which lies on the outskirts of

the city of Erbil and then Tell Baqrta, approximately 28 km to the south of Erbil (Fig. 1). Tell Nader

was discovered by Mr. Nader Babakr Muhammad, archaeologist of the General Directorate of

Antiquities of Kurdistan and Tell Baqrta was brought to our attention by Dr. Narmen Ali Muhamad

Amen, Professor of Archaeology at the Salahaddin University-Hawler. In November 2010 the

University of Athens obtained written permission to conduct an excavation in both sites also by the

Ministry of Culture of Iraq and the State Board of Antiquities and Heritage. In addition, Mr. Nawzad

Hadi Mawlood, the Governor of the Erbil Province, invited a team of the University of Athens in

order to examine older and new theories concerning the location of the Gaugamela battlefield.

In April and early May 2011 a 14-member archaeological and a historical team from the

University of Athens, under my direction, traveled to Erbil and started a systematic excavation at

Tell Nader, conducted a preparatory survey at Tell Baqrta and a topographical survey in search of

the Gaugamela battlefield. This has been the first Greek archaeological excavation in Mesopotamia.

This archaeological and historical expedition was financed by the Greek Ministry of Culture

and Tourism, by the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the University of Athens. The cost of

the archaeobotanical and zooarchaeoloical research was financed by the University of Sheffield, UK.

The airline Viking Hellas kindly sponsored a total of 17 airplane tickets. Also the Governorate of

Erbil offered us inexpensive accommodation at the Iraqi Institute for the Conservation of Antiquities

and Heritage and the company PLAISIO sponsored two laptop computers for our research.

The work of the Archaeological and Historical Mission of the University of Athens was

monitored by the General Directorate of Antiquities of Kurdistan (under the direction of Mr.

Malaawat Abubaker Othman Zendin) and the Directorate of Antiquities of Erbil (under the direction

of Mr. Haydar Hassan Hussein).

2

TellNaderProjectDr. Konstantinos Kopanias

PreparationTell Nader lies at the fringes of Erbil (36.173148, 44.075490), approximately 6,3 km E-NE

of the citadel and ca. 2,8 km SE of the Majidi Mall (Fig. 2-3). The diameter of this Tell is ca. 100 m.

and its height ca. 5 m. It was located first by Mr. Nader Muhammad, an archaeologist of the General

Directorate of Antiquities of Kurdistan, and was named accordingly after him.

Prior to its discovery a part of it was unfortunately destroyed during construction works for

the three adjacent city roads. Moreover, in an attempt to build a house, a bulldozer destroyed the NE

part of the Tell and also removed part of the surface layer in its northern end (Fig. 2). The

unauthorized excavation was brought to a halt by the Directorate of Antiquities and this Tell was

declared an archaeological site. Despite this fact, the site remained under threat because of the very

intensive building activity in the area. Thus, conducting a rescue excavation was imperative.

In May 2010 Mr. Nader Muhammad and Dr. Konstantinos Kopanias conducted a preparatory

inspection on the site. In August 2010 a jar burial was discovered during digging of a trench for a

water pipe in the west end of the site (Fig. 4). The jar could be studied only in the photographs that

Mr. Nader Muhammad kindly provided us, and it still remains buried in situ. According to Dr.

Claudia Beuger (ibid.) the jar is dated probably to the Middle- rather than to the Neo-Assyrian

period. Part of the skeleton was recovered and stored in the Erbil Civilization Museum, where it was

studied by Dr. Sherry Fox (ibid.: TN1).

During the first few days of our first campaign in April 2011 we purchased in Erbil digging

tools, the necessary equipment for washing, conserving and storing the finds, as well as a tent for the

night guard of the excavation. The Head of the Directorate of Antiquities of Erbil, Mr. Haydar

Hussein, permitted us to use one room in his Directorate for the study of pottery and animal bones.

Dr. Alexandra Livarda (ibid.) was able to build a sophisticated flotation system that recycles water

for the processing of soil samples. We also prepared the excavation grid of 5x5 m squares and a

topographic plan of the site.

Survey Time constraints during this first campaign did not allow us to conduct an intensive survey on

site. But, prior to the excavation, we surveyed the area, collected characteristic surface pottery and

lithics, and noted their coordinates on the topographic plan (Fig. 5). Moreover we collected all

surface finds from the 24 grid squares, which have been chosen as the starting point of the

3

excavation. From the surface of this 20x30 m area we collected a total of 2.956 pottery sherds with a

total weight of 50 kg (each sherd is represented as a randomly plotted red dot on the plan) and 660

lithics, with a total weight of 8 kg (each is represented as a randomly plotted blue dot on the plan)

(Fig. 6). The surface finds indicate that Tell Nader was in use from the 6th millennium (Hassuna

period) down to the late 2nd/early 1st mil. B.C. (Middle/Neo-Assyrian period). The main periods of

site occupation, judging from the quantity of finds, seem to have been the Late Ubaid/Early Uruk1

and the Middle-Assyrian.

Principles of excavation It was decided to conduct the excavation at Tell Nader according to the following principles:

all archaeological layers, including the surface layer, are excavated in a systematic way, not only the ones that were considered to be interesting,

all pottery and lithic finds are collected, weighted, photographed and will be studied. Even the undateable finds will offer valuable statistical information,

all architectural remains will be conserved and, if possible, preserved, palaeoenvironmental samples from every Excavation Unit will be collected and analysed, after each excavation season, all perishable architectural remains will be properly covered, in

order to keep them protected from the weather elements.

Excavation The main aim of the excavation at Tell Nader is to record a stratigraphy from the Late

Neolithic down to the Middle/Neo Assyrian period, which will allow us to construct a secure dating

system for the locally produced pottery and the lithics. Tell Nader could become a reference point for

future research in northeastern Mesopotamia. The systematic study of the palaeoenvironmental

material (plant and insect remains, animal and human bones etc.) will offer a valuable insight into

daily life in the area during the above mentioned periods.

The excavation was conducted with the assistance of 12 Kurdish workers, divided in four

groups. In each group a Greek and a Kurdish archaeologist were responsible for the documentation.

The Directorate of Antiquities assigned five archaeologists to our excavation (Mr. Goran

Mohammed, Ms. Hazan Latif, Ms. Lavin Jabar, Ms. Rezna Abdulkadel and Mr. Swan Ahmed) and

also a driver (Mr. Ramzi Hamed). All of them worked harmoniously with their Greek colleagues and

contributed significantly to the successful outcome of this campaign. Moreover, a team of three

students and a teaching assistant of the Department of Archaeology of the Salahaddin University- 1 Jasim 1985; Henrickson - Thuesen 1989; Bauer et al. 1998; Hammade - Yamazaki 2006; Butterlin 2009; Carter

Philip 2010.

4

Hawler took part in the excavation, as arranged by the Head of the Department, Dr. Ahmed M.

Mirza. Mr. Haydar Hussein and Mr. Nader Babakr Muhammed visited regularly our excavation site

and offered us their valuable assistance in many instances.

We opted for the open area excavation method, which meant that the excavation was done

through natural stratigraphic layers on a larger scale without maintaining bulk walls. During the first

season in April 2011 we began our excavation in the northern part of the Tell, where the bulldozers

had removed the surface layers, and excavated an area of 15x15 m. (Fig. 7a-b) The excavation

produced a total of 15.654 pottery sherds (total weight 500 kg) and 2.319 lithics (total weight 24 kg),

mainly flint but also 68 obsidian. All finds have been collected, inventorized and stored in the Erbil

Civilization Museum. The excavation revealed so far no buildings, although several well-baked

bricks have been found, which indicate the existence of architectural remains in the area.

The excavation has so far revealed one main stratigraphic layer. According to the preliminary

examination of the pottery, the layer seems to be dated to the Late Ubaid/Early Uruk period. To this

layer belong a number of simple clay constructions:

1. An artificial concentration of small stones was unearthed in the western part of the excavation

area (Fig. 8). The bulldozer removed here most of the surface layer, so this find was only

0.10-0.20 m. under the surface. This stone concentration covered the interior of two simple

clay constructions, probably ovens. After the careful removal of this layer, two almost

circular clay constructions came to light (Fig. 9). The western one (C-1) was found partially

destroyed. Part of its wall was apparently broken already in the antiquity and was moved

from its original position. Nevertheless, the eastern circular construction (C-2) was not

damaged2. Inside it there was an inhumation burial of an adult woman (TN 2: Sherry Fox,

ibid.) (Fig. 10). Her legs were flexed, her hands positioned on her breast and belly, but,

strangely, her body was in a prone position and also her head faced the ground3. The circular

construction was too small for the body, so its feet stuck out. The impression we get is that

the female was placed very carelessly inside the clay construction. Her prone position was

intentional, as noted by Dr. Sherry Fox. Several pieces of clay were found near her head, an

indication that the soil was shoveled very carelessly on the dead body. No funerary offerings

were found inside the grave, with the exception of three dog teeth (all from different

animals), which were found near the head of the dead person. With the permission of the

Directorate of Antiquities, the skeleton was temporarily transported to Athens for further

examination in the Wiener Laboratory of the American School of Classical Studies at 2 Dimensions: N-S 0,90-1,10 m. and E-W 1 m., preserved width of clay walls: 0,07-0,28 m. 3 For the burial customs of the Ubaid: Hole 1989. For Tepe Gawra in particular: Peasnall 2002.

5

Athens4. The anthropological study, conducted by Dr. Sherry Fox (ibid), is still in progress. A

small sample of the bone material was sent to the University of Arizona (USA), where Dr.

Greg Hodgins is going to conduct C-14 analysis.

2. A similar clay circular construction (C-3) was unearthed further north of the first two ones

(Fig. 8). Its interior remains unexcavated, so it is not yet known whether it was also used as

grave or not. Such clay constructions with similar dimensions have been found, among other

sites, at Tepe Gawra5, where they were used as ovens or kilns6, and also at Arpachiyah7, from

contemporary layers with the one at Tell Nader. It seems that all three clay circular

constructions that were discovered so far at Tell Nader were also used as ovens or kilns. After

their abandonment, one of them was used as an improvised grave for the adult woman (TN 2).

3. An oval shaped installation of pebbles with burnt clay in-between them was discovered in the

northern part of the excavation area (Fig. 11). On top of this installation and also around it

several stone tools were unearthed. Only the lower part of this construction survives. Its

upper part was destroyed by the bulldozer, as indicated by the traces of its tires and also its

metal plate.

4. A two-chambered sun-dried clay construction with irregular walls also belong to this layer

(Fig. 12). Its upper part was probably destroyed by the bulldozer. It seems to be similar with

a two-chambered pottery kiln at Yarim Tepe I8.

5. Near the two-chambered kiln is also an oval-shaped earthenware tannur, with a thick layer of

ashes around it.

6. A concentration of clay pieces, similar to the ones used for the circular constructions but not

in situ, pottery sherds, an almost intact plate, animal bones and two animal figurines were

also excavated (Fig. 13).

The great bulk of finds were pottery sherds (15.654 with a total weight of ca. 500 kg) and also

lithics (2.319 with a total weight of ca. 24 kg). The finds include many cores, flakes, blades and

waste, so there is evidence of all stages of the reduction sequence (G. Kourtessi-Philippakis ibid.)

(Fig. 15). A sample of the obsidian finds was sent to Dr. Tristan Carter (ibid.) at the McMaster

4 For more information: http://www.ascsa.edu.gr/ 5 e.g. Tepe Gawra, Square 5-S, Stratum XVI: Tobler 1950, 41 pl. XLIIa. 6 For the terminology see Yasim 1985, 53: the term kiln refers to commercial installations used for pottery making;

the term oven for those which were used for domestic purposes such as making bread; and hearth for those in the form of shallow pits used for cooking and heating.

7 Mallowan - Cruikshank Rose 1939, 14. 8 Oates Oates 1976, 42.

6

University in Canada for a non-destructive analysis with an Energy-Dispersive XRF Spectrometer.

The initial analysis shows that the material originates mainly from southeastern Anatolia.

From all excavated units we collected three separate soil samples: one for archaeobotany and

environmental sampling, one for mineralogical analysis, and one for the identification of insects. Dr.

Alexandra Livarda built an elaborate flotation machine for the archaeobotany and environmental

sampling (Fig. 14), probably the first one that was used for an excavation in the Kurdistan Region,

and flotated a total of 104 bulk soil samples (Livarda ibid). The soil sieving allowed us to find 18

tiny beads of different materials and colors. In addition, the excavation brought to light a total of 472

animal bones, all of which were examined by Dr. Angelos Hadjikoumis. At least 137 bones could be

identified (Hadjikoumis ibid.).

We also found a total of five clay animal figurines, which probably served as toys and not as

votives9. The first one (U608-BAG18-V7), possibly depicting a ram (?), clearly resembles figurines

from the Ubaid layer at Tepe Gawra10 (Fig. 16). The second animal figurine (U35-BAG2-V1),

possibly depicting a sheep (?), is also very similar to Ubaid finds from Tepe Gawra11 (Fig. 17).

The excavation also produced six of the so called clay nails (Tonngel), which are very

typical of the Ubaid period (Fig. 18). There has been some speculation about their interpretation

(decorative wall pegs, paint grinders, sickle hand protectors, model bull's horns, nail-shaped

mullers)12, but the matter is still unresolved. These clay nails are found in southern Mesopotamia13,

but also in sites near Tell Nader, such as Arpachiyah14 and Tepe Gawra15.

Another interesting find is a clay horn-shaped object (Fig. 19) and a similar cone object with

a flattened upper end (Fig. 20). Such objects have been interpreted as tokens16 or gaming pieces17.

Close parallels have been found in a tomb from Stratum XVIII at Tepe Gawra18. At Tell Nader we

have also unearthed clay spindle whorls (Fig. 21), similar to those known in several north

Mesopotamian sites19 and also Qalinj Agha20, terracotta disks perforated through the middle, which

served as jar stoppers (Fig. 22)21, and also a stone macehead (U403-BAG8)22.

9 Tobler 1950, 165-166. 10 Tepe Gawra: 1) Tobler 1950, 224 pl. LXXXII.c.6. 2) Tobler 1950, 224 pl. LXXXII.c.1. 3) Tobler 1950, 243 pl.

LXXXI.b.2, pl. CLIV.12. The figurine cannot be compared with Ubaid figurines from southern Mesopotamia (e.g. from Uruk: Wrede 2003, pl. 14-22), but bears clear similarity with figurines from North Mesopotamian sites: e.g. Arpachiyah (Mallowan - Cruikshank Rose 1939, 88 fig. 48 no. 8) and Choga Mami (Oates 1969, 149 Pl. 31e).

11 Tobler 1950, 243 pl. CLIV.18. 12 Tobler 1950, 169. 13 e.g. Uruk: Schmidt 1972, 39 pl. 59 no. 705-706 (I thank Dr. M. Van Esch for this parallel). 14 Mallowan - Cruikshank Rose 1939, 90 pl. 49.8. 15 Tobler 1950, 224 pl. LXXXIII f-g. 16 For a discussion about the tokens see Bauer et al. 1998, 46 ff. 17 Tobler 1950, 170. 18 Tobler 1950, pl. LXXXIV.c. 19 e.g. Arpachiyah: Mallowan - Cruikshank Rose 1939, 88 fig. 49 nos. 15-16.

7

PotteryDr. Claudia Beuger

Pottery sherds,which have been collected on the surface of Tell Nader byMr.NaderBabakr Muhammed and Dr. Konstantinos Kopanias in May 2010, showed that Chalcolithicstrata should be expected on the site. In addition, the brief rescue excavation, which wasconductedbytheDirectorateofAntiquitiesofErbilinAugust2010inthewestendofthesite,revealedaMiddle/NeoAssyrianjarburial(Fig.24.5).ThefindsfromthesurveyoftheteamoftheUniversityofAthensandalsofromthefirstexcavationseasoninApril2011leadtoamoreprecise estimation of the chronological sequence in Tell Nader. Themajority of the potteryfindsfromthesitecanbedatedintheChalcolithicperiod,andconsistmainlyofpaintedEarlyNorthernUbaidpottery(Fig.23.810),aswellaspotteryoftheTransitional(Fig.23.1112)and the Gawrahorizon (Fig.23.1315). Nevertheless, isolated finds from theHassuna (Fig.23.14), Samarra (Fig.23.56) and Halaf (Fig.23.7) periods lead to the assumption that acompletestratigraphyoftheLateNeolithic/Chalcolithicisexpectedinthesite.

Therearealsoisolatedpotteryfindsfromlaterperiods,whichindicatethatthesitewasnot abandoned altogether, namely from the Uruk period (Fig. 23.16), the early thirdmillennium (Fig. 23.1) and probably also the early second millennium. The relativelynumerousfindsofcharacteristicMiddleAssyrianpottery,whichhavebeencollectedduringthesurface survey prior to the excavation, lead to the conclusion that this site was still in useduring that time (Fig.24.24). Finally, no certain NeoAssyrian or later pottery types havebeenrecognizedyet.

The first excavation season in Tell Nader produced a total of 18.600 pottery sherds.Duringthefirstexcavationcampaignwehaveconcentratedmainlyontheclassificationofthepotteryaccordingtoitsfabricandalsothevaseforms.Sofarwewereabletodefineatotalof43different fabric types.Thesystematicstatisticalanalysisof thepotterymaterial isnotyetconcluded, but some patterns are already visible, such as the occurrence of the OrganicTemperedFabric(F8)mainlyinMiddleAssyrianvaseshapes.Atotalofmorethan300sherdshave already been drawn, also thanks to the assistance ofMs. Hazan Latif andMs. ReznaAbdulkadel,botharchaeologistsoftheDirectorateofAntiquitiesinErbil.

20 Al-Soof 1966; 1968 ; 1969; al-Soof Es-Siwwani 1967; Hijara 1973; Gut 1996. 21 e.g. Arpachiyah: Mallowan - Cruikshank Rose 1939, 90 fig.49 no. 22. 22 Tepe Gawra: Speiser 1935, 86-87 pl. XLII no. 4; Rothmann 2002, pl 66 no. 629 (Level XIA/B), pl. 66 no. 1181

(Level XI/XA).

8

Fig. No.

Fabric, Decoration Date Reference Reference context

23.1 buff, very fine clay with some fine lime and several bigger lime pieces, some black and red minerals, some fine organic temper, decoration incised

Hassuna Gut 1995, tab. 4 nos. 38, 40

Nineveh

23.2 light brown, very fine clay with some fine organic temper and some fine mica, decoration incised

Hassuna Gut 1995, tab. 4 nos. 45 Nineveh

23.3 light brown, fine clay with a lot of coarse organic temper, some bigger pieces of lime, decoration impressed

Hassuna husking tray

Gut 1995, tab. 5 no. 58 Nineveh

23.4 buff, very fine clay with some-plenty organic temper, plenty of very fine and some bigger pieces of lime, some fine minerals, some polish, reddish brown paint

Hasuna Gut 1995, tab. 8 no. 91, 92, 95

Nineveh

23.5 light buff, very fine clay with plenty of minerals (mostly black and white) and lime, some fine organic temper, smooth surface with reddish brown paint

Samarra Gut 1995, tab. 26 no. 441, tab. 27 no. 450

Nineveh

23.6 buff, fine clay with plenty of black minerals, plenty of fine lime, some fine mica, surface with light slip and some polish, reddish brown paint

Samarra Gut 1995, tab. 24 no. 427, Table 31, no. 491, tab. 33 no. 518, tab. 42 no. 621

Nineveh

23.7 light brown, very fine clay with very fine lime, some fine black minerals, inside and outside very fine polish, black paint

Halaf Gut 1995, tab. 44 no. 689, tab. 47 no. 723, tab. 48

no. 736

Nineveh

23.8 buff, very fine clay with some fine organic temper, very hard (almost metallic), some polish, black paint

Early Northern Ubaid (Gawra

XIX-XVII)

Akkermans 1988, 137 fig. 2.12

Hammam et-Turkman IVA

23.9 greenish, very fine clay with some fine lime, some black and red minerals, some organic temper, black paint

Early Northern Ubaid

(Gawra XIX-XVII)

Akkermans 1988, 138 fig. 3.32+36

Hammam et-Turkman IVA

23.10 buff, very fine clay with some fine lime and several bigger lime pieces, some black and red minerals, some fine organic temper, dark brown-grey paint

Early Northern Ubaid

(Gawra XIX-XVII)

Gut 1995, tab. 52 no. 788 Akkermans 1988, 138 fig.

3.35

Nineveh

Hammam et-Turkman IVA

23.11 light buff, fine-very fine clay with plenty of fine and bigger lime pieces and minerals (red, black, white), some bigger organic temper

Late Ubaid-Gawra B

(Gawra XII-IX)

Matthews 2003, fig. 3.15:15

Tell Brak HS6 level 3

23.12 buff, very fine clay with some fine lime and several bigger lime pieces, some black and red minerals, some fine organic temper, reddish brown paint

Late Ubaid/trans.

Ubaid

Rothman 2002, pl. 7 nos. 320, 324

Gawra level XII/XIIA

23.13 light buff, fine clay with a lot of fine and bigger lime pieces, plenty of organic temper (sometimes not completely burned), reddish brown paint

Gawra XIA-XI = Gawra A

Akkermans 1988, 141 fig. 6.87

Hammam et-Turkman VA

23.14 buff, very fine clay with some fine lime and several bigger lime pieces, some black and red minerals, some fine organic temper

Gawra A Rothman 2002, pl. 9 nos. 723, 750

Gawra level XIA/B

23.15 buff, very fine clay with some fine lime and several bigger lime pieces, some black and red minerals, some fine organic temper, decoration painted

Gawra A Rothman 2002, pl. 9 no. 790

Gawra level XIA/B

23.16 greenish-buff, fine clay with very fine lime and minerals (black, red, white), some bigger lime

Early Middle Southern Uruk

Matthews 2003, fig. 4.18:4-5

Tell Brak HS1 level 6

9

pieces (Gawra VIII) 24.1 buff (greenish), fine clay with a lot of very fine

minerals, lime and organic temper, some mica, black paint

Ninivite 5 Gut 1995, tab. 83 no. 1183

Nineveh

24.2 buff, fine clay with plenty coarse organic temper and fine lime

Middle/Neo-Assyrian

Beuger 2007, 189 fig. 99 Assur

24.3 buff, fine clay with plenty coarse organic temper and fine lime

Middle Assyrian

Beuger 2007, 127 fig. 60 Assur

24.4 buff, fine clay with plenty coarse organic temper and fine lime

Middle Assyrian

Beuger 2007, 127 fig. 61 Assur

Archaeobotany and environmental sampling Dr. Alexandra Livarda, Dr. Mike Charles, Dr. Amy Bogaard

The priorities of the environmental team during the first excavation season were to devise and

implement a systematic soil sampling strategy and create the installations for the processing of

samples. Systematic sampling allows detection of both presence and absence patterns across space

and time, and therefore, reliable identification of any activity areas. In total 104 bulk soil samples

were collected from all excavated units, excluding the top soil layers. The samples were processed in

a York-style flotation machine, adapted to recycle water in an attempt to minimize wastage and

respect the limited water resources of the area (Fig. 14). A 1mm aperture mesh was used to retain the

heavy residues while the flots were being collected in a very fine piece of cloth.

Forty-seven of the heavy residues were sorted in their entirety for all categories of material

during the April-May 2011 field season. Most samples had small numbers of animal bone and shells

fragments and worked flint/stones. In addition, 40 of the samples contained small amounts of

charcoal fragments. Also, 17 small beads of various colors (black, white, grey and green) were found

in 12 samples.

Processing of the flots was carried out at the University of Sheffield during the summer

(2011) and their analysis is ongoing. The preliminary results indicated the sporadic presence of plant

macrofossils in 47 samples, including cereals, such as bread wheat (Triticum aestivum L.) and barley

(Hordeum vulgare L.), possibly pea and wild species, mainly grasses (Poaceae) and mineralised

seeds of Lithospermum sp.

10

Faunal Remains Dr. Angelos Hadjikoumis

The overall aim of zooarchaeology at Tell Nader is to study and follow the evolution of all

human-animal interactions at the site. This includes many specific aims revolving around general

themes such as hunting, animal husbandry, the cultural role of animals, the surrounding environment

and its exploitation, cuisine and many others. Due to the small size of the assemblage, its bad

preservation condition and the currently crude chronology, this first faunal report remains on a

general level.

The faunal assemblage was recovered through hand collection and dry sieving (1mm aperture

mesh). It consisted of 472 specimens but from these, only 137 recordable elements could be

identified to species or genus. The assemblage was washed, studied and recorded at the Erbil

Civilization Museum in May 2011 by the author. The majority of specimens were not identifiable

due to severe fragmentation (mostly in the past), erosion of bone surface and, most importantly, the

cement-like crust in which they were enveloped. Even among identified bones erosion and

concretions were very common with a 77% affected by erosion or concretions or both. Halsteads23

recording protocol was used with few additions and changes. Identification was aided only by

anatomical atlantes24 as no reference collection was available in Erbil.

At least six species of mammal and one species of bird are represented in the assemblage.

Before proceeding to the most abundant species, issues concerning rare or intrusive species are

briefly addressed. Such species at Tell Nader include an equid (horse/donkey), a bird and a rodent.

The equid is represented only by a heavily worn permanent maxillary premolar/molar and

unfortunately it cannot be determined with certainty whether it belonged to the original

archaeological assemblage or it was incorporated in it recently. Birds are represented by 4

specimens. Two left tibiotarsi fragments are compatible with a medium-sized member of the

Accipitridae family25 (diurnal birds of prey) though this should be confirmed or refuted through

comparisons with modern reference specimens. A femur of a small/medium-sized bird was also

recorded but not identified, as was another long bone fragment. Lastly, the remains of rodents

include a near-complete skeleton of a rodent and a maxilla belonging to another individual. The

23 Halstead 2011: 741-749 24 Barone 1976; Pales and Garcia 1982; Schmidt 1972 25 I would like to thank my colleague Lionel Gourichon for giving me his opinion on these specimens. Any mistakes

remain mine.

11

remains belong to a species of the genus Spalax26, probably Spalax ehrenbergi, although there still

considerable confusion in mole rat taxonomy in the Middle East. Irrespective of species, members of

the genus Spalax in the Middle East are the commonest burrowers in the region27 and hence, most

probably of intrusive origin in the upper strata of archaeological sites.

The bulk of mammalian remains belong to cattle, sheep/goat, pig and dog (Table. 1). It has to

be clarified that the possibility of the presence of jackal remains in the category dog is open simply

due to the diachronic presence of the dog/wolf-sized golden jackal (Canis aureus) in the Middle East

and despite the absence of any indication for it. According to the Maximum Anatomical Units

(MaxAU) count, the most abundant species is sheep/goat (47%) followed closely by the pig (39%),

while cattle, also taking into account their large size, are also significant with 11%. A canid (most

probably dog) is also present in the assemblage in low numbers (3%). An interesting result

concerning the sheep/goat category is that no sheep has been identified and goat contributed 14% to

the total 47% of the category.

Table 1: Main animal species in the 2011 Tell Nader assemblage.

26 I would like to thank my colleagues Katerina Papayiannis, Miriam Belmaker and Paul Halstead for their opinions. Any

mistakes remain mine. 27 E.g. Reed 1958

12

Data on the age-at-death are scarce and should thus be reconsidered in the future with more data.

Based on tooth eruption and wear of mandibular teeth, the general tendency for sheep/goat is low

mortality in the first year, high in the second and moderate from the third year onwards (Table 2).

Concerning pigs, data are pointing towards high mortality in the second half of the first year and

some in the second year with very few animals surviving beyond the third (Table 3). No cattle teeth

were identified in the assemblage, while dog was represented by the teeth of at least two animals.

One was a 1-2 month-old puppy represented by an unworn mandibular dP4. The other was an

unworn upper M1, representing also a young animal, most probably younger than 6 months old. Both

these teeth, along with a permanent lower incisor, were found near the head of a human burial but

without any reliable evidence of association with it. This should be clarified in following seasons

when more burials are excavated.

Table 2: Sheep/Goat age-at death based on mandibular eruption and wear data.

13

Table 3: Pig age-at death based on mandibular eruption and wear data.

Analyses are still under way and more results and discussion will appear in the literature soon,

especially when more material comes to light for zooarchaeological study in the second excavation

season scheduled for September-October 2012.

14

Human Remains Dr. Sherry C. Fox

The human skeletal remains from two primary inhumation burials have been recovered, to

date, from the archaeological site of Tell Nader. Recovery of the human skeletal material from TN 1

had been directed by the eponymous Mr. Nader Babakr Muhammed prior to the University of

Athens excavations in April/May 2011. TN 1 is currently stored at the Erbil Civilization Museum.

Temporary transfer was granted of the human and animal bone within Erbil to the Iraqi Institute for

Conservation of Antiquities and Heritage where the author began examination of the human remains

representing TN 1 on April 25th. TN 1 was recovered from a broken jar with the legs in a hyper-

flexed position (Fig. 4). It is posited that the skeleton was bound prior to placement in the jar. The

individual is largely incomplete and in a fair-to-poor state of preservation. The bones were dry-

brushed prior to analyses and some elements were reconstructed with UHU brand wood glue. The

sex of the individual is indeterminate at present, but future study could help elucidate the sex. The

age-at-death of the individual is estimated to have been 36 years + 10 years. Ten teeth have been

recovered from TN 1 that require further analysis. There are non-metric traits recorded for this

individual along with a possible pathology. Stature reconstruction was not attempted as no complete

long bones were recovered from TN 1. Aside from the jar, no other artifacts are associated with TN 1.

It is hoped that more of TN 1 will be recovered from excavations during the coming field season.

The second skeleton (TN 2) was found in situ on April 27th within a circular burial cist grave

from Unit 621 (Fig. 9-10). The virtually circularly shaped enclosure, measured approximately 110

cm x 90 cm at its greatest diameter and 85 cm x 75 cm at the inside diameter with an apparent

channel running along the outside circumference, near both a large ceramic sherd and on either side

of two tile fragments. The cranium of TN 2 was abutting the inside circumference of the burial

enclosure comprised of clay and tiles. The cranium was positioned slightly on its left side, facing

down (inferiorly) toward the west, and along with the remainder of the skeleton, it appears to have

been interred in a prone position with the arms and legs flexed to the left such that the right hip was

likely inferior. Prone burials are not that common, from the authors experience. The femora were

positioned toward the east of the cist grave. Although the human skeleton from within this circular

enclosure was primarily interred, it appears to have been slightly disturbed. Once again, the

preservation of the human remains is fair-to-poor. The age of this individual appears to be adult,

although a more precise age-at-death remains to be estimated and the individuals sex remains to be

determined. This material requires further study in a laboratory setting and the remains have been

15

temporarily transferred to the Wiener Laboratory of the American School of Classical Studies at

Athens. At present, there are no known pathological lesions nor non-metric traits preserved.

Reconstruction of adult living stature has not been attempted at this time for this individual either.

There were very few grave goods associated with TN 2 in this rather simple grave. Future analyses

should help provide greater information about this individual.

LithicsDr. Georgia Kourtesi-Philippaki

The first excavation season in Tell Nader produced 2.979 lithics with a total weight of 32.2

kg. The raw materials mainly used for the production of the lithic tools were flint (94%, i.e. ca. 2.800

finds in total) and obsidian (2.28%, i.e. 68 finds) (Fig. 15). An untrimmed stone and also a flake

were produced in quartz.

Several varieties of flint of many different colors were used. From the technological point of

view there is evidence of all stages of the reduction sequence (chaine operatoire), since the finds

include many cores, flakes, blades and waste. The flint tools are relatively few, in relation to the

volume of lithic debitage. There is a tendency to use blades as blanks. We also find a certain type of

borers.

The examination of a sample of obsidian finds from the 2011 excavation season showed the

existence of two stone types: a black opaque obsidian and also an almost entirely transparent greyish

one. Both varieties were used for the production of blades, in most part with the pressure flaking

method. Among the finds are also two cores, which are very suitable for the production of micro-

blades. Micro-blades, as well as cores, make up a significant percentage of the total count of the

lithic products. Some blades show traces of use, while one obsidian blade has a deniculate edge.

16

APreliminaryReportontheTellNaderObsidianCharacterisationDr. Tristan Carter, Dr. Renee Ford and Dr. Sarah Grant28

Introduction While the Tell Nader chipped stone assemblage is dominated by local raw materials (see

Kourtessi-Philippakis, ibid.), it also includes a small quantity of implements manufactured from

obsidian (n=68, 2%), a volcanic glass razor sharp when freshly knapped whose nearest sources

lay some 300km to the north in south-eastern Anatolia (Fig. 26). Although only a minority

component, the obsidian is an important data-set, as scientific techniques developed over the past 50

years have enabled us to determine with great accuracy where these raw materials came from, thus

shedding light on a communitys regional and supra-regional connections (Chataigner 1998;

Renfrew et al 1966). The methodological basis of these sourcing studies, is that (a) the obsidian of

each volcanic source is remarkably homogenous with regard to its chemical composition (far more

so than flint), (b) each of these source materials is chemically distinct, and can thus be analytically

discriminated from one another (c) using the same analytical techniques one can then match the

chemical fingerprint of an obsidian artefact with that of a source specimen in order to elucidate

provenance (Pollard and Heron 2008: 75-97). While complications can arise in the process (see

below), it remains that an obsidian characterisation study represents a powerful means of

reconstructing the various socio-economic networks within which members of the Tell Nader

community participated.

Sampling and analysis In 2011 thirteen obsidian artefacts were selected for elemental characterisation (19% of total

assemblage), the pieces chosen to represent the raw material variability in the assemblage with

regard to colour, texture and opacity. All bar one of the artefact is in the form of fragmentary

pressure-flaked blades / microblades, plus a single non-cortical flake (Fig. 27). While no cores were

included in this analysis, two obsidian microblade nuclei are reported from the 2011 excavation (see

Kourtessi-Philippakis, this report). The material is all considered to date to the Late Ubaid/Early

Uruk Period, specifically the 5th/4th mil. B.C. (Kopanias, this report). The artefacts were analyzed

whole and non-destructively at the McMaster Archaeological XRF Laboratory [MAX Lab] using a

28 McMaster Archaeological XRF Lab / Department of Anthropology, McMaster University, Chester New Hall, 524, 1280 Main Street West, Hamilton, ON L8S 4L9, Canada.

17

Thermo Scientific ARL QuantX energy-dispersive x-ray fluorescence spectrometer [EDXRF], each

piece having first been cleaned in an ultrasonic tank with distilled water for ten minutes. The analysis

recorded three major and twelve trace elements, their concentrations estimated through reference to

various geo-standards of known composition purchased from the US Geological Service and

Geological Survey of Japan. The analytical protocols and methods follow those devised by Shackley

(2005, appendix; Poupeau et al 2010: 2711); full details will be provided in our final report.

In attempting to provenance these artefacts raw materials, we compared their chemical

signatures with those of source samples run by the MAX Lab under the same analytical conditions.

In choosing which geological products to compare with the Tell Nader data, it makes sense to first

consider the results of previous obsidian characterisation studies from nearby sites of similar dates,

i.e. mid-6th/4th millennium cal BC, Periods 8-9 in the Maison de lOrient scheme (Hours et al 1994).

Some of the most commonly recognised raw materials from excavations of the period east of the

Tigris in the Zagros or Iranian Highlands are the highly distinctive peralkaline products of Bingl

and/or Nemrut Da in eastern Anatolia, a distance of up to 2000 km away (Blackman 1984; Chataigner 1998: 310-311, Fig. 16a-b; Mahdavi and Bovington 1976; Renfrew et al 1966). We thus

included in our analyses geological samples from the major sources of the Lake Van region and

those from further to the north (Fig. 28), namely Bingl, Meydan Da, Mu, Nemrut Da, Pasinler and Suphan Da (Poidevin 1998).

We also included data from the central Anatolian sources of Acgl, Gll Da and Nenezi Da (Fig. 28); while Cappadocian products are rarely attested east of the Syrian desert (Renfrew et al 1966: 48), small quantities have allegedly been documented at Chalcolithic (Period 9) sites as far

east as Mashnaqa in north-east Syria and Tepe Sabz in Irans Deh Luran plain (Chataigner 1998:

290; Renfrew 1977), plus Jaffarabad and Susa in the lower Zagros of south-western Iran (Mahdavi

and Bovington 1976).

From here on matters become more complicated, as characterisation studies of Iraqi and

Iranian have almost always generated data from artefacts that could neither be matched to central or

eastern Anatolian sources. In these cases the likelihood is that either (a) not all pertinent Anatolian

obsidian was included in the analyses, (b) the artefacts were in fact made of obsidian from other

regions, likely either those located in Armenia, for which we have an increasing number of recent

studies (Blackman et al 1998; Cherry et al 2010; Chataigner et al 2003), or from northern Iran,

whose sources remain largely unexplored (though see Niknami et al 2010).

18

Preliminary results In a Zirconium vs. Strontium contents plot, the artefacts are clearly discriminated into two

groups (Fig. 29). The largest set, comprising nine artefacts (eight blades and a flake [Fig. 27, 1-9]),

are highly distinctive on the basis of their green colour and high Zr values (>1000 ppm); their

elemental profiles match those of geological samples from the eastern Anatolian (Lake Van region)

sources of Bingl and Nemrut Da. While these volcanoes are separated by 150km, their peralkaline products (Bingl also has the more common black, calc-alkaline obsidian) have often been difficult

to discriminate due to many of their trace elements having similar values, whereby many studies

assign these artefacts to a Bingl A / Nemrut Da group (though see Chataigner 1994; Frahm 2012). Focusing purely on these peralkaline obsidians and using an Ti/Mn v. Fe/Mn ratio plot, we

achieve a high level but not complete discrimination between our Bingl A and Nemrut Da geological samples, with the Tell Nader artefact signatures more closely approximating those from

Nemrut Da (Fig. 30). We are continuing to work on this issue of discriminating these important eastern Anatolian sources and to test our working hypothesis that these nine artefacts are largely, if

not exclusively made of obsidian from the Bingl massif.

The remaining four pressure-flaked blades / bladelets (Fig. 27, 10-13) are made of translucent

purple-grey obsidian whose chemical signatures do not match any source exactly, but most closely

approximate the southern Cappadocian source materials from Gll Da and Suphan Da on the north coast of Lake Van (Fig. 26). If one contrasts thee source products elemental composition in a

bivariate Y vs. Rb plot, then one clearly appreciates that the Tell Nader artefacts composition far

more closely approximates those from Suphan Da (Fig. 30), though once again the data do not match exactly. Our preliminary claim is that these four artefacts are made from obsidian procured

from an outcrop on the flanks of Suphan Da that has yet to be located. If our interpretation is correct, then this would be only the second time that this raw material was found on an

archaeological site, having allegedly been first documented from Late Chalcolithic Arslantepe, over

300km west of the source (Chataigner 1998: 308; Fornaseri et al 1975-1977). The final point to note,

is that while these four artefacts Sr values tightly cluster (24-27ppm), as to a slightly lesser extent do

their Zr contents (92-113ppm), they display a significant variability in their Zn concentrations (53-

362ppm), suggesting that these pieces may represent more than one source.

The Tell Nader results in context Over the past 50 years there have been numerous obsidian characterization studies undertaken

on assemblages of broadly similar date to the Tell Nader material and from the larger region, i.e.

Mesopotamia, the Levant and south-eastern Anatolia (cf. Chataigner 1998; Frahm 200x, inter alia).

19

We here focus specifically on data from the 5th/4th millennium B.C., i.e. contemporary with the

material under consideration, the Early Northern Ubaid, Transitional and the Gawra-horizon, or

Periods 8-9 in the chronological scheme of the Maison de lOrient (Hours et al 1994).

Taking this broader perspective, one immediately appreciates that the people of Tell Nader

were only one of a great many communities at this time who were accessing peralkaline obsidians

from the Lake Van region. Artefacts characterized as being made of Bingl A / Nemrut Da obsidian (or having the visually distinctive green appearance) have been documented from numerous sites

throughout the larger region (Fig. 26), including nearby Arpachiyah and Pisdeli, and further south at

Choga Mami and Tepe Sabz in the Deh Luran, then Suse, Ouelli and Ubaid down in southern

Mesopotamia (Chataigner 1998: 310, Fig. 11b; Forster and Grave 2012; Healy 2010; Renfrew 1977).

The consumption of these eastern Anatolian raw materials by populations in Iraqi Kurdistan in fact

forms part of a very long-term tradition, used by populations of the Zagros and northern Syria from

some 30,000 BP, as attested by small quantities of peralkaline obsidian from in Upper Palaeolithic

strata of the Shanidar Cave (c. 100km to the NE of Tell Nader) and Epi-Palaeolithic deposits at the

nearby Zarzi cave (Cauvin and Chataigner 1998: 329; Renfrew et al 1966: 40-41, Fig. 4a). During

the Ubaid period one might view the movement in terms of In terms of the actual routes by which

this material moved, then one can likely talk in terms of a cross-land caravan route to the Tigris and

thereafter water-borne transport southwards.

It is not entirely clear at this point as to the specific means by which these Bingl and/or

Nemrut Da products reached the inhabitants of Tell Nader; ideally we need to view a larger assemblage to see if there is evidence for the on-site working of obsidian, or whether the community

was reliant upon others for access to ready-made implements. The idea of gateway communities

(cf. Hirth 1978) who served as the primary points of access into the obsidian source region and as

production and redistribution centres, is a long established one. There are a number of sites, of

various periods, such as Halafian Tilki Tepe ([Wright and Gordus 1969: 76) and Hurrian Tell Brak

and Tell Mozan (Frahm 2010: 724-729), whose mass of obsidian working including the reduction

of large raw blocks is taken to indicate a level of production above and beyond the needs of the

immediate community, with preformed cores and/or pressure-flaked blades then being traded to

populations further away. Late Chalcolithic Tell Hamoukar in north-eastern Syria is another such

site, occupying a nodal position on both east-west and north-south trade routes, with good evidence

for local blade manufacture (from the Southern Extension part of the site in particular), with rough

outs, flake debris and a number of blade cores, with all those analysed shown to come from the

Bingl sources (Khalidi et al 2009). Closer to Tell Nader is Tell Arpachiyah, where thousands of

pieces of flint and obsidian cores and chips were found in the well-known late Halafian Burnt

20

House (Mallowan and Rose 1935: 105). The concentration of this material along with other

commodities and a number of seals has been viewed as evidence for the accumulation and

redistribution of obsidian blades within a system of formalised central exchange (Campbell 2000).

Certainly the Tell Arpachiyah assemblage is anomalous with so much material (including >200

cores) given its distance from the sources, indicating that members of this community were well

connected within larger regional trade networks. One might have thus expected that nearby

communities such as Tell Nader were dependent upon the Tell Arpachiyah craftspeople for their

obsidian blades, but the early impressions from the site with the blade cores suggest that this may not

be the case (we await clear evidence of their contemporaneity). Might we ultimately view the sites as

inter-dependent partners, i.e. acting as gateway communities / central-place pair, supplying

populations further to the east and south, as for example has recently been suggested for the

relationship between Bronze Age Tell Mozan and Tell Brak (Frahm 2010: 650-651).

At both Tell Arpachiyah and Tell Nader green peralkaline obsidian is dominant (Campbell

2000: 21-22), indicating that Bingl and/or Nemrut Da were the primary sources being exploited at this time. As noted above, this fits the general contemporary pattern and forms part of a much

longer-term history of these sources products by Mesopotamian populations (Cauvin and Chataigner

1998).

Future directions Ultimately there are a number of different strategies we need to follow to successfully

complete this study. Firstly, we need to find a better match for our four alleged Suphan Da pieces. Secondly, in keeping with our other lab projects, we need to fully integrate our chemical data with an

artefacts techno-typological attributes and specific archaeological findspot, i.e. to move away from a

focus on compositional analysis to an integrated contextual / chane opratoire analytical framework

(cf. Carter et al 2006; Carter and Kilikoglou 2007). This will help us maximise our potential to use

characterisation studies as a means to further shedding light on Tell Naders local, regional and

supra-regional connections and its place within the larger socio-economic structures of the Ubaid and

other periods (cf. Healey 2010).

Acknowledgements The MAX Lab was established by a Canada Foundation for Innovation - Leaders Opportunity Fund,

while the research project within which the Tell Nader artefacts were analysed was paid for by a

21

Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council - Standard Research Grant (both awarded to T.

Carter). We thank Danica Mihailovi for the line illustrations and map.

TellBaqrtaProjectDr. Konstantinos Kopanias

Tell Baqrta is located 28 km south of Erbil, near the village Minara, on the road to Makhmour

(Fig. 1). It is one of the largest archaeological sites of the Erbil region (Fig. 23-25). It measures ca.

220 m in diameter and 20 m in height. This so far unknown site was brought to our attention by Dr.

Narmen Ali Muhamad Amen, Professor of Archaeology at the Salahaddin University-Hawler. The

University of Athens received a permit to excavate this Tell, which will be conducted after the

conclusion of the Tell Nader Project. We have visited the site in October 2010, accompanied by Mr.

Nader Babakr Muhammad (General Directorate of Antiquities) and Mr. Saber Hasan Hussein

(Directorate of Antiquities of Erbil), and also in April 2011, accompanied by Mr. Goran Mohammed

(Directorate of Antiquities of Erbil), Dr. Athanasios Sideris and Dr. Claudia Beuger.

This site lies on the road that connected Arbela with middle Mesopotamia and controls an

important pass on the hill chain south of Erbil. On the surface lie thousands of pottery sherds and

hundreds of lithics, which indicate that the site was in use from the Chalcolithic down to the Parthian

and Islamic period, but not during later periods. Tell Baqrta was probably walled during some

periods of its long history, and had two main access points, which are still visible.

During our visit an unexpected find was made by Dr. Athanasios Sideris: an Attic Late

Classical sherd, probably from the first half of the 4th century B.C. Although this find could have

arrived to the site through trade, it could also be connected with the march of Xenophon's Ten

Thousand. In 401 B.C., on their way back from Cunaxa (ca. 70 km north of Babylon), they crossed

the Great Zab river just a few kilometers west of Tell Baqrta. Hopefully, the excavation is going to

produce more finds that will shed some light on this question.

22

TellBaqrtafirstreflectionsonitsplaceinhistoryDr. John MacGinnis

The site of Tell Baqrta lies 28 km SSW of Erbil in the plain of Makhmur, an area of Iraq

which until recently had received very little in the way of archaeological attention. In 1948 Mallowan

and El Amin carried out a campaign of exploration in the Makhmur plain, carrying out soundings in

the sites of Kaula Kandal (8 miles southwest of Dibega on the road running from Erbil to the Tigris),

Tell Aqrah (18 km east of the Tigris at the northeastern end of the Qaraj) and Tell Ibrahim Bayis (Old

Makhmur). These sites produced material from the Halaf period onwards and they all also had

Assyrian remains, including evidence for an Assyrian temple at Old Makhmur. Other important

Assyrian sites in the vicinity reported by Mallowan and El Amin included Pir Daoud (12 miles from

Erbil) and Dibega (on the western flank of the Avanah Dagh hills)29. These forays amply

demonstrated that the plain of Makhmur is host to an astonishingly collection of archaeological sites,

investigation of which can be expected to produce rich results. It is therefore very satisfying to see

such operations commencing, firstly with the work of the French team at Qasr Shemamok and now

with that of the Greek team at Tell Baqrta.

We set out here to give a concise outline of the historical phases which we might expect to

find represented at the site, concentrating on the ancient Mesopotamian periods up until the coming

of Alexander. These are only preliminary remarks. More detailed observations will follow in a

subsequent contribution. As yet the ancient name of the site has not been identified. This of course

greatly hampers the degree to which its history can be reconstructed, but it does not entirely frustrate

such an endeavour as it is still possible to articulate a more general understanding of the region in

which Tell Baqrta lies. A recurring theme is the degree and times at which Tell Baqrta was dependent

on other cities; particularly in the earlier periods, there is simply not enough evidence to say whether

or not it was the capital of an independent polity. Thus, through the third and the first part of the

second millennium Tell Baqrta might have been dependent on Erbil. Later, when it unquestionably

lay within the core territory of the Assyrian empire, it will also have had connections with other

major cities such as Assur, Balawat, Kilizu, Nineveh and Nimrud.

Surface ceramics have already demonstrated that the plain of Makhmur was host to a

presence in the Half and Ubaid periods. Numerous sites have produced ceramics of these dates and it

is likely that future research will establish that that there were flourishing occupations in these

periods. For present purposes however we will commence our reflections with the Uruk period

29 Amin & Mallowan 1949, 146.

23

(4000-3000 BC) as this is the earliest date at which something approaching history may be

considered. To my knowledge no texts of this period have as yet been discovered in the region. It is

however conceivable, even likely, that early administrative literacy will have also had a place here

and that texts of this date will in due course be discovered. Nor do we as yet have any texts from the

region from the Early Dynastic Period (3000-2334 BC) or, as far as we can tell, references to the

region in texts from that date. The same is essentially also true with regard to the Akkadian Period

(2334-2193 BC) with one difference, however: the region must have either been incorporated in the

empire of Sargon of Akkad or at least lain close on the borders - we know that Sargon took control of

Assur and Nineveh though not - as far as we can tell - Erbil. The Akkadian administration must

certainly have been aware of the region's existence and importance30.

The region actually enters history in the Gutian Period (2193-2120 BC) when Erbil (Urbilum)

became the objective of a military campaign of a certain Erridu-Pizir, a king of the Gutium who

probably ruled in the interval between the end of the Akkadian empire and the foundation of the Ur

III state; a more exact placing of this king cannot be given at present. It has been suggested that

Urbilum in fact lay within the state of Lullubum but this is far from certain. Nor is it known whether

or not Tell Baqrta came within the administrative control of Erbil. Nevertheless it is clear that the site

must have been caught up in the convulsions that marked the transition from the Akkadian Empire to

Gutian dominance and it is not unlikely that excavation will eventually cast light on this.

Whatever the eventual conclusion, there is no doubt that Tell Baqrta then came under the

control of the Ur III Empire. The period of Gutian domination came to an end with the

reestablishment of Sumerian control over Mesopotamia. The first steps were taken by Utu-hegal

when he expelled the Gutians from the land. His period of dominance was however short lived as he

was in his turn ousted by one of his own officials, Ur-Nammu, who thereby initiated the Third

Dynasty of Ur and went on to create the Neo-Sumerian empire. Two kings of the Third Dynasty

besieged and took Erbil - Shulgi in his forty-fifth year and Amar-Sin in his second year. In addition to

booty taken from Erbil itself, an annual tribute was imposed and will certainly have been levied on

the whole land; Tell Baqrta was certainly incorporated within the Ur III empire, most likely as part of

the province of Urbilum, and will have been affected by this tax.

The fall of the Ur III state led to a major reconfiguration of the political geography of

Mesopotamia. In the north the city of Assur regained its independence, leading to the emergence of a

nascent Assyrian state. Little is known of the region at this time. Erbil - now written Urbel - will also

30 The statue found in 1975 at Bassetki on the highway between Zakho and Mosul (Ayish 1976) attests to the fact that that the sway of Naram-Sin extended at least that far north, but we have no evidence at present how far it extended to the east of the Tigris at this point.

24

have regained its independence, at least temporarily, and once again an important question will be to

consider whether Tell Baqrta was itself independent, dependent on Erbil, or part of some other

political configuration. The site will however have next come within the sphere of the empire of

Shamshi-Adad I after he joined up with Dadusha of Eshnunna and campaigned against and took

Erbil, an event recorded in stelae of each of these kings. Erbil itself may have previously been part of

the kingdom of Qabra though this is not certain nor is it known whether Tell Baqrta also fell within

the control of Qabra. In any case when the Turukkean rebellion broke out Shamshi-Adad and his sons

were not able to keep hold of the region.

Once more, though for the last time, we face the question of whether Tell Baqrta was

dependent on Erbil or was the capital of its own polity, but this long history of punctuated autonomy

finally comes to an end with the rise of Mittanni and then of the Middle Assyrian empire. To take the

first of these, it is not known when the site came under Mittanni domination - though it must be no

later than the reign of Saustatar, by which time Arrapha was under Mittanni control - nor is it known

at what point control was wrested away by the kings of Assyria. Broadly though it is probably fair to

say that Tell Baqrta will have been subject to Mittanni rule over something like 1430-1350 BC. The

next change came with the rise of the Middle Assyrian empire in the fourteenth century BC. By the

reign of Shalmaneser I (1273-1244 BC) at the latest the region had come to be included within the

core territory of Assyria, a situation which then essentially lasted till the end of the Assyrian empire

in 612 BC although there may have been occasions, for example during the reign of Aur-resa-ii

(1133-1115 BC), when this control was lost.

The Neo-Assyrian period (1000-612 BC) is likely to have been a highpoint in the history of

Tell Baqrta. It is becoming increasingly clear that settlement of the countryside of Assyria was

intensified by the importation of colonies of deportees from throughout the empire. Combined with

the construction of massive hydraulic projects this laid the ground for an explosion in agricultural

productivity. Consequently Tell Baqrta is likely to have become a wealthy regional centre. However

this prosperity came to an end at the end of the seventh century BC with the invasion and overthrow

of the Assyrian empire. What happened next, in the Post-Assyrian period (612-539 BC), is not known

and will be of extreme interest. Firstly, it is not known for sure to which part of the coalition which

overthrew Assyria the region of Tell Baqrta was assigned, the Medes or the Babylonians. The latter is

perhaps more likely but there is no concrete evidence. Secondly, it is not known what happened to the

population of the region. Were many killed? Were they enslaved? Did they join the invading armies?

Did they return to their homelands? Did they flee? Eventual elucidation of these questions is one of

the key questions in Assyrian studies.

Moving on, one event we do know of, from an entry in the Neo-Babylonian Chronicle, is that

25

at the outset of his campaign in 547 BC Cyrus crossed the Zab below Erbil. The army must

consequently have passed within the vicinity of Tell Baqrta. Shortly afterwards, with the conquest of

Babylonia and the overthrow of the Neo-Babylonian empire, northern Mesopotamia passed into the

control of the Achaemenid empire (539-330 BC). This unquestionably included the region of Tell

Baqrta, which was probably part of the province of Erbil. Very likely this was a flourishing province

but little more is known than that. According to the inscription of Behistun, Darius I chased down and

impaled the rebel Shitrantakhma (Titrantaechmes) in Erbil so it is not improbable that Tell Baqrta

may have witnessed some of these hostilities. From the end of the 5th century BC the "Passport of

Nehtihor", an official permit written on leather in Aramaic, attests to the passage through the region

of an official of the Persian magnate Arsames. Around the same time Xenophon passed by on his

famous march up to the sea. Seventy years later, as the Achaemenid Empire in its turn came to an

end, Guagamela, the decisive battle against Darius III, was fought in the plains northwest of Erbil.

Once again Tell Baqrta is not so far away and it must have witnessed or participated in these world-

shaping events.

It is interesting to give some thought to the population of the region over this great stretch of

time. We have, as yet, no knowledge of the nature of the population prior to the advent of historical

sources - this is something upon which genetics might, eventually, cast some light - but as literacy

dawns over the horizon of prehistory the first ethnic group whom we know to have inhabited the

region are the Hurrians. This is not to say there were not other groups. There almost certainly were.

Texts over these millennia relating to the eastern frontiers of Mesopotamia (for instance Ur III

administrative documents and the Shemshara archives) contain a large number of personal names

whose linguistic affiliation has not yet been established and it is, in my view, probable that parent

languages will one be day be recognised and reconstructed for at least some of them. Be that as it

may, the Hurrians are the earliest definable group for whose presence in the region we currently have

evidence; followed closely by the Sumerians. After this Babylonians, Assyrians, Mittanni, Arameans,

Medes, Kurds, Greeks and Persians all played their part in the region. Later on came Arabs, Turks

and Armenians. All these will have left their mark.

A final consideration concerns the identification of the site in antiquity. Textual evidence

relating to the plain of Makhmur is scarce but there are some leads to follow; it may of course be

hoped that in the fullness of time fieldwork at Tell Baqrta will itself yield material germane to these

discussions. Nevertheless, according to our present, somewhat scanty knowledge the two principal

towns believed to have been in the region are Sare and Baqar/Baqarru, the former putatively on the

Zab at the place (on the northern bank) where the river was crossed by the road from Arrapha to

26

Erbil, the latter halfway between this point and Erbil31. This location is strikingly close to the

location of present day Tell Baqrta, The closeness of the names is no less striking. I would therefore

propose that Tell Baqrta in fact represents the remains of ancient Baqar. Further to this Deller has

suggested that Baqara is to be equated with Old Babylonian Qabra (Deller 1990), locating it 15-20

km northwest of Altn Kpr. It must therefore be suggested that Tell Baqrta also equates to ancient

Qabra. If correct this identification will be of the first importance. Obviously this proposition

requires further investigation and a more detailed analysis of the textual evidence will form the

subject of my next communication.

FutureDirectionsfortheTellNaderandTellBaqrtaProjectKonstantinos Kopanias

The results of the first excavation season in Tell Nader are very promising. This site could

produce a complete stratigraphy not only for the Late Neolithic/Chalcolithic, but also for later

periods (3rd-early 1st mil. B.C.), thus becoming an important reference point for the archaeology of

the northeastern Mesopotamia. It will also offer a better understanding of the important finds at the

nearby site Qalinj Agha, which was excavated in the 60s and early 70s, but still remains unpublished

in corpore32.

Tell Baqrta is also a very promising site, especially if future finds confirm its identification

with the town Baqar/Baqarru of the Neo-Assyrian and Qabra of the Old-Babylonian period

(MacGinnis ibid.).

The next excavation season is scheduled to take place in August - October 2012. We plan to

continue the excavation in Tell Nader, refine its stratigraphy and study the finds, but also dig a small

test trench in Tell Baqrta. A geophysical investigation of both sites is planned for 2013.

31 Note that the Helsinki Atlas puts Baqarru at Tell Ya'qub: Parpola & Porter 2001, 7. 32 Al-Soof 1966; 1968 ; 1969; al-Soof Es-Siwwani 1967; Hijara 1973; Gut 1996.

27

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31

Appendix

List of members of the archaeological research team Dr. Konstantinos Kopanias Principal director of the Archaeological Mission

Lecturer for Prehistoric Archaeology, University of Athens, Greece

Dr. Claudia Beuger Pottery Lecturer for Near Eastern Archaeology, University of Halle-Wittenberg, Germany

Dr. Amy Bogaard Archaeobotany Lecturer in Neolithic and Bronze Age Archaeology, University of Oxford, UK

Dr. Tristan Carter Obsidian analysis Assistant Professor, McMaster University, Canada

Dr. Mike Charles Archaeobotany Reader in Environmental Archaeology, University of Sheffield, UK

Dr. Sherry Fox Human Remains Director of the Wiener Laboratory of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Greece

Dr. Angelos Hadjikoumis Animal Bones Researcher, University of Sheffield, UK

Dr. Paul Halstead Animal Bones Professor of Archaeology, University of Sheffield, UK

Dr. Chrysanthos Kanellopoulos

Architecture Lecturer for Classical Archaeology, University of Athens, Greece

Dr. Lilian Karali Shells Professor for Environmental Archaeology, University of Athens, Greece

Dr. Georgia Kourtesi-Philippaki

Lithics Assistant Professor for Prehistoric Archaeology, University of Athens, Greece

Dr. Alexandra Livarda Archaeobotany Lecturer in Archaeobotany, University of Nottingham, UK

32

Dr. John MacGinnis Assyrian Inscriptions

Research Fellow, University of Cambridge, UK

Dr. Eva Panagitakopoulou Insects Lecturer in Palaeoecology, University of Edinburgh, UK

Michel Roggenbucke Senior Conservator Department of History and Archaeology, University of Athens, Greece

Maria Koutsoumpou Excavation Assistant 21th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, Greece

Katerina Glaraki Excavation Assistant M.A. Student, University of Athens, Greece

Eva Karantoni Excavation Assistant B.A. Student, University of Athens, Greece

George Mavronanos Excavation Assistant B.A. Student, University of Athens, Greece

ntonis Papadopoulos Excavation Assistant B.A. Student, University of Athens, Greece

Phoivos Michos-Rammos Inventory of Lithics B.A. Student, University of Athens, Greece

List of members of the historical research team Dr. Konstantinos Bourazelis

Advisor of the Historical Team Professor for Ancient History, University of Athens, Greece

Dr. Konstantinos Kopanias

Project Coordinator Lecturer for Prehistoric Archaeology, University of Athens

Dr. Athanasios Sideris Survey Director of the Archaeological Department of the Foundation of the Hellenic World, Greece

Kleanthis Zouboulakis Survey Ph.D. Student, University of Athens, Greece

Dr. Sophia Aneziri Inscriptions Assistant Professor for Ancient History, University of Athens, Greece

Dr. Selini Psoma Coins Assistant Professor for Ancient History, University of Athens

Fig. 1: Tell Nader an