Subregional organization oftite sixteenth-century ‘eqchi ‘Maya, Alta Verapaz … · 2017. 4....
Transcript of Subregional organization oftite sixteenth-century ‘eqchi ‘Maya, Alta Verapaz … · 2017. 4....
Subregionalorganizationof tite sixteenth-centuryQ ‘eqchi ‘Maya, Alta Verapaz,Guatemala
JohnM. WEEKSMuseumLibrary Universityof PennsylvaniaMuseunzof Archaeologyantí Anthropology
33 amiSpriceStreetsPhiladelphia,[email protected]
RESUMEN
Organizacionsubregionalen el siglo xvi de los MayasQ’eqchi’, Alta Verapaz,Guatemala
La investigaciónsobrelos patronesprehispánicosde asentamientoes un temaimportantedentrode los másrecientesestudiosarqueológicosen el altiplano maya.Tales investigacionesestángeneralmentebasadasen rasgosfisiográficosnaturales,tales como valles intermontanosy cuencasde ríos, prestandopocaconsideraciónalimites de mayorsignificacióncultural. En estearticuloseexaminantres títulos colo-nialesdepropiedaddeindígenasmayaq’eqcbíconelobjetode buscarsu utilidadparaidentificar, localizar y definir las primerasunidadesterritoriales supralocales,yreconstruirla geografíapolíticacolonial indígena.
Palabrasclave:MayaQ’eqchf, Guatemala,patronesdeasentamiento
ABSTRACT
Tbe investigationof prehispaniesettlementpatternsis a major temein recentarchacologicalresearchof the Maya Highlands.Such studiesare usually basedonphysiographicallynaturalfeaturessuchas intermontanevalleys andriver drainageswith little considerationof culturally significantboundaries.In this paperthreeearlycolonial Q’eqchi’ land titles from te GuatemalaHighlandsin orderto examinete
Revista&paiiola de AntropologíaAmericana, 27, 59-93.Servicio PublicacionesUCM. Madrid, ¡997
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possibleutility for identifying, locating, anddefining suprahouseholdterritoriesandthe reconstructionof colonial political geography.
Key words:MayaQ’eqchi’, Guatemala,Settlementpalterus
INTRODUCTION
The investigationof prehispanicsettlementpattemshas beena majorthemein recentMaya archaeologicalresearch(Ashmore1981). Householdsare usuallyconsideredto be the basic functional units in settlementsystemsemphasizingstructuresand structural aggregates(Ashmore 1981; CiudadRuiz 1984; Fauvet-Berthelot1986; Wilk andAshmore1988). However, des-pite this emphasison localizedsocialgroupsin prehistoricor protohistoric insouthernMesoamerica,few attemptshavebeenmadeto identify anddefinesuprahouseholdgroupswithin thecontextofregionalpolities (Carmack1967;Weeks1988, 1991).Thereasonsarenumerousalthoughtheprimaryconstralnthasbeen the lack of appropriatematerial correlatesand relevanthistoricaldocumentationupon which to basesuch studies.As a result, the study ofregionalsettlementsystemshasbeenusuallybasedon suchphysiographicallydiscretenaturalfeaturesas intermontanevalleysor river drainageswith littleconsiderationof culturally significantboundaries.
The purposeof this essayis to presentthe texts of threeearly colonialQ’eqchi’ Maya landtitíes from the northernhighlandsof Guatemalaandtoexaminetheir possibleutility for identifying, locating,anddefiningsuprahou-seholdterritoriesandthereconstructionof colonial political geography.
LANO TITLES AS A SOURCE OF ARCHIAEOLOGICALINFORMATION
Early colonial indigenousdocumentswere preparedprimarily for legalandpolitical purposes(Carmack1973: 19). Many of thesedocumentsfunc-tioned as land titíes althoughsomewere not designedprimarily as suchbutcameto funetion as land titíes as disputesover land becamemorecritical.Rights to land were complex, andvarious entitlementscould be claimedbydifferentsocialgroups.Most earlydocumentsrefer to local rights of adminis-trationor to rigbts of tribute.Administrative rightswereusuallybasedon myt-hological or legendaryassociationsbetweenproperty and local group occu-pancy,in which caselandboundariesweregiven.
Colonial land titíes are of some importancefor understandingthe localorganizationof indigenousgroupsto theextentthat theyspecificallyidentify
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geographicallocations,neighboringsocialgroups,andotherkindsof culturalinformation (BarreraVásquez1984; Riese1981; Roys 1939, 1957). For theGuatemalahighland region thesedocumentscomplementinformationpresen-ted in more substantialtexts such as the Popol Vuh (Carmack1967, 1973).RobertHill (1989, 1991)hasrecentiyidentified pattemsof nativism, innova-tion, andcultural resistancein colonial period Kaqchikelpropertydocuments.Hill arguesfor te continuityof prehispanicwriting traditionsatidpresentsevi-dencethatte Kaqchikelusedsuchdocumentsto perpetuatete pastas well asfor suchpragmaticusesas acquiring,keeping,andtransferringland.Documentswereusedto securelandholdingsagainstclaimsby Spaniardsatidothersusingthreekinds of texts: simplebilís of sale betweenindividuals (cédulas),cove-nantsor formal agreementsconcerningte ownersbip,division, or useof latidbetweenfamilies, lineages,andtowns to avoid or settleland disputes(conve-nios), andwills to securepassageof latid to descendants(testamentos).
HISTORICAL CONTEXT
Historical linguistic evidencesuggeststhat Q’eqchi’ speakersoccupiedthe Alta Verapazregion sincethe Preclassicperiod (ca. 300 BC) and main-tained relations wit various other lowland and highland Maya groups(Campbell1977).At thetimeof te SpanishinvasiontheQ’eqchi’ werecon-f¡nedto a smallareanearte upper reachesof the Río Cahabónin te nort-hemhighlandsof Guatemala(Dieseldorff 1909, 1936, Sapper1895 a y b)(Figure 1). TheQ’eqchi’ wereborderedto thenorthandeastby theAcaláand
FIGuRE 1 .—VerapazProvincein theSixteenth-ami Seventeenth-Centuries.
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ManchéCh’ol, to the westby te Lakandon,Ixil, and K’iche’, and to tesouth by te Poqomchi’ (Sapper1985: 16-17). Their rangetoday extendsfrom the core communitiesof Cobán, San Pedro Carchá,atid SanJuanChamelcoto includemostof northernGuatemalaandpartsof adjacentsout-hernBelize.
The Q’eqcbi’ were amnongthe last highlandgroupsin Guatemalato bepacifiedby dic Spaniards.Tbe centralhighlandkingdomsof dic K’iche’ andKaqchikel weresubjugatedby SpanishconquistadorsandTíaxcalanauxilia-ries in 1524-1525,but the lesscentralizedpolities of te northernhighlandsremainedindependentfor anothertwenty years.me fiercenessof Q’eqchi’andPoqomchi’ resistanceencounteredin late 1529 inspiredte Nahuatl-spe-aldng Tlaxcalansto refer to te region as Tuzulutlán(Land of War). Prior toteir subjugationtesegroupswerepartitionedinto aseriesof relatively inde-pendentcbiefdomsor petty states,someof which were tributaryto the centerof the K’iche’ kingdom.atQ’umarcaaj(Utatlán)(Carmack1981).
The peacefulpacificationof te Verapazregion during dic 1540sby teDominicanfriar BartolomédeLasCasashasbeenoftenrecountedin te lite-rature(King 1974: 15-25, Remesal1932,Saint-Lu 1968).LasCasas,reactingstrongly againstte atrocities which indigenouspeoplesof Hispaniolasuife-red under dic Spanisbcolonists,advocateda pacificationstrategybasedonpeacefulpersuasionratherthan military force. His programof spiritual con-questwas a failurewhenfirst attemptedon te coastof Venezuelabut in nort-hcrn Guatemalait was successful.The early Dominicanpenetrationin teVerapazregion wasconcentratednearRabinalin 1541 andby 1544aseriesofsuccessfulreduccionesresultedin te foundingof SantoDomingoCobán,SanJuan Chamelco.and San Pedro Carchá. The Indian don Juan Matacbatz(Matalbatzor Apobatz),te caciqueof SanJuanChamelco,was appointedgovernorof Verapaz(Saint-Lu1968: 229-230).After his deadi,sometimebet-ween1560 and 1570,te first Spanishalcaldemayor was appointed.By 1547mostof te Verapazhadsubmittedto Spanishsovereigntyandwas nominallyCliristian. Attemptsto resettlete indigenouspopulationwere to continueforanothertwo centuries,wit only partial success(Remesal1932>.
The initial work of te Doniinicans consistedof resettlingindigenouspopulationsinto newly foundednucleatedsettlements.Here,as elsewhereinNew Spain, te Spaniardscongregatedte Indians into towns so that teycould be Christianizedand registeredas tributaries.The prehispaniesettle-mentsat Carcháand Chamil (Chamelco)were reorganizedas Spanish-styletownships (municipios) and renamed San Pedro Carchá and San JuanChamelco.Along wit Cobán,Cahabón,andLanquin,tey becamete mainQ’eqchi’ townshipsof colonial Verapaz.The relación of dic DominicansFranciscode Viana, Lucas Gallego, andGuillermo Cadena,written in 1574,containspopulation•countstakenfortaxpurposesin 1571 andindicatesappro-
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ximately2,350indigenoushouseholdswereregisteredas havingbeenperma-nently settledin teseanda few othertowns (RelaciónVerapaz,1955). TheSpanishpolicy of congregaciónconflictedwit te indigenousmilpa systemof agriculture,aform of shiftingcultivation,which favoredadispersedsettle-ment pattem.Many Q’eqchi’ graduallyresettledto be nearerto teir traditio-nal landas Dominicancontrol in Verapazsubsidedduringte eighteendi-cen-tury (Escobar1841: 90). Apart from afew residentfriars, te region remainedlargely indigenousuntil te impositionof te coffee-basedplantationsystemin die middle of te nineteent-century.
The conquestof northernGuatemaladid not howeverendwit thesubju-gationof te Q’eqchi’. The lowland groupsfurther to te north, te ManchéCh’ol, te Mopán, and te Itzaj remainedindependentfor anothercentury(Thompson1938). During die seventeenth-centurymany Q’eqchi’ servedassoldiers in te conquestof the ManchéCh’ol lowlands.Many of theManchéCh’ol were eventuallyresettledin the Q’eqchi’ region,specificallyLanquinandCahabón(Feldman1978). It hasbeennotedthatte peopleof tesetwotownsmaintainedcustomstat areCh’ol in origin into te latenineteenth-cen-tury (Sapper1907).The memoryof te Ch’ol asadistinct culturalgroupliveson in Q’eqchi’ oral history whichhastransformedthe Ch’ol (Q’eqchi’: ch‘ol-wiink’) to a mytical peoplegifted wit magicalpowers(Schackt1983: 14).
THREE Q’EQCHI’ LAND DOCUMENTS
The Dominicansanticipatedand attemptedto preventconflicts betweenresettledgroups.Becauseownershipof land was a majorcauseof dispute,documentswerepreparedin which eachgroup identified te limits of teirpossessions,teir neigbbors,andaffiliated waterholes.Eachgenerationrene-wed theirdocumentthroughtimeby bavingit rewritten,bot te Q’eqchi’ andSpanish.As coifeebecamean importantcominodity on te world market,landswere boughtup by Germaninvestorsatid, ftom te 1860sto te 1930s,Alta Verapazreceivedgrowingnumbersof foreignñnmigrants.Many largecoifeeplantationswere establishedthroughouthighlandVerapaz.The landlaws of te 1 870sdeclaredah untitled lands to be public property, terrenosbaldíos, atid establishedproceduresto promoteputting baldíos into privatehandsresultingin a landrush. Between1880 and 1900te governmentgran-ted landtitíes diat rangedftom 1,500to 5,000acresto mostof te highlandarcas(NañezFalcón1970: 83). Indians in somecasesobtainedtitle to teirtraditional land, but te majority of te baldíos, manywit indigenousresi-dentswho remainedon te landandcameunderte jurisdiction of te legalowner,weregrantedto ladinosor foreigners.PeasantIndiansweretenforcedto work eiter on fincalands or for te municipalautorities.To escapete
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mandamiento,manyQ’eqchi’ gayeup teir own holdingsto becometenantson finca lands (Sapper189la: 45). Residentson finca lands were exemptedfrom laborlaws,but with te habilitación lawof 1894,ahísuchresidentswerelegallytied to te landatid wouldhaveto work for teir landownersfor adefi-nednumberof daysperyear.By puttinginto privatehandsparcelsof landtatcould be sold or combinedinto largerunits, andby permittingthe ownerstoassumecontrol of te residents,te terrenosbaldíos laws openeddic way forthe developmcntof thelatifundia systemin Alta Verapaz.
Increasedrepressionof te indigenouspopulationof te Verapazregionwas metwit violent reactionsbyte Q’eqchi’.An insurrectionin SanPedroCarcháledby Melchior Yat was rutlesslycrushedin 1864 andmany of terebelswithdrew to moreremotearcas.Additional nativistic movcmentsbasedin SanJuanChamelcocruptedin 1885 andagainin 1906 (King 1974: 34).
The threelandtitíes presentedherewereacquiredat te endof the ninete-enth-centuryby Erwin PaulDieseldorff,awealthyGermancoffeeplanterandavocationalarchaeologist,through te purchaseof coifee plantationseastofSanPedroCarcháandnort of te Río Cahabónat Chiquixjí, Raxahá,andSechaíb,andsouthof te RioCahabónacrossfrom Sechaíb,threecontiguousfincasatChajcar,Secac,andUlpán(NáñezFalcón1970: 111-112).The origi-nal documentswerc retainedby Dicseldorffanddepositedduring the 1960swith the DieseldorffCollectioncuratedin te SpecialCollectionsDivision atTulane University Library in New Orleans.Realizing teir significanceandwit thc encouragementof CharlesP. Bowditchof te PeabodyMuscumofAmerican Archaeology and Etnology at Harvard University, Diescldorfftratiscribedeachdocumentin Q’cqchi’ wit Englishtranslationsandsubmit-tedtem in typescriptinSeptemberto FrederickW. Putnamatte Peabodyforpublication in AmericanAnthropologist.fle manuscriptwas eventuallysentto FranzBoas at te AmericanMuseumof NaturalHistory in New York forreview. Boas deemedtem unsuitablefor publicationand returnedtem toBowditch in November 1903. The manuscr¡ptwas never returned toDieseldorffand remainsin te collection of te PeabodyMuseum Library(now TozzerLibrary) atHarvardUniversity(C.A. 6 D 566F).
The threeland titíes include te TestamentoChicojí, pertainingto landlocatednorth of Cobánand San PedroCarchá,TestamentoTontem, locatedeastof Carcháandnorthof te RíoCahabón,andTestamentoTux, locatedeastof Carchá andsout of the Río Cahabón.A completelinguistic analysisoftesedocumentsis beyondte scopeof tis paper. However, accordingtoDiescldorff(1903)te Q’eqchi’ languageusedin te textswas understoodbyQ’eqchi’ -speakersin San Pedro Carchá In thc late ninetecnth-century.Dieseldorffalso notesthat te orthographyand spelling used is inconsistentterebymaking somemcaningsunclear.In orderto resolvetesedifficulties,he consultedseveralinformantsandprovidedte most likely interpretations.
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No attempthasbeenmadeto correcterrorsin te original Dieseldorfftypes-cript altoughsomeediting hasbeenimposedon his Englishtransíation.
In 1991 te autorvisited te territory includedin te TontemandXalijaChah Pixol documentsto verify te Dieseldorff translationswith Q’eqchi’speakersandto locatetoponymson modern1:50,000topographicmaps.Mostof te landmarksmentioned,includingwaterholesandnaturalsprings,arestillrecognizedtoday.
Q’EQCHiI’ LINGUISTIC GEOGRAPHY
The northernhighlandsof Guatemalacompriseanimpure limestonefor-mationwit oceasionalexposuresof shale,upon which a relatively completecomplexof karstic landformshasdeveloped.The overalí relationshipof teQ’eqchi’ to teir landscapeis highly religious. Mountainridges are deifiedandantropomorphizedandtodayteir namesarecalledup in te courseofprayer(Sapper1925).Obligationsarefelt whenapproachingte earthdeity topreparemilpa andcavesarete placeswhereteseobligationsarekept.
Historically te Q’eqchi’ cultivateddolinesandvalley floors sincetesehavesoils which supportperennialcropping (Cortésy Larranz 1958:2: 11).More recently,populationincreaseand alienationof superiorlandby ladinosandotershasled go te cultivationof alí but te highestridgecrests.Springsaboundin te region altoughtere areplaceswherete undergrounddrama-ge is sodeeptat drinldng water is ata premium.
The 1:50,000scaletopographicmapsfor Alta Verapazarerich wit mdi-genousplace namesaltoughte actual density is much greater.Within aradiusof frequenttravel,aQ’eqchi’ can identify anddefinelocationsto wit-hin afew hundredmetersof trail by naminganaldea,caserío,fincaorhacien-da, andthenameof a waterhole,naturalspring,cliff, cave,bridge,or waysidecross(Wilson 1972: 53). Living plantsareoftenusedto markte comersandboundarylinesof property.lo be effectiveprotectorsandmarkersof gardensandoterproperty,plantsmusthaverepulsiveor prolific properties.Themostcommonhedgeand property marker is kuk’il (Yucca elephantipes).Wbilekuk’il servesfor immediatemarkingof cornersandminor lines in te surveyandpartitionof landatsaleor inheritance,tz‘inte’ (Erythrina spp.)cuttingsareoften plantedto providelong-termwitnesstrees(Wilson 1972: 167-168).
Most placenamesarebasedon plant or animalnames,or physiographicfeaturesqualified wit oneof a numberof locative affixes, includingcham-(deep, large), chi- (bank,edge, lip), chirre- (at te bank or shore),jolom-(peak,summit),pan- (locative),rocjd- (river mouth,literally foot or leg of tewater), rubel- (below),sa- (inside),se- (in, inside), xal- (cross),xe- (below),xuc- (comer),andyal- (water,watersóurce).Informantsusuallypreferto con-
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siderte placenamesto be simply identificationsof specific locations,havingno oter lexical significance(Hopkins 1973).
TESTAMENTO dHICOJL
The TestamentoChicojí relateste landtitle of CristóbalEato te landsofChicojí. The original document,now lost, was datedOctober10, 1539. Thereexistsa copy in Q’eqchi’, datedFebruary6, 1802,as well as atransíationintoSpanishof te Q’eqchi’ madeatte requestof te communallandholdersdatedMarch, 1832 whichis accompaniedby acopyin Q’eqchi’ madeinMarch,1832.AccompanyingdocumentationincludesadocumentinSpanish,datedMarch 26,1832,regardingte decisionof te alcaldeof Cobáninadisputeoverte owners-hip of aportionof te Chicojí lands; a copy datedMarch 6,1857 in Q’eqchi’togeterwit acopyof te 1832decisionin Spanish;acopydatedApril 30, 1870in Q’eqchi’ togeterwit a copy in Spanishof te 1832 decision.Otherdocu-mentationincludesa leifer ftom Dieseldorffto JacoboValdez,datedSeptember22, 1937,requestinginformationaboutte testamentof CristóbalMelchorBa.
1. Apobaañosde 1539. JesúsMaríay Joseph
2. van covi laheb catancy be le pooctubrede 1539añonac taczocyn
3. memoriayn testamentorechval-balchochhainchichol y ccaba
4. hain don Xptoval Melchor Bahautabbanaranquin yolac albalchoch
5. rech vi yn mam chi haruh chiharáchimaychihab
6. ah ban na quin ulae ah val donGaspal Cuculnavinc don Bar-tolome
In the year 1539. Jesús,Mary andJoseph
We are at te tent day, te road ofte mont October,of te year 1539
whentis is title is made,my will ofmy nativelandscalled Chicojl1
1, CristóbalMelchorBa,andbecause1 was born diere,my nativelands
belongalsoto my grandchildren,foralí time, for alí theperiodsof twentyyears2
After Y had beenhere,therearrivedthe chief don Gaspar Cuculná anddon Bartolomé
Chicojí is an aldea of SanPedroCarchá; chi, locative; c’ojl, beateror scout.2 Clearreference is madehere to the katun, or calendrical cycleof twenty years.
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7. coconavincna quebchal aranchiza lacantunnil chirix cambalratinDios
8. ta co xic ut ta cacameble ah valdonQuespa]Cuculnatax xic catau
9. le po carchavinc chi caniabahyccabatoh hunpacaly hayquch
10. nactacoelcaminchi cuculnachicoconay ccabanactucoalc amin
II. chiza le ualbalchochchichol ybyccabaaranalan bilin etpaniccehuí
12. y ccabale ha alanhilin vi bunahcaticaribí ruquin ahval donBasilio
13. calelbac amin chi ruch tacapocolhay ccabauancoviut tacoxic ruquin
14. cambal ratin y Dios ha ebcablahuchi chohomholchan
15. vancovi ut ta cohlac retal ynupalhil ualbalchocharuin
~ TheRfo Usumacintais the longest riverinto te Gulf of Mexico.
Coc, who came from where is teUsumacinta~ river. In te name ofGod
we go and bring along the chiefGasparCuculná;we go andfind te
municipality of te Carchápeopleatte waterholeChicaniabaj~,beyondte water
Chicuch.We startfrom herewith Cu-culnáandCoconá,we startfrom here
ín my native lands Chicojí, they arecalled, where1 was born.The water-hole
called Etzpanic,where1 was bom, iswherewe live in te same
settlementwith Basilio Caalel Bac,herein te plain of Pocolá6
andwe go wit the wordof God andwith te twelve holchanes7
We are here to set down in writingte boundariesof my nativelands
in CentralAmerica and te important to dram
Chi, locative; q’anibash, yellowrock, possibly impurerecrystaUizedlimestone(MM’).A title for the headof a substantiallineageor town; TC gives3alel aslord (ahau), caci-
que,or prince; in te PopolVuh (1950: 120), Galelis thetitle of oneof dic officials who ser-vedin te K’iche’ court,togetherwith Lolmay, AtzihuinacandAhuchan.
6 Pocoláis an aldeaof SanPedroCarchá;pok sandor white earth.A fragmentof anearly Q’eqchi’ vocabularypublishedby Freeze(1975)givesholchan
as:wasacaptainorvaliantonein ancienttimes,andnow it is usedwhensomeonedoesagreatdeed.The title hoichanwasprobablycomparableto dic Yucatecholpop, a lineageheadwhousuallyservedas abatabor local headof atown Roys(1957: 7). After te conquestte func-tionsof dic holpopwereonly socialorceremonialaithoughmostwerecreatedcaciques.
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16. y behenynupalhiltacohlacarvinhaindon XptovalMelchor Ba
17. hauty behenynupalhil chichuy-ha y ccabaruquin calelCac nancuí aran
18. y cab ynupalhil vanc ui toloxcahuila calelBac na cuíaran
19. mxynupalhilcequecchochy ceabacahuilmcahelBactaincularan
20. tain canab ut le ah ual donBasilio Caíd Bac aran
21. cachin ut tain que rech a Bar-tolome Coconacachintaun querechahval
22. don QuesparCuculna vine taqueby toc chihi yal y looconquilyn ban
23. yn xutan chiruehebha le chic-qucechochtain querecha
24. Bartolome Coconana tama uichiunch yn xutan chiruch ebquebulac ah ual
25. don Quespal Cueulna naquebchalechi lacantunvancvi cansinretal
26. le tain que rech a BartolomeCoconaac vinc vi zaebacte
Here 1 set up te f¡rst landmark,1,don CristóbalMelchor Ba
The first landmarkis calledChuyha,andmy landsmeet terewith CaalelBac
The second landmarkis where tetolox 8 tree grows, 1 meettere witCaalelBac
me third landmarkis called SequerkChoch,atid 1 meettetewith CaalelBac
1 leave there wit te ehief donBasilio CaalelBac
1 give a little land to BartoloméCoconá;1 give somelandto te
chief don Gaspar Cuculná, whichtheyhaveto dividein halves,oniy for
te esteemand respect1 have forthem,but te landSequerkChoch
1 give to Bartolomé Coconá, whorequestedit, out of respeetfor
him and don GasparCuculná, whocamefrom te Usumacintavalley,atidterete cansin9treeis te landmark
1 give to Bartolomé Coconáwheretere is a sacbactlO tree
Tolosh,matapalo(FicustuerckheimiiStandl.).K’ansin, EH givesc’ansinor quenak che asatypeof tree.
~ Baqche’,a small free <Eupatorium ligustrinu,n) whosebitter leavesare used in te tre-atrncnt of colie and diarrhea.
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27. tadcaranvi vancvi tucuphuí yccabata ca caí quib ruquin cacquib bil vinc
28. ta elc aran tamil chire y yal ynsarbchamcacsisqury ccabachihoiom
29. ytzul
30. ta elc aranxacanúuinchi behenytzul uancui y yal in sarb pahal-che
31. y ccabaac ah ual don QuespalCucuinatain cuíaran
32. taquin elc aran xacamilin chahchubaly ccabaacah chohhaintayn cuíaran
33. ahbanle ta quin sihine tain cihihun xucui rach al ual donCucuina
34. oxib ut roc ahuil cheuancchi caeaibalbruquinah PoncioCac
35. ahbantaquebuachabaran
36. taquin elc chac aran xacamilinchamccanau chul y ccaba
37. taquin eic chac aran xacamilinxaltacachi olococy ecaba
From here we come to Chituhulwhere we meet wit te Cac-Quibpeople~
Fromherewecometo te edgeof tewaterholeunderte forest called
ChamCacsisq12beneatte summitof te hill
From here1 cometo the summit ofte hill, wheretere is te waterholePajaiché13
and here 1 meetwit te chief donGasparCucuiná
Fromherewe getto ChajChubal14, itis called, where we meet with teChocpeopie
andbecause1 wishto, 1 presentto techiefCuculnáacomerof land
And tere are three trees planted
where1 meetwit PoncioCac
andhere1 leavetem
Fromhereto ChamCanau Chul, it iscalled
1 leave here andcome to te vaileyChi Olococ15, it is calied
EPD givestribe for vink; cwiink, hombre, is perhaps better givenas people.2 Cham,talí; cak, color red;sisik’, alegumeof thefamnily (MM’).
‘~ Paxí(Solanumspp.).“ Chaj, taj, locative;ch’ub, ageneraltennfor wasps(MM’).‘~ Ololkok anediblemushroom(Basidiomycete).
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38. ta elc chac aran xacamiiin chiholom y tzul chahbasoyon yccaba
39. acquib bil vinc tain cuí aran
40. ta dc chac aran xacamiiin chi
holom y tzul cechachy ccaba
41. ta lec aran xacamiiin cepoc y
ccaba
42. uancui y yal sarbha uichic le ah
chohaynvuchbehen
43. nac ta quin ele aran xacamiiinuanui ahují che cahui ah chohain vuchbehen
44. ta elcaranxacamilinchi hoiomytzul cetzahy ccaba
45. tan canabahchohabinaran
46. ta eic aran xacamiiin chamcocom y ccabaachich vuchbenle Franciscode García
47. ta ele aranac rubel saconacpecxilic y ccaba
1 leavehereand cometo te summitof te hill Chajba Soyom 16, it iscalled
The Quib peopie1 meettere
1 leavetereandcometo te headof
te hill Sechaj17, it is called
1 leavetereandcometo Sepocj~, it
is called
wheretere is te waterhoie,borde-
ring againwit Choc
When1 leavehere1 cometo te pian-
tedtree,alongsideoniy wit Choc
1 leave hereandcometo te headof
te hill Setzac19, it is cailed
Here1 leavete Chocpeople
We leave hereandget to Cham Co-com20,borderingherewith Franciscode García
We leave hereand cometo beneathte white cliff of te animaisof tewind21
16 Chajba Soyom;sooyom,rectum, intestine (EH).7 Se, locative;chaj, pine (Pinusspp.).~ Pok sandor white earth.
‘~ Se, locative; tz ‘ac, mortar,wall; probablyrefersto aprehispanicruin; Setzacis aplaceloca-tednorthwestof Arenalandsouthof dic Río CahabénnearCarchá;Burkitt (1906) reportsexca-vatingaterracedmoundat Se-Tsak.La his readingof te K’iche’ PopolVuh,DTreadstz’aq (trae)to referto constructionswhosemajormaterialsareearth,stone,or cement,raiherthanwood.
20 Chan¡, tail; kokont,a thin reed (StigmatophytonpseudopuberiumNiedenga)usedforlashing.
21 Xilic as small animals, companions,or servantsof the wind, which one hears in caves,but whoeverseesthem must dic (Dieseldorff 1903); xiilic, woman with wild uncombed hair,who maintainste ceiba tree, asidtransforms herself into a young girí (PW).
SubregionalOrganizationofthe sixteenth-century. 71
48. ta dc aran ac chamuchule ixecaba
49. taeicaranxacamilinrubelmoxan-tey ccabavancvi y ya] in sarb
SO. havi uuchben de FranciscoGarcía
51. ta dc aranac chi holom y tzulseobochavi uuchaFranciscodeGarcía
52. taelearanxaeamilincechicoyaby ccaba ac ha le Gaspal de laCruztain cuíaran
53. ta dc aranxacamilinchi benhencanococy ceaba
54. ta elcaranacsirsoui pec chimu-cany ecaba
55. ta elc aran ac chiholom y zulchachsancy ccaba
56. tadc aranacmultuncepopolcaly ecaba
57. ta dc aran xacamilin chimu yecabaac ah zut choiom tain cuíaran
58. ta iec aranxacamilin cehububyccaba
Wc leave hereatid cometo Chamu-chulc
From hereto beneathte moxante22
tree,whereexistsa waterhole
bordering only with FranciscodeGarcía
From here to te headSeoboc23, borderingFranciscode García
of te hillonly with
From hereto Se Chicoyab,where1meetGasparde la Cruz
From here 1 get to te summit ofCanococ,it is cailed
From here to the circular stoneChimucan24, it is called
Prom here to te head of te hillChaehSane~, it is called
From here to Multun26, te maizefieidsof te munieipality,it is calied
From here to Chimu, it is cailed,where1 meetCholom, te wearerofte headdress27
Fromhereto Sehubub21, it is called
22 Aluch’, a wild plant whoseleavesare usedto wrap meatand tamales(Crotalariapendu-Iiflorum (Dunal) Baillon) (MW).
23 Possiblereferencero ch obok(Philodendrontripartitum).24 Chi, locative; mucaan,something to protect with; glassvesselfor imagesor icons.25 Chach Sanc; sankis a general term for aH ants.~ Muul, shrub; roon, trunk of a tree, origin of a family.~ EPD gives ah zutcho(om, dic wearer of dic headdress;ah, personal affix; suut, small
crown; PW glosseszutascottoncover,blanket;cholom,personal narne.~ Ubub, anediblemushroom(Portulaca spp.).
72 John M. Weeks
59. Ta elc aranxaeamilin hun zulilsehulpecxilic y ccaba
60. naelearanxacamilinvancui nimla tzupcenim beehisesy ceaba
61. acha ledon JuanSotzohtaincul
62. ta ele aranxacamiiin chi ruch y
pee chichiory ecaba
63. ha vila ahchocohvuchben
64. taelearantaunachabcetzacanbil
peeehahehioryal hunroe taca
65. taquinxic hun cotinvaneui xuiu
ycque
66. yal hun roc tacataquin xic tain
cuí hin tzutz aran
67. vaneui moxanteehuhibay ceaba
68. cahvi an xquiozo y culbaib túxoralinquil rib leualbaichoch
69. nacacuí ui quibruquin caíd Bac,haindonXptobal MelchorBa
70. hale ualbal choch rech ui ynmam chi haruhchi harab
From hereto a hill wheretere is acave29of the xilic
From here to where grows a largetzuptree, in theroad, whicbleads
to Chisis30, andhere1 meetdon JuanSotZoh
From hereto facing te stoneChajChior, it is calied
borderingoniy wit Chocoh
Fromhere1 go to the masonrystoneChajChior31 andgoing alongapíain
where1 cometo a fallen maguey32
plant
Fromhereaiwaysgoing in te plain 1meetTzutz
where tere is te place MoxanteChuiha~, it is cailed
Only herewit te elosing and cir-cumscribing of te borders of mynativelandsis compieted
and we haveagainmet wit CaaielBac,1, CristóbalMelchor Ba
mereforemy nativelandsbelongtomy grandehildrenfor ah time
“ As entrancestu dic underworld,areusedfor sacrif,cial andotherrites.‘~ Chi, locative; sis, pizote (Nasuanarica narica L.); pottery figurines at reported from a
site namned Sesis (Sapper 1897, Seler 1904: 97).>‘ This probably refers to a prehispanic settlement.32 1k‘e, maguey<Furcrea guatemaltensis)(MW).“ Chui, locative; ha. water.
SubregionalOrganizationof thesixteenth-century. 73
71. vaneovi tainqueretaljuramentese ehoxa houi arvine ehiruch ychoch
72. ehiruchebut y tepaleble cristia-nos chizay ecabaleDiosavebeh
73. Dios cahoibehDios espiritusan-to amenJesrsMaría y Joseph
74. xqui ozoc hun chi memoria yntestamentoreehralbal choch ahual
75. don Xptovai Melchor Ba y uahiut retal lahebcutaney be y po
76. octubre de 1539 años nae taotzoc chi beheny mesale DiosRey
77. alcaldesThomasde Aguilar AhPoeac, Juan de la Cruz Her-nandes
78. Calel Bac regidores PedroHernandesRax Juande la CruzYaxeal
79. Gaspar Mentes Coc Juan deOíais Vaina Pedro ah PocaePedrodeTorres
80. ah Poxi maestroescribano decabildo ha ut adonFranciscoahTucurba
81. Ah SanMiguel haut ahi a donPerip Ah Tucur Sarip Ba ahMiguel ha ah
And now 1 swearbeforethose whoarein Heavenandtoseon earth
and before alí the Christians, in tenameof God te Fater
God te Son,God te Hoiy Ghost.Amen.Jesces,Mary andJoseph
And now is completedthe title, thewill of te ehief
CristóbalMelchorBa concerninghisnativelands.Here is te writing doneon te tenth of
Octoberof te year 1539, whenit iscompletedon the altar of God teKing
alcaldesTomásde Aguilar Ah Poeac,Juandela Cruz Hernández
CaalelBac; regidoresPedroHernán-dez Rax, Juandela Cruz Yaxcai
GasparMendezCoc,Juande OlarisVaina, Pedro Ah Poeac, Pedro deTorres
ahPoxi; chief secretaryof te muni-cipaiity Franciscofrom SanMiguel
also don Perip Sarip Ba, from SanMiguel Tucurd
74 John Al. Weeks
82. ban ac xqui banu yn testamentonac taycuí sebemahichic razonauuch
83. uey chicamauuchueymahi
84. caehinchicy rax equehenilchix-chior y ceabamahi chi razon havuech
85. acxquin vanuyn destamentocaliua tinan auuech ha fray PedroMexia cura
86. vahi ut retal yn quieheelyn tzulyn tacain sarby itzaquinquii
87. quibtahin cqueretal y ceabachihun hunalrech y vi mam chi harub
88. chi harabchi may chi hab taineohobratalha al hin sarb
89. y behenyn sarbrubeixi y ecabayeab y sarbchi cquehayy ecaba
90. rox yn sarbchichaiby ecabay cahin sarbChamCaesis
91. re hin sarb pahaichey ceabaixguas in sarbcepocy ceaba
Andbeeausemy wili is made,when1meetyou in te road
you haveno right [toaskmefor land]wheteryou like it or not
The smaíl piece of land cailed ChixChior you no longer haveanyright
to, because1 have made my testa-ment, only tat 1 say to you. Friar,PedroMejía, parishpriest
Here 1 namemy forests, my huís,my valleys, my waterholes, fromwhich
get my sustenanee,and 1 nameoneby oneandtheybelongto my grand-chiidren
for ahí time. 1 statenowte namesofmy waterholes:
The first waterhole is calied Ru-belhi34; the second waterhole iscalied ChiQuercha
The tird waterhole is calied Chi-chaib and the fourth waterhole isChamCacsisq
The fifth waterholeis caliedPahaichéandthe sixth waterhoieis called SePoe
Rubelhi,beneath;ji, oak (Quercusspp.) (EH).‘~ Cham, talí; cak, red; sisik, a kind of legume.
SubregionalOrganizationofthesi.xteenth-century... 75
92. y vuc yn sarbchi chinla elehayecabay vacxaechi nimia elehayceaba
93. y bele rubelMoxantey ecabachica nupaleruquin a FranciscodeGarcía
94. y labe yn sarbchamamayy hun-lahuce oboey ceaba
95. y cabiahuce coc sanauy ceabaroxlahuchi nimia elehay ceaba
96. chi ca nupaleruquinahnicho deGarciaTiul
97. y caiahu ce hub chi nupaleruquin al tzutzchoiom
98. cah ut an qui ceabaca memoriayn testamentota otzocvanecoviiaheheb
99. cutaney be po octubrede 1539añosfray PedroMexía cura
me seventhwaterholeis called telittle Eieha36andte eight the largeEleha
The nint waterhoieis calledRubelMoxante~‘, our landmarkwith Fran-ciscodeGarcía
fle tent waterhoieis Seamay’8andte eieventhis calied Seoeob39
The tweift is called te smaii ~Sesanauand te tirteent is calledte
large flowing waterhole, our latid-markwit DionisioGarcíaTiul
The fourteenth is Sehubub41, teiandmarkwit Tzutz Cholom
Only teseare te names.Our titieandwili wasfinishedon te tenth
day of October, 1539. Friar PedroMejía, priest.
‘~ Eliha, natural waterspring.“ Rabel, beneath;moxante, probablymach,a wild plant whoseleavesareusedtu wrap
meatandtamales(Crotalariapendaliflorum(Dunal) Baillon) (MW).~ Se, locative;amayis aspeciesof ChusqueIongifolia, acommonreedgrassusedto make
flutes; a cave near Seamay in aldeaCandelariais wherejade beadshave beenreported(Dieseldorff1894, 1905, Sapper1895b: 14, Seler1915:3: 600).
‘~ Se, locative;oqob, liquidambar(Liquidambarstryicifera).~ Se, locative;canau, anindetenninatetypeof tree.~‘ Sejububis a caseríoof aldeaChisón; se, locative;abab,an edibleherb (Portalacaspp.)
(MW).
76 JohnAl. Weeks
TESTAMENTO TONTEM
Theoriginal sixteenth-centurydocumentwas lostandte copiespreservedare based on a reconstructionmade in 1779. me presentdocument,inQ’eqehi’, is datedFebruary17, 1862,and is aceompaniedby aSpanishver-sion datedOctober31, 1878. Relateddocumentationincludes a letter fromDieseldorff to JacintoValdez,datedSeptember21, concerningthe testamentof DiegoZeb.1. En el nombrede Padre,de Dios
Hijo, de Dios Spiritu Santo
2. Amén. Jesús,Maríay José
3. Haynjun chi a guabaxDiegoZeb
yn ecabataynbanuli testamento
4. rechli jun chi calebalehochcomo
eaehu calebalguanchi Tontem
5. quin ehutub u testamentochix
eaycalbamquitzecIi retalil Ii gue
6. la in Diego Zeb baut ta raah in
chooi nac ta oc lix testamentoil
7. lix xoraniiquil nacjo zechoxajoc
chiruchy choch
8. chi ruch chebIi jun cholchi uabeh
aguababnaetestigochirix lin
9. cauxí1am ahDiegoZeb
10. tain cojob lix nupalxil yx xora-linquil Ii calebalehocharquin
In te nameof God te Fater,God
te Son,andGodte Hoiy Chost
Amen. Jesus,Mary, andJoseph
1, te ehief,DiegoZeb,is my name,1
makethis testamentof a maizeiand42,becauseit is mine,it is Tontem43
1 bring together te titíes of myneighborsbecause1 haveiost my
documents.1, DiegoZeb,thisis whatmy heartwishes,tat my
The measuringshouidbe madeas inHeavensoon earth,beforete
assembledchiefs, whichshalibewit-
nessto my dispositions
1, DiegoZeb
1 put upits landmarks;te boundariesof te maizelands,here1
42 c ‘alebal, caserío,seriesof houses,or settlement.
‘“ Tontemis a caserío of aldeaChirrequim<Figure 2) locatedapproximatelythreekilome-tersnorthof dic Río Cahabénandsorne14 kilometerseastof SanPedroCarchá;toon, treetrunkor theorigin of afaniily; lineage;ten, bench(EH).
SubregionalOrganizationoftite si.xteenth-century... 77
11. tain coyob11 nupaiix
12. arquin chiziguan ea ealbaibruquin ah choe agau-guii vinetaincuí aran
13. tain lech aranxacamilinchi gua-rom guangui cruz
14. taquinleee chic ut aranxaeami-un chimuxe
set up te landmarks:
Here at Chi-Siguan”,our boundarywith te chief of te Choe people,whom1 meethere
1 leave there and come to Chi
Guarom45wberetere is a cross
1 leavetereandgetto Chi Muxe
“ Chisigutnisacaseríoof aldeaPocolá;ch4 locative;sicwanor sihaan,sinkholeordoline(EH).~ Chiguarromis acaseríoof aldeaPocolá; chi, locative;guarromor caarrom, owl (Babo
virginianas) (EH).~ Thecrossis consideredasarepresentationof Tzuul tak’a(lit. moantainasid valley), dic
earthdeity, and is consideredto beespeciallysacredandpowerful, andreceivesprayersandofferingsof flowers, incense,pineboughs,asid candíeson hilltops, in caves,asidat watcrholesduringagriculturalrituals.
FIGURE 2.—Locationof Tontemant) XalUa Cha] Pixol (darkenedcirciesrepresentkzwwnarchaeologicalresourcesandcmssesindicatetite locationofethnographicermitas).
78 JohnAl. Weeks
15. ta llee chic aranaczecherechene
guanguizaconacpec
16. xin cuíab chohxiii vine aran
17. taquinieec aranxacamilchiunchguanvi z zarb
18. tain lece aran xacamilin se lalaocob
19. cuncumcabchibatz
20. xicanabah choharanaeah cheilvine gui cuíaransecumeumab
21. xin ale aranxacamil rubel tzulchirey quim
22. zebejun be ixben xacamiichirucruzxal y tzul chi quisis
23. xi canabah cheil vine aranquincuí rib ruquin al chubil vine
24. xin el aranxin cainjun roctacaxaca-mil guanvu zaconacpec senima
25. yx cajeegui riob ruquinah zebbu vine
26. xin eajun roenimaxacamil chiziguanlix quincobgui un monjon
1 leave tere and get to Se Chirre
Quenq~ wherethereis a whiteciiff
Here1 meetwit the Choc peopie
1 again leave there and come toChiunch,wheretere is awaterhole
1 leavetereandget to Seocob4t
to Cuncumcab,to Chibatz49
1 leave the Choc and meet with theChepeopie,hereat Secumcumcab50
1 leavethereandget to beiow the hillChirrequim51
From here straight to the summit,faeingthe crosson te sideof the hillChi Quisis52
1 leavethe Chepeoplehereandmeetwith the Chubpeople
1 leave thereand go along a valleyandcometo a whitecliff at
the river53, wherewe dividewith theZeb people
1 go alongthe river valley andcometo Chi Siguan,where1 set up
ageneralterm (br bean (Phaseolus spp.).‘~‘ Se, locative;chi re, at dic edge;queenk’,~ Se, locative;oqob, liquidambar(Liquidambarstryicifera).~ Chi, locative;batz’, howler monkey(Alouattaspp.).~ Secumánisacaserío in aldeaChineaché; se,locative;comI~n,waterhole or deeppuol in a nver.‘~ Chirrequim is analdeaof SanPedroCarchá;chi re, at dic edge;qui.n,diatch (roofing
material).52 Chiquisis is a caseríoin aldeaChirrequim;chi, locative; gui, tnany; sis, pizote (Nasua
nancanarica L.) (MM’).“ Referenceto Río Cahabón.
SubregionalOrganizationoftite sixteenth-century... 79
27. quix cuí ut rib nupalix Ii calebalchoch
28. chi cu lao alcaldesregidoresdemunicipales
29. De estaciudadestapoblacióndeSanPedroCarehá
30. Los señoresalcaldes son los
siguentesnombres
31. El alcaldeprimero,CornelioChoc
32. El alcaldesegundoPedroMartil
Ycal
33. Ocho regidoresdecanos:Anto-nio Chub, Domingo Cucul, To-másTiul
34. JoséMaría Yeal, Manuel Choc,LucasYcal, VicorianoCoc
35. SantiagoChub
36. Testigo de asistenciaJ. Luciano
Mucu, síndicoprimero
37. Sacadacopia y trasladode estamemoria en la ermita de SanSebastián
38. Martín en 17 defebrerode 1862
39. Por el señor gobernadorPio-quinto Yaxcal. J. De los SantosCoc, síndicoprimero
40. TomásCoc, escribanoprimero
my first iandmark. They have met,te iandmarksof the maizefieids
Before us, te alcaldesregidoresofthe municipality
of SanPedroCarchá
41. J. LucianoMucu,síndicosegundo
80 JohnM. Weeks
42. El añoquetienela memonaon-ginal; enquecopiéestaescritura
43. Noviembre18 de 1779. November18, 1779.
TESTAMENTO XALIJA CHAJ PIXOL
On October 10, 1539, on te basis of testimonygiven by PoncioTux, adocumentwas preparedwhieh set forth te landmarksthat demareatedteboundariesof te propertyownedby Tux andhis people.The original docu-ment was iost and te copy preservedis basedon a reconstructionmadein1834.The presentdocument,in Q’eqchi’ andSpanish,is datedMarch3,1834,and is accompaniedby a Spanisb version dated September9, 1871.Accompanyingdocumentationinciudes a ietter ftom Dieseldorff to IsmaelDelgadoand SalvadorSantaMaría, datedSeptember21, 1937, requestinginformation aboutthe testamentof PoncioTux.
1. Se yx ceabay Dios aguabehDioscabolbehDios, EspirituSanto
In the nameof God te Fater,Godte Son,andGodthe Hoiy Ghost
2. Amén. Jesús, María y José,Juaquíny Ana
Amen. Jesús, MaryJoaquinandAnna.
and Joseph.
3. Haynah PonsioTux guancovi seu habde 1539 añoslahebix be yPO
4. octubrenac ta osoc yn memorialtestamentoreehvalbalchocharan
5. xaliha chah pixol harran yx cuírrib rruquin ahGarcíaTiul
6. yx eab yn nupalh se ix pensehunahcabe rruquin GarcíaTiul
~ Xalija Chaj Pixol; sitaliha’, confluencewhich is fastenedor lashed.
“ Alíspice (Pimientadiolca L. Merrilí) is
1, PoncioThx, in te year 1539,tenthdayon te roadof te
mont October, complete my titieandtestamentof my nativeland
Xalija Chaj Pixol ~ whereit borderswit GarcíaTiul
Theseeondlandmarkis te penstree~,stifl ourboundaxywit GarcíaT¡ul
of two rivers or streams;EH givespiso! asthat
animportantcashtreecrup (MW).
SubregionalOrganizationof thesi.xteenth-centuq.. 81
7. rox yn nupalhchirre saguaquitum
8. yx el aranyal tice xacamilin chi-rroquehasamaib
9. yx el aranxacamilchi ynup
10. yx el aranxacamilse cantal
11. yx el aran xaeamdsa nima sa-actechi rubelpee chi tzalam~
12. yx elaranxacamilchi nim lacub-sinqaranut quinccanabajGarcía
13. Tiul se taca
14. quin el ut aranxacamiiinse-pos,hunab ca be rruquin ab SantaMaría Cajbom
15. yx el aranxacamilinguanvi saho-nacpeehunahut chic caberruquin
16. donJuanMataebatz
The tl¡ird landmarkis te edgeof tewaterSeeuaquitum56
1 leave here and go direetíy to te
watercourseat Arenal57
Fromhere1 cometo Chi Ynup58
Fromhere1 cometo Cherital59
Fromhere1 cometo te river Chae-te61,beiowte hill cailedPrison
From here1 cometo a long incline,where1 leave García
Tiul in te vailey
From here 1 come to Se Pos, ourboundarywit the peopie of SantaMaría Cajabón
Fromhere1 cometo wherearewhiteeiiffs 62, ourboundarywit
don JuanMatacbatz63
56 Secuaquitumis acaseríoin aldeaRubeltum.~‘ FincaArenal (Spanish:sandyplaceor quicksand;Qeqchi’: samahib)is locatedwhere
the QuebradaArenal flows asa subteaaneanstreasnthree kilometersnorthwardtu dic RíoCahabén.A numberof archacologicalresourceshavebeenidentifiednearArenal. Dieseldorff<1905) reportsfsnding jadeobjectsin acavesiteat Arenal. Seacal,asmallLateClassicperiodmasonrygroupcomprisingsornetenstructures¡o alsolocatedon FincaArenal (Smith1955:56,Fig. 33, 34a-e, 129, R.E. Smith 1949: 229). Chijolum, a LateClassic-Postclassicperiodsiteconsistingof five platforms,including abali court, is locatedun FincaSemarac,approximatelythreekilometerseastof FincaArenal (Smith 1955: 57, Fig. 35. 36a-f, R.E. Smith 1949: 230).
‘~ ¡nup, ceiba(CeibapentandraL. Gaertn.).“ Chi re, locative;taL teusinte<Tripsacumspp.).~ EPDgives tzalam,prison;however,othersourcesglosstz ‘a/amasplain, fiat, walt also,
tz ‘a/am che,board;tz ‘a 1ampec,stoneslab, largerock. Given dic context,amoreappropr¡atetransiationreferto awoodenstockadeor, by extension,alate prehistoricdefensivesettlement.
~ Se, locative;acte’, wild pacaya(Chamaedoraspp.).Seacteis a omalí river in die vici-nity of San PedroCarchá.Jadebeadsarereponedtu havecome frum acave nearSeacte(Dieseldurff1905, Sapper1895b: 14).
62 Sakoonac,white rock, largeotone(EH).63 TheTestamentoChamelcodescribesnegotiatiusisbetweendic caciquesJuanMatacbatz
of SanJuanChasnelcuasid CuconhaZal of SanPedroCarchá(Sapper1897).
82 JohnM. Weeks
17. yx ele aranxacamil caeruhchypeevochbendonJuanMatacbatz
18. yx ele aranxacamilogui sehala-guna
19. yx elo aranxaeamiise nimIa julse ochocpec
20. yx elaranxacamilsecacruehha
21. yx el aranxacanuii chiben y zulzehalaute
22. yx el aranxacamiiinchi beny zularanac qui ret ci chacZehalaute
23. quin el aranxaeamilin chi rubelcoj chin hasepos
24. yx el aranxacamil chirrn saho-nac eib qui ha chirrruch
25. yx el aran xacamil chirre sarbchix ton y sah
26. yx ele aran xacamilin ulpan, acaran quin cul ah San JuanCha-meico
27. yx elaranxacamiisaepur
Fromhere1 cometo te red coloredciiff, stili aiongside of don JuanMatacbatz
From here we come to where is aiagoon
From here 1 cometo te largeholeandcave
Fromhere1 cometo tewaterM Secac
From here1 come to te top of the
hill Sejaiaute65
[The readingof this sentenceis not
clear; it seemsto bea repetition:EPD]
Fromhere1 cometo beneatte can-co] ~ tree, at the edgeof te waterChipos
From hereto the white eiiff, belowwhich te watersprouts
Fromhereto te edgeof the wateratte foor of the £zaaj67tree
Promhere to Ulpan68, where1 meette peopleof SanJuanChameico
Fromhere1 cometo Sacpur69
Rokha is small stream(EH).65 Halaute’, atypeof palm (Chamaedoraspp.) (MW)~ Canoj anindeterminatetree.67 Tza’ax,Lee (VernonialeiocarpaDC) (MM’).66 Upanisariver within thejurisdiction ofSanPedroCarchá.Dieseldorff(1894, 1905)reports
recuveringjadeubjectsanddin sheetsof goldassociatedwith humanbwials.Anarchacologicalsiteis reportadatFincaPanzainala,locatedneardieRíoCanlichsornesinekilometerseastof Upanandsevenkilometerswest of Arenal (VillacortaandVillacotta 1927: 322, Seler 19<1)1: 179,Fig. 256).
~ Sacpuris a caseríoin dicjurisdiction of SanPedroCarchá;salc white, many;pur ageneraltermfurjuta orhighlandriversnail(Pachychilusspp.),aniulluscwith n’any associatedbeliefs(MW).
SubregionalOrganizationof tite sixteenth-century... 8328. yx el aran xacamil zemesehe
arannin cuí ab ehohabau
29. yx ele aranxacamilin chitap
30. yx elearanxaeamilcacauchibeny zul
31. yx el aranxacamilchirital seritehe
32. yx el aran quin el hun roeikachireeacnab
33. xacamilin chire nimíahul chirreu cacnab
34. quin el aran xacamilin xaiihachabpixol quin [...] quix cuí
35. rib yx [...] leain PonsioTux aran[...] ruquin
36. GarcíaTiul
37. guangui yn tzul yn tacayn sarbyx tzacanquilrib tain qu rretal
Fromhere1 cometo Semesehe70, tere
1 meettechiefof te Chocpeople
Fromhere1 cometo Chitap7’
Fromhere1 cometo Chi Cacao72
Fromhere1 cometo Chirital Seritehe
Fromhere1 getto a valley aiongsideof a river wit deeppoois
1 cometo the edgeof a largehole intherock, on te sideof a deeppooi’3
From here 1 come to Xaiiha ChabPixol, from where1 started;tey have
met, the boundary lines, whichbeiongto me, PoncioTux, there
where1 meetwit GarcíaTiul
1 possesshuísandvalieys [andwater-holes] where1 find my support,and1state
38. yx ccabajaruj chichihab
rech vi yn mam chijarab chi jun may ta
their names;tey are for my grand-chiidren forever, for every period oftwentyyears74
‘~ Semescheis locatedwithin the beundariesof Finca Chajcarat the sourceof dic RíoUlpan and sorne six kilometerssouthof the Río Cahabón.DieseldorffexcavatedextensivelythoughoutFincaChajcar during the late 1890srecoveringsorne 12,000pottery fragments,atlatest 12 burials, sorneincluding jadeobjects,deerantlers,asidtepescuintleteeth,asid two thincoppercar fiares(Dieseldorff1894, 1895,1905, Seler 1915:3, Plate 3, VillacortaandVillacorta1927: 322, 343-346).
“ Chitap is a caseríoin aldeaChiacalté;chi, locative; tap, land crabfound nearriversandsprings (MW).
72 Cacao(TheobromacacaoL.).“ EH givescaknaabasocean,sea,or vastexpanse.‘~ Referencetu akatan, the calendarcycle of twentyyears.
84 JohnAl. Weeks39. tain eohobretal yn sarbguahi ix
ben yn sarbhapetehe
40. yx eabsarbchio ha colol
41. rox yn sarbehichaehe
42. yx cayn sarbehiohacolol
43. ro yn sarbchi caey pee
44. yx guaeyn sarb serasuupseco-pur
45. yx vuc yn sarbsetanpaz
46. yx vacxac yn sarb chiru tacazecanpaz
47. yx beleyn sarbse hocob
48. yx lagepsarbchirru saconacchi-
rre leb y ha ChiCheheh
49. yx labeyn sarbchi chahbabuch
50. yx huniahuyn sarb chiehiniavapuruiha
51. yx cablahu yn sarb chi nimiapurníha
1 state the namesof my waterhoies:
herete flrst, Petche75
My seeondwaterholeis Sehacolol
My third waterholeis Chichache
My fourt waterholeis Sehacolol76
My fiftb waterhoieis Chi Caey Pee
My sixt waterhole is Sera SuupSecopur77
My seventhwaterhoieis Setanpaz
My eighth waterhoie is in te plainZecanpaz
My nint waterholeis Se Hocob78
My tent waterholeis underte ciiff
on te edgeof te waterChicheheh79
My tent waterhoie is Chi Chabba
Bucht0
My eieventhwaterhoie is te small
Purulha1’
My tweift waterhole is te largePurnIha82
“ Probable referenceto peche’, aterin for Rabasspp.(MM’).76 Kolol, ashort-billedpigeon(Colambanigrirostris) (MW).“ Secoepuris analdeaof SanPedroCarchá;se, locative;coc. sinalí;pur is ageneraltenn
forjuteorhighlandriversnail <Pachychilusspp.),amolluscwith nianyassociatedbeliefs(MM’).78 Sejucoh is acaserfuin aldeaSechinacté;se,Jocative; oqob, liquidambar (Liqaidamnbar
styraciflua).“ A speciesof carpinteroor hushy-crestedjay (Cassilophamelanocyanea)(MM’).~ EPDgivesdiis asSecac,acaseríoin aldeaSecajc;se, locative;PM’ givesc‘ac. flea;cac,
ruof pole,andcak, thunderclap.~ Parul, somethingwhichboils; referenceto asmalihot springs.~‘ Referenceto alargehot springs.
SubregionalOrganizationofthesi.xteenth-century... 85
52. roxlahuyn sarbsehaibaca My tirteent waterhoieis Sehaibaij
53. yx caíahuyn sarbzerettzi My fourteentwaterholeis Seretzi
54. cali ut yn memorial testamnento OnIy this is te titie of PoncioTuxle haynPoncioThx and
55. testamentore le PoncioTux se le wili of PoncioTux in te year 1539.ab 1539. Jesús María y José Jesús,Mary andJoseph.JoaquínandJoaquíny Ana Anna.
56. alcaide primero Tomás deAguilar Ah Pocac
57. alcaldesegundoJuande laCruzHernándezCalel Bac
58. regidor Pedro HernándezRax,regidorJuandela Cruz Yaxcal
59. regidor Gaspar Mendez Coe,regidorJuandeOíaisBalná
60. regidor PedroAh Pocac;PedroDoloresApoxy
61. maestroelescribanohaynabdon The chief seeretary1 FranciscofromFrancisco ha Tucurba San SanMiguel Tucurú83Miguel
62. escribanosegundohautbayndon The secondsecretaq1 Felipe fromFelipeTucurbaSanMiguel SanMiguel Tueurú
63. oso ut ratin guaneo vi laheb The wording is compieted on thecutanix be y pu octubrede 1539 tent dayof October1539años
64. fraile PedroMegía. Friar PedroMejía.
‘~ San Miguel Tucuré is a Pukurnchí-speaking¡nunicipality buundedtu dic north by
SenahtiandSan PedroCarchá,to dic eastby Senaháand Panzus,tu dic southby Puruihá,andto dic westby Tamahtiasid SanJuanChamelco.
86 John Al. Weeks
DISCUSSION
me generalregion consideredin thetree latid titles is signiflcantfor thearchacologicaland historical studyof te Guatemalahighlands.The Cobán-Careháareawas an major conduit from the highiandsto the adjacentPeténlowlandsduring te prehispanicand colonial periods.Perhapsmore signifi-eantly, Carcháwas an importantpopulationcenterin ancientTuzulutlán,theregion in whiehte Kiche’ placedte mythologicaldeedsof te HeroTwinsin te Popo! Vuh (1950: 112-113).
The landtities provideseveralkindsof informationimportantfor recons-trncting aspectsof te local social mosaic in te Q’eqchi’-speakingnorthemhighlandsof Guatemala.Of particularinterestis the mention of te CoeandCucul lineages,presumablyremnantsof Ch’ol-speakerswho were resettiedinto te highlandsfrom te adjacentlowlandsto te north.In te TestamentoChico]!, CristóbalMelchor Ba claimshis legitimateright to propertyreferredto as Chaj Chicojí as he identifies landheid by BartoloméCoc and GasparCucul, originaily from the Río Usumacintaregion,and definesboundarieswit Bae,Cae,Choc,Cholom,Cruz,Quib, Sotzoh(Chocoh),Tiul, andTzutzlineages.
Thedocumentsare alsoof considerableusefor thereconstructionof socialgroupslargertan individual homesteadsandsmaíler thanregional eenters.meregionalorganizationof te Q’eqchi’ can be generaliydescribedin termsof two distinctspatialconcepts:tenamitandc’alebaat The tenamit (Nahuatí:tenamil!, fence,enciosure)is generaliycoterminouswith municipio or town,althoughtheterm appiies to ah categoriesof political units aboyete level ofthe c’alebaal (village). Q’eqchi’ towns of any size were divided into wards(molam)or barrios(teep),eachadministeredby a caalel, laterreferredto as athis official wascalledaprincipal or a regidor by the Spaniards.
SevenLate Postclassicperiod Q’eqchi’ centers or tenamitshave beenlocatedon elevatedmountainspursaboyevalleys in theCobán-CarcháareabyArnauid(1986).The laekof protohistorieremainsis probablytheresultofsur-vey methodoiogy since historical documentationcleariy indicate that theregion was not thiniy populatedwhentheSpaniardsfirst entered.
me largestof the sites is Chicán,consistingof severalrectangularplat-forms arrangedaroundoneor moreplazas.Plasteredmasonryis usualiyvísí-bie. At Chicántwo highpiatforms showinsetor projectingstairwaysflankedby wide sioping balustrades.Similar types of architectureare notedat twosites nearTactic, asidat alate site locatedaboyeSanPedroCarchá.No bali-court,central altar,pyramidaistructure,exceptGroupA at Chicán,havebeenfound. The sitesgenerallyexbibit residentialor funerary functionsandappa-rently iack the primary ceremonialfunctions associatedwit Ciassicperiodsitestheyhadduring the Classicperiod.The religiouscentersprobabiymoved
Sabregional Organizationof tite sixteenth-centary... 87
from the bottom iands to mountainsummits,which are presentiy importantreiigious foel of theQ’eqchi’. Oneof theseis Kaacwa’Xucaneb,locatedjustaboyete site of Chicán.The site of Chichenwas anoterimportantprotohis-torie importantcenter.In 1550,JuanMatacbatzwas the caciqueof SanJuanChamelco,probablypopuiatedby te residentsof Chichen.me generalpopu-lation residedon or near cuitivated fiat lands (c’a!ebaa!) during te LatePostclassicperiod.
The c’alebaa! (milpería,aldea,caserío;c’al, milpa) is an extensionof tepatriloeallyextendeddomestiegroup. The membersof a patriuineageuveonadjacentiandswhich tey haveinheritedfrom teir ancestors.A patriuineagepossesssomejural autority, in tat importantdecisionsfor lineagemembersaremadeby te seniormales.In addition to control of land, somepatriuinea-gesalsoown ritual paraphernaliaused in ceremonialor ritual occasions.Thec’a!ebaa!mayvary in size from approximatelyten to fifty families which actas alargeresidentialcorporategroupin wbichmarriage,residence,andsocialinteraetionare influencedby membership(Sapper1891b: 893; 1913).Nuclearfaniilies characteristicaliyinhabit separatedweliings, and corporatelineage(toon)boundariesmaybedifficult to recognizephysically.Dweilings areseat-teredabout an ermit (hermitage),a speciaiizedpublie structureof te localcommunity to conductand administersuch corporatemattersas education,worship,sacrifice,andeconomieaffairs,witin a specific residentialzone.Inte eighteenth-centuryte floor of the hermitageservedas acommonburialareaand te buiiding housedcrossesandother saintly images,andprobablyalsoattendedothernon-reiigiousfunctionsas local templesmayhavedoneinancienttimes.Tuesestructures,whenreduplicatedin various partsof aiands-cape,mayrepresentonetypeof evidencefor theexistenceof a lineagegroup.Waterhoies<sarb), importantsacredplaceswitin eachc‘alebaal, are markedby crossshrines.Control of rights to water is crucial for humanlife in tiskarsticenvironment,especiaiiyduringte long dry season.Tbemilpa (c’a!) isusuallyclearedon high andweil-drainedlandsgenerailylocatedreiativeiyfarfrom te viliage nucleus.
The c’a!ebaal groups were apparentiy nested within larger divisionsknown as xakibaal, or paraje,te iargestsubdivisionof a municipality. Thedataare unclearhoweverwhetersuchethnographicconstructswere presentin te sixteenth-century.
In order of frequency,boundarymarkersgiven in the documentsare:waterholes,forestsor trees,hilis or elevatedplaces,cavesor dolines,vaileyfloors or level arcas,eliff faces,andcultural features.Boundarymaintenanceandcompositionaremadeclearby ceremoniesperformedto theancestraldei-ties andte tzu!taka.j? The sacredlandscapeis markedby the distribution oflineageshrines(mayejbaa!)dedicatedto te worship of the tzu!takaj? meseshrinesare typicaily locatedin low placesnearspringsor otherwatersources,high on mountainsummits,andat naturalopeningsinto the earth,cavesand
88 JohnAl. Weeks
sunkenwaterhoies.Tbe tzultaka], literaiiy hili-valiey, defineaclassof deitiestat are multiple, but can also be conceivedof as a unitar>’ entity (Sehackt1986:60).Eaehhill andmountainhasits ownrzufrakaj, but te termgenerailypersonifieste totality of te earth.The numberof tzu!taka] is usuallyconsí-deredto be tirteen, anumberwit a speciaísacredasid ritual eonnotations.
The rzuhakn] are ah associatedwith specific physiographicfeaturesinnorthernGuatemala,most locatedin te Verapazhighiands.A Q’eqchi’ pra-yer recordedby Sapper(1925) in Alta Verapazrequestingprotection for amaizecrop nameste foilowing: Cancuenand Chahmayic,both rivers, andte mountainsKana Itzam, te northernboundaryin te TestamentoTontem,and te oniy femahe and most maievoient,aud Peemo’, amountain with asacredcave and te place of greatpiigrimages. me Q’eqehi’ in souternBelize recognizeseveraloter tzultaka] including, Kaacwa’ Xucaneb(a hillnearSanJuanChamelco),Kaacwa’ Coja] (nearSanPedroCarehá),Kaacwa’Ixim (near Tactie), Kaacwa’ Siyab, Kaacwa’ Sayi! (in te DepartmentofIzabal),Kaacwa’RasHon, Kaacwa’ Chit’unun, SeñorSan Vicente,KaacwaChimuy, Kaacwa’ Saki Pec, Kaacwa’ Chikoivon, and Kaacwa’ Sariquib(Schackt1986: 61).
me tzu!taka] are believedto keepwild animaislocked up in pensinsideteir huís. On receivingappropriateofferingsof copal, theanimalsare relea-sedto becomete preyof hunters.The animaismayalsobelet out to trespasson amilpa if onehasneglectedte customaryrituals in connectionwit clea-ring andsowing.Sincete tzufrako] aremastersor ownersof bot te landandthe animais,peoplearecompletelydependentupon tem for teir liveiihood.memastersmustbeappeased,bot to giveandnot to destroy.me TestamentoChicojí makesreferenceto thexi!ic, or animaisof te wind, asboundarymar-kers in two places,possiblyeorrespondingto te rzu!taka].
In addition to te tenamitandc ‘aleboal, historicaldoeumentsmakerefe-renceto oter sociospatialconstruets,suehas te amak’, given variousiyas acolleetion of families, clan or lineage segment,or pueblo in general.Theamak’ is probabiy not a discretelocalized unit but rathera more dispersedsocialunit. Suehgroupsmaybe only amorphousconstruetsbut remainusefulfor te studyof socialgroups.
The patternof residencein te Q’eqchi’ region over the pastgenerationshasbeenradicahiyafreetedby theexpansionof te Germansandladinos,fron-tier society,and particulariyby fluctuationsin te Guatemalancoifee trade.The phenomenonof clusteringis essentialto te formationand maintenanceof residentialgroupsin te faceof iow andunstablesubsisteneecapabilities.Thepracticeof milpa or swiddenagriculture,alongwith ahuntingandgate-ring economy has resultedin a dispersedpopulation. Q’eqchi’ resideneegroupsare nestedinto largerlocal groups.Tbe conceptof te c’alebaa! is ausefulanaiyticalconstructtat providesa convenientunit of study for theanalysisof socialreiationsaboyete domestiegroupandbelowte town cen-
SubregionalOrganizationof tite sixteentit-century... 89
ter. It is a discretelocalizedsettiementunit correspondingto a roughnaturalor geographica.Isubdivision of te region definedby more or iessexplicití>’recognizedpolitical andsocialunits.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My interestin te archaeoiogicaicontributionsof Erwin P. Dieseidorffwasinitialí>’ developedwhiie 1 was empioyedfrom 1981 to 1985 atTozzerLibrar>’(formerly te library of te PeabodyMuseumof ArchaeologyandEtnology)at Harvard University. During this time Dr. Nancy J. Schmidt, ten librar>’director, encouragedmy investigations. Funding from the NationalEndowmentfor te Humanitiesmadepossibiea visit to te Latin AmericanLibrar>’ at TulaneUniversity in New Orleanswherete DieseldorffColiectionis curated.Dr ThomasNiehaus,ten director of te Latin AmericanLibrar>’,didmuchto makemy sta>’apleasantone.Finaily, a Grant-in-Aidof Research,Artistry and Scholarshipfrom the GraduateSchooi of the University ofMinnesotaduring the spring of 1991 madepossibieanexaminationof thehol-dingsat te Archivo GeneraldeCentroAméricain GuatemalaCity as weli asabrief reconnaissanceof te region includedin the TontemandChicojí docu-ments. Accompaniedby Vincent Osier, a student at the University ofMinnesota,onemonthwas spentvisiting te currentFincaTontemnorthof teRío Cahabónandweii as severalcoifeeplantationssouthof theRío CahabónbetweenSan PedroCarcháandFincaXicacaco,a distanceof approximateiy30 kiiometers. These inciuded SanPablo Chimax, Chajcar,SantaCecilia,Sasis,Chicuc,andXicacaco.Sr.ArmandoVásquezof SanPedroCarchá,pre-sentownerof FincaTontem,lcd me throughhis coifeeandcardamomplanta-tion and identified man>’ of te toponymicsenumeratedin te TestamentoTontem.His extensiveknowledgeof the Q’eqchi’ was shareduneonditionalí>’andmuchappreciated.Accessto the extensiveDieseldorfflandholdingswaspossibleonly with te cooperationof Sr. GustavoA. GonzálezB., adminis-tratorof W.E. DieseldorffSues.,andSr. HaraldoLuna,site managerfor FincaChajear.
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