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Subregional organization of tite sixteenth-century Q ‘eqchi ‘Maya, Alta Verapaz, Guatemala John M. WEEKS Museum Library University of Pennsylvania Museunz of Archaeology antí Anthropology 33 ami Sprice Streets Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-6324 RE. UU. Fax 1-215-2008 [email protected] RESUMEN Organizacion subregional en el siglo xvi de los Mayas Q’eqchi’, Alta Verapaz, Guatemala La investigación sobre los patrones prehispánicos de asentamiento es un tema importante dentro de los más recientes estudios arqueológicos en el altiplano maya. Tales investigaciones están generalmente basadas en rasgos fisiográficos naturales, tales como valles intermontanos y cuencas de ríos, prestando poca consideración a limites de mayor significación cultural. En este articulo se examinan tres títulos colo- niales de propiedad de indígenas maya q’eqcbí con el objeto de buscar su utilidad para identificar, localizar y definir las primeras unidades territoriales supralocales, y reconstruir la geografía política colonial indígena. Palabras clave: Maya Q’eqchf, Guatemala, patrones de asentamiento ABSTRACT Tbe investigation of prehispanie settlement patterns is a major teme in recent archacological research of the Maya Highlands. Such studies are usually based on physiographically natural features such as intermontane valleys and river drainages with little consideration of culturally significant boundaries. In this paper three early colonial Q’eqchi’ land titles from te Guatemala Highlands in order to examine te Revista &paiiola de Antropología Americana, 27, 59-93. Servicio Publicaciones UCM. Madrid, ¡997

Transcript of Subregional organization oftite sixteenth-century ‘eqchi ‘Maya, Alta Verapaz … · 2017. 4....

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Subregionalorganizationof tite sixteenth-centuryQ ‘eqchi ‘Maya, Alta Verapaz,Guatemala

JohnM. WEEKSMuseumLibrary Universityof PennsylvaniaMuseunzof Archaeologyantí Anthropology

33 amiSpriceStreetsPhiladelphia,[email protected]

RESUMEN

Organizacionsubregionalen el siglo xvi de los MayasQ’eqchi’, Alta Verapaz,Guatemala

La investigaciónsobrelos patronesprehispánicosde asentamientoes un temaimportantedentrode los másrecientesestudiosarqueológicosen el altiplano maya.Tales investigacionesestángeneralmentebasadasen rasgosfisiográficosnaturales,tales como valles intermontanosy cuencasde ríos, prestandopocaconsideraciónalimites de mayorsignificacióncultural. En estearticuloseexaminantres títulos colo-nialesdepropiedaddeindígenasmayaq’eqcbíconelobjetode buscarsu utilidadparaidentificar, localizar y definir las primerasunidadesterritoriales supralocales,yreconstruirla geografíapolíticacolonial indígena.

Palabrasclave:MayaQ’eqchf, Guatemala,patronesdeasentamiento

ABSTRACT

Tbe investigationof prehispaniesettlementpatternsis a major temein recentarchacologicalresearchof the Maya Highlands.Such studiesare usually basedonphysiographicallynaturalfeaturessuchas intermontanevalleys andriver drainageswith little considerationof culturally significantboundaries.In this paperthreeearlycolonial Q’eqchi’ land titles from te GuatemalaHighlandsin orderto examinete

Revista&paiiola de AntropologíaAmericana, 27, 59-93.Servicio PublicacionesUCM. Madrid, ¡997

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possibleutility for identifying, locating, anddefining suprahouseholdterritoriesandthe reconstructionof colonial political geography.

Key words:MayaQ’eqchi’, Guatemala,Settlementpalterus

INTRODUCTION

The investigationof prehispanicsettlementpattemshas beena majorthemein recentMaya archaeologicalresearch(Ashmore1981). Householdsare usuallyconsideredto be the basic functional units in settlementsystemsemphasizingstructuresand structural aggregates(Ashmore 1981; CiudadRuiz 1984; Fauvet-Berthelot1986; Wilk andAshmore1988). However, des-pite this emphasison localizedsocialgroupsin prehistoricor protohistoric insouthernMesoamerica,few attemptshavebeenmadeto identify anddefinesuprahouseholdgroupswithin thecontextofregionalpolities (Carmack1967;Weeks1988, 1991).Thereasonsarenumerousalthoughtheprimaryconstralnthasbeen the lack of appropriatematerial correlatesand relevanthistoricaldocumentationupon which to basesuch studies.As a result, the study ofregionalsettlementsystemshasbeenusuallybasedon suchphysiographicallydiscretenaturalfeaturesas intermontanevalleysor river drainageswith littleconsiderationof culturally significantboundaries.

The purposeof this essayis to presentthe texts of threeearly colonialQ’eqchi’ Maya landtitíes from the northernhighlandsof Guatemalaandtoexaminetheir possibleutility for identifying, locating,anddefiningsuprahou-seholdterritoriesandthereconstructionof colonial political geography.

LANO TITLES AS A SOURCE OF ARCHIAEOLOGICALINFORMATION

Early colonial indigenousdocumentswere preparedprimarily for legalandpolitical purposes(Carmack1973: 19). Many of thesedocumentsfunc-tioned as land titíes althoughsomewere not designedprimarily as suchbutcameto funetion as land titíes as disputesover land becamemorecritical.Rights to land were complex, andvarious entitlementscould be claimedbydifferentsocialgroups.Most earlydocumentsrefer to local rights of adminis-trationor to rigbts of tribute.Administrative rightswereusuallybasedon myt-hological or legendaryassociationsbetweenproperty and local group occu-pancy,in which caselandboundariesweregiven.

Colonial land titíes are of some importancefor understandingthe localorganizationof indigenousgroupsto theextentthat theyspecificallyidentify

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geographicallocations,neighboringsocialgroups,andotherkindsof culturalinformation (BarreraVásquez1984; Riese1981; Roys 1939, 1957). For theGuatemalahighland region thesedocumentscomplementinformationpresen-ted in more substantialtexts such as the Popol Vuh (Carmack1967, 1973).RobertHill (1989, 1991)hasrecentiyidentified pattemsof nativism, innova-tion, andcultural resistancein colonial period Kaqchikelpropertydocuments.Hill arguesfor te continuityof prehispanicwriting traditionsatidpresentsevi-dencethatte Kaqchikelusedsuchdocumentsto perpetuatete pastas well asfor suchpragmaticusesas acquiring,keeping,andtransferringland.Documentswereusedto securelandholdingsagainstclaimsby Spaniardsatidothersusingthreekinds of texts: simplebilís of sale betweenindividuals (cédulas),cove-nantsor formal agreementsconcerningte ownersbip,division, or useof latidbetweenfamilies, lineages,andtowns to avoid or settleland disputes(conve-nios), andwills to securepassageof latid to descendants(testamentos).

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

Historical linguistic evidencesuggeststhat Q’eqchi’ speakersoccupiedthe Alta Verapazregion sincethe Preclassicperiod (ca. 300 BC) and main-tained relations wit various other lowland and highland Maya groups(Campbell1977).At thetimeof te SpanishinvasiontheQ’eqchi’ werecon-f¡nedto a smallareanearte upper reachesof the Río Cahabónin te nort-hemhighlandsof Guatemala(Dieseldorff 1909, 1936, Sapper1895 a y b)(Figure 1). TheQ’eqchi’ wereborderedto thenorthandeastby theAcaláand

FIGuRE 1 .—VerapazProvincein theSixteenth-ami Seventeenth-Centuries.

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ManchéCh’ol, to the westby te Lakandon,Ixil, and K’iche’, and to tesouth by te Poqomchi’ (Sapper1985: 16-17). Their rangetoday extendsfrom the core communitiesof Cobán, San Pedro Carchá,atid SanJuanChamelcoto includemostof northernGuatemalaandpartsof adjacentsout-hernBelize.

The Q’eqcbi’ were amnongthe last highlandgroupsin Guatemalato bepacifiedby dic Spaniards.Tbe centralhighlandkingdomsof dic K’iche’ andKaqchikel weresubjugatedby SpanishconquistadorsandTíaxcalanauxilia-ries in 1524-1525,but the lesscentralizedpolities of te northernhighlandsremainedindependentfor anothertwenty years.me fiercenessof Q’eqchi’andPoqomchi’ resistanceencounteredin late 1529 inspiredte Nahuatl-spe-aldng Tlaxcalansto refer to te region as Tuzulutlán(Land of War). Prior toteir subjugationtesegroupswerepartitionedinto aseriesof relatively inde-pendentcbiefdomsor petty states,someof which were tributaryto the centerof the K’iche’ kingdom.atQ’umarcaaj(Utatlán)(Carmack1981).

The peacefulpacificationof te Verapazregion during dic 1540sby teDominicanfriar BartolomédeLasCasashasbeenoftenrecountedin te lite-rature(King 1974: 15-25, Remesal1932,Saint-Lu 1968).LasCasas,reactingstrongly againstte atrocities which indigenouspeoplesof Hispaniolasuife-red under dic Spanisbcolonists,advocateda pacificationstrategybasedonpeacefulpersuasionratherthan military force. His programof spiritual con-questwas a failurewhenfirst attemptedon te coastof Venezuelabut in nort-hcrn Guatemalait was successful.The early Dominicanpenetrationin teVerapazregion wasconcentratednearRabinalin 1541 andby 1544aseriesofsuccessfulreduccionesresultedin te foundingof SantoDomingoCobán,SanJuan Chamelco.and San Pedro Carchá. The Indian don Juan Matacbatz(Matalbatzor Apobatz),te caciqueof SanJuanChamelco,was appointedgovernorof Verapaz(Saint-Lu1968: 229-230).After his deadi,sometimebet-ween1560 and 1570,te first Spanishalcaldemayor was appointed.By 1547mostof te Verapazhadsubmittedto Spanishsovereigntyandwas nominallyCliristian. Attemptsto resettlete indigenouspopulationwere to continueforanothertwo centuries,wit only partial success(Remesal1932>.

The initial work of te Doniinicans consistedof resettlingindigenouspopulationsinto newly foundednucleatedsettlements.Here,as elsewhereinNew Spain, te Spaniardscongregatedte Indians into towns so that teycould be Christianizedand registeredas tributaries.The prehispaniesettle-mentsat Carcháand Chamil (Chamelco)were reorganizedas Spanish-styletownships (municipios) and renamed San Pedro Carchá and San JuanChamelco.Along wit Cobán,Cahabón,andLanquin,tey becamete mainQ’eqchi’ townshipsof colonial Verapaz.The relación of dic DominicansFranciscode Viana, Lucas Gallego, andGuillermo Cadena,written in 1574,containspopulation•countstakenfortaxpurposesin 1571 andindicatesappro-

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ximately2,350indigenoushouseholdswereregisteredas havingbeenperma-nently settledin teseanda few othertowns (RelaciónVerapaz,1955). TheSpanishpolicy of congregaciónconflictedwit te indigenousmilpa systemof agriculture,aform of shiftingcultivation,which favoredadispersedsettle-ment pattem.Many Q’eqchi’ graduallyresettledto be nearerto teir traditio-nal landas Dominicancontrol in Verapazsubsidedduringte eighteendi-cen-tury (Escobar1841: 90). Apart from afew residentfriars, te region remainedlargely indigenousuntil te impositionof te coffee-basedplantationsystemin die middle of te nineteent-century.

The conquestof northernGuatemaladid not howeverendwit thesubju-gationof te Q’eqchi’. The lowland groupsfurther to te north, te ManchéCh’ol, te Mopán, and te Itzaj remainedindependentfor anothercentury(Thompson1938). During die seventeenth-centurymany Q’eqchi’ servedassoldiers in te conquestof the ManchéCh’ol lowlands.Many of theManchéCh’ol were eventuallyresettledin the Q’eqchi’ region,specificallyLanquinandCahabón(Feldman1978). It hasbeennotedthatte peopleof tesetwotownsmaintainedcustomstat areCh’ol in origin into te latenineteenth-cen-tury (Sapper1907).The memoryof te Ch’ol asadistinct culturalgroupliveson in Q’eqchi’ oral history whichhastransformedthe Ch’ol (Q’eqchi’: ch‘ol-wiink’) to a mytical peoplegifted wit magicalpowers(Schackt1983: 14).

THREE Q’EQCHI’ LAND DOCUMENTS

The Dominicansanticipatedand attemptedto preventconflicts betweenresettledgroups.Becauseownershipof land was a majorcauseof dispute,documentswerepreparedin which eachgroup identified te limits of teirpossessions,teir neigbbors,andaffiliated waterholes.Eachgenerationrene-wed theirdocumentthroughtimeby bavingit rewritten,bot te Q’eqchi’ andSpanish.As coifeebecamean importantcominodity on te world market,landswere boughtup by Germaninvestorsatid, ftom te 1860sto te 1930s,Alta Verapazreceivedgrowingnumbersof foreignñnmigrants.Many largecoifeeplantationswere establishedthroughouthighlandVerapaz.The landlaws of te 1 870sdeclaredah untitled lands to be public property, terrenosbaldíos, atid establishedproceduresto promoteputting baldíos into privatehandsresultingin a landrush. Between1880 and 1900te governmentgran-ted landtitíes diat rangedftom 1,500to 5,000acresto mostof te highlandarcas(NañezFalcón1970: 83). Indians in somecasesobtainedtitle to teirtraditional land, but te majority of te baldíos, manywit indigenousresi-dentswho remainedon te landandcameunderte jurisdiction of te legalowner,weregrantedto ladinosor foreigners.PeasantIndiansweretenforcedto work eiter on fincalands or for te municipalautorities.To escapete

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mandamiento,manyQ’eqchi’ gayeup teir own holdingsto becometenantson finca lands (Sapper189la: 45). Residentson finca lands were exemptedfrom laborlaws,but with te habilitación lawof 1894,ahísuchresidentswerelegallytied to te landatid wouldhaveto work for teir landownersfor adefi-nednumberof daysperyear.By puttinginto privatehandsparcelsof landtatcould be sold or combinedinto largerunits, andby permittingthe ownerstoassumecontrol of te residents,te terrenosbaldíos laws openeddic way forthe developmcntof thelatifundia systemin Alta Verapaz.

Increasedrepressionof te indigenouspopulationof te Verapazregionwas metwit violent reactionsbyte Q’eqchi’.An insurrectionin SanPedroCarcháledby Melchior Yat was rutlesslycrushedin 1864 andmany of terebelswithdrew to moreremotearcas.Additional nativistic movcmentsbasedin SanJuanChamelcocruptedin 1885 andagainin 1906 (King 1974: 34).

The threelandtitíes presentedherewereacquiredat te endof the ninete-enth-centuryby Erwin PaulDieseldorff,awealthyGermancoffeeplanterandavocationalarchaeologist,through te purchaseof coifee plantationseastofSanPedroCarcháandnort of te Río Cahabónat Chiquixjí, Raxahá,andSechaíb,andsouthof te RioCahabónacrossfrom Sechaíb,threecontiguousfincasatChajcar,Secac,andUlpán(NáñezFalcón1970: 111-112).The origi-nal documentswerc retainedby Dicseldorffanddepositedduring the 1960swith the DieseldorffCollectioncuratedin te SpecialCollectionsDivision atTulane University Library in New Orleans.Realizing teir significanceandwit thc encouragementof CharlesP. Bowditchof te PeabodyMuscumofAmerican Archaeology and Etnology at Harvard University, Diescldorfftratiscribedeachdocumentin Q’cqchi’ wit Englishtranslationsandsubmit-tedtem in typescriptinSeptemberto FrederickW. Putnamatte Peabodyforpublication in AmericanAnthropologist.fle manuscriptwas eventuallysentto FranzBoas at te AmericanMuseumof NaturalHistory in New York forreview. Boas deemedtem unsuitablefor publicationand returnedtem toBowditch in November 1903. The manuscr¡ptwas never returned toDieseldorffand remainsin te collection of te PeabodyMuseum Library(now TozzerLibrary) atHarvardUniversity(C.A. 6 D 566F).

The threeland titíes include te TestamentoChicojí, pertainingto landlocatednorth of Cobánand San PedroCarchá,TestamentoTontem, locatedeastof Carcháandnorthof te RíoCahabón,andTestamentoTux, locatedeastof Carchá andsout of the Río Cahabón.A completelinguistic analysisoftesedocumentsis beyondte scopeof tis paper. However, accordingtoDiescldorff(1903)te Q’eqchi’ languageusedin te textswas understoodbyQ’eqchi’ -speakersin San Pedro Carchá In thc late ninetecnth-century.Dieseldorffalso notesthat te orthographyand spelling used is inconsistentterebymaking somemcaningsunclear.In orderto resolvetesedifficulties,he consultedseveralinformantsandprovidedte most likely interpretations.

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No attempthasbeenmadeto correcterrorsin te original Dieseldorfftypes-cript altoughsomeediting hasbeenimposedon his Englishtransíation.

In 1991 te autorvisited te territory includedin te TontemandXalijaChah Pixol documentsto verify te Dieseldorff translationswith Q’eqchi’speakersandto locatetoponymson modern1:50,000topographicmaps.Mostof te landmarksmentioned,includingwaterholesandnaturalsprings,arestillrecognizedtoday.

Q’EQCHiI’ LINGUISTIC GEOGRAPHY

The northernhighlandsof Guatemalacompriseanimpure limestonefor-mationwit oceasionalexposuresof shale,upon which a relatively completecomplexof karstic landformshasdeveloped.The overalí relationshipof teQ’eqchi’ to teir landscapeis highly religious. Mountainridges are deifiedandantropomorphizedandtodayteir namesarecalledup in te courseofprayer(Sapper1925).Obligationsarefelt whenapproachingte earthdeity topreparemilpa andcavesarete placeswhereteseobligationsarekept.

Historically te Q’eqchi’ cultivateddolinesandvalley floors sincetesehavesoils which supportperennialcropping (Cortésy Larranz 1958:2: 11).More recently,populationincreaseand alienationof superiorlandby ladinosandotershasled go te cultivationof alí but te highestridgecrests.Springsaboundin te region altoughtere areplaceswherete undergrounddrama-ge is sodeeptat drinldng water is ata premium.

The 1:50,000scaletopographicmapsfor Alta Verapazarerich wit mdi-genousplace namesaltoughte actual density is much greater.Within aradiusof frequenttravel,aQ’eqchi’ can identify anddefinelocationsto wit-hin afew hundredmetersof trail by naminganaldea,caserío,fincaorhacien-da, andthenameof a waterhole,naturalspring,cliff, cave,bridge,or waysidecross(Wilson 1972: 53). Living plantsareoftenusedto markte comersandboundarylinesof property.lo be effectiveprotectorsandmarkersof gardensandoterproperty,plantsmusthaverepulsiveor prolific properties.Themostcommonhedgeand property marker is kuk’il (Yucca elephantipes).Wbilekuk’il servesfor immediatemarkingof cornersandminor lines in te surveyandpartitionof landatsaleor inheritance,tz‘inte’ (Erythrina spp.)cuttingsareoften plantedto providelong-termwitnesstrees(Wilson 1972: 167-168).

Most placenamesarebasedon plant or animalnames,or physiographicfeaturesqualified wit oneof a numberof locative affixes, includingcham-(deep, large), chi- (bank,edge, lip), chirre- (at te bank or shore),jolom-(peak,summit),pan- (locative),rocjd- (river mouth,literally foot or leg of tewater), rubel- (below),sa- (inside),se- (in, inside), xal- (cross),xe- (below),xuc- (comer),andyal- (water,watersóurce).Informantsusuallypreferto con-

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siderte placenamesto be simply identificationsof specific locations,havingno oter lexical significance(Hopkins 1973).

TESTAMENTO dHICOJL

The TestamentoChicojí relateste landtitle of CristóbalEato te landsofChicojí. The original document,now lost, was datedOctober10, 1539. Thereexistsa copy in Q’eqchi’, datedFebruary6, 1802,as well as atransíationintoSpanishof te Q’eqchi’ madeatte requestof te communallandholdersdatedMarch, 1832 whichis accompaniedby acopyin Q’eqchi’ madeinMarch,1832.AccompanyingdocumentationincludesadocumentinSpanish,datedMarch 26,1832,regardingte decisionof te alcaldeof Cobáninadisputeoverte owners-hip of aportionof te Chicojí lands; a copy datedMarch 6,1857 in Q’eqchi’togeterwit acopyof te 1832decisionin Spanish;acopydatedApril 30, 1870in Q’eqchi’ togeterwit a copy in Spanishof te 1832 decision.Otherdocu-mentationincludesa leifer ftom Dieseldorffto JacoboValdez,datedSeptember22, 1937,requestinginformationaboutte testamentof CristóbalMelchorBa.

1. Apobaañosde 1539. JesúsMaríay Joseph

2. van covi laheb catancy be le pooctubrede 1539añonac taczocyn

3. memoriayn testamentorechval-balchochhainchichol y ccaba

4. hain don Xptoval Melchor Bahautabbanaranquin yolac albalchoch

5. rech vi yn mam chi haruh chiharáchimaychihab

6. ah ban na quin ulae ah val donGaspal Cuculnavinc don Bar-tolome

In the year 1539. Jesús,Mary andJoseph

We are at te tent day, te road ofte mont October,of te year 1539

whentis is title is made,my will ofmy nativelandscalled Chicojl1

1, CristóbalMelchorBa,andbecause1 was born diere,my nativelands

belongalsoto my grandchildren,foralí time, for alí theperiodsof twentyyears2

After Y had beenhere,therearrivedthe chief don Gaspar Cuculná anddon Bartolomé

Chicojí is an aldea of SanPedroCarchá; chi, locative; c’ojl, beateror scout.2 Clearreference is madehere to the katun, or calendrical cycleof twenty years.

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7. coconavincna quebchal aranchiza lacantunnil chirix cambalratinDios

8. ta co xic ut ta cacameble ah valdonQuespa]Cuculnatax xic catau

9. le po carchavinc chi caniabahyccabatoh hunpacaly hayquch

10. nactacoelcaminchi cuculnachicoconay ccabanactucoalc amin

II. chiza le ualbalchochchichol ybyccabaaranalan bilin etpaniccehuí

12. y ccabale ha alanhilin vi bunahcaticaribí ruquin ahval donBasilio

13. calelbac amin chi ruch tacapocolhay ccabauancoviut tacoxic ruquin

14. cambal ratin y Dios ha ebcablahuchi chohomholchan

15. vancovi ut ta cohlac retal ynupalhil ualbalchocharuin

~ TheRfo Usumacintais the longest riverinto te Gulf of Mexico.

Coc, who came from where is teUsumacinta~ river. In te name ofGod

we go and bring along the chiefGasparCuculná;we go andfind te

municipality of te Carchápeopleatte waterholeChicaniabaj~,beyondte water

Chicuch.We startfrom herewith Cu-culnáandCoconá,we startfrom here

ín my native lands Chicojí, they arecalled, where1 was born.The water-hole

called Etzpanic,where1 was bom, iswherewe live in te same

settlementwith Basilio Caalel Bac,herein te plain of Pocolá6

andwe go wit the wordof God andwith te twelve holchanes7

We are here to set down in writingte boundariesof my nativelands

in CentralAmerica and te important to dram

Chi, locative; q’anibash, yellowrock, possibly impurerecrystaUizedlimestone(MM’).A title for the headof a substantiallineageor town; TC gives3alel aslord (ahau), caci-

que,or prince; in te PopolVuh (1950: 120), Galelis thetitle of oneof dic officials who ser-vedin te K’iche’ court,togetherwith Lolmay, AtzihuinacandAhuchan.

6 Pocoláis an aldeaof SanPedroCarchá;pok sandor white earth.A fragmentof anearly Q’eqchi’ vocabularypublishedby Freeze(1975)givesholchan

as:wasacaptainorvaliantonein ancienttimes,andnow it is usedwhensomeonedoesagreatdeed.The title hoichanwasprobablycomparableto dic Yucatecholpop, a lineageheadwhousuallyservedas abatabor local headof atown Roys(1957: 7). After te conquestte func-tionsof dic holpopwereonly socialorceremonialaithoughmostwerecreatedcaciques.

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16. y behenynupalhiltacohlacarvinhaindon XptovalMelchor Ba

17. hauty behenynupalhil chichuy-ha y ccabaruquin calelCac nancuí aran

18. y cab ynupalhil vanc ui toloxcahuila calelBac na cuíaran

19. mxynupalhilcequecchochy ceabacahuilmcahelBactaincularan

20. tain canab ut le ah ual donBasilio Caíd Bac aran

21. cachin ut tain que rech a Bar-tolome Coconacachintaun querechahval

22. don QuesparCuculna vine taqueby toc chihi yal y looconquilyn ban

23. yn xutan chiruehebha le chic-qucechochtain querecha

24. Bartolome Coconana tama uichiunch yn xutan chiruch ebquebulac ah ual

25. don Quespal Cueulna naquebchalechi lacantunvancvi cansinretal

26. le tain que rech a BartolomeCoconaac vinc vi zaebacte

Here 1 set up te f¡rst landmark,1,don CristóbalMelchor Ba

The first landmarkis calledChuyha,andmy landsmeet terewith CaalelBac

The second landmarkis where tetolox 8 tree grows, 1 meettere witCaalelBac

me third landmarkis called SequerkChoch,atid 1 meettetewith CaalelBac

1 leave there wit te ehief donBasilio CaalelBac

1 give a little land to BartoloméCoconá;1 give somelandto te

chief don Gaspar Cuculná, whichtheyhaveto dividein halves,oniy for

te esteemand respect1 have forthem,but te landSequerkChoch

1 give to Bartolomé Coconá, whorequestedit, out of respeetfor

him and don GasparCuculná, whocamefrom te Usumacintavalley,atidterete cansin9treeis te landmark

1 give to Bartolomé Coconáwheretere is a sacbactlO tree

Tolosh,matapalo(FicustuerckheimiiStandl.).K’ansin, EH givesc’ansinor quenak che asatypeof tree.

~ Baqche’,a small free <Eupatorium ligustrinu,n) whosebitter leavesare used in te tre-atrncnt of colie and diarrhea.

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27. tadcaranvi vancvi tucuphuí yccabata ca caí quib ruquin cacquib bil vinc

28. ta elc aran tamil chire y yal ynsarbchamcacsisqury ccabachihoiom

29. ytzul

30. ta elc aranxacanúuinchi behenytzul uancui y yal in sarb pahal-che

31. y ccabaac ah ual don QuespalCucuinatain cuíaran

32. taquin elc aran xacamilin chahchubaly ccabaacah chohhaintayn cuíaran

33. ahbanle ta quin sihine tain cihihun xucui rach al ual donCucuina

34. oxib ut roc ahuil cheuancchi caeaibalbruquinah PoncioCac

35. ahbantaquebuachabaran

36. taquin elc chac aran xacamilinchamccanau chul y ccaba

37. taquin eic chac aran xacamilinxaltacachi olococy ecaba

From here we come to Chituhulwhere we meet wit te Cac-Quibpeople~

Fromherewecometo te edgeof tewaterholeunderte forest called

ChamCacsisq12beneatte summitof te hill

From here1 cometo the summit ofte hill, wheretere is te waterholePajaiché13

and here 1 meetwit te chief donGasparCucuiná

Fromherewe getto ChajChubal14, itis called, where we meet with teChocpeopie

andbecause1 wishto, 1 presentto techiefCuculnáacomerof land

And tere are three trees planted

where1 meetwit PoncioCac

andhere1 leavetem

Fromhereto ChamCanau Chul, it iscalled

1 leave here andcome to te vaileyChi Olococ15, it is calied

EPD givestribe for vink; cwiink, hombre, is perhaps better givenas people.2 Cham,talí; cak, color red;sisik’, alegumeof thefamnily (MM’).

‘~ Paxí(Solanumspp.).“ Chaj, taj, locative;ch’ub, ageneraltennfor wasps(MM’).‘~ Ololkok anediblemushroom(Basidiomycete).

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70 John Al. Weeks

38. ta elc chac aran xacamiiin chiholom y tzul chahbasoyon yccaba

39. acquib bil vinc tain cuí aran

40. ta dc chac aran xacamiiin chi

holom y tzul cechachy ccaba

41. ta lec aran xacamiiin cepoc y

ccaba

42. uancui y yal sarbha uichic le ah

chohaynvuchbehen

43. nac ta quin ele aran xacamiiinuanui ahují che cahui ah chohain vuchbehen

44. ta elcaranxacamilinchi hoiomytzul cetzahy ccaba

45. tan canabahchohabinaran

46. ta eic aran xacamiiin chamcocom y ccabaachich vuchbenle Franciscode García

47. ta ele aranac rubel saconacpecxilic y ccaba

1 leavehereand cometo te summitof te hill Chajba Soyom 16, it iscalled

The Quib peopie1 meettere

1 leavetereandcometo te headof

te hill Sechaj17, it is called

1 leavetereandcometo Sepocj~, it

is called

wheretere is te waterhoie,borde-

ring againwit Choc

When1 leavehere1 cometo te pian-

tedtree,alongsideoniy wit Choc

1 leave hereandcometo te headof

te hill Setzac19, it is cailed

Here1 leavete Chocpeople

We leave hereandget to Cham Co-com20,borderingherewith Franciscode García

We leave hereand cometo beneathte white cliff of te animaisof tewind21

16 Chajba Soyom;sooyom,rectum, intestine (EH).7 Se, locative;chaj, pine (Pinusspp.).~ Pok sandor white earth.

‘~ Se, locative; tz ‘ac, mortar,wall; probablyrefersto aprehispanicruin; Setzacis aplaceloca-tednorthwestof Arenalandsouthof dic Río CahabénnearCarchá;Burkitt (1906) reportsexca-vatingaterracedmoundat Se-Tsak.La his readingof te K’iche’ PopolVuh,DTreadstz’aq (trae)to referto constructionswhosemajormaterialsareearth,stone,or cement,raiherthanwood.

20 Chan¡, tail; kokont,a thin reed (StigmatophytonpseudopuberiumNiedenga)usedforlashing.

21 Xilic as small animals, companions,or servantsof the wind, which one hears in caves,but whoeverseesthem must dic (Dieseldorff 1903); xiilic, woman with wild uncombed hair,who maintainste ceiba tree, asidtransforms herself into a young girí (PW).

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SubregionalOrganizationofthe sixteenth-century. 71

48. ta dc aran ac chamuchule ixecaba

49. taeicaranxacamilinrubelmoxan-tey ccabavancvi y ya] in sarb

SO. havi uuchben de FranciscoGarcía

51. ta dc aranac chi holom y tzulseobochavi uuchaFranciscodeGarcía

52. taelearanxaeamilincechicoyaby ccaba ac ha le Gaspal de laCruztain cuíaran

53. ta dc aranxacamilinchi benhencanococy ceaba

54. ta elcaranacsirsoui pec chimu-cany ecaba

55. ta elc aran ac chiholom y zulchachsancy ccaba

56. tadc aranacmultuncepopolcaly ecaba

57. ta dc aran xacamilin chimu yecabaac ah zut choiom tain cuíaran

58. ta iec aranxacamilin cehububyccaba

Wc leave hereatid cometo Chamu-chulc

From hereto beneathte moxante22

tree,whereexistsa waterhole

bordering only with FranciscodeGarcía

From here to te headSeoboc23, borderingFranciscode García

of te hillonly with

From hereto Se Chicoyab,where1meetGasparde la Cruz

From here 1 get to te summit ofCanococ,it is cailed

From here to the circular stoneChimucan24, it is called

Prom here to te head of te hillChaehSane~, it is called

From here to Multun26, te maizefieidsof te munieipality,it is calied

From here to Chimu, it is cailed,where1 meetCholom, te wearerofte headdress27

Fromhereto Sehubub21, it is called

22 Aluch’, a wild plant whoseleavesare usedto wrap meatand tamales(Crotalariapendu-Iiflorum (Dunal) Baillon) (MW).

23 Possiblereferencero ch obok(Philodendrontripartitum).24 Chi, locative; mucaan,something to protect with; glassvesselfor imagesor icons.25 Chach Sanc; sankis a general term for aH ants.~ Muul, shrub; roon, trunk of a tree, origin of a family.~ EPD gives ah zutcho(om, dic wearer of dic headdress;ah, personal affix; suut, small

crown; PW glosseszutascottoncover,blanket;cholom,personal narne.~ Ubub, anediblemushroom(Portulaca spp.).

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72 John M. Weeks

59. Ta elc aranxaeamilin hun zulilsehulpecxilic y ccaba

60. naelearanxacamilinvancui nimla tzupcenim beehisesy ceaba

61. acha ledon JuanSotzohtaincul

62. ta ele aranxacamiiin chi ruch y

pee chichiory ecaba

63. ha vila ahchocohvuchben

64. taelearantaunachabcetzacanbil

peeehahehioryal hunroe taca

65. taquinxic hun cotinvaneui xuiu

ycque

66. yal hun roc tacataquin xic tain

cuí hin tzutz aran

67. vaneui moxanteehuhibay ceaba

68. cahvi an xquiozo y culbaib túxoralinquil rib leualbaichoch

69. nacacuí ui quibruquin caíd Bac,haindonXptobal MelchorBa

70. hale ualbal choch rech ui ynmam chi haruhchi harab

From hereto a hill wheretere is acave29of the xilic

From here to where grows a largetzuptree, in theroad, whicbleads

to Chisis30, andhere1 meetdon JuanSotZoh

From hereto facing te stoneChajChior, it is calied

borderingoniy wit Chocoh

Fromhere1 go to the masonrystoneChajChior31 andgoing alongapíain

where1 cometo a fallen maguey32

plant

Fromhereaiwaysgoing in te plain 1meetTzutz

where tere is te place MoxanteChuiha~, it is cailed

Only herewit te elosing and cir-cumscribing of te borders of mynativelandsis compieted

and we haveagainmet wit CaaielBac,1, CristóbalMelchor Ba

mereforemy nativelandsbelongtomy grandehildrenfor ah time

“ As entrancestu dic underworld,areusedfor sacrif,cial andotherrites.‘~ Chi, locative; sis, pizote (Nasuanarica narica L.); pottery figurines at reported from a

site namned Sesis (Sapper 1897, Seler 1904: 97).>‘ This probably refers to a prehispanic settlement.32 1k‘e, maguey<Furcrea guatemaltensis)(MW).“ Chui, locative; ha. water.

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SubregionalOrganizationof thesixteenth-century. 73

71. vaneovi tainqueretaljuramentese ehoxa houi arvine ehiruch ychoch

72. ehiruchebut y tepaleble cristia-nos chizay ecabaleDiosavebeh

73. Dios cahoibehDios espiritusan-to amenJesrsMaría y Joseph

74. xqui ozoc hun chi memoria yntestamentoreehralbal choch ahual

75. don Xptovai Melchor Ba y uahiut retal lahebcutaney be y po

76. octubre de 1539 años nae taotzoc chi beheny mesale DiosRey

77. alcaldesThomasde Aguilar AhPoeac, Juan de la Cruz Her-nandes

78. Calel Bac regidores PedroHernandesRax Juande la CruzYaxeal

79. Gaspar Mentes Coc Juan deOíais Vaina Pedro ah PocaePedrodeTorres

80. ah Poxi maestroescribano decabildo ha ut adonFranciscoahTucurba

81. Ah SanMiguel haut ahi a donPerip Ah Tucur Sarip Ba ahMiguel ha ah

And now 1 swearbeforethose whoarein Heavenandtoseon earth

and before alí the Christians, in tenameof God te Fater

God te Son,God te Hoiy Ghost.Amen.Jesces,Mary andJoseph

And now is completedthe title, thewill of te ehief

CristóbalMelchorBa concerninghisnativelands.Here is te writing doneon te tenth of

Octoberof te year 1539, whenit iscompletedon the altar of God teKing

alcaldesTomásde Aguilar Ah Poeac,Juandela Cruz Hernández

CaalelBac; regidoresPedroHernán-dez Rax, Juandela Cruz Yaxcai

GasparMendezCoc,Juande OlarisVaina, Pedro Ah Poeac, Pedro deTorres

ahPoxi; chief secretaryof te muni-cipaiity Franciscofrom SanMiguel

also don Perip Sarip Ba, from SanMiguel Tucurd

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74 John Al. Weeks

82. ban ac xqui banu yn testamentonac taycuí sebemahichic razonauuch

83. uey chicamauuchueymahi

84. caehinchicy rax equehenilchix-chior y ceabamahi chi razon havuech

85. acxquin vanuyn destamentocaliua tinan auuech ha fray PedroMexia cura

86. vahi ut retal yn quieheelyn tzulyn tacain sarby itzaquinquii

87. quibtahin cqueretal y ceabachihun hunalrech y vi mam chi harub

88. chi harabchi may chi hab taineohobratalha al hin sarb

89. y behenyn sarbrubeixi y ecabayeab y sarbchi cquehayy ecaba

90. rox yn sarbchichaiby ecabay cahin sarbChamCaesis

91. re hin sarb pahaichey ceabaixguas in sarbcepocy ceaba

Andbeeausemy wili is made,when1meetyou in te road

you haveno right [toaskmefor land]wheteryou like it or not

The smaíl piece of land cailed ChixChior you no longer haveanyright

to, because1 have made my testa-ment, only tat 1 say to you. Friar,PedroMejía, parishpriest

Here 1 namemy forests, my huís,my valleys, my waterholes, fromwhich

get my sustenanee,and 1 nameoneby oneandtheybelongto my grand-chiidren

for ahí time. 1 statenowte namesofmy waterholes:

The first waterhole is calied Ru-belhi34; the second waterhole iscalied ChiQuercha

The tird waterhole is calied Chi-chaib and the fourth waterhole isChamCacsisq

The fifth waterholeis caliedPahaichéandthe sixth waterhoieis called SePoe

Rubelhi,beneath;ji, oak (Quercusspp.) (EH).‘~ Cham, talí; cak, red; sisik, a kind of legume.

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SubregionalOrganizationofthesi.xteenth-century... 75

92. y vuc yn sarbchi chinla elehayecabay vacxaechi nimia elehayceaba

93. y bele rubelMoxantey ecabachica nupaleruquin a FranciscodeGarcía

94. y labe yn sarbchamamayy hun-lahuce oboey ceaba

95. y cabiahuce coc sanauy ceabaroxlahuchi nimia elehay ceaba

96. chi ca nupaleruquinahnicho deGarciaTiul

97. y caiahu ce hub chi nupaleruquin al tzutzchoiom

98. cah ut an qui ceabaca memoriayn testamentota otzocvanecoviiaheheb

99. cutaney be po octubrede 1539añosfray PedroMexía cura

me seventhwaterholeis called telittle Eieha36andte eight the largeEleha

The nint waterhoieis calledRubelMoxante~‘, our landmarkwith Fran-ciscodeGarcía

fle tent waterhoieis Seamay’8andte eieventhis calied Seoeob39

The tweift is called te smaii ~Sesanauand te tirteent is calledte

large flowing waterhole, our latid-markwit DionisioGarcíaTiul

The fourteenth is Sehubub41, teiandmarkwit Tzutz Cholom

Only teseare te names.Our titieandwili wasfinishedon te tenth

day of October, 1539. Friar PedroMejía, priest.

‘~ Eliha, natural waterspring.“ Rabel, beneath;moxante, probablymach,a wild plant whoseleavesareusedtu wrap

meatandtamales(Crotalariapendaliflorum(Dunal) Baillon) (MW).~ Se, locative;amayis aspeciesof ChusqueIongifolia, acommonreedgrassusedto make

flutes; a cave near Seamay in aldeaCandelariais wherejade beadshave beenreported(Dieseldorff1894, 1905, Sapper1895b: 14, Seler1915:3: 600).

‘~ Se, locative;oqob, liquidambar(Liquidambarstryicifera).~ Se, locative;canau, anindetenninatetypeof tree.~‘ Sejububis a caseríoof aldeaChisón; se, locative;abab,an edibleherb (Portalacaspp.)

(MW).

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76 JohnAl. Weeks

TESTAMENTO TONTEM

Theoriginal sixteenth-centurydocumentwas lostandte copiespreservedare based on a reconstructionmade in 1779. me presentdocument,inQ’eqehi’, is datedFebruary17, 1862,and is aceompaniedby aSpanishver-sion datedOctober31, 1878. Relateddocumentationincludes a letter fromDieseldorff to JacintoValdez,datedSeptember21, concerningthe testamentof DiegoZeb.1. En el nombrede Padre,de Dios

Hijo, de Dios Spiritu Santo

2. Amén. Jesús,Maríay José

3. Haynjun chi a guabaxDiegoZeb

yn ecabataynbanuli testamento

4. rechli jun chi calebalehochcomo

eaehu calebalguanchi Tontem

5. quin ehutub u testamentochix

eaycalbamquitzecIi retalil Ii gue

6. la in Diego Zeb baut ta raah in

chooi nac ta oc lix testamentoil

7. lix xoraniiquil nacjo zechoxajoc

chiruchy choch

8. chi ruch chebIi jun cholchi uabeh

aguababnaetestigochirix lin

9. cauxí1am ahDiegoZeb

10. tain cojob lix nupalxil yx xora-linquil Ii calebalehocharquin

In te nameof God te Fater,God

te Son,andGodte Hoiy Chost

Amen. Jesus,Mary, andJoseph

1, te ehief,DiegoZeb,is my name,1

makethis testamentof a maizeiand42,becauseit is mine,it is Tontem43

1 bring together te titíes of myneighborsbecause1 haveiost my

documents.1, DiegoZeb,thisis whatmy heartwishes,tat my

The measuringshouidbe madeas inHeavensoon earth,beforete

assembledchiefs, whichshalibewit-

nessto my dispositions

1, DiegoZeb

1 put upits landmarks;te boundariesof te maizelands,here1

42 c ‘alebal, caserío,seriesof houses,or settlement.

‘“ Tontemis a caserío of aldeaChirrequim<Figure 2) locatedapproximatelythreekilome-tersnorthof dic Río Cahabénandsorne14 kilometerseastof SanPedroCarchá;toon, treetrunkor theorigin of afaniily; lineage;ten, bench(EH).

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SubregionalOrganizationoftite si.xteenth-century... 77

11. tain coyob11 nupaiix

12. arquin chiziguan ea ealbaibruquin ah choe agau-guii vinetaincuí aran

13. tain lech aranxacamilinchi gua-rom guangui cruz

14. taquinleee chic ut aranxaeami-un chimuxe

set up te landmarks:

Here at Chi-Siguan”,our boundarywith te chief of te Choe people,whom1 meethere

1 leave there and come to Chi

Guarom45wberetere is a cross

1 leavetereandgetto Chi Muxe

“ Chisigutnisacaseríoof aldeaPocolá;ch4 locative;sicwanor sihaan,sinkholeordoline(EH).~ Chiguarromis acaseríoof aldeaPocolá; chi, locative;guarromor caarrom, owl (Babo

virginianas) (EH).~ Thecrossis consideredasarepresentationof Tzuul tak’a(lit. moantainasid valley), dic

earthdeity, and is consideredto beespeciallysacredandpowerful, andreceivesprayersandofferingsof flowers, incense,pineboughs,asid candíeson hilltops, in caves,asidat watcrholesduringagriculturalrituals.

FIGURE 2.—Locationof Tontemant) XalUa Cha] Pixol (darkenedcirciesrepresentkzwwnarchaeologicalresourcesandcmssesindicatetite locationofethnographicermitas).

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78 JohnAl. Weeks

15. ta llee chic aranaczecherechene

guanguizaconacpec

16. xin cuíab chohxiii vine aran

17. taquinieec aranxacamilchiunchguanvi z zarb

18. tain lece aran xacamilin se lalaocob

19. cuncumcabchibatz

20. xicanabah choharanaeah cheilvine gui cuíaransecumeumab

21. xin ale aranxacamil rubel tzulchirey quim

22. zebejun be ixben xacamiichirucruzxal y tzul chi quisis

23. xi canabah cheil vine aranquincuí rib ruquin al chubil vine

24. xin el aranxin cainjun roctacaxaca-mil guanvu zaconacpec senima

25. yx cajeegui riob ruquinah zebbu vine

26. xin eajun roenimaxacamil chiziguanlix quincobgui un monjon

1 leave tere and get to Se Chirre

Quenq~ wherethereis a whiteciiff

Here1 meetwit the Choc peopie

1 again leave there and come toChiunch,wheretere is awaterhole

1 leavetereandget to Seocob4t

to Cuncumcab,to Chibatz49

1 leave the Choc and meet with theChepeopie,hereat Secumcumcab50

1 leavethereandget to beiow the hillChirrequim51

From here straight to the summit,faeingthe crosson te sideof the hillChi Quisis52

1 leavethe Chepeoplehereandmeetwith the Chubpeople

1 leave thereand go along a valleyandcometo a whitecliff at

the river53, wherewe dividewith theZeb people

1 go alongthe river valley andcometo Chi Siguan,where1 set up

ageneralterm (br bean (Phaseolus spp.).‘~‘ Se, locative;chi re, at dic edge;queenk’,~ Se, locative;oqob, liquidambar(Liquidambarstryicifera).~ Chi, locative;batz’, howler monkey(Alouattaspp.).~ Secumánisacaserío in aldeaChineaché; se,locative;comI~n,waterhole or deeppuol in a nver.‘~ Chirrequim is analdeaof SanPedroCarchá;chi re, at dic edge;qui.n,diatch (roofing

material).52 Chiquisis is a caseríoin aldeaChirrequim;chi, locative; gui, tnany; sis, pizote (Nasua

nancanarica L.) (MM’).“ Referenceto Río Cahabón.

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SubregionalOrganizationoftite sixteenth-century... 79

27. quix cuí ut rib nupalix Ii calebalchoch

28. chi cu lao alcaldesregidoresdemunicipales

29. De estaciudadestapoblacióndeSanPedroCarehá

30. Los señoresalcaldes son los

siguentesnombres

31. El alcaldeprimero,CornelioChoc

32. El alcaldesegundoPedroMartil

Ycal

33. Ocho regidoresdecanos:Anto-nio Chub, Domingo Cucul, To-másTiul

34. JoséMaría Yeal, Manuel Choc,LucasYcal, VicorianoCoc

35. SantiagoChub

36. Testigo de asistenciaJ. Luciano

Mucu, síndicoprimero

37. Sacadacopia y trasladode estamemoria en la ermita de SanSebastián

38. Martín en 17 defebrerode 1862

39. Por el señor gobernadorPio-quinto Yaxcal. J. De los SantosCoc, síndicoprimero

40. TomásCoc, escribanoprimero

my first iandmark. They have met,te iandmarksof the maizefieids

Before us, te alcaldesregidoresofthe municipality

of SanPedroCarchá

41. J. LucianoMucu,síndicosegundo

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80 JohnM. Weeks

42. El añoquetienela memonaon-ginal; enquecopiéestaescritura

43. Noviembre18 de 1779. November18, 1779.

TESTAMENTO XALIJA CHAJ PIXOL

On October 10, 1539, on te basis of testimonygiven by PoncioTux, adocumentwas preparedwhieh set forth te landmarksthat demareatedteboundariesof te propertyownedby Tux andhis people.The original docu-ment was iost and te copy preservedis basedon a reconstructionmadein1834.The presentdocument,in Q’eqchi’ andSpanish,is datedMarch3,1834,and is accompaniedby a Spanisb version dated September9, 1871.Accompanyingdocumentationinciudes a ietter ftom Dieseldorff to IsmaelDelgadoand SalvadorSantaMaría, datedSeptember21, 1937, requestinginformation aboutthe testamentof PoncioTux.

1. Se yx ceabay Dios aguabehDioscabolbehDios, EspirituSanto

In the nameof God te Fater,Godte Son,andGodthe Hoiy Ghost

2. Amén. Jesús, María y José,Juaquíny Ana

Amen. Jesús, MaryJoaquinandAnna.

and Joseph.

3. Haynah PonsioTux guancovi seu habde 1539 añoslahebix be yPO

4. octubrenac ta osoc yn memorialtestamentoreehvalbalchocharan

5. xaliha chah pixol harran yx cuírrib rruquin ahGarcíaTiul

6. yx eab yn nupalh se ix pensehunahcabe rruquin GarcíaTiul

~ Xalija Chaj Pixol; sitaliha’, confluencewhich is fastenedor lashed.

“ Alíspice (Pimientadiolca L. Merrilí) is

1, PoncioThx, in te year 1539,tenthdayon te roadof te

mont October, complete my titieandtestamentof my nativeland

Xalija Chaj Pixol ~ whereit borderswit GarcíaTiul

Theseeondlandmarkis te penstree~,stifl ourboundaxywit GarcíaT¡ul

of two rivers or streams;EH givespiso! asthat

animportantcashtreecrup (MW).

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SubregionalOrganizationof thesi.xteenth-centuq.. 81

7. rox yn nupalhchirre saguaquitum

8. yx el aranyal tice xacamilin chi-rroquehasamaib

9. yx el aranxacamilchi ynup

10. yx el aranxacamilse cantal

11. yx el aran xaeamdsa nima sa-actechi rubelpee chi tzalam~

12. yx elaranxacamilchi nim lacub-sinqaranut quinccanabajGarcía

13. Tiul se taca

14. quin el ut aranxacamiiinse-pos,hunab ca be rruquin ab SantaMaría Cajbom

15. yx el aranxacamilinguanvi saho-nacpeehunahut chic caberruquin

16. donJuanMataebatz

The tl¡ird landmarkis te edgeof tewaterSeeuaquitum56

1 leave here and go direetíy to te

watercourseat Arenal57

Fromhere1 cometo Chi Ynup58

Fromhere1 cometo Cherital59

Fromhere1 cometo te river Chae-te61,beiowte hill cailedPrison

From here1 cometo a long incline,where1 leave García

Tiul in te vailey

From here 1 come to Se Pos, ourboundarywit the peopie of SantaMaría Cajabón

Fromhere1 cometo wherearewhiteeiiffs 62, ourboundarywit

don JuanMatacbatz63

56 Secuaquitumis acaseríoin aldeaRubeltum.~‘ FincaArenal (Spanish:sandyplaceor quicksand;Qeqchi’: samahib)is locatedwhere

the QuebradaArenal flows asa subteaaneanstreasnthree kilometersnorthwardtu dic RíoCahabén.A numberof archacologicalresourceshavebeenidentifiednearArenal. Dieseldorff<1905) reportsfsnding jadeobjectsin acavesiteat Arenal. Seacal,asmallLateClassicperiodmasonrygroupcomprisingsornetenstructures¡o alsolocatedon FincaArenal (Smith1955:56,Fig. 33, 34a-e, 129, R.E. Smith 1949: 229). Chijolum, a LateClassic-Postclassicperiodsiteconsistingof five platforms,including abali court, is locatedun FincaSemarac,approximatelythreekilometerseastof FincaArenal (Smith 1955: 57, Fig. 35. 36a-f, R.E. Smith 1949: 230).

‘~ ¡nup, ceiba(CeibapentandraL. Gaertn.).“ Chi re, locative;taL teusinte<Tripsacumspp.).~ EPDgives tzalam,prison;however,othersourcesglosstz ‘a/amasplain, fiat, walt also,

tz ‘a/am che,board;tz ‘a 1ampec,stoneslab, largerock. Given dic context,amoreappropr¡atetransiationreferto awoodenstockadeor, by extension,alate prehistoricdefensivesettlement.

~ Se, locative;acte’, wild pacaya(Chamaedoraspp.).Seacteis a omalí river in die vici-nity of San PedroCarchá.Jadebeadsarereponedtu havecome frum acave nearSeacte(Dieseldurff1905, Sapper1895b: 14).

62 Sakoonac,white rock, largeotone(EH).63 TheTestamentoChamelcodescribesnegotiatiusisbetweendic caciquesJuanMatacbatz

of SanJuanChasnelcuasid CuconhaZal of SanPedroCarchá(Sapper1897).

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82 JohnM. Weeks

17. yx ele aranxacamil caeruhchypeevochbendonJuanMatacbatz

18. yx ele aranxacamilogui sehala-guna

19. yx elo aranxaeamiise nimIa julse ochocpec

20. yx elaranxacamilsecacruehha

21. yx el aranxacanuii chiben y zulzehalaute

22. yx el aranxacamiiinchi beny zularanac qui ret ci chacZehalaute

23. quin el aranxaeamilin chi rubelcoj chin hasepos

24. yx el aranxacamil chirrn saho-nac eib qui ha chirrruch

25. yx el aran xacamil chirre sarbchix ton y sah

26. yx ele aran xacamilin ulpan, acaran quin cul ah San JuanCha-meico

27. yx elaranxacamiisaepur

Fromhere1 cometo te red coloredciiff, stili aiongside of don JuanMatacbatz

From here we come to where is aiagoon

From here 1 cometo te largeholeandcave

Fromhere1 cometo tewaterM Secac

From here1 come to te top of the

hill Sejaiaute65

[The readingof this sentenceis not

clear; it seemsto bea repetition:EPD]

Fromhere1 cometo beneatte can-co] ~ tree, at the edgeof te waterChipos

From hereto the white eiiff, belowwhich te watersprouts

Fromhereto te edgeof the wateratte foor of the £zaaj67tree

Promhere to Ulpan68, where1 meette peopleof SanJuanChameico

Fromhere1 cometo Sacpur69

Rokha is small stream(EH).65 Halaute’, atypeof palm (Chamaedoraspp.) (MW)~ Canoj anindeterminatetree.67 Tza’ax,Lee (VernonialeiocarpaDC) (MM’).66 Upanisariver within thejurisdiction ofSanPedroCarchá.Dieseldorff(1894, 1905)reports

recuveringjadeubjectsanddin sheetsof goldassociatedwith humanbwials.Anarchacologicalsiteis reportadatFincaPanzainala,locatedneardieRíoCanlichsornesinekilometerseastof Upanandsevenkilometerswest of Arenal (VillacortaandVillacotta 1927: 322, Seler 19<1)1: 179,Fig. 256).

~ Sacpuris a caseríoin dicjurisdiction of SanPedroCarchá;salc white, many;pur ageneraltermfurjuta orhighlandriversnail(Pachychilusspp.),aniulluscwith n’any associatedbeliefs(MW).

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SubregionalOrganizationof tite sixteenth-century... 8328. yx el aran xacamil zemesehe

arannin cuí ab ehohabau

29. yx ele aranxacamilin chitap

30. yx elearanxaeamilcacauchibeny zul

31. yx el aranxacamilchirital seritehe

32. yx el aran quin el hun roeikachireeacnab

33. xacamilin chire nimíahul chirreu cacnab

34. quin el aran xacamilin xaiihachabpixol quin [...] quix cuí

35. rib yx [...] leain PonsioTux aran[...] ruquin

36. GarcíaTiul

37. guangui yn tzul yn tacayn sarbyx tzacanquilrib tain qu rretal

Fromhere1 cometo Semesehe70, tere

1 meettechiefof te Chocpeople

Fromhere1 cometo Chitap7’

Fromhere1 cometo Chi Cacao72

Fromhere1 cometo Chirital Seritehe

Fromhere1 getto a valley aiongsideof a river wit deeppoois

1 cometo the edgeof a largehole intherock, on te sideof a deeppooi’3

From here 1 come to Xaiiha ChabPixol, from where1 started;tey have

met, the boundary lines, whichbeiongto me, PoncioTux, there

where1 meetwit GarcíaTiul

1 possesshuísandvalieys [andwater-holes] where1 find my support,and1state

38. yx ccabajaruj chichihab

rech vi yn mam chijarab chi jun may ta

their names;tey are for my grand-chiidren forever, for every period oftwentyyears74

‘~ Semescheis locatedwithin the beundariesof Finca Chajcarat the sourceof dic RíoUlpan and sorne six kilometerssouthof the Río Cahabón.DieseldorffexcavatedextensivelythoughoutFincaChajcar during the late 1890srecoveringsorne 12,000pottery fragments,atlatest 12 burials, sorneincluding jadeobjects,deerantlers,asidtepescuintleteeth,asid two thincoppercar fiares(Dieseldorff1894, 1895,1905, Seler 1915:3, Plate 3, VillacortaandVillacorta1927: 322, 343-346).

“ Chitap is a caseríoin aldeaChiacalté;chi, locative; tap, land crabfound nearriversandsprings (MW).

72 Cacao(TheobromacacaoL.).“ EH givescaknaabasocean,sea,or vastexpanse.‘~ Referencetu akatan, the calendarcycle of twentyyears.

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84 JohnAl. Weeks39. tain eohobretal yn sarbguahi ix

ben yn sarbhapetehe

40. yx eabsarbchio ha colol

41. rox yn sarbehichaehe

42. yx cayn sarbehiohacolol

43. ro yn sarbchi caey pee

44. yx guaeyn sarb serasuupseco-pur

45. yx vuc yn sarbsetanpaz

46. yx vacxac yn sarb chiru tacazecanpaz

47. yx beleyn sarbse hocob

48. yx lagepsarbchirru saconacchi-

rre leb y ha ChiCheheh

49. yx labeyn sarbchi chahbabuch

50. yx huniahuyn sarb chiehiniavapuruiha

51. yx cablahu yn sarb chi nimiapurníha

1 state the namesof my waterhoies:

herete flrst, Petche75

My seeondwaterholeis Sehacolol

My third waterholeis Chichache

My fourt waterholeis Sehacolol76

My fiftb waterhoieis Chi Caey Pee

My sixt waterhole is Sera SuupSecopur77

My seventhwaterhoieis Setanpaz

My eighth waterhoie is in te plainZecanpaz

My nint waterholeis Se Hocob78

My tent waterholeis underte ciiff

on te edgeof te waterChicheheh79

My tent waterhoie is Chi Chabba

Bucht0

My eieventhwaterhoie is te small

Purulha1’

My tweift waterhole is te largePurnIha82

“ Probable referenceto peche’, aterin for Rabasspp.(MM’).76 Kolol, ashort-billedpigeon(Colambanigrirostris) (MW).“ Secoepuris analdeaof SanPedroCarchá;se, locative;coc. sinalí;pur is ageneraltenn

forjuteorhighlandriversnail <Pachychilusspp.),amolluscwith nianyassociatedbeliefs(MM’).78 Sejucoh is acaserfuin aldeaSechinacté;se,Jocative; oqob, liquidambar (Liqaidamnbar

styraciflua).“ A speciesof carpinteroor hushy-crestedjay (Cassilophamelanocyanea)(MM’).~ EPDgivesdiis asSecac,acaseríoin aldeaSecajc;se, locative;PM’ givesc‘ac. flea;cac,

ruof pole,andcak, thunderclap.~ Parul, somethingwhichboils; referenceto asmalihot springs.~‘ Referenceto alargehot springs.

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SubregionalOrganizationofthesi.xteenth-century... 85

52. roxlahuyn sarbsehaibaca My tirteent waterhoieis Sehaibaij

53. yx caíahuyn sarbzerettzi My fourteentwaterholeis Seretzi

54. cali ut yn memorial testamnento OnIy this is te titie of PoncioTuxle haynPoncioThx and

55. testamentore le PoncioTux se le wili of PoncioTux in te year 1539.ab 1539. Jesús María y José Jesús,Mary andJoseph.JoaquínandJoaquíny Ana Anna.

56. alcaide primero Tomás deAguilar Ah Pocac

57. alcaldesegundoJuande laCruzHernándezCalel Bac

58. regidor Pedro HernándezRax,regidorJuandela Cruz Yaxcal

59. regidor Gaspar Mendez Coe,regidorJuandeOíaisBalná

60. regidor PedroAh Pocac;PedroDoloresApoxy

61. maestroelescribanohaynabdon The chief seeretary1 FranciscofromFrancisco ha Tucurba San SanMiguel Tucurú83Miguel

62. escribanosegundohautbayndon The secondsecretaq1 Felipe fromFelipeTucurbaSanMiguel SanMiguel Tueurú

63. oso ut ratin guaneo vi laheb The wording is compieted on thecutanix be y pu octubrede 1539 tent dayof October1539años

64. fraile PedroMegía. Friar PedroMejía.

‘~ San Miguel Tucuré is a Pukurnchí-speaking¡nunicipality buundedtu dic north by

SenahtiandSan PedroCarchá,to dic eastby Senaháand Panzus,tu dic southby Puruihá,andto dic westby Tamahtiasid SanJuanChamelco.

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86 John Al. Weeks

DISCUSSION

me generalregion consideredin thetree latid titles is signiflcantfor thearchacologicaland historical studyof te Guatemalahighlands.The Cobán-Careháareawas an major conduit from the highiandsto the adjacentPeténlowlandsduring te prehispanicand colonial periods.Perhapsmore signifi-eantly, Carcháwas an importantpopulationcenterin ancientTuzulutlán,theregion in whiehte Kiche’ placedte mythologicaldeedsof te HeroTwinsin te Popo! Vuh (1950: 112-113).

The landtities provideseveralkindsof informationimportantfor recons-trncting aspectsof te local social mosaic in te Q’eqchi’-speakingnorthemhighlandsof Guatemala.Of particularinterestis the mention of te CoeandCucul lineages,presumablyremnantsof Ch’ol-speakerswho were resettiedinto te highlandsfrom te adjacentlowlandsto te north.In te TestamentoChico]!, CristóbalMelchor Ba claimshis legitimateright to propertyreferredto as Chaj Chicojí as he identifies landheid by BartoloméCoc and GasparCucul, originaily from the Río Usumacintaregion,and definesboundarieswit Bae,Cae,Choc,Cholom,Cruz,Quib, Sotzoh(Chocoh),Tiul, andTzutzlineages.

Thedocumentsare alsoof considerableusefor thereconstructionof socialgroupslargertan individual homesteadsandsmaíler thanregional eenters.meregionalorganizationof te Q’eqchi’ can be generaliydescribedin termsof two distinctspatialconcepts:tenamitandc’alebaat The tenamit (Nahuatí:tenamil!, fence,enciosure)is generaliycoterminouswith municipio or town,althoughtheterm appiies to ah categoriesof political units aboyete level ofthe c’alebaal (village). Q’eqchi’ towns of any size were divided into wards(molam)or barrios(teep),eachadministeredby a caalel, laterreferredto as athis official wascalledaprincipal or a regidor by the Spaniards.

SevenLate Postclassicperiod Q’eqchi’ centers or tenamitshave beenlocatedon elevatedmountainspursaboyevalleys in theCobán-CarcháareabyArnauid(1986).The laekof protohistorieremainsis probablytheresultofsur-vey methodoiogy since historical documentationcleariy indicate that theregion was not thiniy populatedwhentheSpaniardsfirst entered.

me largestof the sites is Chicán,consistingof severalrectangularplat-forms arrangedaroundoneor moreplazas.Plasteredmasonryis usualiyvísí-bie. At Chicántwo highpiatforms showinsetor projectingstairwaysflankedby wide sioping balustrades.Similar types of architectureare notedat twosites nearTactic, asidat alate site locatedaboyeSanPedroCarchá.No bali-court,central altar,pyramidaistructure,exceptGroupA at Chicán,havebeenfound. The sitesgenerallyexbibit residentialor funerary functionsandappa-rently iack the primary ceremonialfunctions associatedwit Ciassicperiodsitestheyhadduring the Classicperiod.The religiouscentersprobabiymoved

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Sabregional Organizationof tite sixteenth-centary... 87

from the bottom iands to mountainsummits,which are presentiy importantreiigious foel of theQ’eqchi’. Oneof theseis Kaacwa’Xucaneb,locatedjustaboyete site of Chicán.The site of Chichenwas anoterimportantprotohis-torie importantcenter.In 1550,JuanMatacbatzwas the caciqueof SanJuanChamelco,probablypopuiatedby te residentsof Chichen.me generalpopu-lation residedon or near cuitivated fiat lands (c’a!ebaa!) during te LatePostclassicperiod.

The c’alebaa! (milpería,aldea,caserío;c’al, milpa) is an extensionof tepatriloeallyextendeddomestiegroup. The membersof a patriuineageuveonadjacentiandswhich tey haveinheritedfrom teir ancestors.A patriuineagepossesssomejural autority, in tat importantdecisionsfor lineagemembersaremadeby te seniormales.In addition to control of land, somepatriuinea-gesalsoown ritual paraphernaliaused in ceremonialor ritual occasions.Thec’a!ebaa!mayvary in size from approximatelyten to fifty families which actas alargeresidentialcorporategroupin wbichmarriage,residence,andsocialinteraetionare influencedby membership(Sapper1891b: 893; 1913).Nuclearfaniilies characteristicaliyinhabit separatedweliings, and corporatelineage(toon)boundariesmaybedifficult to recognizephysically.Dweilings areseat-teredabout an ermit (hermitage),a speciaiizedpublie structureof te localcommunity to conductand administersuch corporatemattersas education,worship,sacrifice,andeconomieaffairs,witin a specific residentialzone.Inte eighteenth-centuryte floor of the hermitageservedas acommonburialareaand te buiiding housedcrossesandother saintly images,andprobablyalsoattendedothernon-reiigiousfunctionsas local templesmayhavedoneinancienttimes.Tuesestructures,whenreduplicatedin various partsof aiands-cape,mayrepresentonetypeof evidencefor theexistenceof a lineagegroup.Waterhoies<sarb), importantsacredplaceswitin eachc‘alebaal, are markedby crossshrines.Control of rights to water is crucial for humanlife in tiskarsticenvironment,especiaiiyduringte long dry season.Tbemilpa (c’a!) isusuallyclearedon high andweil-drainedlandsgenerailylocatedreiativeiyfarfrom te viliage nucleus.

The c’a!ebaal groups were apparentiy nested within larger divisionsknown as xakibaal, or paraje,te iargestsubdivisionof a municipality. Thedataare unclearhoweverwhetersuchethnographicconstructswere presentin te sixteenth-century.

In order of frequency,boundarymarkersgiven in the documentsare:waterholes,forestsor trees,hilis or elevatedplaces,cavesor dolines,vaileyfloors or level arcas,eliff faces,andcultural features.Boundarymaintenanceandcompositionaremadeclearby ceremoniesperformedto theancestraldei-ties andte tzu!taka.j? The sacredlandscapeis markedby the distribution oflineageshrines(mayejbaa!)dedicatedto te worship of the tzu!takaj? meseshrinesare typicaily locatedin low placesnearspringsor otherwatersources,high on mountainsummits,andat naturalopeningsinto the earth,cavesand

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88 JohnAl. Weeks

sunkenwaterhoies.Tbe tzultaka], literaiiy hili-valiey, defineaclassof deitiestat are multiple, but can also be conceivedof as a unitar>’ entity (Sehackt1986:60).Eaehhill andmountainhasits ownrzufrakaj, but te termgenerailypersonifieste totality of te earth.The numberof tzu!taka] is usuallyconsí-deredto be tirteen, anumberwit a speciaísacredasid ritual eonnotations.

The rzuhakn] are ah associatedwith specific physiographicfeaturesinnorthernGuatemala,most locatedin te Verapazhighiands.A Q’eqchi’ pra-yer recordedby Sapper(1925) in Alta Verapazrequestingprotection for amaizecrop nameste foilowing: Cancuenand Chahmayic,both rivers, andte mountainsKana Itzam, te northernboundaryin te TestamentoTontem,and te oniy femahe and most maievoient,aud Peemo’, amountain with asacredcave and te place of greatpiigrimages. me Q’eqehi’ in souternBelize recognizeseveraloter tzultaka] including, Kaacwa’ Xucaneb(a hillnearSanJuanChamelco),Kaacwa’ Coja] (nearSanPedroCarehá),Kaacwa’Ixim (near Tactie), Kaacwa’ Siyab, Kaacwa’ Sayi! (in te DepartmentofIzabal),Kaacwa’RasHon, Kaacwa’ Chit’unun, SeñorSan Vicente,KaacwaChimuy, Kaacwa’ Saki Pec, Kaacwa’ Chikoivon, and Kaacwa’ Sariquib(Schackt1986: 61).

me tzu!taka] are believedto keepwild animaislocked up in pensinsideteir huís. On receivingappropriateofferingsof copal, theanimalsare relea-sedto becomete preyof hunters.The animaismayalsobelet out to trespasson amilpa if onehasneglectedte customaryrituals in connectionwit clea-ring andsowing.Sincete tzufrako] aremastersor ownersof bot te landandthe animais,peoplearecompletelydependentupon tem for teir liveiihood.memastersmustbeappeased,bot to giveandnot to destroy.me TestamentoChicojí makesreferenceto thexi!ic, or animaisof te wind, asboundarymar-kers in two places,possiblyeorrespondingto te rzu!taka].

In addition to te tenamitandc ‘aleboal, historicaldoeumentsmakerefe-renceto oter sociospatialconstruets,suehas te amak’, given variousiyas acolleetion of families, clan or lineage segment,or pueblo in general.Theamak’ is probabiy not a discretelocalized unit but rathera more dispersedsocialunit. Suehgroupsmaybe only amorphousconstruetsbut remainusefulfor te studyof socialgroups.

The patternof residencein te Q’eqchi’ region over the pastgenerationshasbeenradicahiyafreetedby theexpansionof te Germansandladinos,fron-tier society,and particulariyby fluctuationsin te Guatemalancoifee trade.The phenomenonof clusteringis essentialto te formationand maintenanceof residentialgroupsin te faceof iow andunstablesubsisteneecapabilities.Thepracticeof milpa or swiddenagriculture,alongwith ahuntingandgate-ring economy has resultedin a dispersedpopulation. Q’eqchi’ resideneegroupsare nestedinto largerlocal groups.Tbe conceptof te c’alebaa! is ausefulanaiyticalconstructtat providesa convenientunit of study for theanalysisof socialreiationsaboyete domestiegroupandbelowte town cen-

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SubregionalOrganizationof tite sixteentit-century... 89

ter. It is a discretelocalizedsettiementunit correspondingto a roughnaturalor geographica.Isubdivision of te region definedby more or iessexplicití>’recognizedpolitical andsocialunits.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

My interestin te archaeoiogicaicontributionsof Erwin P. Dieseidorffwasinitialí>’ developedwhiie 1 was empioyedfrom 1981 to 1985 atTozzerLibrar>’(formerly te library of te PeabodyMuseumof ArchaeologyandEtnology)at Harvard University. During this time Dr. Nancy J. Schmidt, ten librar>’director, encouragedmy investigations. Funding from the NationalEndowmentfor te Humanitiesmadepossibiea visit to te Latin AmericanLibrar>’ at TulaneUniversity in New Orleanswherete DieseldorffColiectionis curated.Dr ThomasNiehaus,ten director of te Latin AmericanLibrar>’,didmuchto makemy sta>’apleasantone.Finaily, a Grant-in-Aidof Research,Artistry and Scholarshipfrom the GraduateSchooi of the University ofMinnesotaduring the spring of 1991 madepossibieanexaminationof thehol-dingsat te Archivo GeneraldeCentroAméricain GuatemalaCity as weli asabrief reconnaissanceof te region includedin the TontemandChicojí docu-ments. Accompaniedby Vincent Osier, a student at the University ofMinnesota,onemonthwas spentvisiting te currentFincaTontemnorthof teRío Cahabónandweii as severalcoifeeplantationssouthof theRío CahabónbetweenSan PedroCarcháandFincaXicacaco,a distanceof approximateiy30 kiiometers. These inciuded SanPablo Chimax, Chajcar,SantaCecilia,Sasis,Chicuc,andXicacaco.Sr.ArmandoVásquezof SanPedroCarchá,pre-sentownerof FincaTontem,lcd me throughhis coifeeandcardamomplanta-tion and identified man>’ of te toponymicsenumeratedin te TestamentoTontem.His extensiveknowledgeof the Q’eqchi’ was shareduneonditionalí>’andmuchappreciated.Accessto the extensiveDieseldorfflandholdingswaspossibleonly with te cooperationof Sr. GustavoA. GonzálezB., adminis-tratorof W.E. DieseldorffSues.,andSr. HaraldoLuna,site managerfor FincaChajear.

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