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ADITI PHADNIS Nuthalapati Venkata Ramana (63) will have an 18-month tenure as Chief Justice of India. He takes charge on April 24. Expect no upheavals.

“He’s an establishment man,” says a senior advocate in the Supreme Court, adding hurriedly, lest he be misunder-stood “but he does his own thinking — and he puts the law first”.

Ramana is a first-generation lawyer in his family. He did not inherit his father’s practice; nor, indeed, his library. But in his area, he’s not a nobody either: his family belongs to Andhra Pradesh’s Krishna dis-trict, the area of influence of the Kamma caste, the powerful landed ruling elite of the Coromandel coast. Legendary Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N T Rama Rao; son-in-law and once close lieutenant, N Chandrababu Naidu; and the Delhi face of the Telugu Desam Party, P Upendra, are all Kammas. So is former Supreme Court judge J Chelameswar, current Supreme Court judge L Nageswara Rao — and Ramana.

Ramana became a lawyer in 1983 and a judge in the Andhra Pradesh High Court in 2000. It didn’t hurt that Naidu was chief minister. A Rajya Sabha seat was within reach. But counsel that a judgeship would last longer, prevailed. Ramana himself said publicly that his father “was afraid I would be arrested” when the Emergency was declared. That puts him in a certain square.

When his career advanced, as it inev-itably happens in such cases, Ramana found himself a casualty in a political bat-tle. In 2020, after alleging that land had been illegally allotted to Ramana’s family by the earlier regime, Naidu’s bitter rival, Y S Jaganmohan Reddy, took the aston-ishing step of writing to the Chief Justice (and making the letter public) that via the alleged proximity between Justice Ramana and Naidu, attempts were being made to destabilise his government.

“Justice Ramana’s proximity to Chandrababu Naidu is too well-known. I

am making this statement with utmost responsibility… Justice Ramana has been influencing the sittings of the high court including the roster of a few honorable judges and instances of a few matters important to Telugu Desam have been allotted to a few judges,” Reddy wrote.

Reddy enclosed seven documents as proof of his allegations. One of them said there was an “identity of views expressed by Naidu and Ramana about fitness of advocates elevated as high court judges”. According to Reddy, Justice Ramana also played a key role in influencing judicial appointments in state courts. Of course, he did not mention that Ramana was heading the bench hearing a PIL to fast-track criminal cases against former and current MPs and MLAs, including Reddy, who was facing more than 30 cases of cor-ruption and malfeasance in the scrutiny of the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and had been in prison. The charges made by Reddy were dismissed by an in-house procedure.

“Let’s put it this way: this is a man who’s had more than a passing interest in pol-itics; who knows how the political system works, but has essentially striven to be cor-rect in law,” says a Supreme Court lawyer.

Of all the Supreme Court lawyers to whom Business Standard spoke, not one faulted Ramana’s legal acumen or inte-grity: not even the lawyers who represent-ed Jaganmohan Reddy and were party to

damaging assaults on Ramana. He never held it against them in court. “Both, when he was due to be appointed to the Supreme Court and when he was about to be Chief Justice, there have been attempts to derail his elevation,” says a senior advocate.

The best way of evaluating a judge is by the orders he has passed. The most important is his judgment on the shut-down of the internet in Kashmir. “He left it to the administration. He was entirely right in the law. But in the enforcement of it, he still left it to the administration. You could say he sat on the fence. But he did not resort to a popular option, unlike other judges who created their own law to justify whatever the government was doing,” says a lawyer.

“There is no doubt that he commands respect. He’s on the ball. He has his judg-ment calls. Sometimes they go in your favour, sometimes they go against you,” says senior Supreme Court lawyer Sanjay Hegde. “He’s a gentleman who gives respect and who commands respect, unlike some others.”

One former Supreme Court judge said at a conference that Prime Minister Narendra Modi was “a versatile genius, who thinks globally and acts locally”. He also invited the PM, the home minister and other members of the Union cabinet to his grandson’s mundan ceremony. A former chief justice accepted a Rajya Sabha seat from the government after he retired. When it comes to non-judicial conduct, Ramana, therefore, faces a fairly low bar.

But there are challenges of other kinds. In 2017, lawyer Saurabh Kirpal, who is

gay, was approached by Justice Gita Mittal to become a Delhi high court judge. He agreed. But so far, the three-member Supreme Court collegium, led by outgoing Chief Justice of India S A Bobde, has not taken a decision on his elevation. No one knows where the hitch lies. But sources say it is the law ministry which is sitting on the file — apparently because Kirpal’s partner is not an Indian national. Many senior members of the bar are waiting to see what Ramana will do on the matter. More than anything else, the Kirpal case will decide if Ramana will take the judici-ary on a new trajectory of independence and assertion.

SUDIPTO DEY New Delhi, 9 April

The Supreme Court’s recent judg ment in the six-year-old boardroom

and courtroom battle between the two principal stakeholders of the Tata group has put the sp o t light on the role and duties of no minee directors of a charitable trust in a holding company.

The apex court in its judg-ment dismissed the minority shareholders’ (Mistry group) claims of “oppression and mis-management” at Tata Sons, the holding company of the con-glomerate, when the board dec i ded to remove its then exe -c utive chairman, Cyrus Mistry. However, some observations made by the court in the pro-cess have confounded and divi -ded many legal and corporate governance experts on their implications going forward.

In its observations, the court appears to suggest that a nominee director’s duties to the charitable trust are some-how superior to duties owed to the company on whose boards the director sits on as a repre-sentative of the trusts.

Noting that Tata Sons is a holding company, with major-ity shareholders being philan-thropic charitable trusts, the apex court observed that the directors nominated by trusts are “not like any other Directors who get appointed in a General Meeting of the Company in terms of Section 152(2) of the Act”.

The court further seems to acknowledge wider fiduciary duties for directors represent-ing a trust when it observes: “A person nominated by a chari-table Trust, to be a Director in a company in which the Trust holds shares, also holds a fidu-ciary relationship with the Trust and fiduciary duty towa -rds the nameless, faceless ben-eficiaries of those Trusts…..”

Experts point out that this observation suggests that the role and duties of directors of a charitable trust are different from those of any other non-trust directors. A logical corol-lary from this would be: Duties of directors could vary depend-ing on the legal form of the company. The law, however, does not create any distinction in the role and duties of direc-tors based on legal structure or activities of a firm, experts point out.

The Supreme Court also questioned the need for a sep-arate provision in law for inde-pendent directors if all direc-

tors are required to exercise independent judgement accor -ding to the legislative mandate.

In this case, the nominee directors representing trusts controlled by the Tata family on the Tata Sons board enjoyed affirmative voting rights or veto rights. The contention by the Mistry group was that these rights were “oppressive and prejudicial” to the interest of minority shareholders. The Mistry group also argued that the nominee directors did not exercise independent judgement.

In this context, the court asked: “If all Directors are required under Section 166(3) to exercise inde-pendent Judg ment, we do not know why there is a separate provision in Section 149(4) for every listed Public Company to have at least 1/3rd of the total number of Directors as inde-pendent Directors.”

The court subsequently observed that: “We do not also know whether the prescription in Section 149(4) is a tacit acknowledgement that all the Directors appointed in a General meeting under Section 152(2) may not be independent in practice, though they may be required to be so in theory.”

“To my mind, in asking the

question in their judgment, the court has thrown open how the dynamics in the boardroom will play out,” says Amit Tandon, managing director, Institutional Investors Advisory Services (IiAS).

Legal experts point out that these observations by the apex court could be interpreted to imply that the duty of such a nominee director is somehow superior to duties owed to the

company itself. That could mean duties of directors could vary depend-ing on the form of the firm they repre-sent, and the activ-ities they engage in. Tandon says it is hard to argue that

governance standards need to be different based on a firms’ legal structure.

Rajat Sethi, partner, S&R Associates, points out that while this may be a one-off sit-uation since charitable trusts would not in the normal course be permitted to hold shares in a company constituted under the Companies Act, the Court’s rationale, he agrees, does not sit well with the legislative sch -eme under the Companies Act.

Anand Desai, managing par tner, DSK Legal, however, has a different point of view. “Here the court has not drawn a distinction between a listed,

unlisted and private company. The court recognises inherent conflicts in the interests repre-sented by directors, and the role of independent vs non-in -d e pendent directors,” he says.

Desai does not see any ‘‘dichotomy” in the role and duties of directors in a holding company, vis-a-vis directors who are nominees of a chari-table trust. “My understanding of the judgment on this aspect is that a director may have duties not just to the company he is on the board of, but also other organisations, such as being a trustee of a trust. The director needs to balance these interests,” he says.

Experts say the Tata-Mistry tussle exposed many aspects of corporate law — namely, the role of independent directors, the role of chairman of the board, the role of major and minor shareholders, the equat-ion between a dominant major-ity shareholder and a signifi-cant minority shareholder, exit options for minority share-holders in such situations, among others.

However, one aspect of gov-ernance weakness that the cor-porate battle highlighted, though obliquely, relates to trust laws, especially where the beneficiaries of a trust are the public, says Nawshir Mirza, a former independent director with Tata Power. “The trustees must be required to explain their major decisions,” he says.

As a way forward to iron out the information asymmetry among various shareholders, Mirza suggests that it should be obligatory for listed com-panies to annually draw atten-tion — perhaps in annual reports — to provisions in their Articles of Association, or in loan or Shareholders’ Agree -ments, to any special rights to one or more shareholders or prospective shareholders.

For Akshaya Kamalnath, senior lecturer at The Australian National University, the case highlights the need for making the oppression remedy standard much simpler in India — on the lines of some other jurisdictions, such as, the United Kingdom, New Zealand and Australia. “This is particu-larly important in India where promoter families are dom-inant,” she adds.

Experts say it is important to recognise from this high-pro-file case that matters relating to the governance of private com-panies are largely left to the dis-cretion of shareholders. “The Supreme Court’s ruling, in this case, underscores this logic. The concept of director inde-pendence has no applicability or relevance here,” says Deb -anshu Mukherjee, co-founder, Vidhi Center for Legal Policy.

Also, in multi-organisation conglomerates there must be clearly drafted delegation of powers in the holding company, and board processes for review when there is a leadership change, says Kavil Ramachan -dran, professor & executive director, Thomas Schmidheiny Centre for Family Enterprise, Indian School of Business.

VANITA KOHLI-KHANDEKAR Mumbai, 9 April

The walls are closing in. If you are a filmmaker who

doesn’t agree with the changes or cuts the Central Board of Film Certification's (CBFC) examining body demanded, you could always go to the revising committee. And if the revising committee didn’t give you any joy, there was always the Film Certification Appellate Tribunal (FCAT). The five-member statutory body set up in 1983 has for 37 years been the voice of reason that read badly worded CBFC orders and tried to create a middle ground where film-makers and babus could meet. You could write your own peti-tion and defend your film and the context in which it had been made.

It is the FCAT that created the ground for the release of films like Bandit Queen (1994, pictured) and Udta Punjab (2016). For others like Joker (2019), it proved to be as con-servative as the CBFC. “Not all decisions of the FCAT are great. But it has been a good safety valve between the CBFC and judiciary,” reckons Dr Indranil Bhattacharya, a film scholar who has researched film cen-sorship in India. On April 4, with the notification of the Tribunals Reforms (Rational is -ation and Conditions of Service) Ordinance, 2021, FCAT was abolished.

Not surprisingly there have been howls of protest from

across the film industry. Filmmakers like Hansal Mehta (Shahid, Scam 1992), Vishal Bharadwaj (Kaminey, Omkara) and Anurag Kashyap (Gangs of Wasseypur) took to Twitter ear-lier this week to question the decision. “Do the high courts have a lot of time to address film certification grievances? How many film producers will have the means to approach the courts?” said Mehta.

That is the big question. Without the FCAT, film-

makers will now have to go straight to the high courts. That involves the usual delays in listing/ hearing of cases, and is expensive. You need to hire one of the few lawyers who specialise in the area. This move then automatically elim-inates small and documentary filmmakers who do not have the resources for a prolonged fight. The big studios and film-makers would have access to lawyers and money but they too will lose time and energy if a film lands up in court. “The number of cases at FCAT is much lesser than that of high courts. The members of the tri-bunal used to watch the entire

film. There were detailed deliberations during the hear-ings. It will be impossible to get this level of attention on every film in the courts,” says Bhattacharya, who has examined several FCAT orders.

The elephant in the room, say experts across the film industry, is the politicisation of the CBFC. Its 24-26 members are chosen for their allegiance to the government, an ideology, or as a sinecure. Most on the advisory boards come with their own prejudices and with little understanding of the cin-ematic idiom. There are few film scholars or critics on board. “The Justice Mukul Mudgal Committee (2013) and the Shyam Benegal Committee (2018) both had recommended reforms for FCAT and an expansion of its jurisdiction,” says Bhattacharya. The Bene -gal committee recommended that the CBFC should restrict itself to certification and not censorship. These reports have never been discussed.

You could argue that film is one among sectors such as avi-ation and pharmaceuticals

where appellate tribunals have been abolished. Tribunals were meant to lessen the court's role in adjudication of specialised matters like cinema and avia-tion. But after a series of cases starting 2015, there has been rising concern about the gov-ernment’s control over tribu-nals. So now all appeals against executive decisions, where the public at large is not a litigant, will go to the high courts. Cinema just happens to be caught in the middle of a tussle between the judiciary and the executive.

Maybe. But added to the new guidelines for OTT content announced in Febru -ary this year, it creates a pincer movement for Indian cinema. Just when Indian storytelling was getting a global stage, thanks to platforms like Netflix and Amazon Prime Video, this push on the regu-latory front will be a creative dampener.

On the commercial front, the news is even worse. More than 62 per cent of the indus-try’s revenues were wiped out in 2020. From ~19,100 crore in 2019, the world’s largest film producing industry now stands at ~7,200 crore due to the pan-demic. Thousands of daily wagers have lost their jobs.

In India, films power the entire entertainment industry. About a fifth of all TV viewer-ship and much of the program-ming hours on TV come from films. On OTT, nearly all the (local) original programming comes from the film industry; over 70 per cent of all music sold is from Indian films. If Indian cinema shrinks and capsizes under the burden of over-regulation, so will many other businesses.

Scrapping of FCAT: Big blow to film industry

Nominee directors in the spotlightThe Supreme Court’s observations in the Tata-Mistry case has raised questions about the fiduciary duties of nominee directors

Establishment man

> Courts judge by the law and contracts, not on the basis of what is fair or unfair. Minority shareholders in a private company have to codify their rights through the Articles of Association and the Shareholders’ Agreement > In a multi-organisation business conglomerate there must be clearly drafted delegation of powers, along

with board processes for review when there is a leadership change > Regulators could consider making it obligatory for listed companies to annually draw attention to provisions in their Articles of Association, or in loan or Shareholders’ Agreements, to any special rights to one, or more shareholders, or prospective shareholders

Some corporate governance lessons for India Inc

NEWSMAKER/ N V RAMANA / CHIEF JUSTICE OF INDIA-DESIGNATE

The law doesn’t create any distinction in the role and duties of directors based on legal structure or activities of a firm, say experts

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