Stress and focus in Catalan and Spanish: patterns of duration and vowel quality

Stress and focus in Stress and focus in Catalan and Spanish: Catalan and Spanish:

patterns of duration and patterns of duration and vowel qualityvowel quality

Marta Ortega-Llebaria & Pilar Marta Ortega-Llebaria & Pilar PrietoPrieto

U. of Texas- AustinU. of Texas- Austin & & ICREA-UABICREA-UAB

IntroductionIntroduction• Goal: Goal:

– To investigate the effects of intonational pitch accents To investigate the effects of intonational pitch accents and focus on and focus on durational, pitch durational, pitch andand vowel quality vowel quality patterns patterns in Catalan and Spanish.in Catalan and Spanish.

– More generally, to study the More generally, to study the relation between stress relation between stress andand accent accent in Catalan and Spanish. in Catalan and Spanish.

• Definitions:Definitions:– StressStress: prominence of a syllable compared to other : prominence of a syllable compared to other

syllables in a word. Example: comsyllables in a word. Example: comeento-comentnto-comentó.ó.– AccentAccent: the prominence of a word in a phrase. : the prominence of a word in a phrase.

Examples: Examples: Pedro comentPedro comentóó el examen el examen ( (accentedaccented)) No aprobaré –comentNo aprobaré –comentóó Pedro Pedro

((unaccentedunaccented))

Relation between stress and Relation between stress and accentaccent

• Accentual prominence is phonetically different in ‘Accentual prominence is phonetically different in ‘stress stress accent’ accent’ languages vs. ‘ languages vs. ‘non-stress accent’ non-stress accent’ languages.languages.

– In In stress-accentstress-accent languages, accentual prominence is conveyed languages, accentual prominence is conveyed by a number of phonetic correlates, including pitch, duration by a number of phonetic correlates, including pitch, duration and intensity.and intensity.

– In In non-stress accentnon-stress accent languages pitch is the only correlate of languages pitch is the only correlate of

accent (Elordieta & Hualde 2001, 2003). accent (Elordieta & Hualde 2001, 2003).

• Examples: Examples: – Stress accent languages: English, Spanish.Stress accent languages: English, Spanish.– Non-stress accent languages: Japanese, Bizkaian Non-stress accent languages: Japanese, Bizkaian

Basque.Basque.

HypothesisHypothesis Stress Accent Lgs Non-Stress Stress Accent Lgs Non-Stress

Accent Lgs Accent Lgs

CuesCues to to PitchPitch Pitch Pitch

AccentAccent

DurationDuration

HypothesisHypothesis:: Stress accent differs phonetically from non- Stress accent differs phonetically from non-stress accent in that it uses to a greater extent material other stress accent in that it uses to a greater extent material other than pitch. than pitch.

(Beckman, M. 1986.(Beckman, M. 1986. Stress and Non-Stress Accent. Stress and Non-Stress Accent. Foris Foris Publications, Holland, page 1).Publications, Holland, page 1).

Non-stress accent: Northern Non-stress accent: Northern Bizkaian BasqueBizkaian Basque

TxaTxakukurren dxatekrren dxatekúa da (‘it’s the dog’s úa da (‘it’s the dog’s food’)food’)

TxaTxakkúúrren dxatekrren dxatekúa da (‘it’s the dogs´ úa da (‘it’s the dogs´ food’)food’)

Same durationExample from Elordieta and Hualde (2003)

Non-stress accent: Northern Non-stress accent: Northern Bizkaian BasqueBizkaian Basque

TxaTxakukurren dxatekrren dxatekúa da (it’s the dog’s úa da (it’s the dog’s food)food)

TxaTxakkúúrren dxatekrren dxatekúa da (it’s the dogs’ úa da (it’s the dogs’ food)food)

Same durationExample from Elordieta and Hualde (2003)

Stress-accent languagesStress-accent languages

• The relationship between duration and pitch is not The relationship between duration and pitch is not completely understood in stress-accent languages.completely understood in stress-accent languages.

• Problem for ‘stress accent’ languages: cues to Problem for ‘stress accent’ languages: cues to stress prominence have been studied in words stress prominence have been studied in words containing a pitch accent, while the other containing a pitch accent, while the other intonational contexts (no accent) have not been intonational contexts (no accent) have not been examined (for Spanish, Navarro Tomás 1964, Quilis examined (for Spanish, Navarro Tomás 1964, Quilis 1971, 1978, Llisterri et al 2003, de la Mota 1995; 1971, 1978, Llisterri et al 2003, de la Mota 1995; for Catalan, Recasens 1991; Solfor Catalan, Recasens 1991; Solé, 1984é, 1984).).

• In this study, we will try to disentangle which In this study, we will try to disentangle which phonetic cues (F0, duration) define which phonetic cues (F0, duration) define which phonological units (accent, stress).phonological units (accent, stress).

Research QuestionsResearch Questions• Question 1:Question 1: how do pitch and duration cues relate to how do pitch and duration cues relate to

stress and accent in Catalan and Spanish? stress and accent in Catalan and Spanish? HypothesisHypothesis: duration cues relate to stressed syllables regardless of : duration cues relate to stressed syllables regardless of having or not a pitch accenthaving or not a pitch accent

• Question 2:Question 2: similarly, how does vowel quality cue both similarly, how does vowel quality cue both accent and stress?accent and stress?

HypothesisHypothesis:: Due to the fact that Catalan has vowel reduction cues, Due to the fact that Catalan has vowel reduction cues, it will perhaps rely less on duration to mark stressed syllables and it will perhaps rely less on duration to mark stressed syllables and focused contextsfocused contexts

• Question 3:Question 3: do focal accents increase the duration cues? do focal accents increase the duration cues?HypothesisHypothesis: duration is amplified in focalized words.: duration is amplified in focalized words.

MaterialsMaterials• KeyKey: finding materials where syllables bearing : finding materials where syllables bearing

stress, focus, and accent can be compared to stress, focus, and accent can be compared to syllables that only bear stress.syllables that only bear stress.

• 15 four-syllable verbs ended in –15 four-syllable verbs ended in –minarminar, i.e. , i.e. determinardeterminar, , abominarabominar, , denominardenominar, etc. which are , etc. which are cognates in Catalan and Spanish in different cognates in Catalan and Spanish in different intonation contexts, for a total of 480 utterances.intonation contexts, for a total of 480 utterances.

SpanishSpanish CatalanCatalan

PresentPresent

(Paroxytone(Paroxytones)s)

deterdetermiminono deterdetermiminana

PastPast

(Oxytones)(Oxytones)determideterminónó determideterminànà

• DeterminarDeterminar

• Contexto: Contexto: – La profesora Carmona determinó la masa del átomo y La profesora Carmona determinó la masa del átomo y

publicó sus resultados en una importante revista publicó sus resultados en una importante revista científica.científica.

• Preguntas:Preguntas:– En su último artículo, ¿qué determinó sobre el átomo la En su último artículo, ¿qué determinó sobre el átomo la

profesora Carmona?profesora Carmona?– ¿Determinó Carmona la masa del átomo?¿Determinó Carmona la masa del átomo?– ¿Hizo sólo una leve aproximación de la masa del átomo?¿Hizo sólo una leve aproximación de la masa del átomo?– ¿Qué dijo la profesora?¿Qué dijo la profesora?

• Respuestas:Respuestas:– Determinó la masa.Determinó la masa.– Sí, Carmona la determinó.Sí, Carmona la determinó.– No, Carmona la DETERMINÓ No, Carmona la DETERMINÓ – ——La masa del átomo es medible – determinó complacida.La masa del átomo es medible – determinó complacida.

Example of experimental Example of experimental item (Spanish)item (Spanish)

Materials and Research Materials and Research Questions 1 and 2Questions 1 and 2

• Compare syllables with stress and Compare syllables with stress and accent (declaratives) with unaccented accent (declaratives) with unaccented stressed syllables (parenthetics) stressed syllables (parenthetics)

• In oxytone and paroxytone positions.In oxytone and paroxytone positions.

• Respuestas:Respuestas:– Determinó Determinó la masa. la masa. – Sí, Carmona la determinó.Sí, Carmona la determinó.– No, Carmona la DETERMINÓ No, Carmona la DETERMINÓ – ——La masa del átomo es medible – La masa del átomo es medible – determinó determinó

contenta.contenta.

Materials and Research Materials and Research Questions 1 and 2Questions 1 and 2

• Compare syllables with stress and Compare syllables with stress and accent (declaratives) with unaccented accent (declaratives) with unaccented stressed syllables (parenthetics) stressed syllables (parenthetics)


• Respuestas:Respuestas:– Determinó Determinó la masa. la masa. – Sí, Carmona la determinó.Sí, Carmona la determinó.– No, Carmona la DETERMINÓ No, Carmona la DETERMINÓ – ——La masa del átomo es medible – La masa del átomo es medible – determinó determinó

contenta.contenta.

Unaccented

Accented

Materials and Research Materials and Research Question 3Question 3

• Compare syllables with nuclear broad Compare syllables with nuclear broad focus and syllables with narrow focus and syllables with narrow (contrastive) focus. (contrastive) focus.


• Respuestas:Respuestas:– Determinó la masa.Determinó la masa.– Sí, Carmona la Sí, Carmona la determinó.determinó.– No, Carmona la No, Carmona la DETERMINÓ.DETERMINÓ. – ——La masa del átomo es medible – determinó La masa del átomo es medible – determinó

contenta.contenta.

Nuclear narrow

(contrastive) focus

Nuclear broad focus

MeasurementsMeasurements

• Pitch:Pitch:– F0 marks at the beginning, middle and end of target F0 marks at the beginning, middle and end of target

syllablessyllables– F0 valley and peak (F0 valley and peak (tonal rangetonal range))

• Duration: Duration: – Each of the segments in target syllables Each of the segments in target syllables mimi and and nono//nana::

• In millisecondsIn milliseconds• In percentages In percentages

• Vowel Quality: Vowel Quality: – F1, F2 and F3 measures at 3 points in target vowelsF1, F2 and F3 measures at 3 points in target vowels

SubjectsSubjects

• Four native speakers of Spanish and Four native speakers of Spanish and Catalan.Catalan.

• 2 from Sabadell (Catalan) and 2 from 2 from Sabadell (Catalan) and 2 from Barcelona (Spanish speakers).Barcelona (Spanish speakers).

• 3 females, 1 male.3 females, 1 male.

• 20-36 years old.20-36 years old.

• Spanish speakers spoke this language with Spanish speakers spoke this language with their parents and siblings, and learnt their parents and siblings, and learnt Catalan later in school.Catalan later in school.

Pitch range differencesPitch range differences

Spanish Catalan

Pitch is practically flat in parenthetic phrases.

abomino las corridas abomino contrariadaintonation

0

20

40

60

80

pit

ch

_ra

n_

ab

s

stressoxytone

paroxytone


0

20

40

60

80

pit

ch

_ra

n_

ab

s

stressoxytone

paroxytone


Spanish Catalan

Pitch is practically flat in parenthetic phrases.


0

20

40

60

80

pit

ch

_ra

n_

ab

s

stressoxytone

paroxytone


0

20

40

60

80

pit

ch

_ra

n_

ab

s

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Unaccented

Unaccented

Accented

Accented

Results: IntonationResults: Intonation

• Declarative sentences: Declarative sentences: – There are There are pitch-accentspitch-accents because there because there

is F0 variation.is F0 variation.

• Parenthetic sentences:Parenthetic sentences:– There are There are NO pitch-accentsNO pitch-accents because because

there is NO F0 variation.there is NO F0 variation.

Duration of V1: /i/Duration of V1: /i/

Spanish Catalan

abomino las corridas abomino contrariada

intonation

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

0,09000

v1

_td

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

0,02000

0,04000

0,06000

0,08000

0,10000

0,12000

v1

_td

286

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Stressed /i/ is longer than unstressed /i/

This effect is maintained across intonation contexts, and in parenthetics


Spanish Catalan


intonation

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

0,09000

v1

_td

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

0,02000

0,04000

0,06000

0,08000

0,10000

0,12000

v1

_td

286

stressoxytone

paroxytone



Unaccented

UnaccentedAccented Accented


Spanish Catalan


intonation

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

0,09000

v1

_td

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

0,02000

0,04000

0,06000

0,08000

0,10000

0,12000

v1

_td

286

stressoxytone

paroxytone



Unaccented Unaccente

dAccented Accented

Duration of C1: /m/Duration of C1: /m/Spanish Catalan


intonation

0,01000

0,02000

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

c1

_td

10

58

48

171

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

0,02000

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

0,09000

c1

_td

249

241

301

354

349

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Stress effect: /m/ is longer when stressed (paroxytone, i.e. míno), across the two intonation contexts.



intonation

0,01000

0,02000

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

c1

_td

10

58

48

171

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

0,02000

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

0,09000

c1

_td

249

241

301

354

349

stressoxytone

paroxytone



dAccented Accented


intonation

0,01000

0,02000

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

c1

_td

10

58

48

171

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

0,02000

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

0,09000

c1

_td

249

241

301

354

349

stressoxytone

paroxytone




dAccented Accented

Duration of V2: Duration of V2: Spanish /o/ - Catalan /a/ Spanish /o/ - Catalan /a/


intonation

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

0,09000

0,10000

0,11000

0,12000

v2

_td

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

0,09000

0,10000

0,11000

v2

_td

10

132

68

231

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Spanish Catalan

V2 is longer in stressed positions, both in accented and accented syllables.



intonation

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

0,09000

0,10000

0,11000

0,12000

v2

_td

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

0,09000

0,10000

0,11000

v2

_td

10

132

68

231

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Spanish Catalan



dAccented Accented


intonation

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

0,09000

0,10000

0,11000

0,12000

v2

_td

stressoxytone

paroxytone



intonation

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

0,09000

0,10000

0,11000

v2

_td

10

132

68

231

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Spanish Catalan



dAccented Accented

Duration of C2: /n/Duration of C2: /n/Spanish Catalan

Stress effect: /n/ is longer when placed in the stressed syllables.


intonation

0,02000

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

c2

_td

249

243

348

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

0,02000

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

c2

_td

123168

61

183108

stressoxytone

paroxytone




intonation

0,02000

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

c2

_td

249

243

348

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

0,02000

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

c2

_td

123168

61

183108

stressoxytone

paroxytone


dAccented Accented




intonation

0,02000

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

c2

_td

249

243

348

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

0,02000

0,03000

0,04000

0,05000

0,06000

0,07000

0,08000

c2

_td

123168

61

183108

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Accented AccentedUnaccente

dUnaccente

d

Duration in millisecondsDuration in milliseconds• Stressed segments were longer than unstressed Stressed segments were longer than unstressed

segments.segments.• This pattern was significant for each segment except for This pattern was significant for each segment except for

/m/ in each language./m/ in each language.

Spanish Catalan

m 0.073 0.100

i 0.010 0.041

n 0.011 0.003

o/a 0.002 0.000

per_c1

per_v1

per_c2

per_v2

Intonation 1, paroxytones.

Duration of segments in percentages

m

in

Relative DurationRelative DurationIn

tonatio

n

1

oxytonesparoxytones

Relative measuresRelative measures: Each segment was : Each segment was calculated as a percentage of calculated as a percentage of minomino..

per_c1

per_v1

per_c2

per_v2

Intonation 1, oxytones.


m

in

oo

per_c1

per_v1

per_c2

per_v2



m

in

o

Relative MeasuresRelative MeasuresIn

tonatio

n

1

oxytonesparoxytone

s

per_c1

per_v1

per_c2

per_v2



c1

v1c2

v2


per_c1

per_v1

per_c2

per_v2



c1

v1c2

v2

Relative MeasuresRelative MeasuresIn

tonatio

n

1

oxytonesparoxytone

s

per_c1

per_v1

per_c2

per_v2



m

in

o


Duration: statistical analysisDuration: statistical analysis

• The main factor of The main factor of stressstress hadhad an effect on the an effect on the duration of segments.duration of segments.

• The main factor of The main factor of intonationintonation had nothad not an effect an effect on durationon duration

• ANOVA on duration measurements. Main factors: ANOVA on duration measurements. Main factors:

• Intonation: declarative vs. parenthetic; Intonation: declarative vs. parenthetic;

• Stress: oxytone vs paroxytoneStress: oxytone vs paroxytone

FactorsFactors SignificanceSignificance

StressStress ****

IntonationIntonation

Stress * Inton.Stress * Inton.

• Stress effect:Stress effect: Both absolute and relative Both absolute and relative duration cues differentiate duration cues differentiate oxytonicoxytonic words from words from paroxytonicparoxytonic words words regardless of the presence of a pitch regardless of the presence of a pitch accent.accent.

• Lack of intonation effect: Lack of intonation effect: the presence the presence of a pitch accent does not consistently of a pitch accent does not consistently amplify duration cues.amplify duration cues.

Duration: SummaryDuration: Summary

• Is vowel quality a cue for both Is vowel quality a cue for both accentedaccented and and stressed stressed vowels? vowels?

• Measures given in F2-F1 distanceMeasures given in F2-F1 distance

Question 2: Vowel qualityQuestion 2: Vowel quality

Abomino las corridas Abomino contrariada

intonation

0,00

500,00

1000,00

1500,00

2000,00

2500,00

F2

i_F

1i

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Vowel quality of V1: /i/Vowel quality of V1: /i/No vowel reduction for /i/ in any language


intonation

0,00

500,00

1000,00

1500,00

2000,00

2500,00

3000,00

F2

i_F

1i

192

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Spanish Catalan


intonation

0,00

500,00

1000,00

1500,00

2000,00

2500,00

F2

i_F

1i

stressoxytone

paroxytone

No vowel reduction for /i/ in unstressed positions


intonation

0,00

500,00

1000,00

1500,00

2000,00

2500,00

3000,00

F2

i_F

1i

192

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Spanish Catalan


dAccented Accented

Vowel quality of V1: /i/Vowel quality of V1: /i/


intonation

500

1.000

1.500

F2

o_

F1

o

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

250

500

750

1.000

1.250

F2

o_

F1

o

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Vowel quality: Sp. /o/, Vowel quality: Sp. /o/, Cat. /a/Cat. /a/

Vowel reduction in unstressed positions in both languages

Spanish Catalan


intonation

500

1.000

1.500

F2

o_

F1

o

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

250

500

750

1.000

1.250

F2

o_

F1

o

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Spanish Catalan


dAccented Accented

F1 and F2 increase their distance in unstressed positions (paroxytonic words) regardless of the

intonation context.



intonation

500

1.000

1.500

F2

o_

F1

o

stressoxytone

paroxytone


intonation

250

500

750

1.000

1.250

F2

o_

F1

o

stressoxytone

paroxytone

Spanish Catalan


dAccented Accented

No effect of presence of a pitch accent on vowel reduction


Vowel quality: statistical Vowel quality: statistical analysisanalysis

• The main factor of The main factor of stressstress hadhad an effect on vowel quality an effect on vowel quality• The main factor of The main factor of intonationintonation had nothad not an effect on vowel an effect on vowel

qualityquality• In Catalan vowel reduction takes place in In Catalan vowel reduction takes place in allall inton contexts inton contexts

• ANOVA on F2-F1 measurements. Main factors: ANOVA on F2-F1 measurements. Main factors:

• IntonationIntonation: declarative vs. parenthetic: declarative vs. parenthetic

• Stress:Stress: oxytone vs paroxytone oxytone vs paroxytone

FactorsFactors SpanishSpanish CatalanCatalan

StressStress **** ****

IntonationIntonation

Stress * Inton.Stress * Inton. ****

Vowel quality: Reduction Vowel quality: Reduction patternspatterns

• In Spanish, /o/ raises towards /u/ by decreasing F1 In Spanish, /o/ raises towards /u/ by decreasing F1 values.values.

• In Catalan, /a/ becomes /In Catalan, /a/ becomes // by decreasing F1 and / by decreasing F1 and increasing F2.increasing F2.

u

o

F2i

a

F1

Vowel quality: Reduction Vowel quality: Reduction patternspatterns

• In Spanish, /o/ raises towards /u/ by decreasing F1 In Spanish, /o/ raises towards /u/ by decreasing F1 values.values.

• In Catalan, /a/ becomes /In Catalan, /a/ becomes / / by decreasing F1 and / by decreasing F1 and increasing F2.increasing F2.

u

o

F2

i

a

F1

Catalan /a/ //

Spanish /o/ //

• Stress effect:Stress effect: Vowel quality cues differentiate Vowel quality cues differentiate oxytonicoxytonic words from words from paroxytonicparoxytonic words words regardless of the presence of a pitch accent.regardless of the presence of a pitch accent.

——The vowel reduction due to stress is very consistent in The vowel reduction due to stress is very consistent in each language, regardless of the phonological status of the each language, regardless of the phonological status of the

phenomenon in Catalan.phenomenon in Catalan.

• Lack of intonation effect: Lack of intonation effect: the presence of a the presence of a pitch accent does not consistently amplify pitch accent does not consistently amplify vowel quality cues.vowel quality cues.

Vowel Quality: SummaryVowel Quality: Summary

Question 3: focal accent and Question 3: focal accent and durationduration• Does the increase of pitch range that Does the increase of pitch range that

characterizes contrastive focus is accompanied characterizes contrastive focus is accompanied by an increase in duration?by an increase in duration?

• Examples:Examples:

– Sí, Carmona la deterSí, Carmona la determiminana (broad focus) (broad focus)vs.vs.

– No, Carmona la No, Carmona la DETER DETER MIMI NA NA (contr. focus)(contr. focus)

Question 3: focal accent and Question 3: focal accent and durationduration• Does the increase of pitch range that identifies Does the increase of pitch range that identifies

contrastive focus is accompanied by an increase contrastive focus is accompanied by an increase in duration?in duration?

• Examples:Examples:

– Sí, Carmona la Sí, Carmona la deterdetermiminana (broad focus) (broad focus)vs.vs.

– No, Carmona la No, Carmona la DETER DETER MIMI NA NA (contr. focus)(contr. focus)

Maria las abomino Maria las ABOMINO

intonation

-20,00

0,00

20,00

40,00

60,00

80,00

100,00

pit

ch

_ra

ng

e

139

138

137

langSpanish

Catalan


Pitch range is higher in narrow-focused

constituents.

This effect is maintained across languages


intonation

-20,00

0,00

20,00

40,00

60,00

80,00

100,00

pit

ch

_ra

ng

e

139

138

137

langSpanish

Catalan


Pitch range is higher in narrow-focused

constituents.

NARROW FOCUS

BROAD

FOCUS

This effect is maintained across languages


intonation

0,05000

0,10000

0,15000

0,20000

v1

_td

213

256

langSpanish

Catalan

Duration differencesDuration differencesNo duration differences between broad-focused and

narrow-focused syllables (v1 and v2).


intonation

0,05000

0,10000

0,15000

0,20000

0,25000

v2

_td

137

260

langSpanish

Catalan

V1 Duration V2 Duration


intonation

0,05000

0,10000

0,15000

0,20000

v1

_td

213

256

langSpanish

Catalan

Duration differencesDuration differencesNo duration differences between broad-focused and

narrow-focused syllables (v1 and v2).


intonation

0,05000

0,10000

0,15000

0,20000

0,25000

v2

_td

137

260

langSpanish

Catalan

V1 Duration V2 Duration

NARROW FOCUS

BROAD

FOCUS

NARROW FOCUS

BROAD

FOCUS

**

Correlation duration - pitch Correlation duration - pitch rangerange

Correlation coefficients between V1/V2 duration and pitch range in stressed syllables are low and non-significant in the two conditions.

Stressed V1 Stressed V2

-20,00 0,00 20,00 40,00 60,00 80,00 100,00

pitch_range

0,05000

0,10000

0,15000

0,20000

v1

_td

intonationMaria las abomino

Maria las ABOMINO

R2 lineal = 0,166

-20,00 0,00 20,00 40,00 60,00 80,00 100,00

pitch_range

0,10000

0,12500

0,15000

0,17500

0,20000

0,22500

0,25000

v2

_td

intonationMaria las abomino

Maria las ABOMINO

R2 lineal = 0,223

The hypothesis that duration is The hypothesis that duration is amplified in focalized words is not amplified in focalized words is not confirmed.confirmed.

Conclusion 1: Stress EffectConclusion 1: Stress Effect

• When a When a stressstress and an and an accentaccent coincide in coincide in the same syllable, we find the same syllable, we find durationduration, , vowel vowel

qualityquality and and pitchpitch cues. cues.

• When there is When there is stressstress and and no-accentno-accent in a in a syllable, we find syllable, we find durationduration and and vowel vowel

qualityquality cues. cues.

Duration Duration stressed stressed accented accented

++ stressed stressed UNaccentedUNaccented

Vowel QualityVowel Quality syllables syllables

Conclusion 2: Lack of Conclusion 2: Lack of Intonation EffectIntonation Effect

• The presence of a pitch accent does The presence of a pitch accent does notnot consistently amplify duration cues.consistently amplify duration cues.

• In broad-focus and narrow-focus accents, In broad-focus and narrow-focus accents, duration and pitch range do not correlateduration and pitch range do not correlate

• Duration does Duration does notnot go hand-in-hand with go hand-in-hand with pitch increasepitch increase

General ConclusionGeneral Conclusion

Stress Accent Lgs Non-Stress Stress Accent Lgs Non-Stress Accent Lgs Accent Lgs

CuesCues to to PitchPitch Pitch Pitch

Accent Accent DurationDuration

Vowel QualityVowel Quality

• These results fit with the characterization These results fit with the characterization of Stress Accent languagesof Stress Accent languages

YESYES:: Stress accent differs phonetically from non-stress accent Stress accent differs phonetically from non-stress accent in that it uses to a greater extent material other than pitch. in that it uses to a greater extent material other than pitch. (Beckman 1986)(Beckman 1986)

• InIn stress accent languages, stress accent languages, pitch features pitch features compete with each other compete with each other

(both H and L tones mark prominent syllables)(both H and L tones mark prominent syllables)

• Thus, other cues such as Thus, other cues such as durationduration and and vowel vowel qualityquality are needed. are needed.

Hypothesis: Why this Hypothesis: Why this difference? difference?

Thank you Thank you for your attentionfor your attention

This presentation will soon be available at This presentation will soon be available at http://seneca.uab.es/papihttp://seneca.uab.es/papi

HypothesisHypothesis

SASA N-SA N-SA SASA N-SAN-SA

PitchPitch PitchPitch PitchPitch PitchPitch

AccentAccent DurDur

StressStress DurDur

Vowel Q.Vowel Q.

Stress and focus in Catalan and Spanish: patterns of duration and vowel quality

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Transcript of Stress and focus in Catalan and Spanish: patterns of duration and vowel quality