Social Analysis of Militancy in Niger-Delta, South-South ...

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Social Analysis of Militancy in Niger-Delta, South-South Nigeria 171

Social Analysis of Militancy in Niger-Delta, South-South Nigeria

By

Alenkhe Odianosen Augustine

Department of Sociology and Anthropology,

University of Benin, Benin City

[email protected]

+234 8066857241

&

Osagie Joseph Egharevba

Department of Social Work, Faculty of Social Sciences,

University of Benin, Benin City, Edo State, Nigeria

[email protected]

+234 8032343678.

Abstract

Since the exploration of Nigeria black diamond (crude-oil) the

Niger-delta region have been because with some human disaster,

environmental degradation and social anomaly one of which is

militancy. Militancy gave Nigeria a picture in the global scene

during the late 20th and early 21st century especially among the

Niger-delta region of the Country Nigeria. It is pertinent to know

that this phenomenon militancy did not disappear without leaving

a landmark, it is on this note the paper seeks to examine the causes,

effects and preventive measure taken by relevant authorities in

bringing this disaster to its barest minimum.

Key word: Militancy, Militant, Niger-Delta, Region, Nigeria.

Introduction

The pre-colonial Nigeria Societies were independent in most of her

economic practices, as Eghafon and Osunde (2017) affirmed that Nigeria

mailto:[email protected]



society been multi-ethnic practices cultural independency and in most cases

have unique social economy that keeps them going. However after the

amalgamation in 1914 by Sir Lord Lugard, there was a unification of the

country’s political economy, social economy and some cultural practices

due to some legislation that bond the country through successive

government. Before the discovery of oil in Oloibiri, Agriculture has been

the main stream of the Nigeria economy. However, the discovery of oil not

only streamlines the Nigeria source of Income, it also limited the attention

given to other sector of the economy. Oloibiri is located in the Niger-delta

region of the country, and this region (Niger-Delta) is blessed with this

black diamond called crude oil.

The Niger Delta region is the main source of Nigeria’s abundant oil

and gas resources. The revenue generated from the region accounts for over

eighty percent of its foreign earnings and its daily oil production amounts

to 2.46 million barrels (Obi 2014; UNEP 2011; Davidheiser and Nyiayaana

2011). Ironically, the peoples of the Niger Delta region have not experienced

meaningful development. This is more so in consideration of the enormous

oil wealth derived from the region. The people in the Niger Delta live in

one of the poorest and the least developed areas in the country.

Unemployment is at over 70% of the population which is almost double the

national average of 40% ( Davidheiser and Nyiayaana; 2011; Idemudia

2009). The political economy of oil and the failure of previous regimes have

exposed the region to exploitation by oil multinationals. This exploitation

includes land degradation and pollution through the poor regulation of the

activities of the oil multinationals in the region ( Akinola 2015). The

implication of this is that the people, whose means of survival is mainly

agriculture and fishing, have been systematically uprooted and deprived of

their basic source of livelihood. The environmental pollution and

degradation also impacts on the life expectancy in the region. The region

which hitherto produced its own food and water now depends on food

imports and people travel several miles to the city in order to access their

basic needs (Ahonsi 2011)



Ndwogwugwo, Alao and Egwuonwu (2012) asserted that the Niger-

Delta region of Nigeria is the most endowed with the richly country

survival in the last 3 decades. Inspite of this natural gift (Crude oil) located

in the Niger-Delta region of the country; there arose challenges that

grounded the country to a halt, one of which was militancy. The concept

militancy was derived from the word militant, meaning to engage in

Warfare; an act of fighting or combating (Oxford learner Dictionary).

Militancy can be seen as engaging in a fight back as an act of revolution and

resistance by a group (mainly youth) for a cause

Causes of Militancy in Niger-Delta Region

Militancy was never witnessed until there were issues of neglect, social

degradation, water pollution, exploitation, unemployment,

underdevelopment and many others. There are many facets to the causes

of militancy in Niger-Delta and the facet includes anger, desperation and

violence (Nwogwugwu et at, 2012). According to Pegg (1999),

marginalization, abject poverty and insecurity of the oil producing

environment could be attributed to the causes of militancy in the Niger-

Delta. Pegg asserted that the Niger-Delta remain grossly under-developed,

economically backward, and politically pauperized inspite being the “hen

that is laying the golden egg”.

The increase in the unemployment rate in the Niger-Delta region

despite the eroding of many multi-national co-operation that engage in the

exploration of the crude oil and thereby without proper maintenance

destroy the natural habitant of both man, animals and plants in the

environment. As posited by Ejibunu (2007), the discovery of oil the Niger-

Delta region in 1947 created a chain reaction of political instability,

economic marginalization and Economic differential among persons,

societies and social class. This class was obvious as “robbing Peter to paying

Paul” was the other of the day. Money derived from crude oil instead of

developing the region, was use to developing the federal capital and other



personalized state project. This left the rate of unemployment in the region

increased, Poverty rate was on the high and many others (Ibaba, 2005).

Ikelegbe (2006) discovered that the root cause of militancy in the

Niger-Delta include but are not limited to the gradual declining of the

allocation to the region from 50% in 1960 to 3% in 1992, until it was

increased to 13% derivation formula for allocation to the region. Oil spillage

and environmental degradation was another cause of militancy, this

degradation has a ripple effect not only on the environment but also to

human existence as it destroy their means of livelihood, deplete the ozone

layer, contaminate the water, air and the convenient within the

environment. Okaba (2005) affirmed that the impart of oil exploration by

industries within the Niger-Delta region is enormous such as destroying

the soil content, texture and structure, land deprivation, soil quality

altercation, destruction of the aquatic ecosystem and air pollution.

On air pollution, Okaba (2005) asserted that the constant pollution

released and the vibrating noise from heavy equipment is dangerous to the

health of the dwellers. He also argued that the chemical emission from gas

flaring contributes to Acid rain and also trigger some skin reaction and

disease. However, due to the constant neglect by successive government,

the communities are not well compensated. Studies by Kemedi, (2003), lle

and Akukwe, (2001) and Ikelegbe (2006) have affirmed to the inappropriate

compensation if not total neglect melted to the residence and habitants of

the producing communities. All these influenced the instigation of

militancy that is agitating for equity in the development of the communities

and also to engage the youth in economic development of the youth.

Effect of Militancy in Niger-Delta

Studies have always shown that every causes has an effects, therefore

militancy has a price to both the environment it occur and human and social

development. One of the effects include salting social development,

kidnapping and hostage taking, illegal oil bunkering, increase in legitimate

unemployment, relocation of already existing companies, disruption of



small scale business and many others. According Ejibumu (2007), the

impact of militancy (militant activities) has affected the Nigeria economy in

different ways, and has destabilized the development of the state. It is

evident that the petro-dollar inflow became restrained and the expatriates

after experiencing series of kidnapping and in some cases murder decided

to stay away, this limited the inflow of cash into the country thereby giving

the country a bad image as been unsafe for foreigner to live in.

Another effect of militancy in the Niger-delta was soil destruction

and environmental degradation, the activities of militants in blowing up of

oil pipelines and gas pipe lines linking many stations and states, not only

affect the government but also has toil on the environment of its occurrence.

It has also caused companies involved in the exploration of crude oil to

reduce their staff and in some cases have no option but to leave their

location for another location. According to fact from the Sunday Trust

Newspaper (2007) Indoroma Petrochemical company, that is involved in the

oil business shut down its operations thereby rendering over 3, 000 youths

jobless and aggravating the unemployment situation.

Studies by Okah (2010) and Harper (2009) revealed that analysts

identified insecurity in the Niger Delta and weak fiscal policy as key

reasons why investors had to leave for more stable business opportunities

in Africa. It is imperative that the effect of militancy in Niger-Delta region

of the country was disastrous to both human and the aquatic environment.

Preventive Measure to militancy in the Niger-Delta

There were many preventive measures to the disaster of militancy in Niger-

delta region of Nigeria. One of which was the amnesty programme for the

repentant militant, this programme was design to enhance the ex-militants

and engage them in some self-developing activities. As part of the amnesty

programme, most of the ex-militants were sent overseas to participate in

skill acquisition programmes that would ensure their re-integration into the

society (Awosiyan, 2011).



Finally, Nwogwugwu et at, (2012) affirmed that The implementation of

amnesty programme for the ex-militants has not translated to increase in

the inflow of FDI. The recent upsurge of the level of insecurity in the region,

following agitations by some “ex-militants” and counter claims by

government agencies (especially the Amnesty programme office) shows

that more needs to be done, to tackle the genuine demands of the people

beyond “settlement” of the militants.

Theoretical Orientation: Relative Deprivation Theory

The concept of relative deprivation was thus developed to explain how in

satisfaction among troops did not always arise directly from the objective

hardships they suffered but varied according to how they framed their

assessments of their own situation (Fahey, 2010). These assessments

typically were based on comparisons they made between themselves and

others who might be at different situations but who nevertheless were

somehow thought of as providing relevant reference points for self-

assessment (Fahey, 2010). According to Walker & Pettigrew (1984) the

concept of the relative deprivation theory is simple: persons may feel

deprived of some desirable thing relative to their own past, another person,

persons, group, ideal, or some other social category.

Fahey (2010) the only generalization which can be confidently

advanced is that the relationship between inequality and grievance only

intermittently corresponds with either the extent and degree of actual

inequality, or the magnitude and frequency of relative deprivation which

an appeal to social justice would vindicate. Runciman’s conclusion proved

influential, as it helped establish the idea that grievance, resentment and

complaint, as manifestations of relative deprivation, were subject to the

vagaries of human dissatisfaction and were a poor basis for identifying

unfairness in society (Fahey, 2010). Furthermore, the implication was that

the subjective sense of relative deprivation might best be largely ignored by

social policy in favour of objective measures of inequality. Nevertheless, the

concept of relative deprivation has also been traced back to ancient Greece



where Aristotle articulated the idea that revolution is driven by a relative

sense or feeling of inequality, rather than an absolute measure (Richardson,

2011).

Relative deprivation theory holds that instead of an absolute

standard of deprivation, a gap between expected and achieved welfare

leads men to political violence (Richardson, 2011). This theory also applies

to individuals who find their own welfare to be inferior to that of others to

whom they compare themselves. It is important first to understand relative

deprivation as a theory of political violence (Richardson, 2011). The

trajectories of political violence are vast and certainly include all occasions

of altercations between the state and agitated citizens. Gurr thus explains

political violence as the result of collective discontent caused by a sense of

relative deprivation. He sees relative deprivation as the term used to denote

the tension that develops from a discrepancy between the “ought” and the

“is” of collective value satisfaction, and that disposes men to violence.

According to Saleh (2013) relative deprivation theory actually refers to any

perceived discrepancy between people’s expectations and their capabilities

to fulfill those expectations and this creates a gap between the deprived

group and the state. Hence, Gurr suggests that ‘the greater the intensity of

deprivation, the greater the magnitude of violence’ (Saleh, 2013). And so

the Nigerian youths have been watching in unbelief and utter helplessness

as the nation’s political elite engage in mindless spending spree while the

youth at their own level are confronted by humongous unemployment

crises. The story everywhere in the country is about public sector

corruption. Brainard, Chollet & LaFleur (2007) thus posit that the problem

may lie in the fact that in too many places, the next generation is caught in

a troubling cycle where the opportunities to make a useful contribution to

society diminish as the number of youth soars. This alludes to relative

deprivation as the preceding generations are assumed to have remained

comparatively contented



According to Omofonmwan & Odia (2009) the Niger Delta region of

Nigeria is one of the most blessed deltas in the world, in both human and

material resources. But the unfavourable manner, in which these resources

have been harnessed over time, is the cause of the regions predicament

today. Thus, the people of the region are prone to a number of health

hazards and socio economic constraints which for long have made the area

of the Nigerian nation more volatile, resulting in youth’s restiveness:

conflicts between youths and community leaders, youths and government

agencies, youths and multinational companies and so on. And we

consequently begin to see in this scenario some direct linkages between the

incidence of widespread insecurity and relative deprivation. Agbiboa

(2013) had also argued that the problem of Niger-Delta Militant had elicited

many studies, a major drawback in the literature was that much effort had

been spent to remedy the problem instead of understanding it. Therefore

the most effective ways of understanding Niger-Delta Militant is in the

context of relative deprivation.

Marxist theory argues that different classes inevitably have

incompatible interests because under a system of property ownership if one

class makes economic gains, it must be at the expense of another. A class is

understood as a sizeable group of people that are unique from each other

by the place they occupy in a historically determined system of socio-

economic production. Accordingly, Lenin avers that some classes

appropriate the labour of another due to their higher place in a definite

structure of a socio-economy. To Marx, a class is a group with profound

socio-economic interests. The unique interest of each class is the basis of a

fundamental antagonism between such groups (Edward 1983). For

example, it is in the interest of laborers to maximize wages and benefits, as

it is in the capitalist's best interest to maximize profit. It is this sort of interest

that often leads to a contradiction within the capitalist system (Edward

1983).Within Marxian class theory, the structure of the means of production

and the production process forms the basis of class construction. Marx

asserts that an individual’s position within a class hierarchy is determined



by his or her role in the production process, and argues that political and

ideological consciousness is determined by class position. According to

Marx, each of the major economic systems that existed in the past

strengthened one particular class, which could then exploit others. He

wrote that ‘Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and the serf,

guide-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and the oppressed,

stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted,

now hidden, now open fight’ (Marx and Engels, 1967). According to Marx,

in bourgeois society, capitalists are the oppressors and the proletariat the

oppressed. Marx argued that at any one time, class struggle defines the

essential character of a society. It is the product of, first, irreconcilable

differences in interests between classes and, second, the fact that one class’s

common interests will encourage its members to group together for

common action as it is noticeable in the common action taken by the Niger

Delta people19. However, at any given time, the degree to which members

of a class recognize their interests will depend on their level of class

consciousness (Manifesto of the Communist Party 1872). Gaining

consciousness among the exploited class is expected to instigate the need to

bring about change in the status quo, herein referred to by Marx as

revolution (Ruthand Alison 1999). The impression here is that conflict does

not necessarily have to occur if there is no exploitation of the class that is

the privileged class over the less privileged class. In actual fact the need to

revolt against the existing status quo only became necessary by the time the

other class gained consciousness (see Manifesto of the Communist Party

1872).

Conclusion and Recommendations

The paper concludes that militancy was man-made, therefore it can be

drastically be reduced and therefore the institution put in place to control

this anomaly should be proactive as a derailing will be another disaster yet

to be handled. The youth that are engage in this unproductive act should

also know that the destruction of pipeline do more damages to the



environment and this is the habitant to the community dwellers. It is

therefore pertinent to note that attack is not always the best way to defend

on issue of this magnitude but dialogue.

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