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Transcript of Small Choices, Big Bodies
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THE CENTER FOR CONSUMER FREEDOM
BIGSMALL CHOICES,
BODIES
HOW COUNTLESS DAILY DECISIONS
CONTRIBUTE TO AMERICAS
BURGEONING WAISTLINE
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2/65The CenTer For Consumer Freedom
BIGSmall ChoICes,
BodIeshow CounTless daIly deCIsIons
ConTrIBuTe To amerICas
BurGeonInG waIsTlIne
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Small Choices, Big Bodies:
How countless daily decisions contr ibute to Americas burgeoning waistlines.
Copyright 2007 by the Center or Consumer Freedom
The Center or Consumer Freedom is a nonprot coalition supported by restaurants,
ood companies, and consumers, working together to promote personal responsibility
and protect consumer choices.
www.ConsumerFreedom.com
All rights reserved. No part o this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any orm
or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by
any inormation storage and retrieval system without permission in writing rom the
publisher.
Published by the Center or Consumer Freedom, Washington, DC.
Printed in the United States o America
ISBN 978-1-60461-533-3
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ConTenTs
InTroduCTIon ......................................1
ChanGes In PhysICal aCTIvITy ........7
Television .........................................................................8
Childs Play ......................................................................10
NEAT ..............................................................................12
Personal and menTal healTh .........15Pharmaceuticals ................................................................16
Smoking Cessation ...........................................................18
Dieting.............................................................................20
Sleep Deprivation .............................................................22
oCCuPaTIons ......................................25
Types o Jobs ....................................................................26
Task Eciency .................................................................28
FamIly lIFe ............................................31
Female Employment ........................................................32
Maternal Age ...................................................................34
Family Structure ...............................................................36
Birth Control ...................................................................38
housInG and TransPorTaTIon .......41
Transportation ..................................................................42
Climate Control ...............................................................44
Urban Sprawl ...................................................................46
Labor-saving Devices ........................................................48
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InTroduCTIon
sTaTInG The oBvIous
Obesity is a problem in America. Even without news reports or
scientic studies, most individualsby quickly scanning oces and
shopping mallscan arrive at the conclusion that people today are
bigger than ever beore. Though ew would argue that love handles are
less common in modern culture, theres considerable debate about the
cause o those at rolls.
Health activists and ood police single out junk ood as the culprit
behind our burgeoning behinds, but pay little more than lip service
to the couch-potato habits that have become the norm in recent
years. Blindly pushing a narrow, ood-only approach, these sticklers
lobby or highly restrictive public health policies that leave no roomor common sense.
While researchers publish conicting reports on diet trends, ordinary
Americans dont have to wait or the next academic journal to nd the
triggers or our steady weight gain. Questions regarding changes to
individual liestyles can be answered with a short inventory o home
and oce space. Elevators in almost every building ensure that tenants
dont have to climb the stairs. Moving sidewalks in airports nationwide
mean that travelers can make their connections without ever breaking
a sweat. And TV sets in 99 percent o U.S. households suggest that time
between work and sleep can be spent comortably on the soa with a
remote control.
The rise o modern convenience is sel-evident. But in order to
show the link between these creature comorts and the bathroom scale,
we rst have to look to the past.
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an ePIdemIC oF ConvenIenCe
Epidemiology is the study o the source o disease. By denition, disease
is any deviation rom the bodys normal unction caused by inection,
genetic deect, or environmental stress. Ailments such as u, cancer,and cholera all under the scope o epidemiology. But some modern
diseases do not.
Dr. John Snow, a physician during a great cholera epidemic in 19th
century London, is credited as the ather o this branch o medicine.
Most health ocials at that time responded to the outbreak with
hysteria and conjecture about the cause. But Snow tried a more
analytical approachplotting individual cases o the disease on a city
map, decoding the overall pattern, and identiying the common link: a
contaminated water well.
Snows method eectively addressed Londons outbreak, as well
as countless other cases o inectious and chronic diseases since
that time. So why have modern public oicials been unsuccessul
in applying Snows method to todays obesity epidemic?
Because most notably obesity is not a disease but a symptom.
Like a sunburn or swelling, love handles are just evidence o a
problem, not the problem itsel. Just as nausea or ever can be
brought on by any one o a thousand conditions, weight gain canbe the symptom o countless, dierent changes.
Cause versus rIsk
Since Snows discovery in 1854, our communities, households,
and amilies have changed. The study o public health has adjusted
accordingly. The ocus o most epidemiological studies has shited rom
inectious disease to ailments such as heart disease and diabetes, which
are largely governed by genetics and liestyle.Inectious disease ollows a single, linear tack. Only one particular
bacterium can cause an individual to catch cholera. But many modern
diseases do not t in this binary ramework. For instance, a person
cannot catch cancer. So when investigating these chronic diseases,
todays researchers must consider many actors such as amily history,
gender, environment, occupation, and weight.
0th CenturylifeStyle ChangeS
1900:t
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Traits that are associated with an increased risk o an outcomebut
dont necessarily cause itare known as risk actors. For example, age
is considered a risk actor or some heart diseases. But while olderAmericans have a higher risk or heart attacks and strokes than teenagers,
growing old does not inevitably cause heart disease.
Some people ail to distinguish between risk and cause. Many health
activists have adopted a dangerously myopic ocus on certain oods
considered to be obesity risk actors. In doing so, they have tried
unsuccessully to turn ood into this centurys contaminated water well.
With their relentless campaigns to tax, restrict, and ban unhealthy
oods, these activists neglect to conront the hundreds o other potential
contributors to weight gain. To combat this misrepresentation and
restore balance to the public health debate, the public needs a better
understanding o these other obesity actors.
BIoloGy and modern lIvInG
Diet and exercise have replaced take two aspirin and call me in the
morning as physicians deault prescription or many conditions. In
regard to obesity, the merit o this recommendation stems rom the
rst basic Law o Thermodynamics: energy conservation.
Energy can neither be created nor destroyed. It is, instead, constantly
transormed rom one state to another. This transormation in humans
changes ood energy (calories) into physical energy, and can impact the
bathroom scale when energy in no longer equals energy out.
Fat is the balancing intermediary in this ormula, ofering a storage
site or excess energy and a uel source or excess activity. I our energy
equation remains lopsided or an extended period o time, then we
can grow rom a lean body mass (holding two to three months wortho energy in at) to an obese shape (carrying enough at to provide
energy or more than a year).
Their direct impact o diet and exercise on body at gives them central
roles in the weight debate. But the Big Two,as scientists have dubbed
them, do not provide a sucient model or weight dynamics on their
own because many variables afect both sides o the equation.
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Good sCIenCe Gone Bad
Most studies used by public health activists today base their ndings on
the habits and health o a handul o individuals. Unlike experimental
studies that are designed to determine cause and efect, these epide-miological studies rely on a wide variety o observations and, thereore,
arent designed to isolate any one particular risk actor. So these studies
can only suggest correlations between a actor and a problem.
Still, researchers sometimes try to tease meaningul results out o
mountains o data, matching causes with efects.
Most obesity reports cited by ood activists indict one cause at
a time (a mineral, an ingredient, etc.). However, it is impossible to
remove a single variable rom its greater context. Calcium is ound in
cheese. That cheese could be part o a sandwich. And that meal is only
one part o an entire diet. How efectively can a study isolate the cal-
cium rom every other component in a persons meal or liestyle?
It cant.
Relying solely on oversimplied analysis in the ace o such com-
plexity can yield nonsensical results. And many ood activists promote
quick-x solutions based on isolated ndings rom one study about a
single ood. But when we look at the broader spectrum o collected
observations, a bigger picture o obesitys causes emerges.
symPTom oF ChoICe
Growing waistlines are largely symptoms o our modern liestyle.
The human body is built to survive laborious work and travel. But
most travel today is accomplished in the comortable recline o a driv-
ers seat. And many modern workers sit in air-conditioned oces that
encourage very little physical exertion. Additionally, the prevalence o
excess weighthistorically a sign o wealth and leisureis evidencethat all members o modern society have access to goods and services
that were once considered luxuries.
So obesity does not t into the ramework originally intended or
epidemiology. Obesity is not a disease in the traditional sense o the
word. Its not communicable. Obesity is a consequence o our choices.
And many o those choices are made passively, in a comortable but
rigor-ree environment.
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Over the past our decades, many at-inducing elements o the
American liestyle have driven weight gain. But many health ocials
and ood activists have largely ignored these trends in peoples personal
lives or paid lip service to their existence. Instead, in an attempt
to inuence public policy, they have labeled obesity an epidemic and
gone on a witch-hunt or a modern-day contaminated well.
namInG The oTher oBesITy rIsk FaCTors
Countless dimensions o American lie impact our weight. Since
many actors overlap to some degree, they have been grouped into
ve categories: Personal and Mental Health, Occupation, Changes in
Physical Activity, Housing and Transportation, and Family Lie.
Viewed separately, the changes outlined in each category seem
relatively small. But collectively the small changes in liestyle over
the past several generations can largely explain the populations
growing waistline.
The Changes in Physical Activity chapter covers the increasingly
sedentary activities, entertainment, and hobbies Americans seek dur-
ing down time. (Pages 713)
The Personal and Mental Health chapter examines how prescrip-
tion drugs, smoking cessation, and yo-yo diets contribute to weight
gain. (Pages 1523)
The Occupation chapter ollows the shit in the type o jobs
perormed by Americans and the minimization o activity within
existing proessions. (Pages 2529)
The Family Lie chapter outlines the changes in Americans amily
structure, rom parental employment to number o siblings, thatafect a persons weight. (Pages 3138)
The Housing and Transportation chapter highlights the rise in
popularity and availability o the car, the suburbs, and the thermostat
in modern lie. (Pages 4149)
Each o the changes listed in the ollowing chapters contributes to a
mismatch between modern liestyle and human biology.
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0 televiSion
0 ChildS Play
03 neat
ChanGes InPhysICal aCTIvITy
Leisure time in the United States is at an all-time high. Americans today
accrue more cumulative work hours than their 1950s counterparts,because more women work outside o the home. But during the past
three decades, new technologies and greater productivity have reduced
the average time spent per person at work. Between 1950 and 2000,
the average hours worked per worker dropped 5 percent. Though more
Americans may be going to work, they are spending less time there.
So what is the population doing with all o this spare time?
Recreational activities today vary greatly rom earlier generations in
time and type.
While countless activities all under the leisure time category,
the popularity o television in particular has skyrocketed over the
past hal-century.
With hundreds o channels rom which to choose, adults and children
spend more time watchingsports thanplayingthem.
Even in school settings, todays kids rarely (i ever) play outdoors.
With more and more ree time spent on the couch, modern Americanssimply move less than the generations beore them.
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In 1950, only 9 percent o U.S. homes had a television. By the turn o the
century, almost every household owned one or more TVs.
We spend an unprecedented amount o time in ront o our TV sets. By
2006, the average American spent more than two months o the year (1,672hours) watching television. And the average number o TV sets outnum-
bered the average number o people (2.73 vs. 2.55) per household.3 Passively
TelevIsIon
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watching television has been the most popu-
lar recreational activity or several decades and
has accounted or a higher percentage o lei-
sure time than movies, sporting events, books,
video games, and gardening combined.
Recent research indicates that the amount
o time spent in ront o the television is the
single most important actor in predicting
weight gain.4 Studies suggest that televisions
impact on basic metabolism, physical activity, and sleep plays an important
role in obesity. More time spent watching TV means less energy burned,
sc: .Ci-Ct.c
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300
Millionsof
TVSets
TV Sets in
US Households250
200
150
50
1970 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005
100
81
287
254
229
192
155
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Journal of Pediatri
Child Healt
even while a child is resting. This means heavy television watchers
burn ewer calories over time compared to occasional viewers regard-
less o whether they are physically active.5
TV viewing uses only slightly more energy than sleeping; con-
sequently, people who choose surfng channels over more active
endeavors expend very little energy during that time.6 Television
can hinder a good nights sleep. And the less we sleep, the morelikely we are to have high Body Mass Indexes (BMIs).7
Accordingly, children with TVs in their bedroom are 30
percent more likely to be obese than their peers.8 These
links between TV and weight gain make turning on
the tube tantamount to turning on the at.
sorce: united state Cen, Federal Conication Coiion.selected Conication media: 1920 to 2001.
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Where childrens playtime is concerned, older generations may ofer
an objective comparison when they recall the good old days when
children played outdoors, rode bikes, played tag, and skipped rocks. In
contrast, todays deskbound students, structured athletics, and indoor-only play spaces have practically guaranteed inactivity and obesity in
American youth.
With reductions in physical education (PE) classes and recess periods,
ChIlds Play
989
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Pctg f et sc it rc
American schools have become sedentary
environments. Between 1984 and 2003,
student enrollment in PE classes ell rom
65 to 28 percent. And only 22 percent o
those participating were active or more than
20 minutes.14,15 By 2004, almost 40 percent
o U.S. public school districts had eliminated
recess entirely. And many others had outlawed
the most vigorous games: running, tag, kick-
ball, and touch ootball.16
Even recreational sports no longer guar-
antee vigorous activity or children. Though
participation in youth sports increased during
the past two decades, actual activity duringthese events decreased. Unlike the games o
tag and dodge ballwhich involve continu-
ous involvement rom all participantsmany structured sports have most
players on the sidelines, sedentary during much o the time.17 Whether
warming the bench every week or jogging twice a year, most young ath-
letes are less active than their sporty counterparts 20 years ago.18
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Even the home has become a culprit. In recent decades, trends in
urban construction have seen larger homes built on smaller lots, prac-
tically eliminating backyards.
19
Between 1981 and 1997, the numbero children participating in outdoor activities declined 50 percent.20
Other reports suggest that the availability o electronics and the per-
ceived saety o neighborhoods also actor
into the increasingly sedentary play-style
o American youth.
One study estimates that modern chil-
dren all short o the amount o energy
they need to burn by 110 to 165 calories
each day.21 Researchers estimate that as
ew as ve hours o PE per week could
diminish obesity risks by 9.2 percent.
Another study nds that activities as sim-
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ple as playing outdoors are strongly tied to a childs BMI.22 All things
considered, the engineering o spontaneous activity out o childhood
over the last hal o the century has clearly contributed to our chil-
drens weight gain.
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Science, 2003
neaTWithout a microscope, ruler, or test tube, most people can observe
changes in the American way o lie during the 21st century. Black-and-
white photographs clearly show the absence
o televisions in the early 1900s, and schoolrecords detail declining participation in PE
classes over recent decades. But some changes
that have contributed to weight
gain are much more subtle.
Basal metabolism
describes the amount
o energy needed
by your body to
complete biological
unctions. Physical
activity includes
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New York Times, 2005
exercises such as running or playing sports that we pointedly
schedule into our day. All o the other little movements and
activities that burn calories all under one umbrella term: NEAT
(Non-Exercise Activity Thermogenesis).NEAT represents the energy used or largely overlooked day-
to-day activities. Sitting up straight, vacuuming the house, kissing
your sweetie, chewing gum, washing the car, and tapping your n-
gers are all tasks that require little thought but a lot o energy. For
instance, consistently improving postural habits can burn an extra
350 calor ies per day. Chewing or dgeting can increase the bodys
energy expenditure 20 to 40 percent above resting level. And even
a good laugh with riends can boost metabolism.29 Researchers
estimate that NEAT varies by as much as 2,000 calories rom one
person to the next.
Just as these tasks can subconsciously
punctuate the day, they can also be
removed with little notice. The mecha-
nization o societyreplacing physical
tasks with machineshas contributed
to a decline in NEAT. In a single day,
replacing manual chores (washing dishes,mowing the lawn, etc.) with their auto-
mated versions can add a 100-200 calorie
surplus.30These variations may separately
seem small, but collectively, their impact
on body at can be signicant.
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Personal andmenTal healTh
The second hal o the 20th century witnessed dramatic changes in
Americans approach to personal and mental health:
Innovations in health care and research boosted the availability
o pharmaceuticals.
Emerging scientic and social stigmatization drove millions o
smokers to kick the habit.
The ubiquity o electricity allowed or distractions such as TV and
video games that disrupted the sleep habits o children and adults.
Changing standards o beauty and growing nutritional knowl-
edge generated an entire industry devoted to weight loss.
At a glance, trends in personal and mental health appear to be
independent o one another. However, a closer inspection reveals one
common denominator: weight gain. As an unprecedented number o
Americans were starting diets, quitting cigarettes, losing sleep, and tak-
ing medications, they started packing on the pounds. This was more
than coincidence. Recent scientic studies explain how changinghealth habits are linked to expanding waistlines.
03 dieting
04 SleeP dePrivatio
0 PharmaCeutiCa
0 Smoking CeSSat
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B pscb qc,
qc w ,
pc -
, s s
pscc -
cs pbb
s cbs
c-ssc
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Southern MedicalJournal, 1999
0 PharmaCeutiCalS
0 Smoking CeSSation
03 dieting
04 SleeP dePrivation
Herbs, roots, minerals, and oils have played medicinal roles in
human cultures throughout the ages. In the 19th century,
alchemy gave way to chemistry as the Industrial Revolution
drove all sorts o scientic developments, including the advento pharmaceutical drugs. But not until the 1940s and 1950s
were pharmaceuticals widely consumed.
In the 50s, the discovery o antipsychotics revolutionized
the treatment o mental health disorders.4 A decade later, the
FDA approved the pill as an oral contraceptive.5 As the ood-
gates opened, a multitude o anticonvulsants, antidepressants,
and other therapeutic agents lled the American market.6 Pre-
scription drug use reached unprecedented heights between
1992 and 2004, growing by 253 percent.7
dId you know?
t sw s c s p the doctors ofce.
e acs sps $80 b pscps 003,pharmacy-lledcscc p 0 sq ss. Sx s pps wb c.
Journal of theAmerican Medical
Association,00
PharmaCeuTICals
With almost hal o the
population taking at least one
prescription, the nations medi-
cine cabinets are more crowded
than everand that surplus can
be seen on the scale, too. Many
commonly used medications
promote weight gain as a side
efect. And their r ise in populari-
ty mirrors the increase in obesity
rates over the past 30 years.8
73%i t
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u, czp
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Journal of the American
Medical Association, 2007
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sbzs,
q p
cc c
Journal of Psych
Research,
micti s/nb p P
f 993 003, b p-
scps pcs cs 70% (
.0 b 3.4 b), cp
u.S. pp w 3%; - b pscps p cp
cs 7.8 .8.
Kaiser Family Foundation, 2004
19932.0 bii
20033.4 bii
Several medications or the treatment
o mental and physiological disorders
induce signicant weight gain. Stud-
ies have documented weight gain inpatients on antipsychotics exceeding
ideal body weight by 20 percent or
more.9 In one study, diabetics treat-
ed with multiple injections o insulin
experienced 73 percent increased risk
o becoming overweight.10 As the use
o these medications has escalated,
their eects have also materialized on
patients waistlines.
a j c
pscb psc
w cs .38.
w
cs cc
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s (psccs sbzs
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Obesity Reviews,
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[n]c s
b s s c-
, b s,
c-
b w
s s ss
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b
w
-ss.6
Current Topics inMedicinal Chemistry, 2003
Most people know that smoking is unhealthy. As this knowledge spread
through the population over the last hal-century, many smokers were
motivated to kick the habita great success in public health. Butor all
o the benets to health associated with smoking cessation, there is onedrawback. As Americans put out their cigarettes, they put on additional
smokInG CessaTIon
dId you know?
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ts -ccssc s c fda-ppacpc bscb- ss,wc psc pp.B bc sss cp-s, s sssc cs c cs.
W c,ss q c cs sc cs.as s, pc ps.5
0 PharmaCeutiCalS
0 Smoking CeSSation
03 dieting
04 SleeP dePrivation
pounds. Between 1972 and 2004, the number
o American smokers decreased by 18.2 per-
cent in men and 12.2 percent in women. Over
the same time period, the prevalence o over-
weight and obese Americansas measured by
the Body Mass Index (BMI)grew by 19.3
percent in men and 21.5 percent in women.17
Researchers soon discovered that the relation-
ship between these trends wasnt coincidental.
Scientists rst published studies linking
tobacco to cancer in 1950. At the time o these
reports, approximately hal o the U.S. adult
1965
4.4%
1970
37.4%
1978
34.%
2004
0.9%
1999
3.5%
1987
8.8%
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pc
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s
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American JournPublic Health,
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Preventive Medicine,
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surGeon Generals warnInG:
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population smoked cigarettes. By the 1960s, the Surgeon General
labeled smoking a health hazard, and Congress mandated written
warnings on cigarette packages. By the 1980s and 90s, ederal and
social pressure pushed smoking out o airplanes, commercial build-
ings, and bars. The result? As o 2004, the proportion o American
smokers had dropped to one in ve adults.18
Smoking cessation promotes weight gain, so much so that people
who stop smoking are twice as likely to become obese as people who
have never smoked.19 When an individual stops smoking, multiplephysiological changes result in spontaneous weight gain. The nicotine
in cigarette smoke increases metabolism and suppresses appetite.20
Ater quitting, the absence o nicotine causes a persons metabolism
and physical activity levels to drop. Additionally, the nicotine removal
disrupts the hormones that control appetite, making ormer smokers
eel hungry.21 These cumulative changes can contribute to an overall
weight gain o up to 10 percent o original weight.22
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As Americans try to eat less, they end up weighing more. Despite innovations
in research and technology that provide recent generations more access to
health and nutrition inormation than ever beore, children o todays more
inormed generations are atter than their less knowledgeable ancestors.The last hal o the 20th century witnessed a dramatic rise in the avail-
ability o diet books, commercial programs, athletic clubs, and weight-loss
dIeTInG0 PharmaCeutiCalS
0 Smoking CeSSation
03 dieting
04 SleeP dePrivation
dId you know?
m sc ss ,00 cs p s s b z-tions to denes.t b ps s p ss. o ,00-c, bcs w sww c-s w s .Csq,x wc spsccw .6
st. Jeccpi f
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s. ds, , s sz
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c. ts b s c s
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Journal of Behavioral Medicine,1988
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The most striking ndin
ws
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Journal of ConsultingClinical Psychology,
gb ps
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of engaging in speci
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bc
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International JournObesity and Re
Metabolic Disorders,
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Journal of Social Issues
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Health at Every Size,
C u f l-ci, sg-fF Bg
i w s 5,05 acs cc J 004
b ac Sps d, ic. (aSd), pp (49%)said that at some point during 2003, they attempted to lose at least ve
ps; 6% c
w.35
pills. Relatively unknown in the 1960s, groups such as Weight Watchers
enrolled approximately 8 million adults per year less than our decades
later.27 Between 1984 and 2004, the number o Americans purchasing
diet oods and beverages more than doubled. And by 2003, diet prod-ucts and services constituted a $40 billion industry.28, 29 Currently, more
than hal o U.S. consumers are trying to lose weight, but many studies
show that most dieting actually results in weight gain. 30
With ad diets, strict regimes, and loty promises, the weight-loss
industry oten perpetuates the problem the industry claims to solve.
Food deprivation lowers the bodys basal metabolic rate (BMR) to
promote at storage and energy conservation. Food restriction
encourages cravings and leads to binge eating.31 Seemingly unattain-
able ideals promote depression among participants and cycle dieters
back toward overeating. These physiological and psychological mech-
anisms ight so eectively against weight loss that researchers
estimate that the ailure rate among dieters is greater than 95 percent.32
004180 ii c
big it f
98468 ii c
big it f
ts 180%cs
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i, sp
b c sb ss
bc q
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sw b-
s pc, b s
c s b
ss, s s
cs b-
ance are benecial.4
Archives of Diseasein Childhood, 2006
Americans are sleeping less and weighing more. Over the past
century, changing trends in general habits (longer work hours,
sleeP dePrIvaTIon0 PharmaCeutiCalS
0 Smoking CeSSation
03 dieting
04 SleeP dePrivation
dId you know?
rc ss cc c s sp p .
i s,pp wsp ss 7.7 s sw ppcs Bmss ix(Bmi). asc s sssp s ssss. a sss,s w w, s c-s pcs ps.40
Public Library ofScience Medicine,
2004
greater coee consumption, and more
television viewing) contr ibuted to a dis-ruption in sleep patterns. National data
indicate that children and adults spend
less and less time asleep every year. In
1910, we slept on average nine hours per
night. By 2002, that igure had allen to
seven hours, with many Americans get-
ting less than ive hours per night.42 And
these declining sleep rates are showing
up in the nations girth.43
ag h spt p nigt
9009 h
000
6.9 h
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30/65
[S]p s
b p
b w bs b
mones [T]hese nd
p
cc pcs
p
bs.48
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well-resTed sleeP-
dePrIved.
ThewellresTedwon
TlosesleePoverTh
IsmaTCh
aPPeTITe
appeie-
conrollinghormonesr
e
sensiiveosleep.
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poornighs
rescnled
ofernoon
munchies.
enerGylevel
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personsreshe
previousnigh.
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bodysphwys
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sugr,soringf,
ndrelesing
sresshormones.
Numerous studies correlate the efects o sleep on weight. One
study ound that sleep deprivation increases levels o certain pro-
teins that alter metabolism and hunger cues.44 And another report
concluded that lack o sleep also disrupts hormones that control
appetite.45 The direct impact o a good nights rest on the bodys
ability to regulate hunger outlines the clear relationship between
sleep and body weight.
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sc
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cc b
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ss s ssc w
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Journal of CliEndocrinology
Metabolism,
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Annals of Int
Medicine,
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Illow
sc: uit stt dptt f ht h sic. rpt f t nti Cii
Sleep Disorders Research. 1993, Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Ofce.nti sp Fti. 2006 sp i aic P.
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0 tyPeS of JoBS
0 taSk effiCienCy
oCCuPaTIons
In the early parts o the 20th century, most o the American workorce
could be ound in actories or elds. With little machinery or
technology, manual laborers perormed most tasks themselves. Even
clerical tasks such as researching and ling required a great deal ophysical movement. Since that time, technology has introduced aster,
easier ways to do the jobs that once demanded a great deal o time
and energy. Accordingly, the work o modern Americans difers rom
earlier generations in two ways:
The types o jobs held by todays employees are primarily in
the service sector, as opposed to the high percentage o mining,
manuacturing, and arming positions o the past.
Technology has eliminated most physical exertion rom day-to-
day tasks perormed at work.
The absence o physical activity in the nations labor orce is best
illustrated by the size o the average American worker.
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Blue-collar workers1.6 hours
Technicians3.3 hours
Scientists4.9 hours
Administrative5.7 hours
Professional/Manageria6.2 hours
ag Ti spt sittig dig wThe current ndings present the sedentary workplace as a potentially hostile
s w bs. t pc
wpc b-s c cs c psc c,
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0 taSk effiCienCy
0 tyPeS of JoBS
dId you know?
t ps s3,000 5,000sps (s cs 0,000cb acCc ex-cs). Cs s a-
cs sp csb w s w, ws jobs largely inu-cs psc c.
Agricultural workers accounted or 43.5 percent o the American work-
orce in 1900.4 Farm work was grueling, physically demanding labor.
Horses and mules ofered little assistance, so the industry needed a
great deal o manpower to generate the desired volume. In the ol-lowing decades, gasoline-powered arm equipment replaced beasts o
TyPes oF JoBs
as u Ss
s b p b
psc c bcs
jbs q
psc b. W s
p cz
s
w-w jbs
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ccp
expenditure has signi-
c c.3
Journal of Women inCulture and Society, 2006
burden. New pesticides, ertilizers, and ir-
rigation systems produced a higher yield.
Innovations in mechanized arming required
ewer workers to cultivate more crops.
During the last century, changes in tech-
nology and market demands have adjusted
the type o work Americans perorm and,
consequently, the physical demands o
that work. Between 1910 and 2000, the
workorce shited rom a high percentage
o manual laborers (declining by 96 per-
cent) to a large proportion o proessional
employees (increasing more than ourold).5
As low-activity jobs in the proessional and
service sectors grew, opportunities in the most physically demanding
eldsmining, agriculture, construction, manuacturing, and trans-portationdiminished.
nss
8,648 stp
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1900
sic 25%
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International Jo
of Obesity,
t pc p
sss
w s b s
psc c
s
c
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cs sz
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[i] s b s
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t b pss
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ccps ws
6 950, 33.7
970,
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Annual Review ofPublic Health, 2005
From blue-collar to white-collar, the shit in labor demographics
resonates in workers waistlines. An administrative assistant needs only
102 calories per hour to complete oce work, while a armer burns
approximately 544 calories in the same
amount o time shoveling hay.6 Because
o the prevalence o low-energy jobs,
todays employees expend, on aver-
age, less energy than workers 50 years
ago. And, unortunately, less physically
demanding occupations translate to
more well-rounded workers.
Pt c: lib f Cg Pit Ptgp diii. Cicg, Iii. Tgp itc b f t
Pi i i t Pi tgp t t ui stti. lib f Cg Pit Ptgp diii. T wit h, wigt, d.C. (c1905).
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sc: wtt, I.; hc, d. occpti Cg dig t20t Ct. Monthly Labor Review 2006.
agict 44%
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[t] s pbb 300-500
cs ss s
w-s c w
ws 30-50 s
[t] s b
ps s w
b-s cs,
sc s swbws
cs
c w
s w s s
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s ws
w
ofce or other job-related
psc c.3
Medicine and Science inSpor ts and Exercise, 2006
0 taSk effiCienCy
0 tyPeS of JoBS
dId you know?
a p asscsc s c s s-c s w s.
t pcps sc-c o Stw w sc s s c s-jccps. t ws, x s ccs,
w bw5 0 s ss -ss ( -c 600 ,00 csp ).
The MedicalJournal of Australia,
00
At the turn o the 20th century, telegrams and typewriters dominated com-
munication in the business world. Workers perormed tasks manually, and
Task eFFICIenCy
productivity levels were low. Mechanized
and electrical technologies gradually replacedthese manual methods. Telephones took the
place o telegraphs. Surveillance cameras dis-
placed patrolling watchmen. Computerized
barcodes eliminated the need or physical
inventories. One hundred years o new tech-
nologies made the American workorce aster,
more ecientand heavier.
Computers, ax machines, intercoms, copi-
ers, and printers enable the modern worker to
accomplish in 20 minutes what would have
taken two weeks in the early 1900s. Even in
the last 50 years, business output has increased
threeold per business hour.14 Improved pro-
ductivity has reduced the time and energy
spent by the average employee on everyday
w m occpti Ctibt t Ictiit
d B (563 c./) s. d tc (36 c./)
C rb ( c./) s. W assb l (04 c./)
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ated with a signican
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Journal of the Ame
Medical Association,
[S]p s
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Mayo CProceedings,
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(c ps, xs
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c
pp c
w
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w
w cs
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signicantly contribute
cs bs
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Journal of WomeCulture and Society,
projects. Elevators, e-mail, and speed-dial require a raction o the calo-
ries burned by climbing the stairs, walking to a co-workers oce, and
dialing a phone number. While these individual changes are small,
the cumulative efects over time may account or a percentage o the
populations weight gain.
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FamIly lIFe
0 femaleemPloyment
0 maternal age
03 family StruCtur
Characterized by an unprecedented shit in gender dynamics, histo-
rians oten reer to the 60s and 70s as the sexual revolution.
The shiting amily dynamics o the sexual revolution led morewomen into the workorce.
Women born ater the Baby Boom generation had ewer children.
Innovations in reproductive technology allowed women to post-
pone childbirth until a later age.
Arguably the most pivotal moment or this movement occurred
on May 11, 1960, when the FDA approved Enovid, the rst hor-
monal birth control drug.
While recent studies have dismissed the notion that oral contra-
ceptives are directly responsible or weight gain, the pill has had a
domino efect on American amily lie andthrough those chang-
eshas inuenced the nations weight. The typical nuclear amily
o the 1950s (male breadwinner, young bride, and 3.5 children) is
no longer the norm today. Instead, changing amily dynamics have
ushered in a more heterogeneous and noticeably heavier amily or
the new century.
04 Birth Control
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ts w b
-c s
b cb
cs cs
xcs bs cp p
c cs. t s
w w s
ccs w
s c
w pbs.
Journal of HealthEconomics, 2003
In 1900, less than one woman or every ve men had a job in the American
labor market. A century later, that ratio had narrowed considerably, with
women comprising almost hal o the labor orce.2 Many historians attribute
this change in sex roles to the availability o efective birth control.3
By post-poning child-rearing, more American women in the second hal o the 20th
century could nish degrees and embark on careers. The average weekly
hours worked per woman rose 82 percent between 1950 and 2000.4 More
hours spent in the classroom and in the boardroom meant less time or the
domestic duties traditionally assigned to women in earlier generations.
dId you know?
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Energy Used at Home vs. at the Ofce
This reallocation o time inspired major
changes. The demographic o Americas
workorce shited rom men to women,
rom old to young, and rom single-person
households to married-person house-holds.5 As young, married women spent
more time outside o the home, men gen-
erally did not ll the void. Consequently,
Americans overall dedicated less time to
physically demanding household chores.6
In 1950, more than 60 percent o house-
holds consisted o a male breadwinner
P w C272 c./
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04 Birth Control
sc: .Ci-Ct.c
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t ss s s
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spend signicantly mo
(b 6 /)
s cc
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nicantly lower sitting
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Fiaic,
and emale housewie, but by 1998 only 24 percent still met the
dening criteria o the traditional Norman Rockwell amily.7, 8
Womens entrance into the workorce redened the labor market,
the domestic sphere, and the amily.
Impacting both women and children, weight gain is one o the
most surprising efects o emale employment on the transormation
o the American amily. The suggested connection between working
women and their obesity stems rom occupational inactivity. Dur-
ing the period rom 1950 to 2000when adult emale employment
jumped rom 28 percent to 53 percentoccupational energy expen-
ditures ell an estimated 300 to 500 calories per day.9The net efect o
these trends was more women burning ewer calories, and the energy
imbalance ueled rising obesity statistics.
Careully noting that maternal employment is a small part o a big
picture, studies also link childhood obesity trends to the growingemale workorce. Researchers propose several mechanisms: nutri-
tional shortcomings o childcare providers, poor ood choices by
unsupervised children, and less time engaged in outdoor activities.
The strongest correlation exists between mothers work time and
childrens BMI in wealthy households. For these amilies, the increase
in hours worked between 1975 and 1994 accounted or as much as a
35 percent increase in likelihood o excess childhood body weight.10
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t
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The increase in maternal age between 1970 and 2000 brought an
increase in population weight through multiple births and low birth
weights. Women older than 30 have more multiple births (twins, trip-lets, etc.) than younger mothers. And women older than 40 display the
highest rates o multiple births.17 Inants involved in a multiple birth
are typically underweight. These small inants exhibit rapid weight
gain called catch-up growth, which programs an inants body early
on or an excessive appetite, insulin resistance, and slow metabolism
later in lie.18 Due to these actors, every ve-year increase in mater-
nal age results in a 14 percent greater risk or childhood obesity.19
sc:CtfdiCtPvti,
ntiCtf
htsttitic.Tihigomtip
Bit:1971-2004.
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In the nal decades o the 20th century, the character istics o the Ameri-
can amily changed dramatically. Social trends in divorce, ertility, and
employment rates impacted the number o parents, children, and
incomes in the average household. These structural changes inlu-enced the everyday activities o amily members.
Between 1970 and 1996, the number o divorced Americans rose rom
4.3 million to 18.3 million.24 The declining ertility rate increased the
number o only child households. The rising employment ratesespe-
cially among working mothersexpanded the number o dual-income
amilies and latchkey children. With more single parents, ewer siblings,
and more time away rom home, amilies eat ewer meals together and
participate less in physical activity.
FamIly sTruCTure
dId you know?
a 00 s b J tf cw bs sss 5 pc bc
w.
3
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Internal Joof Obesity,
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Nutrition Bulletin,
Since the amily environment is a signicant predictor o health
risk actors, changes to the amilys structure alter the health o its
members.25 Between 1970 and 2000, shits in three amily variables(marital status, shared meals, and number o siblings) contributed to
the rise o childhood obesity. Children o dual-parent amilies are
more physically active and spend less time watching TV.26 But the
rise in divorce rates over the last several decades has signicantly
decreased the number o two-parent households, with almost three
out o every 10 children now living in a single-parent home.27, 28
Nutritional research shows that kids who regularly eat break-
ast are more likely to have ideal body weight. But between 1965
and 1991, breakast consumption declined by almost 20 percent in
certain age groups.29, 30 Children with siblings participate in more
active playtime compared to an only child. However, declines in
ertility rates in the last hal o the 20th century contributed to a
decline in average amily size.31 These cumulative changes may have
made wide waistlines the most notable distinction o the modern
American amily.
ag h siz
sc: u.s. C B, Ct Ppti s. ag nb f Ppp Fi h wit o Ci u 18.
900
4.76 pp
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0002.62 pp
9403.67 pp
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Efective amily planning is a concept unique in recent history. In the ear-
ly 20th century, American couples rarely practiced birth control, and the
methods available were oten unreliable.36 However, the introduction o
the pill in the 1960s all but guaranteed women the opportunity to plantheir pregnancies. In 1959beore the drug was even ocially released to
the publichal a million American women took Enovid. And by the
1960s that number multiplied more than tenold.37 Companies created
and improved other methods to compete in the birth control market; con-
sequently, by 2003 more than 38 million women in their childbearing years
used some orm o contraception.38
In the years immediately preceding Enovids debut, the total ertility rate
in the U.S. was 3.45 average births per childbearing woman. A decade later,
that gure dropped to 3.31. And, by the turn o the century, the ertility
rate had allen to 2.04.39 Though the decline in ertility rates was an antici-
pated efect o reliable birth control, the decline indirectly impacted obesity
through a shit in social standards: increased womens employment, older
maternal age, and smaller amily size.
dId you know?
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housInG andTransPorTaTIon
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deviCeS
There were about ve people or every horse in the average U.S. household
o the early 1900s. Set in the sprawling countryside, the archetypal
American home had no toilet, no electricity, and no central heating. A
predominantly agricultural workorce exemplied the rural households
and active liestyles o the early 20th century. But as manuacturing trans-
ormed Americas economy, the countrys landscape changed as well.
Declines in arming and a rise in manuacturing sparked an exodus
rom rural to major metropolitan areas. Companies and urban planners
rushed to meet the changing needs o a newly urbanized population:
Henry Fords assembly line energized the automotive industry,
making the car a common xture in most households.
Technological innovations brought central air conditioning and
heating units to oce buildings, schools, and homes.
Developers lured amilies rom inner cities to surrounding
suburban areas.
Successive economic booms boosted the number o households with
enough discretionary income to aford labor-saving appliances.
By the end o the century, Americans saw the cumulative shits in
housing and transportation on their thermostats, in their driveways,
and on their bathroom scales.
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as xpc, sp-
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p Bmis.
Health and Place, 2007
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pc
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cc c
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03 urBan SPraWl
04 laBor-SavingdeviCeS
At the beginning o the 20th century, distances that people could not
cover on oot were traveled primarily by horse, bicycle, or train. Motor-
ized conveyances were relatively new and owned only by the wealthiest
segment o the population. Inventions such as the escalator, the airplane,and the assembly line were in their inancy. Gradually, roadways improved
dId you know?
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acc
007 p,w s s wb pscc. B c cs b s bpc b cs.t scsc bw
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and highways developed. One hundred years later, the car is kingdomi-
nating all other transportation choices or U.S. travel near and ar.
The modern Americans travel behavior parallels the automotive
industrys growth over the past centurymost notably in recent decades.
In 1969, the average household had 1.2 vehicles
or its 1.6 licensed drivers. And these motorists
traveled only about 7,100 miles annually. But by
2001, the average number o household vehi-
cles (1.9) exceeded the number o drivers (1.8).Americans averaged 14,500 miles per year, and
three out o our trips o less than one mile were
taken by car.4, 5
The growing popularity o the automobile
corresponded to diminished use o other orms
o transportation. In 1960, workers on oot and
in public transit accounted or 22.9 percent o
-
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m xps b
bs s p
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xcs
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International Jo
of Obesity,
t p
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pc
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Perspectives,
W
c p
cs,
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International Journalof Obesity, 2006
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commutes, but that gure ell to 7.6 percent by 2000. Almost hal o
students walked or cycled to school in the late 60s compared to just
14 percent in 2001.6, 7 The increasing number o vehicles, drivers,
and trips increased the amount o time thenation spent sitting in a car.8
The growing prevalence o automotive
travel contributes to the increase in the sed-
entary nature o American lives. One 2005
study ound that car commuters were 13 per-
cent more likely to be obese or overweight
compared to those who walked or cycled
to work.9 Another calculated that every 60
minutes per day in a car added 6 percent to
a persons odds o being obese, while those
odds decreased by 4.8 percent or every
kilometer walked.10 One hour spent walk-
ing briskly or cycling quickly can burn 325 or 720 calories, respectively,
while sitting in a car uses only about 80 calories per hour.11
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-
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Nut ritional Needs inHot Environments, 1993
0 tranSPortation
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03 urBan SPraWl
04 laBor-SavingdeviCeS
In the beginning o the 20th century, Americans had ew tools to con-
trol their indoor environments. But gradually, air-conditioning units have
replaced open windows and wide verandas. Between 1978 and 2001,
the number o U.S. households with air conditioning increased by 40.2
dId you know?
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ClImaTe ConTrol
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98676F
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million.18 Similarly, the availability o heat-
ing systems has increased in the past several
decades, moving with it the average indoor
temperature. In 1923 Americans considered
64F to be a comortable household tem-
perature in the winter. But 63 years later,
homeowners had turned up the thermo-
stat to an average o 76F. 19 These trends
gradually narrowed the range o ambient
temperatures in homes, schools, and oces.
A more narrow range in ambient tem-
perature results in a lower metabolic rate. A
contributing actor to human metabolism,
shivering burns a considerable amount o
calories. This mechanism helps regulate the
human bodys core temperature (between
98F and 100F). The amount o energyexpended correlates to the degree o difer-
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Sb pbs
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Clinical Nutrition,
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980 987 993 00
Pctg f u.s. h itai Citiig (uit st)
57%
64%
68%
77%
ence between a persons body temperature and that o the surroundingenvironment. The amount o energy burned by basal metabolismthe
amount o energy required at restcan
increase between 30 and 60 percent in
severe cold exposure.20
Without exposure to a wide range
o temperatures, occupants o modern
homes burn ewer calories than their
grandparents. One study calculated
the energy dierence between a
climate-controlled and a mildly cold
environment to be between 36 and
347 calories per day.21 That means
resisting adjustments to the thermostat
could roughly equate to a three mile jog every day. Given the impact
on metabolism, the rising ubiquity o air-conditioned environments
since 1970 may have contributed to the growing rates o obesity.
50%
sc: uit stt dptt f eg, eg Ifti aiitti .
appic i u.s. h, sct y, 1980-2001.
-
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bs,
s psc
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xp
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EnvironmentalHealth, 2005
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03 urBan SPraWl
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Without convenient means o traveling long distances regularly, most
Americans in the early 20th century lived in small agricultural communi-
ties. Growing rates o industrialization and automotive travel led people
rom rural to urban areas. This rush to major cities created a unique spatial
dId you know?
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arrangement called urban sprawl: a pattern
o development where large portions o the
population live around a city in low-density
residential areas. Compared to the rural towns
o the early 1900s, modern sprawl meant
greater distances between Americans homes
and their destinations.
Some researchers link the rise o the suburbs
to a rise in obesity. Urban sprawl increases
our dependency on non-active travel, and
increases the sedentary liestyle o suburbanites.
One study calculated a 12.2 percent decline in
obesity or every 25 percent increase in mixed-
use real estate planning (which puts residents
closer to their working and shopping destina-
tions). Put simply, people who live in mixed-use
communities engage more oten in physical
ditibti f ubh BtCt Citi sbb
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ps s p
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Perspectives,
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pc s w. Pp sbbss cp
p cpss scs
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sw c.
activity.28 A lack o this planning diversity also means ewer sidewalks,
bike paths, and community parks. So children are more likely to
stay indoors and watch TV than play outside. These changing ac-
tors o the built environment are conducive to physical inactivity
and, thus, obesity.
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drive-through car washes, remote controls, even interofce e-mailthe aver-
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t j Obesity, 2003
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03 urBan SPraWl
04 laBor-SavingdeviCeS
Early in the 1900s, leaders o the womens rights movement sought to bring
dId you know?
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BrisbaneTimes, 2007
laBor-savInG devICes
industrialization into the domestic sphere. Pro-
ponents o domestic electrication argued
that the creation o electric machines couldreduce the time women spent on housework.33
The gradual movement o women into the
workorce during the 20th century increased
consumer demand or these labor-saving
appliances, and an economic boom in the 1950s
boosted the number o households with discre-
tionary income or these luxury products. With
less time and more money, convenience devices
such as microwave ovens, electric can openers,
h wig Ct:
4. c./
uig w/d:
79. c./
eg diffc: m . att T
-
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Cps c-
c c
(c ps, xs
cc , c.)
c
pp c
w
w pc
w
w cs s s s
s cs -
xp c
signicantly contribute
cs bs
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Signs: Journal of WomCulture and Society,
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s X, 2000
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sc
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of domestic electrica
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Ggtnciti,
blenders, ood processors, and dishwashers became common xtures in
American homes by the early 80s.34
Many reports link Americas increasingly sedentary home lie
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with a rise in body weight. And labor-
saving devices contribute to inactivity.
Some health ocials estimate that the
energy discrepancy between automat-
ed tasks and active tasks can be as much
as 8,800 calories per month.35 Though
our accumulation o automated gadgets
occurred gradually, over the course o several decades Americans haveincrementally replaced their house chores with at stores.
sc:uitsttCB,
dpttf
Cc.
C
tPptisv,
1984,
1993,
2000.
-
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-
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endnoTes
20Th CenTury lIFesTyle ChanGes TImelIne1. Centers or Disease Control and Prevention. Morbidity and Mortality Report Weekly.
December 3, 1999.
2. United States Census Bureau, decennial census o population, 1910 to 2000. http://www.
census.gov/prod/2002pubs/censr-4.pd. Accessed August 15, 2007.
3. Sterling, Christopher H. Electronic Media. New York: Praeger, 1984.
4. Oce o Highway Policy Inormation, Federal Highway Administration. 1969 Nationwide
Personal Transportation Survey. http://www.hwa.dot.gov/ohim/1969/1969page.htm.
Accessed August 15, 2007.
5. United States Bureau o Labor Statistics. Bulletin 2307; and Employment and Earnings,
Monthly. January 2006. http://www.bls.gov/cps/home.htm. Accessed August 15, 2007.
6. United States Census Bureau, Current Population Reports, P20-555; and earlier reports.
7. United States Department o Energy. Trends in Residential Air-Conditioning Usage rom
1978 to 1997. http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/consumptionbries/recs/actrends/recs_ac_
trends.html. Accessed August 15, 2007.
8. Stefen, L. et al. Population Trends in Leisure-Time Physical Activity: Minnesota Heart
Survey, 1980-2000. Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise2006; 38: 1716-1723.
9. United States Department o Agriculture, Economic Research Service. Food Consumption,
Prices, and Expenditures, 19701997; Food Consumption (Per Capita) Data System. http://
www.ers.usda.gov/data/oodconsumption. Accessed August 15, 2007.
10. United States Department o Transportation. National Household Travel Survey 2001.
http://www.hwa.dot.gov/policy/2004cpr/chap1.htm. Accessed August 15, 2007.
11. United States Department o Energy. Trends in Residential Air-Conditioning Usage rom
1978 to 1997. http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/consumptionbries/recs/actrends/recs_ac_
trends.html. Accessed August 15, 2007.
12. United States Bureau o Labor Statistics, op.cit.
13. Oce o Highway Policy Inormation, op.cit.14. United States Census Bureau, decennial census o population, 1910 to 2000. http://www.
census.gov/prod/2002pubs/censr-4.pd. Accessed August 15, 2007.
15. United States Department o Transportation, op.cit.
16. United States Census Bureau. The Number o Television Sets in United States
Households in 2001. http://www.census.gov/prod/www/statistical-abstract-03.html.
Accessed August 15, 2007.
17. Stefen, op.cit.
18. Centers or Disease Control and Prevention. National Vital Statistics Report: Reproduction
Rates or 19902002 and Intrinsic Rates or 20002001: United States. March 18, 2004.
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19. United States Census Bureau, Current Population Reports, P20-555; and earlier reports.
20. United States Department o Agr iculture,op.cit.
ChanGes In PhysICal aCTIvITy1. Lee, Jennier. The Ultimate Remote Means Never Having to Leave the Couch. The New
York Times, September 14, 2000.
2. Cooper, T.; Klesges, L.; DeBon, M.; Klesges, R.; Shelton, M. An Assessment o Obese and
Non Obese Girls Metabolic Rate During Television Viewing, Reading, and Resting.EatingBehaviors 2006; 7: 105114.
3. CBC Arts. Average U.S. Homes Have More TV Sets Than People. http://www.cbc.ca/
arts/story/2006/09/22/tv-america-homes.html. Accessed November 9, 2006.
4. Hancox, R.; Poulton, R. Watching Television is Associated With Childhood Obesity: But is
It Clinically Important? International Journal o Obesity 2006; 30: 171175.
5. Cooper, op.cit.
6. Norman, G.; Schmid, B.; Sallis, J.; Calas, K.; Patrick, K. Psychosocial and Environmental
Correlates o Adolescent Sedentary Behaviors. Pediatrics 2005; 116: 908916.
7. Wilson, Jennier Fisher. Is Sleep the New Vital Sign?Annals o Internal Medicine2005; 142:
877880.
8. Adachi-Mejia, A.; Longacre, M.; Gibson, J.; Beach, M.; Titus-Ernstof, L.; Dalton, M.
Children With a TV in Their Bedroom at Higher Risk or Being Overweight. International
Journal o Obesity 2007; 31: 644651.
9. Haskell, William L. Physical Activity, Sport, and Health: Toward the Next Century. Research
Quarterly or Exercise and Sport1996; 67: S37.
10. Ackad, Tarek. Health Watch: Can the Electronic Revolution Afect Childrens Health?
UN ChronicleDecember 2006February 2007; 43: 4444.
11. Wake, M.; Hesketh, K.; Waters, E. Television, Computer Use and Body Mass Index in
Australian Primary School Children.Journal o Pediatrics and Child Health 2003; 39: 130134.
12. Ellin, Abby. Games Children Played. The New York Times, January 16, 2005.
13. Engstrm, Lars-Magnus. Social Change and Physical Activity. Scandinavian Journal o
Nutrition 2004; 48: 108113.
14. Lowry, R.; Wechsler, H.; Kann, L.; Collins, J. Recent Trends in Participation in Physical
Education Among US High School Students.Journal o School Health 2001; 71: 145.
15. Pratt, M.; Macera, C.; Blanton C. Levels o Physical Activity and Inactivity in Children and
Adults in the United States. Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise1999; 31: S52633.
16. Kumar, Ruma. Demise o Playtime. The Baltimore Sun, December 1, 2006.
17. Engstrm, op.cit.
18. Bocarro, J.; Kanters, M.; Casper, J. Research Update: Leisure or Lie. Parks and Recreation
2006; 41: 2227.
19. Dollman, J.; Norton, K.; Norton, L. Evidence or Secular Trends in Childrens Physical
Activity behavior. British Journal Sports Medicine2005; 39: 892897.20. Zygmunt-Fillwalk, E.; Bilello, T. Parents Victory in Reclaiming Recess or Their
Children. Childhood Education 2005; 82: 1923.
21. Hellmich, Nanci. Energy Gap Factors into Child Obesity. USA Today, December 4, 2006.
22. Skslahti, A.; Numminen, P.; Varstala, V.; Helenius, H.; Tammi, A.; Viikari, J.; Vlimki, I.
Physical Activity as a Preventive Measure or Coronary Heart Disease Risk Factors in
Early Childhood. Scandinavian Journal o Medicine and Science in Sports 2004; 14: 143149.
23. Kimm, et al. Lancet2005.
24. Wilmore, J. Exercise, Obesity, and Weight Control: Presidents Council on Physical Fitness
and Sports. Research Digest2004; 1: 111.
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25. Louv, Richard. Leave No Child Inside. Sierra 2006; 91: 5255.
26. Harper, Mary G. Childhood Obesity. Family and Community Health 2006; 29: 288298.
27. Hill, J.; Wyatt, H.; Reed, G.; Peters, J. Obesity and the Environment: Where Do We Go
rom Here? Science2003; 7: 853855.
28. Thompson, W.; Cook, D.; Clark, M.; Bardia, A; Levine, J. Treatment o Obesity. Mayo
Clinic Proceedings 2007; 82: 93102.
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