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    THE CENTER FOR CONSUMER FREEDOM

    BIGSMALL CHOICES,

    BODIES

    HOW COUNTLESS DAILY DECISIONS

    CONTRIBUTE TO AMERICAS

    BURGEONING WAISTLINE

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    2/65The CenTer For Consumer Freedom

    BIGSmall ChoICes,

    BodIeshow CounTless daIly deCIsIons

    ConTrIBuTe To amerICas

    BurGeonInG waIsTlIne

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    Small Choices, Big Bodies:

    How countless daily decisions contr ibute to Americas burgeoning waistlines.

    Copyright 2007 by the Center or Consumer Freedom

    The Center or Consumer Freedom is a nonprot coalition supported by restaurants,

    ood companies, and consumers, working together to promote personal responsibility

    and protect consumer choices.

    www.ConsumerFreedom.com

    All rights reserved. No part o this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any orm

    or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by

    any inormation storage and retrieval system without permission in writing rom the

    publisher.

    Published by the Center or Consumer Freedom, Washington, DC.

    Printed in the United States o America

    ISBN 978-1-60461-533-3

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    ConTenTs

    InTroduCTIon ......................................1

    ChanGes In PhysICal aCTIvITy ........7

    Television .........................................................................8

    Childs Play ......................................................................10

    NEAT ..............................................................................12

    Personal and menTal healTh .........15Pharmaceuticals ................................................................16

    Smoking Cessation ...........................................................18

    Dieting.............................................................................20

    Sleep Deprivation .............................................................22

    oCCuPaTIons ......................................25

    Types o Jobs ....................................................................26

    Task Eciency .................................................................28

    FamIly lIFe ............................................31

    Female Employment ........................................................32

    Maternal Age ...................................................................34

    Family Structure ...............................................................36

    Birth Control ...................................................................38

    housInG and TransPorTaTIon .......41

    Transportation ..................................................................42

    Climate Control ...............................................................44

    Urban Sprawl ...................................................................46

    Labor-saving Devices ........................................................48

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    InTroduCTIon

    sTaTInG The oBvIous

    Obesity is a problem in America. Even without news reports or

    scientic studies, most individualsby quickly scanning oces and

    shopping mallscan arrive at the conclusion that people today are

    bigger than ever beore. Though ew would argue that love handles are

    less common in modern culture, theres considerable debate about the

    cause o those at rolls.

    Health activists and ood police single out junk ood as the culprit

    behind our burgeoning behinds, but pay little more than lip service

    to the couch-potato habits that have become the norm in recent

    years. Blindly pushing a narrow, ood-only approach, these sticklers

    lobby or highly restrictive public health policies that leave no roomor common sense.

    While researchers publish conicting reports on diet trends, ordinary

    Americans dont have to wait or the next academic journal to nd the

    triggers or our steady weight gain. Questions regarding changes to

    individual liestyles can be answered with a short inventory o home

    and oce space. Elevators in almost every building ensure that tenants

    dont have to climb the stairs. Moving sidewalks in airports nationwide

    mean that travelers can make their connections without ever breaking

    a sweat. And TV sets in 99 percent o U.S. households suggest that time

    between work and sleep can be spent comortably on the soa with a

    remote control.

    The rise o modern convenience is sel-evident. But in order to

    show the link between these creature comorts and the bathroom scale,

    we rst have to look to the past.

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    an ePIdemIC oF ConvenIenCe

    Epidemiology is the study o the source o disease. By denition, disease

    is any deviation rom the bodys normal unction caused by inection,

    genetic deect, or environmental stress. Ailments such as u, cancer,and cholera all under the scope o epidemiology. But some modern

    diseases do not.

    Dr. John Snow, a physician during a great cholera epidemic in 19th

    century London, is credited as the ather o this branch o medicine.

    Most health ocials at that time responded to the outbreak with

    hysteria and conjecture about the cause. But Snow tried a more

    analytical approachplotting individual cases o the disease on a city

    map, decoding the overall pattern, and identiying the common link: a

    contaminated water well.

    Snows method eectively addressed Londons outbreak, as well

    as countless other cases o inectious and chronic diseases since

    that time. So why have modern public oicials been unsuccessul

    in applying Snows method to todays obesity epidemic?

    Because most notably obesity is not a disease but a symptom.

    Like a sunburn or swelling, love handles are just evidence o a

    problem, not the problem itsel. Just as nausea or ever can be

    brought on by any one o a thousand conditions, weight gain canbe the symptom o countless, dierent changes.

    Cause versus rIsk

    Since Snows discovery in 1854, our communities, households,

    and amilies have changed. The study o public health has adjusted

    accordingly. The ocus o most epidemiological studies has shited rom

    inectious disease to ailments such as heart disease and diabetes, which

    are largely governed by genetics and liestyle.Inectious disease ollows a single, linear tack. Only one particular

    bacterium can cause an individual to catch cholera. But many modern

    diseases do not t in this binary ramework. For instance, a person

    cannot catch cancer. So when investigating these chronic diseases,

    todays researchers must consider many actors such as amily history,

    gender, environment, occupation, and weight.

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    Traits that are associated with an increased risk o an outcomebut

    dont necessarily cause itare known as risk actors. For example, age

    is considered a risk actor or some heart diseases. But while olderAmericans have a higher risk or heart attacks and strokes than teenagers,

    growing old does not inevitably cause heart disease.

    Some people ail to distinguish between risk and cause. Many health

    activists have adopted a dangerously myopic ocus on certain oods

    considered to be obesity risk actors. In doing so, they have tried

    unsuccessully to turn ood into this centurys contaminated water well.

    With their relentless campaigns to tax, restrict, and ban unhealthy

    oods, these activists neglect to conront the hundreds o other potential

    contributors to weight gain. To combat this misrepresentation and

    restore balance to the public health debate, the public needs a better

    understanding o these other obesity actors.

    BIoloGy and modern lIvInG

    Diet and exercise have replaced take two aspirin and call me in the

    morning as physicians deault prescription or many conditions. In

    regard to obesity, the merit o this recommendation stems rom the

    rst basic Law o Thermodynamics: energy conservation.

    Energy can neither be created nor destroyed. It is, instead, constantly

    transormed rom one state to another. This transormation in humans

    changes ood energy (calories) into physical energy, and can impact the

    bathroom scale when energy in no longer equals energy out.

    Fat is the balancing intermediary in this ormula, ofering a storage

    site or excess energy and a uel source or excess activity. I our energy

    equation remains lopsided or an extended period o time, then we

    can grow rom a lean body mass (holding two to three months wortho energy in at) to an obese shape (carrying enough at to provide

    energy or more than a year).

    Their direct impact o diet and exercise on body at gives them central

    roles in the weight debate. But the Big Two,as scientists have dubbed

    them, do not provide a sucient model or weight dynamics on their

    own because many variables afect both sides o the equation.

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    Good sCIenCe Gone Bad

    Most studies used by public health activists today base their ndings on

    the habits and health o a handul o individuals. Unlike experimental

    studies that are designed to determine cause and efect, these epide-miological studies rely on a wide variety o observations and, thereore,

    arent designed to isolate any one particular risk actor. So these studies

    can only suggest correlations between a actor and a problem.

    Still, researchers sometimes try to tease meaningul results out o

    mountains o data, matching causes with efects.

    Most obesity reports cited by ood activists indict one cause at

    a time (a mineral, an ingredient, etc.). However, it is impossible to

    remove a single variable rom its greater context. Calcium is ound in

    cheese. That cheese could be part o a sandwich. And that meal is only

    one part o an entire diet. How efectively can a study isolate the cal-

    cium rom every other component in a persons meal or liestyle?

    It cant.

    Relying solely on oversimplied analysis in the ace o such com-

    plexity can yield nonsensical results. And many ood activists promote

    quick-x solutions based on isolated ndings rom one study about a

    single ood. But when we look at the broader spectrum o collected

    observations, a bigger picture o obesitys causes emerges.

    symPTom oF ChoICe

    Growing waistlines are largely symptoms o our modern liestyle.

    The human body is built to survive laborious work and travel. But

    most travel today is accomplished in the comortable recline o a driv-

    ers seat. And many modern workers sit in air-conditioned oces that

    encourage very little physical exertion. Additionally, the prevalence o

    excess weighthistorically a sign o wealth and leisureis evidencethat all members o modern society have access to goods and services

    that were once considered luxuries.

    So obesity does not t into the ramework originally intended or

    epidemiology. Obesity is not a disease in the traditional sense o the

    word. Its not communicable. Obesity is a consequence o our choices.

    And many o those choices are made passively, in a comortable but

    rigor-ree environment.

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    Over the past our decades, many at-inducing elements o the

    American liestyle have driven weight gain. But many health ocials

    and ood activists have largely ignored these trends in peoples personal

    lives or paid lip service to their existence. Instead, in an attempt

    to inuence public policy, they have labeled obesity an epidemic and

    gone on a witch-hunt or a modern-day contaminated well.

    namInG The oTher oBesITy rIsk FaCTors

    Countless dimensions o American lie impact our weight. Since

    many actors overlap to some degree, they have been grouped into

    ve categories: Personal and Mental Health, Occupation, Changes in

    Physical Activity, Housing and Transportation, and Family Lie.

    Viewed separately, the changes outlined in each category seem

    relatively small. But collectively the small changes in liestyle over

    the past several generations can largely explain the populations

    growing waistline.

    The Changes in Physical Activity chapter covers the increasingly

    sedentary activities, entertainment, and hobbies Americans seek dur-

    ing down time. (Pages 713)

    The Personal and Mental Health chapter examines how prescrip-

    tion drugs, smoking cessation, and yo-yo diets contribute to weight

    gain. (Pages 1523)

    The Occupation chapter ollows the shit in the type o jobs

    perormed by Americans and the minimization o activity within

    existing proessions. (Pages 2529)

    The Family Lie chapter outlines the changes in Americans amily

    structure, rom parental employment to number o siblings, thatafect a persons weight. (Pages 3138)

    The Housing and Transportation chapter highlights the rise in

    popularity and availability o the car, the suburbs, and the thermostat

    in modern lie. (Pages 4149)

    Each o the changes listed in the ollowing chapters contributes to a

    mismatch between modern liestyle and human biology.

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    ChanGes InPhysICal aCTIvITy

    Leisure time in the United States is at an all-time high. Americans today

    accrue more cumulative work hours than their 1950s counterparts,because more women work outside o the home. But during the past

    three decades, new technologies and greater productivity have reduced

    the average time spent per person at work. Between 1950 and 2000,

    the average hours worked per worker dropped 5 percent. Though more

    Americans may be going to work, they are spending less time there.

    So what is the population doing with all o this spare time?

    Recreational activities today vary greatly rom earlier generations in

    time and type.

    While countless activities all under the leisure time category,

    the popularity o television in particular has skyrocketed over the

    past hal-century.

    With hundreds o channels rom which to choose, adults and children

    spend more time watchingsports thanplayingthem.

    Even in school settings, todays kids rarely (i ever) play outdoors.

    With more and more ree time spent on the couch, modern Americanssimply move less than the generations beore them.

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    In 1950, only 9 percent o U.S. homes had a television. By the turn o the

    century, almost every household owned one or more TVs.

    We spend an unprecedented amount o time in ront o our TV sets. By

    2006, the average American spent more than two months o the year (1,672hours) watching television. And the average number o TV sets outnum-

    bered the average number o people (2.73 vs. 2.55) per household.3 Passively

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    Recent research indicates that the amount

    o time spent in ront o the television is the

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    weight gain.4 Studies suggest that televisions

    impact on basic metabolism, physical activity, and sleep plays an important

    role in obesity. More time spent watching TV means less energy burned,

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    300

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    burn ewer calories over time compared to occasional viewers regard-

    less o whether they are physically active.5

    TV viewing uses only slightly more energy than sleeping; con-

    sequently, people who choose surfng channels over more active

    endeavors expend very little energy during that time.6 Television

    can hinder a good nights sleep. And the less we sleep, the morelikely we are to have high Body Mass Indexes (BMIs).7

    Accordingly, children with TVs in their bedroom are 30

    percent more likely to be obese than their peers.8 These

    links between TV and weight gain make turning on

    the tube tantamount to turning on the at.

    sorce: united state Cen, Federal Conication Coiion.selected Conication media: 1920 to 2001.

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    Where childrens playtime is concerned, older generations may ofer

    an objective comparison when they recall the good old days when

    children played outdoors, rode bikes, played tag, and skipped rocks. In

    contrast, todays deskbound students, structured athletics, and indoor-only play spaces have practically guaranteed inactivity and obesity in

    American youth.

    With reductions in physical education (PE) classes and recess periods,

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    student enrollment in PE classes ell rom

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    those participating were active or more than

    20 minutes.14,15 By 2004, almost 40 percent

    o U.S. public school districts had eliminated

    recess entirely. And many others had outlawed

    the most vigorous games: running, tag, kick-

    ball, and touch ootball.16

    Even recreational sports no longer guar-

    antee vigorous activity or children. Though

    participation in youth sports increased during

    the past two decades, actual activity duringthese events decreased. Unlike the games o

    tag and dodge ballwhich involve continu-

    ous involvement rom all participantsmany structured sports have most

    players on the sidelines, sedentary during much o the time.17 Whether

    warming the bench every week or jogging twice a year, most young ath-

    letes are less active than their sporty counterparts 20 years ago.18

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    Even the home has become a culprit. In recent decades, trends in

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    Between 1981 and 1997, the numbero children participating in outdoor activities declined 50 percent.20

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    ple as playing outdoors are strongly tied to a childs BMI.22 All things

    considered, the engineering o spontaneous activity out o childhood

    over the last hal o the century has clearly contributed to our chil-

    drens weight gain.

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    neaTWithout a microscope, ruler, or test tube, most people can observe

    changes in the American way o lie during the 21st century. Black-and-

    white photographs clearly show the absence

    o televisions in the early 1900s, and schoolrecords detail declining participation in PE

    classes over recent decades. But some changes

    that have contributed to weight

    gain are much more subtle.

    Basal metabolism

    describes the amount

    o energy needed

    by your body to

    complete biological

    unctions. Physical

    activity includes

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    exercises such as running or playing sports that we pointedly

    schedule into our day. All o the other little movements and

    activities that burn calories all under one umbrella term: NEAT

    (Non-Exercise Activity Thermogenesis).NEAT represents the energy used or largely overlooked day-

    to-day activities. Sitting up straight, vacuuming the house, kissing

    your sweetie, chewing gum, washing the car, and tapping your n-

    gers are all tasks that require little thought but a lot o energy. For

    instance, consistently improving postural habits can burn an extra

    350 calor ies per day. Chewing or dgeting can increase the bodys

    energy expenditure 20 to 40 percent above resting level. And even

    a good laugh with riends can boost metabolism.29 Researchers

    estimate that NEAT varies by as much as 2,000 calories rom one

    person to the next.

    Just as these tasks can subconsciously

    punctuate the day, they can also be

    removed with little notice. The mecha-

    nization o societyreplacing physical

    tasks with machineshas contributed

    to a decline in NEAT. In a single day,

    replacing manual chores (washing dishes,mowing the lawn, etc.) with their auto-

    mated versions can add a 100-200 calorie

    surplus.30These variations may separately

    seem small, but collectively, their impact

    on body at can be signicant.

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    Personal andmenTal healTh

    The second hal o the 20th century witnessed dramatic changes in

    Americans approach to personal and mental health:

    Innovations in health care and research boosted the availability

    o pharmaceuticals.

    Emerging scientic and social stigmatization drove millions o

    smokers to kick the habit.

    The ubiquity o electricity allowed or distractions such as TV and

    video games that disrupted the sleep habits o children and adults.

    Changing standards o beauty and growing nutritional knowl-

    edge generated an entire industry devoted to weight loss.

    At a glance, trends in personal and mental health appear to be

    independent o one another. However, a closer inspection reveals one

    common denominator: weight gain. As an unprecedented number o

    Americans were starting diets, quitting cigarettes, losing sleep, and tak-

    ing medications, they started packing on the pounds. This was more

    than coincidence. Recent scientic studies explain how changinghealth habits are linked to expanding waistlines.

    03 dieting

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    Herbs, roots, minerals, and oils have played medicinal roles in

    human cultures throughout the ages. In the 19th century,

    alchemy gave way to chemistry as the Industrial Revolution

    drove all sorts o scientic developments, including the advento pharmaceutical drugs. But not until the 1940s and 1950s

    were pharmaceuticals widely consumed.

    In the 50s, the discovery o antipsychotics revolutionized

    the treatment o mental health disorders.4 A decade later, the

    FDA approved the pill as an oral contraceptive.5 As the ood-

    gates opened, a multitude o anticonvulsants, antidepressants,

    and other therapeutic agents lled the American market.6 Pre-

    scription drug use reached unprecedented heights between

    1992 and 2004, growing by 253 percent.7

    dId you know?

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    With almost hal o the

    population taking at least one

    prescription, the nations medi-

    cine cabinets are more crowded

    than everand that surplus can

    be seen on the scale, too. Many

    commonly used medications

    promote weight gain as a side

    efect. And their r ise in populari-

    ty mirrors the increase in obesity

    rates over the past 30 years.8

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    Several medications or the treatment

    o mental and physiological disorders

    induce signicant weight gain. Stud-

    ies have documented weight gain inpatients on antipsychotics exceeding

    ideal body weight by 20 percent or

    more.9 In one study, diabetics treat-

    ed with multiple injections o insulin

    experienced 73 percent increased risk

    o becoming overweight.10 As the use

    o these medications has escalated,

    their eects have also materialized on

    patients waistlines.

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    Most people know that smoking is unhealthy. As this knowledge spread

    through the population over the last hal-century, many smokers were

    motivated to kick the habita great success in public health. Butor all

    o the benets to health associated with smoking cessation, there is onedrawback. As Americans put out their cigarettes, they put on additional

    smokInG CessaTIon

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    pounds. Between 1972 and 2004, the number

    o American smokers decreased by 18.2 per-

    cent in men and 12.2 percent in women. Over

    the same time period, the prevalence o over-

    weight and obese Americansas measured by

    the Body Mass Index (BMI)grew by 19.3

    percent in men and 21.5 percent in women.17

    Researchers soon discovered that the relation-

    ship between these trends wasnt coincidental.

    Scientists rst published studies linking

    tobacco to cancer in 1950. At the time o these

    reports, approximately hal o the U.S. adult

    1965

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    population smoked cigarettes. By the 1960s, the Surgeon General

    labeled smoking a health hazard, and Congress mandated written

    warnings on cigarette packages. By the 1980s and 90s, ederal and

    social pressure pushed smoking out o airplanes, commercial build-

    ings, and bars. The result? As o 2004, the proportion o American

    smokers had dropped to one in ve adults.18

    Smoking cessation promotes weight gain, so much so that people

    who stop smoking are twice as likely to become obese as people who

    have never smoked.19 When an individual stops smoking, multiplephysiological changes result in spontaneous weight gain. The nicotine

    in cigarette smoke increases metabolism and suppresses appetite.20

    Ater quitting, the absence o nicotine causes a persons metabolism

    and physical activity levels to drop. Additionally, the nicotine removal

    disrupts the hormones that control appetite, making ormer smokers

    eel hungry.21 These cumulative changes can contribute to an overall

    weight gain o up to 10 percent o original weight.22

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    As Americans try to eat less, they end up weighing more. Despite innovations

    in research and technology that provide recent generations more access to

    health and nutrition inormation than ever beore, children o todays more

    inormed generations are atter than their less knowledgeable ancestors.The last hal o the 20th century witnessed a dramatic rise in the avail-

    ability o diet books, commercial programs, athletic clubs, and weight-loss

    dIeTInG0 PharmaCeutiCalS

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    dId you know?

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    The most striking ndin

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    b ac Sps d, ic. (aSd), pp (49%)said that at some point during 2003, they attempted to lose at least ve

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    pills. Relatively unknown in the 1960s, groups such as Weight Watchers

    enrolled approximately 8 million adults per year less than our decades

    later.27 Between 1984 and 2004, the number o Americans purchasing

    diet oods and beverages more than doubled. And by 2003, diet prod-ucts and services constituted a $40 billion industry.28, 29 Currently, more

    than hal o U.S. consumers are trying to lose weight, but many studies

    show that most dieting actually results in weight gain. 30

    With ad diets, strict regimes, and loty promises, the weight-loss

    industry oten perpetuates the problem the industry claims to solve.

    Food deprivation lowers the bodys basal metabolic rate (BMR) to

    promote at storage and energy conservation. Food restriction

    encourages cravings and leads to binge eating.31 Seemingly unattain-

    able ideals promote depression among participants and cycle dieters

    back toward overeating. These physiological and psychological mech-

    anisms ight so eectively against weight loss that researchers

    estimate that the ailure rate among dieters is greater than 95 percent.32

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    i, sp

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    Archives of Diseasein Childhood, 2006

    Americans are sleeping less and weighing more. Over the past

    century, changing trends in general habits (longer work hours,

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    dId you know?

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    Public Library ofScience Medicine,

    2004

    greater coee consumption, and more

    television viewing) contr ibuted to a dis-ruption in sleep patterns. National data

    indicate that children and adults spend

    less and less time asleep every year. In

    1910, we slept on average nine hours per

    night. By 2002, that igure had allen to

    seven hours, with many Americans get-

    ting less than ive hours per night.42 And

    these declining sleep rates are showing

    up in the nations girth.43

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    Numerous studies correlate the efects o sleep on weight. One

    study ound that sleep deprivation increases levels o certain pro-

    teins that alter metabolism and hunger cues.44 And another report

    concluded that lack o sleep also disrupts hormones that control

    appetite.45 The direct impact o a good nights rest on the bodys

    ability to regulate hunger outlines the clear relationship between

    sleep and body weight.

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    0 tyPeS of JoBS

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    In the early parts o the 20th century, most o the American workorce

    could be ound in actories or elds. With little machinery or

    technology, manual laborers perormed most tasks themselves. Even

    clerical tasks such as researching and ling required a great deal ophysical movement. Since that time, technology has introduced aster,

    easier ways to do the jobs that once demanded a great deal o time

    and energy. Accordingly, the work o modern Americans difers rom

    earlier generations in two ways:

    The types o jobs held by todays employees are primarily in

    the service sector, as opposed to the high percentage o mining,

    manuacturing, and arming positions o the past.

    Technology has eliminated most physical exertion rom day-to-

    day tasks perormed at work.

    The absence o physical activity in the nations labor orce is best

    illustrated by the size o the average American worker.

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    Blue-collar workers1.6 hours

    Technicians3.3 hours

    Scientists4.9 hours

    Administrative5.7 hours

    Professional/Manageria6.2 hours

    ag Ti spt sittig dig wThe current ndings present the sedentary workplace as a potentially hostile

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    cs sp csb w s w, ws jobs largely inu-cs psc c.

    Agricultural workers accounted or 43.5 percent o the American work-

    orce in 1900.4 Farm work was grueling, physically demanding labor.

    Horses and mules ofered little assistance, so the industry needed a

    great deal o manpower to generate the desired volume. In the ol-lowing decades, gasoline-powered arm equipment replaced beasts o

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    Journal of Women inCulture and Society, 2006

    burden. New pesticides, ertilizers, and ir-

    rigation systems produced a higher yield.

    Innovations in mechanized arming required

    ewer workers to cultivate more crops.

    During the last century, changes in tech-

    nology and market demands have adjusted

    the type o work Americans perorm and,

    consequently, the physical demands o

    that work. Between 1910 and 2000, the

    workorce shited rom a high percentage

    o manual laborers (declining by 96 per-

    cent) to a large proportion o proessional

    employees (increasing more than ourold).5

    As low-activity jobs in the proessional and

    service sectors grew, opportunities in the most physically demanding

    eldsmining, agriculture, construction, manuacturing, and trans-portationdiminished.

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    1900

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    Annual Review ofPublic Health, 2005

    From blue-collar to white-collar, the shit in labor demographics

    resonates in workers waistlines. An administrative assistant needs only

    102 calories per hour to complete oce work, while a armer burns

    approximately 544 calories in the same

    amount o time shoveling hay.6 Because

    o the prevalence o low-energy jobs,

    todays employees expend, on aver-

    age, less energy than workers 50 years

    ago. And, unortunately, less physically

    demanding occupations translate to

    more well-rounded workers.

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    00

    At the turn o the 20th century, telegrams and typewriters dominated com-

    munication in the business world. Workers perormed tasks manually, and

    Task eFFICIenCy

    productivity levels were low. Mechanized

    and electrical technologies gradually replacedthese manual methods. Telephones took the

    place o telegraphs. Surveillance cameras dis-

    placed patrolling watchmen. Computerized

    barcodes eliminated the need or physical

    inventories. One hundred years o new tech-

    nologies made the American workorce aster,

    more ecientand heavier.

    Computers, ax machines, intercoms, copi-

    ers, and printers enable the modern worker to

    accomplish in 20 minutes what would have

    taken two weeks in the early 1900s. Even in

    the last 50 years, business output has increased

    threeold per business hour.14 Improved pro-

    ductivity has reduced the time and energy

    spent by the average employee on everyday

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    Journal of WomeCulture and Society,

    projects. Elevators, e-mail, and speed-dial require a raction o the calo-

    ries burned by climbing the stairs, walking to a co-workers oce, and

    dialing a phone number. While these individual changes are small,

    the cumulative efects over time may account or a percentage o the

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    FamIly lIFe

    0 femaleemPloyment

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    03 family StruCtur

    Characterized by an unprecedented shit in gender dynamics, histo-

    rians oten reer to the 60s and 70s as the sexual revolution.

    The shiting amily dynamics o the sexual revolution led morewomen into the workorce.

    Women born ater the Baby Boom generation had ewer children.

    Innovations in reproductive technology allowed women to post-

    pone childbirth until a later age.

    Arguably the most pivotal moment or this movement occurred

    on May 11, 1960, when the FDA approved Enovid, the rst hor-

    monal birth control drug.

    While recent studies have dismissed the notion that oral contra-

    ceptives are directly responsible or weight gain, the pill has had a

    domino efect on American amily lie andthrough those chang-

    eshas inuenced the nations weight. The typical nuclear amily

    o the 1950s (male breadwinner, young bride, and 3.5 children) is

    no longer the norm today. Instead, changing amily dynamics have

    ushered in a more heterogeneous and noticeably heavier amily or

    the new century.

    04 Birth Control

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    Journal of HealthEconomics, 2003

    In 1900, less than one woman or every ve men had a job in the American

    labor market. A century later, that ratio had narrowed considerably, with

    women comprising almost hal o the labor orce.2 Many historians attribute

    this change in sex roles to the availability o efective birth control.3

    By post-poning child-rearing, more American women in the second hal o the 20th

    century could nish degrees and embark on careers. The average weekly

    hours worked per woman rose 82 percent between 1950 and 2000.4 More

    hours spent in the classroom and in the boardroom meant less time or the

    domestic duties traditionally assigned to women in earlier generations.

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    This reallocation o time inspired major

    changes. The demographic o Americas

    workorce shited rom men to women,

    rom old to young, and rom single-person

    households to married-person house-holds.5 As young, married women spent

    more time outside o the home, men gen-

    erally did not ll the void. Consequently,

    Americans overall dedicated less time to

    physically demanding household chores.6

    In 1950, more than 60 percent o house-

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    04 Birth Control

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    Over the past fty yea

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    and emale housewie, but by 1998 only 24 percent still met the

    dening criteria o the traditional Norman Rockwell amily.7, 8

    Womens entrance into the workorce redened the labor market,

    the domestic sphere, and the amily.

    Impacting both women and children, weight gain is one o the

    most surprising efects o emale employment on the transormation

    o the American amily. The suggested connection between working

    women and their obesity stems rom occupational inactivity. Dur-

    ing the period rom 1950 to 2000when adult emale employment

    jumped rom 28 percent to 53 percentoccupational energy expen-

    ditures ell an estimated 300 to 500 calories per day.9The net efect o

    these trends was more women burning ewer calories, and the energy

    imbalance ueled rising obesity statistics.

    Careully noting that maternal employment is a small part o a big

    picture, studies also link childhood obesity trends to the growingemale workorce. Researchers propose several mechanisms: nutri-

    tional shortcomings o childcare providers, poor ood choices by

    unsupervised children, and less time engaged in outdoor activities.

    The strongest correlation exists between mothers work time and

    childrens BMI in wealthy households. For these amilies, the increase

    in hours worked between 1975 and 1994 accounted or as much as a

    35 percent increase in likelihood o excess childhood body weight.10

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    The increase in maternal age between 1970 and 2000 brought an

    increase in population weight through multiple births and low birth

    weights. Women older than 30 have more multiple births (twins, trip-lets, etc.) than younger mothers. And women older than 40 display the

    highest rates o multiple births.17 Inants involved in a multiple birth

    are typically underweight. These small inants exhibit rapid weight

    gain called catch-up growth, which programs an inants body early

    on or an excessive appetite, insulin resistance, and slow metabolism

    later in lie.18 Due to these actors, every ve-year increase in mater-

    nal age results in a 14 percent greater risk or childhood obesity.19

    sc:CtfdiCtPvti,

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    In the nal decades o the 20th century, the character istics o the Ameri-

    can amily changed dramatically. Social trends in divorce, ertility, and

    employment rates impacted the number o parents, children, and

    incomes in the average household. These structural changes inlu-enced the everyday activities o amily members.

    Between 1970 and 1996, the number o divorced Americans rose rom

    4.3 million to 18.3 million.24 The declining ertility rate increased the

    number o only child households. The rising employment ratesespe-

    cially among working mothersexpanded the number o dual-income

    amilies and latchkey children. With more single parents, ewer siblings,

    and more time away rom home, amilies eat ewer meals together and

    participate less in physical activity.

    FamIly sTruCTure

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    Since the amily environment is a signicant predictor o health

    risk actors, changes to the amilys structure alter the health o its

    members.25 Between 1970 and 2000, shits in three amily variables(marital status, shared meals, and number o siblings) contributed to

    the rise o childhood obesity. Children o dual-parent amilies are

    more physically active and spend less time watching TV.26 But the

    rise in divorce rates over the last several decades has signicantly

    decreased the number o two-parent households, with almost three

    out o every 10 children now living in a single-parent home.27, 28

    Nutritional research shows that kids who regularly eat break-

    ast are more likely to have ideal body weight. But between 1965

    and 1991, breakast consumption declined by almost 20 percent in

    certain age groups.29, 30 Children with siblings participate in more

    active playtime compared to an only child. However, declines in

    ertility rates in the last hal o the 20th century contributed to a

    decline in average amily size.31 These cumulative changes may have

    made wide waistlines the most notable distinction o the modern

    American amily.

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    Efective amily planning is a concept unique in recent history. In the ear-

    ly 20th century, American couples rarely practiced birth control, and the

    methods available were oten unreliable.36 However, the introduction o

    the pill in the 1960s all but guaranteed women the opportunity to plantheir pregnancies. In 1959beore the drug was even ocially released to

    the publichal a million American women took Enovid. And by the

    1960s that number multiplied more than tenold.37 Companies created

    and improved other methods to compete in the birth control market; con-

    sequently, by 2003 more than 38 million women in their childbearing years

    used some orm o contraception.38

    In the years immediately preceding Enovids debut, the total ertility rate

    in the U.S. was 3.45 average births per childbearing woman. A decade later,

    that gure dropped to 3.31. And, by the turn o the century, the ertility

    rate had allen to 2.04.39 Though the decline in ertility rates was an antici-

    pated efect o reliable birth control, the decline indirectly impacted obesity

    through a shit in social standards: increased womens employment, older

    maternal age, and smaller amily size.

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    housInG andTransPorTaTIon

    0 tranSPortation

    0 Climate Contro

    03 urBan SPraWl

    04 laBor-Saving

    deviCeS

    There were about ve people or every horse in the average U.S. household

    o the early 1900s. Set in the sprawling countryside, the archetypal

    American home had no toilet, no electricity, and no central heating. A

    predominantly agricultural workorce exemplied the rural households

    and active liestyles o the early 20th century. But as manuacturing trans-

    ormed Americas economy, the countrys landscape changed as well.

    Declines in arming and a rise in manuacturing sparked an exodus

    rom rural to major metropolitan areas. Companies and urban planners

    rushed to meet the changing needs o a newly urbanized population:

    Henry Fords assembly line energized the automotive industry,

    making the car a common xture in most households.

    Technological innovations brought central air conditioning and

    heating units to oce buildings, schools, and homes.

    Developers lured amilies rom inner cities to surrounding

    suburban areas.

    Successive economic booms boosted the number o households with

    enough discretionary income to aford labor-saving appliances.

    By the end o the century, Americans saw the cumulative shits in

    housing and transportation on their thermostats, in their driveways,

    and on their bathroom scales.

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    as xpc, sp-

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    Health and Place, 2007

    a b spc

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    03 urBan SPraWl

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    At the beginning o the 20th century, distances that people could not

    cover on oot were traveled primarily by horse, bicycle, or train. Motor-

    ized conveyances were relatively new and owned only by the wealthiest

    segment o the population. Inventions such as the escalator, the airplane,and the assembly line were in their inancy. Gradually, roadways improved

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    and highways developed. One hundred years later, the car is kingdomi-

    nating all other transportation choices or U.S. travel near and ar.

    The modern Americans travel behavior parallels the automotive

    industrys growth over the past centurymost notably in recent decades.

    In 1969, the average household had 1.2 vehicles

    or its 1.6 licensed drivers. And these motorists

    traveled only about 7,100 miles annually. But by

    2001, the average number o household vehi-

    cles (1.9) exceeded the number o drivers (1.8).Americans averaged 14,500 miles per year, and

    three out o our trips o less than one mile were

    taken by car.4, 5

    The growing popularity o the automobile

    corresponded to diminished use o other orms

    o transportation. In 1960, workers on oot and

    in public transit accounted or 22.9 percent o

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    commutes, but that gure ell to 7.6 percent by 2000. Almost hal o

    students walked or cycled to school in the late 60s compared to just

    14 percent in 2001.6, 7 The increasing number o vehicles, drivers,

    and trips increased the amount o time thenation spent sitting in a car.8

    The growing prevalence o automotive

    travel contributes to the increase in the sed-

    entary nature o American lives. One 2005

    study ound that car commuters were 13 per-

    cent more likely to be obese or overweight

    compared to those who walked or cycled

    to work.9 Another calculated that every 60

    minutes per day in a car added 6 percent to

    a persons odds o being obese, while those

    odds decreased by 4.8 percent or every

    kilometer walked.10 One hour spent walk-

    ing briskly or cycling quickly can burn 325 or 720 calories, respectively,

    while sitting in a car uses only about 80 calories per hour.11

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    Nut ritional Needs inHot Environments, 1993

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    In the beginning o the 20th century, Americans had ew tools to con-

    trol their indoor environments. But gradually, air-conditioning units have

    replaced open windows and wide verandas. Between 1978 and 2001,

    the number o U.S. households with air conditioning increased by 40.2

    dId you know?

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    ClImaTe ConTrol

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    million.18 Similarly, the availability o heat-

    ing systems has increased in the past several

    decades, moving with it the average indoor

    temperature. In 1923 Americans considered

    64F to be a comortable household tem-

    perature in the winter. But 63 years later,

    homeowners had turned up the thermo-

    stat to an average o 76F. 19 These trends

    gradually narrowed the range o ambient

    temperatures in homes, schools, and oces.

    A more narrow range in ambient tem-

    perature results in a lower metabolic rate. A

    contributing actor to human metabolism,

    shivering burns a considerable amount o

    calories. This mechanism helps regulate the

    human bodys core temperature (between

    98F and 100F). The amount o energyexpended correlates to the degree o difer-

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    980 987 993 00

    Pctg f u.s. h itai Citiig (uit st)

    57%

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    ence between a persons body temperature and that o the surroundingenvironment. The amount o energy burned by basal metabolismthe

    amount o energy required at restcan

    increase between 30 and 60 percent in

    severe cold exposure.20

    Without exposure to a wide range

    o temperatures, occupants o modern

    homes burn ewer calories than their

    grandparents. One study calculated

    the energy dierence between a

    climate-controlled and a mildly cold

    environment to be between 36 and

    347 calories per day.21 That means

    resisting adjustments to the thermostat

    could roughly equate to a three mile jog every day. Given the impact

    on metabolism, the rising ubiquity o air-conditioned environments

    since 1970 may have contributed to the growing rates o obesity.

    50%

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    0 tranSPortation

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    Without convenient means o traveling long distances regularly, most

    Americans in the early 20th century lived in small agricultural communi-

    ties. Growing rates o industrialization and automotive travel led people

    rom rural to urban areas. This rush to major cities created a unique spatial

    dId you know?

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    arrangement called urban sprawl: a pattern

    o development where large portions o the

    population live around a city in low-density

    residential areas. Compared to the rural towns

    o the early 1900s, modern sprawl meant

    greater distances between Americans homes

    and their destinations.

    Some researchers link the rise o the suburbs

    to a rise in obesity. Urban sprawl increases

    our dependency on non-active travel, and

    increases the sedentary liestyle o suburbanites.

    One study calculated a 12.2 percent decline in

    obesity or every 25 percent increase in mixed-

    use real estate planning (which puts residents

    closer to their working and shopping destina-

    tions). Put simply, people who live in mixed-use

    communities engage more oten in physical

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    activity.28 A lack o this planning diversity also means ewer sidewalks,

    bike paths, and community parks. So children are more likely to

    stay indoors and watch TV than play outside. These changing ac-

    tors o the built environment are conducive to physical inactivity

    and, thus, obesity.

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    Early in the 1900s, leaders o the womens rights movement sought to bring

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    laBor-savInG devICes

    industrialization into the domestic sphere. Pro-

    ponents o domestic electrication argued

    that the creation o electric machines couldreduce the time women spent on housework.33

    The gradual movement o women into the

    workorce during the 20th century increased

    consumer demand or these labor-saving

    appliances, and an economic boom in the 1950s

    boosted the number o households with discre-

    tionary income or these luxury products. With

    less time and more money, convenience devices

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    blenders, ood processors, and dishwashers became common xtures in

    American homes by the early 80s.34

    Many reports link Americas increasingly sedentary home lie

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    with a rise in body weight. And labor-

    saving devices contribute to inactivity.

    Some health ocials estimate that the

    energy discrepancy between automat-

    ed tasks and active tasks can be as much

    as 8,800 calories per month.35 Though

    our accumulation o automated gadgets

    occurred gradually, over the course o several decades Americans haveincrementally replaced their house chores with at stores.

    sc:uitsttCB,

    dpttf

    Cc.

    C

    tPptisv,

    1984,

    1993,

    2000.

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    endnoTes

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