CHAPTER I1

Situating St.Thomas Christians and their Women

Chapter I1

Situating St. Thomas Christians and Their Women

The introductory chapter discussed briefly the origin and development of

Women's Studies including Feminist Spirituality and Theology and the

subsequent space it created in the realm of academic studies. The attempts

to understand spirituality and theology that the nuns of St. Thomas

Christians developed so as tcj express their womanhood, require a

historical contextualization and analysis of the circumstances, against

which the various Women Religious Congregations took shape in Kerala.

This Chapter deals with the various aspects of the community life

of the St.Thomas Christians who trace their origin back to the Apostle

St.Thomas. This study intended as a backdrop to the later chapters

because from St.Thomas Chri:.tian Community of Kerala all the six

indigenous Women Religious Congregations originated. Hence an

attempt is made to trace the sociid, cultural, economic and religious life of

the %.Thomas Christians in detail. Here it is necessary to highlight the

aspects of colonial dominance of the ecclesiastical authorities, especially

the domination of the Western Latin Church over the indigenous

St.Thomas Christian Community. An attempt is also made to study the

reactions of %.Thomas Christians against this foreign intervention and the

efforts made by them to get indigenous bishops who belonged to their

own rite. The background is set by studying and comparing the four

newly emerged dioceses and its contributions to the growth of Syro-

Malabar Church.

The Shaping of the Community of St. Thomas Christian

The Indian Oriental Catholic Church of India or the Syro-Malabar

church,' according to strong liiing tradition, was founded by the Apostle

~homas.' Down the centuries, this Church has been called 'The ChurcJ7 of

St. Thomas' and the Christians, 'The Thomas Christians'. ' Till the

I The term Syro-Malabar Church zame into general use only by the middle of the nineteenth century, when it was used to distinguish the community of St.Thomas Christians subject to the prelates of the Latin jurisdiction in Malabar from the Syro- Chaldeans. Giamil, Genuinae Relations, Rome, 1902, cited by Andrews Thazhath, Juridical Sources ... Op.cit., p.2 Podipara, Hierarchy ... ,Op.cit., p. 15. Different appellations are alleged to have been applied to the St. Thomas Christians. Nazrani, a local derivation of the word 'Nazarene', which the orthodox Jews gave to the nascent Christian sect, have generally been the community's accepted designation in official record. The name St. Thomas Christians is seen for the first time in the Chronicon Ecclesiasticum of Jar Hebrew. This Apostolic heritage has been generally acknowledged in India, both in the ecclesiastical and civil circles despite its lack of written documents. The Thomas Christians, known also as 'Nuzruni Muppilas' (noble Christians), b) tradition trice their beginnings as the subjects of the Chera chiefdom whose capital was Muziris. With the coming of the western Latin Church, St.Thomas Christians gradually came to be called Syria~~s/Surianikkar. Now they are called the Malabar Catholics, ma lab aria^?^, Syrian Catholics and Syro-Ma1,zbarians. The term Syro-Malabar denotes ancient Catholic community in the whole of India. The Syro-Malabarians are not Syrians racially or culturally but only by rite. The term syro prefixed to their name signifies only that they use the East Syrien or Chaldean language for liturgical purposes. As has been attested to by eminenl scholars, both native and foreign. this community has the distinction of being the most ancient Christians in lndia and the Far East. The use of the term 'Syro- Malabar Church' is seen for the first time in the writings of the missionaries in 1788. The Catholic Thomas Christians were separated from the Latins by the establishment of Apostolic Vicariate in 1887 and a "Hierarchy" was erected for them in 1923. Thus their 'Church' and 'Hierarchy' were called The 'Syro-Malabar Church' and the 'Syro-Malabar Hierarchy' respectively. APF, SOCG, Vol. 878. L 104. For details see, Andrews Thazhath. Juridical Sources ..., Op.cit., Chapters V and VI. The word 'Syro' referred to the liturgical language of Syriac ( East Syria,:).

Apostle Thomas is one of the twelve apostles of Jesus Christ. Holy Bible StJohn: 1 111 6; 14/24; 20120-29. Bishop Francis Roz. S. J., the first Latin prelate over the Thomas Christians, after studying their ancient books and traditions, writes in the beginning of the seventeenth century that the Cliurch in lndia was always called The Church of St.

advent of the Portuguese, the St.Thomas Christians shared the liturgy,

prelates and some disciplines with the Chaldean ~ h u r c h . ~ After the

sixteenth century they were un.der the Latin jurisdiction operating within

The St.Thomas Christians had their own customs, traditions and

usages, which they zealously preserved. At the same time they adapted

themselves to the existing cultilral milieu of Malabar, within which they

were located. The people who accept uncritically what they practise as

their age-old traditions invent such identities6 There is evidence in

abundance to prove the indigenous way of life of these people. But we

Thomas. ARSI, Goa-Mal, Vol. 32, f. 530; Vol. 65, ff. 3-12, 43-45. Assemani J.S, Bibliotheca Orientalis, IV Volu~nes, Rome, 1719-1728. Book 111, 2, pp.413-35. Placid Podipara, The Thomas Christians ..., Op.cit., p.37. As a result of their relationship with Chaldean Church, the Thomas Christians were called differently; Nazrani Mappilas (noble Christians), Soriani (Syrians), Syrian Christians, Chaldean. Indo-Chaldean, M~rlabarians, Syro-Malabarians, Syro-Chaldean, Malabar-Syrians, Romo-Syrians etc. In the present work the term Thonzas Christians is generally used.

4 By the term Chaldean Church we mean the East-Syrian Church of Seleucia- Ctesiphon, which includes the Church of Persia proper also. The tern1 Chaldean was bestowed on the East Syrian Catholic community by Pope Julius 111 who in 1553 received Patriarch John Sulaqa (1551-1555) into hierarchical and papal communion. Giamil S, Genuinae Relationes inter Sedem Apostolican et Assyriorum Orientaliunz Seu Chaldaeorum Ecclesianz, Romae, 1902, pp.475-88. Andrews Thazhath, .Juridical Sources ..., Op.cit., p.3. Placid Podipara, The Thomas Christians ..., 0p.cit.. p.37.

5 Padroado means Patronage. The Padroado was the sum total of the temporal and spiritual favours granted by the holy See i.e.Pope to the king of Portugual after the conquest of new lands overseas in the fifteenth century. Pope Nicholas V's Bull Romanus Pontifex of 8 Januvay 1455 is the foundation of the Padroado.The Portuguese political supremacy helped them for spiritual patronage in India. Pope Alexander VI, by the Bull Cunr Sicut Magestas on 26 March 1500, gave the Portuguese kings the right of Paaroado in India. Bullarium Patronutus Portugalliae (BPP) p.59.

6 For detailes of interpretation, sc:e Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger,ed. The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1983. Also see James Clifford and George E Ma~.cus, ed. Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, London, University of California Press, 1986.

have missed many of the soulces, as most of them were burnt to ashes

after the Synod of Dialnper in I 599.7

There are four strands in the heritage of the St. Thomas Christians

and the Syro-Malabar Church. The first one is that of the native groups of

Malabar, who responded to the teachings of Apostle Thomas, and their

life style originated in response to the preaching of St. Thomas, which

was known, in course of time, as Thomayude Margavum ~ a z h i ~ a d u m . ~ In

the second strand we find the blending of Chaldean and native elements.

' The main historical event at the end of the sixteenth century is the Synod of Diamper, which was convened by Arch1)ishop Dom Alexis Menezes in 1599. But it was Bishop Francis Roz S.J., who ruled the church from 1599 to 1624 that executed the decrees ofthe Synod.

8 The term Thoma Marga, the way of Thomas has been used among the Thomas Christians to denote their 'Chri:bian way of life'. The Christian way of life (Kristhu Marga) brought by the Apostle Thomas was called Thoma Marga. The entrance into Christian community was called margam kutukn. Thoma Marga consisted of the legacy which the Apostle Thomas let? to this church, the customs and traditions which grew as a response of the local people to his teaching, the Christian life and heritage etc. In the pre-Portug1:ese period the Thomas Christians did not have any written theology nor any theologian of nam'e. However, they had a theology, in the sense of expression of a faith experience. They lived the faith received from St. Thomas, and this faith they expressed in the way they worshipped (liturgy), the way they lived their Christian life (spirituality), the way they understood themselves as the community of Christ (ecclasiology), the way they regulated their life together (discipline), and the way they .elated themselves to people of other faith (theology of non-Christian religions) and to society in general. This way has come to be known as Thonzqude Margavtfm Vazhipadum. This has been (mis-) understood and translated by the Westerners as the Lmv of Thomas. The writings of the missionaries, especially the Portuguese, used the term Law of Thomas (instead of Law of Peter, the Law of Latin Church). Jcsef Wicki, Reproduced many of the writings of this period in Documents Indica, 'fol.1 (1540-1549), 1948; Vol.11 (1 550-1 553),1950; Vol.lV (1557-1560),1956, Institutum Historicum Societatis, Romae. Silva Rego uses these terms in Documentacao para a Historia dos Missoes dos Padroado Portugues do Orienle,Jndia, I: Vols.,Lisbon:1947-58. See also Ferroli D.,S.J., The .Jesuits in Malabar, Bangalore.The Bangalore Press, Vol. 1,1939;VoI. 1 1 , I 95 1 . T.K. Joseph, The Malabar Christitms and their Ancient Documents,Trivandrum,1929. Placid Podipara, The Thon~as Christians, Bombay, 1970. A.M.Mundadan, Traditions, 1970. Scaria Zac.hariya, Udayamperoor Soonahadosinte Kanonakal 1599 A. D.,(Mal), Edamattain, 1994. pp. 10- 14; Andrews Thazhath, Juridical Sources ..., Op.cit., pp. 1-62. Xavier Koodapuzha, "The Faith and Communion of the Thomas Christians" in St n2oma.s Christian Encyclopeadia, Vol II, p.28. James Aerthayil, The Spirirual Heritirge . . ., Op.cit.,p.30.

44

In the third layer we find the Thomas Christians who were influenced by

western missionaries from Portugal, Spain, France, England, the

Netherlands as well as from he Religious Orders like the Carmelites.

Dominicans, Franciscans. Jesu ts, etc., of the Latin rite and thus coming

under Latin Jurisdiction. The fourth layer is the present Syro-Malabar

Church, which is trying hard to re-live the original spirit and tradition of

St.Thomas Christians. After the appointment of indigenous prelates in

1896 and the subsequent esratlishment of the Syro-Malabar Hierarchy in

1923," the Syro-Malabar ~ r c l a es have been trying to revive their Church

traditions, taking into account their Apostolic, Indian and Oriental

patrimony.

In the past, customs, traditions and laws were transmitted to the

generations orally. Some of these have come down to us. We get a

glimpse of the life of the St Thomas Christians from the writings of

visitors and missionaries from abroad." The works of native writers also

are reliable source^.'^ There &re also a few ancient folk songs, which

9 Varkey Vithayathil, The Origin ar,d Progress ..., Op.cit., pp. 47-68. 'O Ibid., pp.71-85. I 1 C.M. Agur, Church History ofTrirvancore ..., Op.cit., pp. 1-8. Ananthakrishna Ayar,

Anthropology of Syrian Chrisiians ..., Op.cit., pp.1-16. The works of Placid Podipara, Mathias Mundadan, E,ernard of St. Thomas and many others can be referred to for the better understanding of St. Thomas tradition and the sources. The elaborate study of Mathias ldundadan on the tomb of St. Thomas and on the tradition connected with it is very informative.

12 Bernard Thoma, The St. Thomas C'hristians, (Malayalam), Vol.1, Palai, 1913; Vol.ll, Mannanam, 1921. Also see Placid Podipara, The Thomas Christians , Mundadan, Traditions etc..

depict the customs and traditions of the Thomas ~hristians." The ballads

known as Ramban ~ a t t u ' ~ and Margamkali pattu'5 are among the best-

known oral sources. Many soi~gs attached to important churches and

occasions of wedding and feasts are still preserved intact in Malabar,

especially among the out his is.'^ The Hindu singers called Panans

perform some of these songs lik? Viratiyan pattu.I7

Though we find Chaldeen influence in the second strand, Thomas

Christians had been free to manage their affairs under the Archdeacon

who was a local man.Ix Traditi~n concerning the arrival of the groups of

Christians from Persia and their efforts to reconstitute and reinvigorate

the Church of St. Thomas is strong in Malabar. Two events specially

reveal how the church founded by Apostle Thomas came into contact

with the East-Syrian church in the middle of the fourth century, and how

these relations were further strengthened in the nineth and tenth centuries.

It started with the arrival of a group of East-Syrian Christians in the

company of Kanai ~ h o m a n ' ~ and later it got swelled up with the arrival of

I 3 P.U.Lukos, The Ancient Song.; of Syrian Christians (Mal), I Edition, 1910, Komyam, V Edition, 1980, Konayam.

14 H . Hosten, The Songs ofThomas Raban, Cochin, 193 1 ; P. J Thomas, Chr~stians and Malayalam Literature (in Malayalam), Kottayam, 1961.

I S Chummar Choondal, Christian Folksongs, Trichur, 1983. 16 P.J. Thomas, The Marriage Customs of the St.Thomas Christians of Malabar

(Malayalam), Madras, 1936. 17 P.J. Thomas, The Christian Liteiature of Kerala (Malayalam), Athirampuzha, 1929. l 8 Kollaparambil, Archdeacon ofAII India, Rome, 1972, p.78. '"oseph Chazhikadan, The Histo~y of the Southists(Mal), Kottayam, 1 Edition,l940;

11 Edition, 1961; Joseph Kurm;tnkan, The Southists and Northists, (Mal), Alleppy, 1944; Jacob Kollaparambil, Thi. Babylonian Origins of the Southists antong the St. Thomas Christians, OCA. 241, iome, Oriental Institute, 1992. According to Kanai

another such group together wi b Mar Sapor and Mar ~ r o d h . ~ '

The Northist-Southist e~dogamous division among the Christians

of St.Thomas is attributed to tk e arrival of Thomas of Kanai and his men.

The first group is called Northfsts or Vadakkumbhagar, and they claim to

be the descendants of those converted by the Apostle Thomas, mainly

from the high caste local people.2' The other group called Southists o r

Thekkumbhagar traces their origin back to the Persian Christian

emigrants who were headed by Kanai horna an.^^ Today, among the

Northists and the Southists, here are both Catholic and non-Catholic

23 segments.

As the Christian comniunity was in the forefront of commercial

activities, the rulers granted them special privileges and concessions with

Thoman tradition, some time before 345 A.D. he visited Malabar and was disturbed by the deplorable condition of t5e Christians of that land. He returned to his own country and described the state of these Christians to the Patriarch of Seleucia. He was then commissioned to lead a colony, of four hundred Syrian Christians from Jerusalem, Baghdad and Ninevt:h together with Mar Joseph, Bishop of Urha, and other clergy, to strengthen the hlalabar Christian colony, arriving in Cranganore ill

345 A.D. Accordingly Thomas of Kanai appears as the link which brought the East- Syrian Church into such direct and intimate connection with the Malabar Church.

20 Tisserant, Eastern Christianiry.. ,Op.cit., pp. 15 ff. Mundadan, Traditions ... ,Op.ci/., pp.88-117. The Syrian Christiat~ colonists in Malabar appear to have been further strengthened by the influx of Syrian prelates and immigrants into Malabar. One group of immigrants under a bshop named Thomas is said to have come in 795 A.D., and another some years h e r 823 A D, under Mar Sabrisho (Mar Sapir Iso) and Mar Paroz (Mar Prodh) M;ir Sapir Iso eventually established a new church at Quilon and enjoyed royal patronage.

21 Kurmankan, The Southists and Abrthists.. .,Op.cit., p. l I . 22 Chazhikadan, The History of the Southists ..., Op.cit., p.6. 22 Among the Catholics there are two churches: the Syro-Malabar and the Syro-

Malankara churches. The Non.Catholic Thomas Christians are mainly: ( I ) The Jacobites and the Syrian Orthodox Church (2) The Anjoorians (3) The Anglicans (CMS) who now fall into the Madhya Kerala Diocese of CSl (3) The Marthomites (5) Mellusians or Nestorians 116) The St. Thomas Evangelical Church of India. Podipara, The Thomas Christm~s ... , Op.cit., pp.2 16 -29.

a view to promoting trade through Quilon port. It was against this

background that the famous Charter namely, the Tarisapalli Copper

Plates, was issued by the ruler of Venad, Ayyan Adikal Tiruvatikal, to the

Christians of Quilon, in the ifth regnal year of the king Sthanu Ravi,

which is said to correspond to ~ . ~ . 8 4 9 . ' ~ Tarisapalli Copper Plates

contain the charter of privileges, which were granted to the trading

Christians of Quilon,

Cosmos Indicopleustus, the Byzantine monk who came to the

coast of India early in the sixth century A.D., testifies to the existence of a

Christian community here:

In the Island of Taprobane in further India, where the Indian Ocean is, there is also a church of Christians, clergy and faithful. I do no. know whether there are Christians beyond Taprobane. Similarly into the country named Male where pepper grows, :ind in the place called Kalliana, there is also a Bishop ordained from'persia ... In the Island of Dioscorides (sokotra) . . . there are clergy who received their ordination from Persib+ and are sent to the Island and there is also a multitude of Christians. (Book.II1 Ch.65).

It (Taprobane-sie11:ndipa) lies beyond the country where pepper grows ... This same island has a church of Persian Christians who are lesident in that country, and a priest ordained from Persia. and a deacon, and all that is requisite for the conduct of the worship of the church. But the natives and their kings are heathens. ( B O O ~ . X I . C ~ . I S - ~ ~ ) . ~ ~

24 Joseph T.K, The Malabar ~itristia& and their Ancient Documents, Trivandrum, 1929, pp.201-04. See also 1vI.G.S. Narayanan, Cultural Symbiosis in Kerala. Trivandrum, Kerala Historical Society, pp.31-37. Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai, Studies in Kerala History, Kottayam, National Book Stall, 1970, pp.370-92.

25 Cosmos Indicopleustus, Christian Topography, Book 111, Ch. 65: cited in Jacob Kollaparambil, "Sources on tlie Hierarchical Structure of the St.Thomas Christian Church in the Pre-Diamper p:riodn, Bosco Puthur, ed. The Life and Nature of the Sf. Thomas Christian Church iit the Pre-D iamper period, Kochi, Liturgical Research Centre Publications, 2000, p.l 57.

Socio-Cultural and Economic Life

While examining the social life and customs of the Thomas

Christians, it must be borne ir mind that the life-style among them had

been different from time to time. from place to place and from

community to community. l'his is because, the immigrations from

different places and communit~es from abroad (e.g., groups led by Kanai

Thoman and by Sapir Iso etc.,~ and from other parts of the country, and

conversions from various societies, had all substantially added to the

diversity in social life and customs. They were Christians by faith but

remained native in their community life, in the sense that they continued

to follow the social customs, diet, ritual purity, caste system, etc., of the

particular class to which they 3elonged in the social strata. This is clear

when we examine the characteristic features, customs and practices that

prevailed in the native Malabar community. The Thomas Christians

observed all these customs with only slight variation^.^^

The Ramban rt:produced immediately after the Synod of

Diamper, the Margamkali I;,attukal,28 pallippattukal and other such

26 Nagam Aiya, Travancore State hranuel ..., Op.cit., pp. 252- 67. 27 An English translation of the Songs of Thomas Ramban sent by T.K. Joseph dated

6-71311926 to Fr. Hosten has been reproduced in, G. Menacherry, ed. The Nazranies, Ollur, ICHCI, 1998, pp.520-25. '* In Malayalam they were editee by P.U. Lucas, Margamkoli Pattukal Kottayam, 1910. A revised edition of Mwgamkali Pattukal by J.Vellian, (1980) is also available. L.K. Ananthakrishna Aiyar has translated into English many of these songs in his Anthropology of the Syrian Christian, Emakulam, 1926.

songs2' as they existed in the community more or less at the same time,

travel the art and architecture:' the copper plate grants,32

letters and reports of the Portuguese and the Dutch missionaries and

official^,^' and above all, the Acts and Decrees of the Synod of Diamper

both in ~ o r t u ~ u e s e ~ ~ and in ~ a l a ~ a l a m ~ ~ provide a rather exhaustive

picture of the life, customs and manners of the Thomas Christians.

Recently, their lives and customs have been studied at length by church

29 Referred to by various writers, like Placid J.Podipara, A.M.Mundadan, X. Koodapuzha, C.V.Cherian, Z.M.Paret etc., in several of their works.

' O Like the travel accounts of Marco Polo, John of Monte Cowino, Nicolas de Pistia, Jordan Catalani of Severac, Bl.Odoric, John of Marignoli etc.

" E. J. James Menacheny and A. Athapilly,"Art and Architecture" in G. Menacheny, ed. STCEI, Vol.11, Trichur, 19711.

32 M.G.S. Narayanan, Cultural Symbiosis ..., Op.cit.,pp.31-37; Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai, Studies in Kerala Histor) ..., Op.cit.,pp.370-92.

33 For details see the writings of Melchior Nuno de Caweino, Amador Correa, Francisco Dionysio, Monserraie, ~ a l i ~ n a n o , Couto, and others given in the edited works of J.Wicki, Silva Rego ;md Georg Schurhammer.

" Pius Malekandathil, ed. Jornad~r of Dom Alexis de Menezes: A Portuguese Account of the Sixteenth Century Malalvar, Kochi, LRC Publications, 2003. In English, the work of Geddes (1694) based on Gouvea's work (1606).

35 See Scaria Zacharia,Udayampc.roor Soonahadosinte Kanonakal,Edamattam, 1998; S. Chandanappally, Christian Culture(Mal), Kottayam, 1979; Mathew Daniel, Kerala Christian Culture(Mal), Tiruvalla, 1985.

36 Xavier Koodapuzha, Thirusab/racharithram(Mal), Kottayam, OIRSI, 1997. Xavier Koodapuzha, Bharathasabhachrithram (Mal), Kottayam, OIRSI, 1980. Xavier Koodapuzha The Faith and (7ommunion of the Indian Church of St. Thomas Christians, Kottayam, OIRSI, 1982. Xavier Koodapuzha, Sabha Vijaniyan~(Mal) , Kottayam, OIRS1,1995. Xavic:r Koodapuzha , Oriental Churches An Introduction , Kottayam , OIRSI, 1996. C . Chediath, Kerlathile Kraistava Sabhakal(Mal), Kottayam, OIRSI, 1998. Placid J Podipara, A Short History of Malabar Church, Kottayam, OIRSl 1968. Placid J Podipara, The Thomas Christians, Bombay, St.Paul's Publications, 1970. Placid J Podipara, The Malabar Christians. Alleppey, 1972. Placid J Podipara, file Individualify of Kerala Church (Mal), Alappy, Prakasam Publications, 1972. Placid J Podipara, The Hierarchy of Syro-Malabar Church, Alappy, 1974. Plac d J Podipara, The Rise and Decline of the Indian Church of St. Thomas , Kottaqam , OIRSI, 1979. Placid J Podipara, The Canonical Sources of the Syro-Malabar Church, Kottayam, OIRSI, 1986. A.M.Mundadan, The Arrival of the Portugese iv India and the Thomas Christians under Mar Jacob

The Syrian Christians of Cochin and Travancore have been all

along a flourishing community. The rulers of the two states patronized

them. Their traditional social and military status is indicated in the words

given below:

They were numbered among the 'noble races of Malabar' , they were p~eferred to the Nayars, and en.joyed the privileges of being c:alled by no other name than that of the 'Sons of the Kings' They were permitted to wear gold tresses in the hairlocks in marriage feast, to ride on elephants and to decorate the floor with carpets. They were entrusted with the protection of the artisan classes. Their servants had the charge of coconut plantations, and if they were molested by anyone, or if their occupation was otherwise interfered wtth, they appealed to the Christians who protected them and redressed their grievances. The Christians were directly under the king, and were not subjects to local ch~efs ... they were very strong and powerful, and their bishops were respected and feared like kings. To erect a playl~ouse Cfrascati) was the privilege of the Brahmans, and thz same privilege was given to the Christians also. They viere given seats by the side of kings and their chief officers. Sitting on carpets, a privilege enjoyed by the ambassadors, was also conceded to them."

The prominent Syrian Christians were almost on a par with the

local rulers. They were allowed to have a military force of their own

which was composed chieflli of shanars, the caste that cultivated the

1498- 1552, Banglore, Dharm~vam Publications, 1967. A.M.Mundadan, Sixteenth Century Traditions of St. Thonlas Christians, Banglore, Dharmaram Publications, 1970. A.M.Mundadan, Marthomqyude Kabaridam(Mal), Cochin, 1974. A.M.Mundadan. Quest for an Indian Church and Thomas Christians, Alwaye, 1981. A.M.Mundadan, India,? Christians Search .for Identity and Struggle for Autonomy, Banglore, Dharmar;~m Publications, 1984. 'Rabban Song'-An English translation of the 'Song of Thomas Rabban' sent by T.K.Joseph dated 6-71311926 to Fr. Hosten has been reproduced in George Menacherty, ed.The Nazaranies, Ollur, ICHCI, 1998, pp. 500-25. Antony Manjaly, The Ecclesiology of the St.Thomas Christians in India, Iauven, Katholieke Universiteit, 1990.

17 L.K Anantha Krishna Ayyar, Aizthropology ..., Op.cit., pp. 54-55.

palm tree. Besides the Brahmins, they were the only segment of the

society that was permitted ':o have enclosures, in front of their houses.

From the narratives of Joseph the Indian, we get a detailed description of

the city of Cranganore and Calicut with considerable number of local

castes and Christians, having their temples and churches adjacently with

same customs and manners, king, dress, food, monetary system, trade,

commerce and navigation.38

The St.Thomas Ch~istians were mainly engaged in agriculture,

trade and military service. Monserrate has the following account about

the occupation of the Christians in general:

Generally they deal in merchandise for which there are among them different usurious contracts and they have always something to give in loan. Some of them serve the gentile kings as soldiers and live by it. Others are oilmen and make oil from different things.39

In short, the Thoma Christians differed very little from the noble

castes. They had their hcvses usually around a church in rows called

Angatis (bazar), which later became business centres. A few of them,

especially those who took. to agriculture and cultivation, lived far away

from the church. Those who lived in the remote forests lived in houses

very much apart from orie another, so that the Portuguese called these

houses and surroundings .gillas. The houses were made of wooden planks

and not of brick or stc,newall and were thatched with plaited palm -

'' Antony Vallavanthara, Inclia in 1500.A.D:The Narratives of Joseph the Indian, Mannanam,RISHI, 1984, pp.156-203.

39 Mundadan, Traditions.. . , Olp.cit., p. 12 I .

leaves.40 Their houses faced cast or north; at the same time a well and a

cowshed also could be seen mar the house. In fixing the position of the

house, of the well and of t te cowshed they followed the regulations

current among their non-Christian brethren.4'

Gouvea describes the dress and habits of Kerala Christians:

The dress is the sane as of the Malabar people. They are bare from the waist upwards, and on the upper arms. they wear gold or silver armlets. From waist down to the knees they wear a cloth of silk ornamented; some cloths are very rich, and tied up with silk ribbons or chains of wrought gold and silver ... but generally in the bazaars they wear long robes, white or blue, a proper and decent dress, which is usual with men of age. Everywhere, even when they emigrate they let their hair grow like others of Malabar, and gather it on the crown or behind with a coloured silk ribbon, to which most Christians add rosaries or a gold or silver cross, and though in drcss they are not distinguishable from Nairs, when they move among them, yet among thousands of Nairs, one Christian can be identified. ... Their ears are pierced through and pendent as of Malabarians, and there they wear many jewel:; of gold' and precious stones and many earrings together, whereby the ears are elongated, a sign among them of gn:at dignity. As for the dress. this is the only thing forbidder in the Synod by the Archbishop, to distinguish themselves somewhat from the fagans, for which reason they consented without difficu~ty.~

The Status of Christian Women

The social institutions such as caste system, Jenmi system,

Marumakkathayam, Thalikettu Kalyanam, Sambandam, Devadasi system,

Smartha Vicharam, Polyandry and Slavery etc., were prevalent in the

" Siiva Rego, Docurnenra~rjo partr a Hisloria ,vol.l 1, p.175. Wicki, Documenla Indica, I , 100, No. 19. Q.No.5 1 1. Mundadan, Traditions ... , Op.cit., p. 1 19.

41 Schurhammer, The Malabar Chu~ch.. .. Op. cil.,p.l I . 42 Antonio Gouvea, Jornada do ..., Chapter XIX pp . 210 ff.

society. This system very mu8:h influenced and decided the status of

women in the pre-colonial period.

St. Thomas Christians wed to maintain joint family system. Like

the family lineage of the Hindit -Brahmins, that of the Thomas Christians

was of a patriarchal nature. TI e father was supreme in the family.43 The

father or the eldest member was the head of the family. The elderly were

given the greatest respect possil>le. Grown up children considered it a sign

of disrespect to take a seat in the presence of the father of the family or

elders.

Children considered it a sacred duty to help their aged parents who

always lived in the family of one of the sons, usually the youngest. The

~ a k k a t h a ~ a r n ~ ~ system was ill force among the Christians. All sons

inherited their father's property but the daughters were provided only

with a dowry. If a couple had only female issues, they would adopt as

their heir a male related to the father in the male line, and this adoption

took place in the presence of the bishop. The Synod of Diamper found

this system d e f e c t i ~ e . ~ ~ To keep up their family traditions the Thomas

Christians would not make their daughters heirs to their properties.

The Synod of Diampe~ points out the defects of the system of

inheritance:

43 Podipara, The Thomas (:hristians ... , Up. cit., pp .8 1-82. 44 In this system of inheritance the son inherits from the father. 45 Scaria Zacharia, ed, Rnndu Prachina Gadynkrithikal, Changanacheny, 1976, pp.

106-07.

Among the Christians no daughter can inherit and it often happened that the father dying, left many daughters, but the inheritance passing to a male relative in third, fourth, or remoter degri:e, even of collateral line, while the daughters perished of hunger, and therefore took to bad life.46

Vincenzo Maria also makes mention of the evil aspects of this

system:

The sons share in equal parts the heredity of their father; the daughters are provided with a dowry. The husbands do not give any security for the dowry, but uses it just as he pleases without asking the consent either of the wife or her parents. If the husband dies without sons, the dowry is returned; if there are scas, and the widow intends to many again, she has to procure another dow ry... If she remains widow, she governs th: whole concern without assistance from wards or superintendents. She cannot, however, acquire anything of some importance without the consent of the closest relatives.. . 47

The parents chose the partners in marriage for their sons and

daughters. Men and women would not mingle freely and sit together to

eat, and even husbands and wives did not constitute an exception to this.

At meals, wives would serve I heir husbands, but would eat only after the

husbands had finished. Wives would not speak of their husbands calling

them by their names.48 Women were discriminated and given low status

and freedom of mobility was not given. Christian women remained at

46 Synod o f Diamper, Decree 20 o f Session IX, cited Scaria Zacharia, Udayamperoor Soonahadosinte Kanonakal,(Mal), Edamattom,l994,section titled 'Social Customs', p.90.

47 Vincenzo Maria cited by Scaria Zacharia.. ., Op. cit., p. 90. Podipara, The Thomas Christian c...., Op.cit., pp. 80-81.

home according to the local sustom and engaged themselves in household

affairs. The sixteenth century writings of the Portuguese hold testimony

to this: "The men are warrio-s; the women being honourable and rich, do

the household work."49

In the early days, ch.ldren - both boys and girls - were sent to

Kalaris or Ezhuthupallis and were taught by Asan or Panikkar (teacher)

both letters and the arms. 7'he girls were refused education beyond the

Primary level and were given in marriage. The boys continued their

studies even after their marriage. The education in armament began at the

age of eight and continued ti1 the age of 25. The people held the Asan or

Panikkar in high esteem. If Christian Panikkars were available. the

children would be sent to thern; if not, the children would be entrusted to

the Nair Panikkars to be ed~icated. These Hindu teachers would impart

even lessons on ~hristianit~." The Christian women, however, were

much more modestly dressed than the Hindu women. Gouvea writes:

The women are e~~ceedingly modest both in life and dress. They wear white cloaks, or cloaks dyed in indigo which makes them blue; these cloaks cover their whole body, and are wound round the face, and fall from the head to the feet which is a mark of great modesty. ... If the Bishop enters the churt:h they all go one by one to kiss his hand with great propriety, first of all kneeling down and bowing the head to the ground and then rising they receive the blessing with much reverence, ... On days when they have their usual flow, they do not rise or make any courtesy.. . 51

49 Monserrate cited by Mundadan, Traditions ..., Op.ciif.,p 12 1 . Podippara, The Thomas Christian.~ ..., Op.cir., p.80.

5 1 Gouvea cited by Mundadan, Trad!tions.. . , Op.cil., pp. 120-2 1

Vincenzo Maria has tk:e following comments regarding the dress

culture of the St. Thomas Christians:

Their dress consist. of a jacket (Kuppayam/chatta), (but coloured silk on solemn occasions for married girls till the birth of the first child) that covered the hands and the body to the waist, and a long: piece of cloth reaching to the ankles and tied round the weist with a fan like appendage at the back, in a manner peculiar to them alone.52

While going to the church or visiting priests they would cover

themselves with a big veil that left only their faces uncovered. They had

several kinds of ornaments for the ears, arms, neck and feet, but no

ornament for the nose. Bricies had a gold headdress or a gold crown.

Monserrate observed that a11 men and women smeared themselves with

oil and went to the river to &ash themselves. This they did twice a week -

Wednesdays and Saturdays. On such occasions they were very scantily

dressed.

The priests used to be ordained at the age of seventeen, eighteen or twenty, they were all married, and the majority of them got married .1fter becoming priests, and many with widowed women, ant1 the widowers got married once, twice and three times ..., a ~ d they do not even keep the women apart when they celibate ... The women whom they call catariaras or cassaneiras (wives of catanars or priests) were therefore morr: honoured than the others, and the others gave them the best place, both in the Church and in all the parts, they brought as a sign of a cross of gold, or of any other metal hanging from the neck, on every thing else,

52 Vincenzo Maria, cited by Podipara, The Thomas Christians ..., Op.cir., p. 83

so that one could always see the dignity they had as wives of priests.. . 53

During the days of menstrual cycle, woman was an outcaste from

her own house and had to stay in a room outside in total seclusion. When

the women delivered they observed the custom of the old law. If the

offspring is a male they would not enter the church, except after forty

days in which they took the boy to be offered and if a female after eighty

days, and in the mean time they considered her to be unclean to enter the

church.54

Caste System

To understand the origin of the various community based

movements in the Thiru-Kochi region, first we should understand the

social structure prevalent in this area. Society in Travancore and Cochin

was highly stratified in the nineteenth century. Socially the caste

hierarchy determined one's position in the society. Social status was

ascriptive. Purity and pollution divided the society and at the same time

sustained it. Christians and hluslims were the two clearly defined major

religious communities. Other communities likewise were sharply divided

on caste lines and seldom had free social intercourse. Each caste and its

sub-castes were endogamous. Among the Hindus, the Nairs and Ezhavas

were the most numerous anc they came to be identified as two distinct

5 3 Pious Malekandath, Jornada, OF*. cit., pp. 240-41 54 Ibid, p.243

58

co~nmunities (endogamous uni.s) within the Hindu fold having their own

distinct traditions and characte~istics.~~

Brahmins were at the apex of the social hierarchy. The Malayalee

Brahmins or Nambooliris wen: rich landlords and formed the aristocracy

of the land. Nagam Aiya give:; an account of the high social positions of

the am boot iris.^^ The British missionary writer Samuel Mateer too

observes the superiority of this The Tamil Brahmins or 'Pattar'

(in Malayalam parlance they were called Pattar) were a distinct group

attached to courts, palaces and temples. In the nineteenth century they

held most of the posts in the E,ovemment service. The Nairs were the next

in the caste hierarchy. Their origin in Kerala and their matrilineal

(marumakkattayam) joint family system were studied by Inany scholars.58

The Nairs occupied an important position in the social life of Kerala.

According to R. Ramakrishnan Nair, Nairs being the managers and tax

collectors for temples and B-ahmin landlords, they were arrogant, proud

and oppressive towards the lc,wer castes including the ~ z h a v a s . ~ ~

55 R. Ramakrishnan Nair, Social Structure and Political Development in Kerala, Trivandrum, The Kerala Academy o f Political Sciences, 1976, p.18. Hereafter Social Structure.

56 Nagam Aiya, Censw Report It'74 - 75 ..., Opcit., p. 191. 57 Samuel Mateer, Land of Charily ..., Op.cif., pp. 3 1 - 32. 58 Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai, Kenrlathile Iruladanja Edukal (Mal), Kottayam, National

Book Stall, 1952. K.M. K~padiv, Marriage and the Family in India, Bombay, Oxford University Press, 1959. Puthenkalam. S.J., Marriage and the Family in Kerala with Special Reference to Matrilineal castes, Alberta, University o f Calgary, 1977; K. Raman Unni , Polyandry in Malabar (2 parts), Sociological Bulletin, Vol. VII. No.]. March 1958, pp. 62- 79 and Vol.VII.No.2. Sept. 1958, pp.123-33.

59 R. Ramakrishnan Nair, Social S'tructure ..., Op.cit., p. 5.

From Jornada we ge.. the following information:

Every other caste is to them low, and there are many such people in Maliibar, all the others being taken to be their slaves and caplives, and are so rooted in this that. in order not to touch a Nair nor to reach near him, they stay apart immediately, g ving the place below to the Nair, or to the Christian, and so distant that nothing of them could touch him. And it so happens that one of these poor people of the low caste comes with something useful on the back along a narrow road, and although he has walked a lot he is made to walk back again if he meets the Nair, who from quite a distance gives a shout, saying, poo, which means stay far away. And il'the low caste man does not do so, the Nair can immediately kill him, without any penalty: but if the Christians find tt~emselves in a place where it cannot be known by the Nairs, they do not care for this barbarous t~uching.~'

Christians considert:d bathing as an essential condition for

religious fasting. Otherwist: fasting would be inva~id.~' Like the local

castes of Kerala, Christians also practised untouchability and caste system

was prevalent among them.

Gouvea explains thi:. practice:

Like the other pc:ople of Malabar, they avoid touching low caste men, and if they happened to touch them, they wash themselves, not owing to the superstition of the pagans who believe they become polluted by touching low castes, that means outcastes, until they take a bath, but because they live anlong the Nairs, and, if they touch low castes, they themsel-~es become untouchables and thereby lose ordinary intercourse and communication in buying and selling, and the honour from their Kings, because it is only with the Christians and Brahmins that the Nairs may have

60 Pious Malekandathil, Jornada Op.cit., pp. 258. '' Monserrate cited by Podipara, The Thomas Christians ... , Op.cir., p. 84

intercourse, both being high caste men. All other castes are considered low, and their number is large....62

The second decree of the Synod speaks of the rules of purity and

pollution practised by the Christians just like the local castes. The Synod

prohibits this practice and declares that before God all are To

mention a few other social cuc;toms of the Christians. a newborn babe was

fed with powdered gold mixed with honey or ghee immediately after its

birth. At the eleventh month, the infant was given boiled rice to eat in the

midst of family celebrations. Leopard's toes and mongoose teeth formed

part of the ornaments of children. A child beginning to learn the alphabet

was made to write the first letter with its finger in raw husked rice. All

these are distinctive features of the high caste non-Christians of the

country from among whom, according to traditions, originated the first

nucleus of the Thomas ~ h r i s t i a n s . ~ ~

Education and the wave of Renaissance in Kerala

The emergence of a new middle class in the nineteenth century

Travancore-Cochin was the result of the impact of the entry of the West

in Malabar. Spread of English education, introduction of laws patterned

on the western concept of private property, the shift in the preference

from food crops to cash crop:;, better communication facilities, the liberal

62 Gouvea, cited by Mundadan, Traditions ..., Op.cil.,p .... Michael Geddes, The History of the Church of Malabar, London, 1694. The translation of decrees appea1.s as an appendix in James Hough, History of Christianiry in India, Vol. I , London, 183 1, 17' Decree.

64 Podippara, The Thomas Christians .... Op. cit., p. 80.

6 1

policies followed by the rulers 0:-princely states etc., were the reasons for

the same.

The few modem schools started by the government along with the

village schools and seminaries started by the missionaries laid the

foundation basis for a 'modem sector' in the educational system in the

first half of the nineteenth centtry. These schools provided met the needs

of those people who were farsighted enough to attain training in English

or in English ways and compett:nce for appointments to high-ranking jobs

in government service. The C:ltholic segment of the Thomas Christians

was viewing with obvious interest the advance made by fellow Syrian

Christians (non-Catholics) through modem education and govemment

jobs. The Christian communiti~:~, especially the Puthenkuttukar, Jacobites

and Marthomites in touch w th the CMS and LMS missionaries took

advantage of the educational opportunities and emerged as a new middle

class in the society. The Protestant denominations (Anglican Church),

which received preferential treatment in the govemment service due to

the influence of Col.Munroe also contributed to the section of middle

class.65 The Roman Catholics went without their share of influence in

government. As a result most of them took to entrepreneurial activities by

themselves. With available facilities like the chit funds, saving habit was

promoted among the Christians. All these helped for the rise of a strong

63 C.P. Mathew and M.M. Thomas, The Indian Churches of SI. Thomas, Delhi, ISPCK, 1967, p. 47.

middle class among the Christian community. As a strong middle class

emerged and came up in the social ladder, it was natural for them to assert

their rights.

In the nineteenth centilry we see a set of new trends in the learning

processes. As a result of the, decision of the local government66 and the

coming of the Protestant missionaries6' there began the standardization of

education and a new kind of institutionalization. It was in 1817 that a

Royal rescript, much acclaimed in the educational history of Kerala, was

issued by the then Rani of Travancore accepting the responsibility of

assisting village schools.6R I n Cochin in 1818 government established 33

vernacular schools.69 In Travancore and Cochin, the Catholics, both

Syrian and Latin communily, and the Muslim community rejected the

modem missionary schools because they were Protestant in faith. In the

case of Catholics, the illomas Christians were specially pushed

backward, as they lacked educational facilities compared to other

Christians. Since the Protestant missionaries founded the 'modem

schools', to begin with, the Catholics shunned them. The Latin Catholic

64 P. Bhaskaranunni, Pathompat~rm Noottandile Keralam (Kerala in the 19th Century), Trichur, Kerala Sahitya Academy, 1988, pp.672-77. A royal 'neettu' (Proclamation) was issued in 18 17, and another in 18 18. Ibid. pp.676-77.

67 Samuel Mater, Land of Chtrrily: A Descriptive Account of Travancore and its People, 1870; Reprint, New Delhi, Asian Educational Services,l991, p.262.Here after Land of Charily.

6R P.K. Michael Tharakan, "Socio-Economic factors in Educational development, Case o f Nineteenth Century Travar~core". Economic Political Weekly, Vol.XIX, Nos. 45- 46, I0 and 17 November 1984, pp. 1984 ff.

69 C.Achuta Menon, The Cochirf State Manual, Reprint, Trivandrum, Government of Kerala, 1995, p.291.

hierarchy, operating within Padroado and Propaganda ecclesiastical

frames from sixteenth century up to 1886, controlled the Thomas

Christians in such a way that they never got a chance to get modem

education, especially English education. They forbade the Thomas

Christians Erom attending these schools by issuing severe punishments

like exco~nmunication and tlie like. As a result in 1834. CMS Grammar

School in Kottayam, one of the earliest 'English Schools' in Kerala had.

out of a total strength of 60, non-Catholic Syrians 41, Nairs 17, Romo-

Syrian (Thomas Christians) and Brahmins one each.70 Commenting on

the attitude and approach of the Latin Carmelite missionaries, Mar

Mathew Makil wrote:

"Though the Carmelites here ruled the Syrian Christians for more than 200 years with great glory, they have established no educ;ltional institutions among this people for their secular development and education . . . At the time of the arrival of Bishop Charles Levigne (1 887), the number of Syrians who had leamed or had been learning English in this Vicariate might not be more than h~ndred."~'

Against this background we should see the involvement and active

participation of a few intellectuals, who belonged to the Catholic segment

of the Thomas Christian cc~mmunity, who tried their level best to counter

all these adverse situatior~s. The names of Father Chavara Kuriakose

70 P.K. Michael Tharakan, "Soc:io-Economic factors", 0p.cit . pp. 1966-67. 71 Mathew Makil, Diary, 2 Vols.(Malayalarn Manuscript) Kottayarn Diocese Archives,

Kottayam. Mathew Makil, Diary, Val. 1, p.215 cited in Mathew John Moolakkatt, The Book of Decrees of Mar Mathew MUM, Romae, Pontificurn lnstitutum Orientale, 1992, p. 150.

64

~ l i a s ~ ~ and Father Emmanud Nidhiri (Nidhirikkal Mani ~ a t h a n a r ) ~ ~

deserve special mention. In the second half of the nineteenth century

Syrian Catholic leaders made a call for educational development, which

soon bore fmit. To prevent the Protestant missionaries from establishing

their supremacy and to protect and uphold the Catholic faith, Fr.Chavara

Kuriakose Elias decided to start schools. All his attempts at educating and

reforming the members of the community and the society at large were

motivated by the desire that they should become men of ~ o d . ~ ' ,Pill his

time, the Church of Malabar had not advanced much in the field of

education. He was all the more concerned with the education of the

members of his own com~nunity. He was aware of the activities of

Protestant missionary schools.

Fr.Chavara realized very well that the community would ever

remain downtrodden, if they did not move with the times and act

accordingly. So the new religious congregation founded by him

concentrated on educational activities. In 1846 the Mannanam monastery

72 Jubilee Committee, The Ca~melite Congregation of Malabar 1831 - 193 1, Jubilee Special, Trichinapally, 1932 Valerian, Chavara Kuriakose Eliasachan (Biography of Fr. Kuriakose Elias Chal,ara), (Mal), Mannanam, 1939. Charithra Committee, CMI Sabhayude Charifhra Samkshepam. 1829-1969, Trichur, St.Joseph Press, 1970. Hoimice C. Perumaly, ed. Chavara Death Centenary 1871 -1971, Alleppey, P.B.S., 1971.

77 Abraham M.Nidhiry, Fr. Nidhiry: A History of his Times, (Biography), Kuruvilangad, 197 1, p. 147. Hereafter Fr. Nidhiry.

74 K.C. Chacko, Blessed Father Kuriakose Elias Chavara, Published by The Vice- Postulator, Mannanam, St. Joseph's Monastery, 1986, p.61 .Hereafter Blessed Chavara.

65

started a new institution in the form of a Sanskrit school.75 As Vicar

General of the Catholic segment of the Thomas Christians, Fr. Chavara

took a very bold step in 1861 and issued an order, calling upon all parish

churches under his jurisdiction to start schools attached to each of them.

Thus, a number of parish schools, known as pallikoodams were started.

He even threatened to close clown the churches that failed to comply with

his orders. Fr.Chavara was anxious to spread English education. The first

English high school of Syrian Catholics was founded in 1885 at

~ a n n a n a r n . ~ ~ In 1870s, at 3lthuruthu a high school and an industrial

school too were started under the guidance of the monastery. Under the

management of Vazhakkulam monastery, a high school was started in

1891 .77 Later a high school sfas started at Pulinkunnu near the monastery.

Fr. Chavara had even planned a central college for Catholics when he was

the Vicar General but due to some unfavorable circumstances his dreams

were not realised.

After the establishme~t of the Vicariates of Trichur and Kottayam

in 1887, considerable progress was made in the field of education. Msgr.

Adolf E. Medlycott encouraged the establishment of schools. He ordered

schools to be established together with churches. He started a high school

l5 K.C. Chacko, Blessed Chavarz .... Op.cit., p. 63 7"bid., pp.63- 64. 77 Ibid., p. 43

in 1892 at Trichur and later this grew up as StThomas ~ o l l e ~ e . ~ ' From

Msgr. Medlycott's letter to 'P,,opaganda Fide' we get a feel of the urgent

need of the Vicariate. " . . . . SL ch as the need of education, construction of

middle and upper primary schools, building of a minor seminary,

promotion of women educaiion by conducting girls' school under the

direction of European momen religious helped by the native

religious.. ."" In 1896 whe I Msgr.Medlycott left Trichur, there were

three pioneering institutions such as St.Thomas College, Trichur, English

Middle school at Elthuruihu, English Middle school for girls at

Koonammavu, 14 English parish schools and some 191 Malayalam parish

schools (~allikoodarns).'~

After the appointment of bishops of their own 'rite' in 1896,

considerable attention was given to educational activities. Msgr.

Menacherry took special in:erest in education. He worked hard to raise

St.Thomas High School with classes fully developed till the secondary

levels up to third forum. Students from all religious denominations

attended this school. The school had a hostel to accommodate those

students who came from distant places.8' He too ordered the parish priests

l8 '&Trichur Diocesan Curia Arclives Document" Vol.1. Prot Nos. 767, 1277; Vol.lll. Nos.1735, 1737, 1912, 1960,2256,2269. HereafterT.D.C.A.

79 "Archivum Congregationis Pro Ecclesiis Orientalivus Scritture Riferitte nei Congressi Malabaresi 1887-1 889", f. 1437. Hereafter A. C.O. Tisserant, Eastern Christionily ..., Op.cit., pp. 132-33.

81 "T.D.C.A.Document" Vol. 7. Prot No. 19111877. This document is a clear proof of the dedication of Msgr. Me~acheny to education even when he was in financial strains. He even borrowed money for the expansion and reconstruction of this school.

to establish schools in every parish and made use of the services of the

women religious congregations of C.M.C., F.C.C., and C. H. F., in the

field of education, especially b r the education of girls. At the end of his

administration (1919), the eiucation institutions of Trichur Vicariate

numbered - one college (St. Thomas College), two high schools. three

lower secondary schools and many primary schools. By 1921, during the

time of Msgr. Francis Vazhappilly, the number of schools increased to

254.

In the Vicariate of Kottayam, after the arrival of Msgr.Charles

Levigne (1887) there was co~~siderable progress in the field of education.

Msgr.Charles Levigne encouraged education through his Pastoral Letters

and by establishing schools and modifying the existing ones.82 He

established an English high school in Changanacherry and later it

developed as St.Berchmants College. Mar Mathew Makil (1896) also

gave special attention to the development of education. Through his

Pastoral Letters and Circu1al.s he encouraged the faithhl to work for the

development of education of both boys and girls.83 Ln the 'Book of

Decree ' Makil expressed h ~ s views regarding schools: "Since we have

very well understood that €or the religious education and the spiritual

82 Levigne, "Pastoral Letters", No.2 dated 6 September 1888; No.14, dated January 1891. Pastoral Letters are the official instructions of Bishops to their respective Dioceses.

83 Makil, "Pastoral Letters", Nc.1 dated 20 January 1897; No.2 dated 18 April 1897; No. 12 dated 21 April 1902; No.23 dated 10 Februaryl907; No.26 dated 19 April 1908.

growth of the children good 5-chools are essential, the existing schools

should be conducted well and modified; and in places where schools are

found necessary new schools nust be established." 84 Makil warns against

schismatic schools and hostels as one of the important areas where the

influence of heretics and schismatic can adversely affect the Catholic

faith in the schools and boarding houses conducted by them.

Understanding the dangers a-ising from the education of children in

schismatic schools, the Catholic Church has forbidden her children from

joining such schools.85 However, under unavoidable circumstances.

children were allowed to attend the schools conducted by heretics or

schismatic, but with special permission of the bishop. But in no case

should Catholic children be allowed to stay in the boarding houses

conducted by the ~ch ismat ic .~~ Msgr. Kurialassery (191 1) continued the

same policy of his predece:;sors. Through his sermons and pastoral

contacts with the parents he made them aware of its urgency and

importance.87 Through his pastoral letters he instructed the parents as well

as the children on the impo~~ance of education. He promoted advanced

training in the field of educixtion and encouraged the study of foreign

language, especially English. He took a revolutionary step in the field of

education, when he tried to promote the idea of 'mixed schools' i.e.,

84 Makil, "Decrees", 6: 1 . p.48. Makil, "Decrees" 5:14, p.45.

86 Ibid., 5: 15-17.pp 45-46 Gregory Kallooparambil, Mar kicrialasseril Tirurnanassile Jeevacharithram. (Mal),

Alapuzha, 195 1 , pp. 93- 95.

69

schools where boys and girls could study together. The existing practise

in Malabar was to conduct education for boys and girls separately. Msgr.

Kurialassery permitted some girls to study together with boys in the

schools of St. Berchman's in Changanacheny and in one school at

~dathwa." This was due to the lack of schools for the higher education

for girls. 'Propaganda Fide ' questioned this move of Msgr. Kurialassery

and 'inquired' about this and asked explanation for the same.

Msgr.Kurialassery explained the special situation of Kerala and the

Malabar Church: "This has been done due to the lack of high schools for

girls, since in Malabar there was no single high school only for girls. It

was not also easy to build high schools for girls because of the great

expense and it was hard to ind women teacher^."'^ He argued that in

other communities, the educarion of girls had progressed to great level of

achieving high academic degrees, and to deny such an opportunity to

Catholic girls was a denial of a chance of emancipation of women and

progress of Catholic community. So he admitted only those girls who had

achieved high academic staldards. If these girls were not allowed to

attend these schoolsi they would be forced to attend either government

schools or Protestant schoos. These girls were selected to be sent to

boys' schools so that those girls might become hture teachers for the

girls' school. In Malabar the idea of 'mixed' schools was not new, as

A.C. 0. "Delegaziones India, Soriani Del Malabar" 1883-1910, Ruler 109, Vo1.2. Prot.No. 3698711915,

89 bid., Prot. No. 3720011916.

70

there were non-Catholic 'mixed' schools. If the Catholic girls were not

sent for higher education, they would be marginalized. The

'Congregation of Propaganaa' made a careful study of the case and

ordered not to continue the practice of sending girls to boys' schools for

higher studies.

Msgr.Aloysius Pazhayaparambil (1896) took interest in the

educational affairs of Ernakulam Vicariate. During his time he established

about 80 elementary schools, even though there existed 4 middle schools

and 143 parish schools.90 He promoted English medium schools and

initiated one English medium school at Muvattupuzha, while taking

interest in education for girls too. By 1923 the number of schools in

Ernakulam Diocese increased considerably - 1 high school, 2 15 lower

schools and 11 English medium .schools.y' As a result of the

establishment of women religious congregations, education of girl child

was promoted considerab~~.~:!

Apart from these ak'ove-mentioned factors, another factor that

helped the educational expatision of Syrian Catholics was the availability

of liberal grant-in-aid from the Government. As a result of all these, by

the end of the nineteenth century, indigenous Christians contributed

relatively more than the mi:isionaries to the educational development of

" Mavungal, The Archbishop an.$ the Archdiocese ofErnakulam, Ernakulam, p. 14 I . 9' Catholic Directory ofIndia - i 922. 92 For details see Chapter IV of this thesis.

the state as shown in the table.'I3

Table No. 2.1

Denomination-wise Distribution of Schools

under Christian Management, 1908

Denomination / Diocese

London Missionary Society

( Salvation Army 1 74 1 / Diocese of Travancore-Cochin (CMS)

-

I Church of England (Zenana Missionary Society) 1 l 6 / I Protestant Total 1 779 1 I Archdiocese of Verapoly 1 130 /

Diocese of Quilon

/ Vicariate Apostolic of Ernaku~am 1 7 8 /

147

92

Latin Catholic Total

Changanacheny

369

424

Vicariate Apostolic of Trichur

Christians Total

I Mar Thomites 1 97 I

186

788

Syrian Archdiocese of Malank ara (Jacobite)

Non-Catholic Syrian Total 1 272 1

175

Girls were trained in gender-specific roles. They were not allowed

Grand Total

to go for education in the beginning of the nineteenth century. But with

2208

the coming of Protestant missionaries, a drastic change occurred in the

Source: Almanac. 1908, pp. 106- 122

outlook of the people. These Protestant missionaries displayed active

92 Almanac 1908, pp. 106-22. Table No.2.1

72

interest in female education. In 1818 the first school for girls was

established by the C.M.S. at Kottayam. During the next year, 1819, a

second one came up at Nage~,coil under the lead of the L.M.S. The stated

aim of the Nagercoil school \xas "to give a plain instruction united with a

Christian and moral educa t~on."~~ Along with academic subjects girls

were provided with trainirg in lace-making and embroidery works.

Government also took a fakourable policy towards the education of the

female section. Travancore abolished fees for girls in primary schools in

1896. Cochin did the same in 1901. In Cochin - Travancore States there

was a steady increase in female literacy with rather spectacular increase

between 191 1 and 1941 .95 The difference between male and female rates

of literacy has been narrower in Kerala than the rest of the country.

Table No.2.2

Growth of Women Literacy in Cochin and Travancore

(selected areas). 1901-1971.

Literacy rate % I Growth of literacy (%points) 1

94 Nagam Aiya, Manual Vol .ll . . ., Op.cit.,p. 475. 95 Census oflndia 1961, Vol. Ill, Kerala, Part A, p. 365. Table No.2.2.

Trichur

Emakulam

Kottayam

Alleppey

Quilon

Trivandrum Sour;e: Census of India 1961, Vol.lll, Kerala, Part A, p.365

1901

5

5

5

4

2

4

1911

7

6

8

7

4

6

1931

22

18

24

23

14

14

During the early years of' the twentieth century female enrolment

increased considerably in Cochin and Travancore and these two princely

states held the first and second positions in the order of literacy among

states and provinces in ~ n d i a . ~ ~ By 1921, there came up one college. 11

High Schools, 1 1 Lower Secondary Schools, 68 Primary Schools and 10

Industrial Schools for girls. Several girls were also attending mixed

schools. The number of girls who received instruction rose from 13,824

in 1915 to 49,463 in 1929, an increase of 66.4 per cent. The various tables

given below will give a glimpse of female education in its various

aspects.97

% Nagam Aiya, Manual Vol. 2, Chapter 7, p. 32. 97 The Missionary Register,l818, p. 162, CMS Proceedings, 1825, p.X, Madras Church

Missionary Records,l851, p. 42, CMS Proceedings, 1901, p.X., Tables 2.3, Census of lndia, Travancore, 1891, p. 508, Table No. 2.4, Census of India, 1903, Table No.2.5, Source: Census of lndia 1961, Vol.Ill, Kerala, Part A, p.65. Table No.2.6.

T:able No. 2.3 Growth of Education in North Travancore. 1816 - 1900

Year

1816-'17

1824 - '25

1850-'51

1900 -I01

Sources: Given in the Table No.2.3 itself

Total

loo

1530

2010

11902

I Sources 1

1

The Missionary Register,l818, p. 162 i CMS Proceedings, ; 1825, p.X. Madras Church Missionary !

Records, 185 1, p. 42 CMS Proceedings, 1901, p,X,

Schools

3

56

66

257

Number of

Boys

100

1467

1590

8071

Plpils Girls

-

63

420

3831

Table No.2.4

Table No.2.5

Literacy rate in Cochin and.Travancore - 1903.

Community-wise details of Female Literacy. 1890

>

Source: Census of India. Travancore, 1891, p. 508.

Number of Literates

16,673

8,454

1,469

3 5 8

6,093

S1. No.

1

2

3

4

5

Literate female per

1000 population

45

3 1

Literate persons per

Cochin

Travancore 124

Comnrnuniti~:~

Nayars

Christian:;

Brahmin!;

Muslim:

Others

Source: Census of India, 1903

Literate male per 1000

population

224

215

Table No. 2.6

After the establishment 93f the two Apostolic Vicariates in 1886,

there was considerable progress in the field of women's education. Both

Apostolic Vicars -Msgr. Medljcott (Trichur) and Msgr.Charles Levigne

(Kottayam) - made use of the aid of the Women Religious Congregations

for this purpose. Msgr. John Wlenacheny (1896) took special interest in

the education of girls. He toc made use of the services of Religious

Sisters from the Orders like CMC, FCC and CHF in the field of education

of girls.98 Msgr.Mathew Makil (1896) had his own vision of girls'

education. For this purpose hc: started schools adjoining convents and

entrusted the religious sisters wrth the care of educating girls. Through his

'Decrees' he instructed:

98 For details see Chapter IV of this Thesis

"Since the fear of God and salvation and welfare of the families are derived from the good upbringing and education of girls, we also are especially interested in the education and spiritual ~jowth of girls. Hence, we desire that parishes near the convents of sisters may send their girls to be instructed in the schools of the sisters.. . (and) special arrangements (be made) for the education of girls."99

Msgr. Kurialassery (191 1 ) took great pains in promoting women's

education. For the education c ~ f girls he established fifteen vernacular

Primary schools and nine vernacular Middle schools adjacent to the new

convents during his time."'

In his presidential address in the first "All Kerala Catholic

Congress" he expressed his opinion regarding education:

"Though we have achieved great progress in the field of education, we haven't yet paid sufficient attention to impart Catholic education to our children ... The main purpose of education is the format~on of human mind. That is why I insist on sending Ca~holic children only to Catholic schools.. . Women should be given honourable position in the society. Whether she is to be submissive to man or not is not the problem. She ought to have sufficient education to bring up morally trained and virtuous children. Only then can we look forward to 'laving God-fearing and law-abiding citizens.""'

Msgr.Kurialassery articulated his vision through his pastoral

letters. In a male dominated society where women were looked down

upon, Kurialassery asserted: ''Woman is the central power of the society

99 Makil, "Decrees," 6: 8, p. 50 100 Mary Espirith, ed. Divya Ka~wnya Preshithan (Mal) 1873-1973, Alwaye,

Cenacle, 1973, p. 95.Hereafter Preshithan. 101 Msgr. Kurialassery, "All Keralrt Catholic Congress" Presidential Address reported

in Nazrani Deepih,30 April, 19 18 , p. 1 , columns 1 - 4 , 12, 18,28,46,5 I .

and her education will elevate not only a family but a whole ~ocality'.'~'

With much financial strain and difficulty he began a Diocesan English

High School for girls in Changanacherry and another in Atbirampuzha,

attached to the Adoration convent. Besides, as he was interested in having

schools run by religious sisters, there arose nine vernacular Middle

Schools and fifteen Primary Schools attached to newly started

convents.'03 According to him, every girl should have a minimum

education up to fourth standard, and those who are interested and efficient

should be sent for higher education. As it was diff~cult for girls to go to

distant schools for training, Kurialassery started a 'Teacher's Training

School' in ~ a z h a ~ ~ i l l ~ . ' ~ ~ Regarding girls' education, one of his Pastoral

letters reads:

"It is my sincere desire that girls should especially take advantage of them. Malayalam h:lgh schools are attached to the convents in Mutholy, Pulinkunnu. Champakulam and Changanacherry, besides the English medium schools opened in Kottayam and Alleppey. An English high school for girls in Changanachmy and a temporary boarding house and convent in Trivarldrum are opened newly for the convenience of those who desire college education. Actually these are execL ted beyond my means. It is because these facilities are made available to you that I strictly order that our children sho~ild not be sent to non-Catholic schools."'05

Corresponding to the increasing moves of the Anglicans and non-

Catholic segment of the St.Thonas Christians to disseminate western type

'02 Mary Espirith, Preshithan ..., Op cit., p. 93 103 Kalooparambil, Mar Kurialasserrl ..... Op.cil., pp. 266-68 ID' Mary Espirith , Preshithan ..., Oj,.cit., p .95 10s Kurialassery, "Pastoral Letter" No. 84, p. 184.

78

of education, the Syrian Catholics also started erecting several

educational institutions in different parts of Kerala, which in turn

produced a group of people, who were either founders or collaborators or

the initial ~nenbers of seve-al of the Women Religious Congregations

started in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. In their turn, these

people, who had already tasted the benefit of the English education

system and who were instrumental in the establishment of Religious

Congregations, gave prime importance to educational activities, for

realizing which special formation structure was designed for the Women

Religious Congregations that they founded.

Community Consciousness and the rise of Socio-Spiritual Reforms

The Thomas Christians formed an important element in the

population of central and southern Kerala (Thirukkochi region) and they

played a prominent part in the economic and social life of the state.'06

Christianity made rapid prv3gress in Kerala and the Christian church

became one of the well-established institutions in the country. The

relation between the native rulers and their Christian subjects was based

on mutual trust and faith. The rulers even helped in the progress of

Christianity in their kingdoms by donating lands for the erection of the

churches and extending other facilities. Rulers like Saktan Tampuran

(1790-1805) patronised the Syrian Christians by giving them land and

settled them in the heart cf important towns like Trichur, Chalakudy,

Ananthakrishna Aiyar, Anthro,nology of Syrian Christians ..., Opeit., p p . 54-60.

Kunnamkulam, Irinjalakuda, Tripunithura, etc.lo7 Thomas Christians.

though only a minority, en.ioyed the privileges and advantages of the

higher castes, and occupied a social status equal to that of the Nairs. They

owned land and filled the gap in the social structure, by taking to trade

and commerce. As farmers ihey were hardworking. All important roads.

schools and public services were opened to Christians. They lived among

their Hindu brethren in mutual amity and harmony. Religious quarrels

were unheard of.

By the eighteenth century, the constituency of upper castes and

communities, mostly Nairs and Syrian Christians, which filled the ranks

of military and bureaucracy, acted as state agents of trade and controlled

most of the cultivable land either as their own or as state tenants. As K.

Achyutha Menon puts it:

"A good portion of the trade of the country was in their (Christian's) hands :ind they took a great part in the development of the country, noticeably in the direction of reclaiming waste land and conversion of forest areas into arable lands. rr108

The agrarian economy of Travancore and Cochin had undergone

some basic structural changes in the nineteenth century.lo9 In the latter

I07 Sreedhara Menon, Survey of fierala History ..., Op.cit., p.295. K . Achyutha Menon, Ancient Kerala Studies in its History and Culture, Trichur. 1961, p.165.

109 Revenue Manuel, Vol. IV, 1915, p. 229. T.K. Velupillai, The Travancore State Manual, Vol.11, Trivandmm, Govt. Press.1940, p. 536. S . Velupillai, The Travancore Jenmie and Kudiyar Regulation 107I.Trivand~m, Government Press, 1933, Appendix 'A'. The Royal Edict of 1005 M.E. Administrative Report of Travancore. 1866- 67, p.3. S Velupillai., Op.cit., p.3. Appendix 'B ' . The Royal

in Nair uplift."3 The Syrian Catholics initiated 'Nazrani Deepika' in 1887

from Mannanam, near Kotta:~am, with Nidhirikkal Mani Kathanar as

editor. 'Malayala Manorama" was founded in 1890 by the Syrian

Christians. The Ezhavas issued a weekly from Quilon in 1891, named

'Sujana Nundinit. ' l4

English education, coritrol over land and access to government

service were the three variables affecting the status and power of each

community by the end of the nineteenth century. Each community began

to measure its respective social status in terms of the posts their members

held in government service. Individual merit and educational

qualifications were made the criteria for selection to the government

service. Educated persons from different communities including Nairs,

Christians and Ezhavas, who were outside the pole of government

service, aspired for such po~~itions, which were sources of great social

prestige and power.

By 1890, there was ;I growing resentment among the educated

young men of different communities against the vantage position held by

non-Malayalee Brahmins. This resentment got reflected in the 'Malayalee

Memorial Movement ' of 189 1 where in, "the prayer of the memorialists

was that natives of Travancore of whatever class, caste or creed, may be

113 Murkot Kunhappa, Malayah Manorama Samskara Tharangam, Kottayam, Malayala Manorama Publishing House, 1973, p. 138.

' I 4 G . Rajendran, The Ezhava Communi@ and Kerala Politics, Trivandrum, The Kerala Academy of Political Science, 1974, p.30.

freely and impartially admitted to offices in the state, the duties of which

they may be qualified by their education, ability and integrih to

discharge" "* L T r u ~ u ~ ~ ~ r e jbr Truvancoreuns' was the slogan of an

epoch-making agitation in the state in 1891 .'I6 The agitation finally led to

the presentation of the Tra11ancore - Memorial (popularly known as

Malayali Memorial) to the Maharaja of Travancore, protesting against

"the denial to the Travancoreims of a fair share in the government of their

country and their systematic exclusion from the higher grades of the

,r117 service. The memorial was widely circulated and signed by 10.037

persons fiom different religious communities like Namboothiris, Nairs,

Christians and even ~ z h a v a s . " ~ It was submitted on 2 July 1891 to the

Dewan by a six-member delegation of which five were Nairs and one

Syrian Catholic (Thomas Chri~tian)."~

115 Memorandum. p.1. para 1 in CSF. No. 1744, General Adrninistratiotz Department (Endish) Records, Government Secretariate, Trivandrum. C.S.F. No. 1714 is Memorials from Malayalis 2nd Counter Memorial. Also see M.J. Joshy, Genesis of Political Consciousness in Kernla, Kerala Historical Society, 1972, Appendices. pp. 61 - 199. For full text of Menlorial see Malayalee Memorial Poorna Roopam (Mal), Vijnma Kairali.

116 For a detailed discussion of this agitation see G.P. Sekhar, ed. Select n,riting.~ and Speeches of G.P. PiNai, Trivandrum, G.P.Centena1y Celebrations Committee, 1964, pp. I01 -1 0; 180-84. Here after Select writings and Speeches. P.K.K. Menon, ed. The History of Frecdom Movement in Kerala, Vol.ll, Trivandrum, Government of Kerala, 1072, pp.1-16. Here after The History of Freedom Movement.P.S. Velayudan, ed. SNDP Yogacharitrarn, Quilon, SNDP Yogam, 1978, pp.36-52. Here after SNDP Yogacharimam.

I l l G. P. Sekhar, Select writing.< and Speeches ..., Op.cit., p. 103. See V. Nagam Aiya., Census 1881 ..., Op.cit., pp. 242-43. Table IV. 21. Caste-wise I Community-wise distribution of government jobs in Travancore, 1881.

118 Abraham Nidhiry, Father N~dhi ry..., Op.cit., pp. 308-1 1. P.S. Velayudan, SNDP Yogacharitrarn ..., Op.cit., pp. 41- 42.The members were K.P. Padmanabha Menon :leader), G.P. Pillai, M.K. Padmanabha Pillai, Sivan Pillai, M.K.Padmanabha Pillai, Kavalam Neelakanda Pillai and Cyriac Nidhiry Vakil.

83

The secret of the success of the Christians lay in the social

organisation, which was centralised in the hands of the Church

authorities. The Syrian Ch~.istian community had its own strong

organisational structure. They had a well-knit organisational set up with

parishes as the base, and the metropolitan or Bishop at the apex. The

Christians as a community col~ld progress because of their organizational

arrangements at the parish level, diocesan level and Church as a whole.

Christian obedience to authoriiy and a dedicated band of workers -priests

and nuns - helped the unprecedented growth of this community. Almost

all important matters - social. religious, moral, economic and sometimes

even political - were instructed by the bishops through their pastoral

letters.

Muslims were numerically and economically inferior to Nairs,

Ezhavas and Christians. From the table given below, we get the

CasteICommunity distributior of population of Travancore in 189 1 .I2'

120 For details see the Pastoral Letters of Chavara Kuriakose Elias regarding the establishment o f Parish Schools. Pastoral Letters of Msgr. Medlycott, Msgr. Charles Levigne, Mar Mathew Makil, Mar John Menachemy, Mar Thomas Kurialassery etc.

I21 Travancore Census Report, National Archives, 1891, Table 2.7.

'I'able No. 2.7

Population of Travancore :

Caste-wise1 Conlmunity-wise Distribution

I Communitv / Numbers I % I Non-Malayali Brahmins 28,100

I 1.10 j

14,154 0.5 1

4,83,725 18.92

1,58,823 6.21

5.26,911

5,50,828 21.54 +

Pulayas, Parayas 2,74,402 10.72

20,36,943 79.60

25,57,736 Source: Travancore Census Report, National Archives, 1891

Organisations based c'n community loyalties were vehicles to

enlighten the people about wha~: was happening at the apex of the society.

Thus it was imperative that community and caste were the organising

principles adopted by even the educated sections of the population,

resulting in the emergence of various community-based organisations.

Before the split of 1653, the Catholics (Thomas Christians) and

Jacobites were an undivided cc 'mm~ni t~ . ' *~ After the split of 1653 there

were attempts for the reunion of the two sections. By 1880 a plan for a

united organization, including two sections of the Syrian Christians - the

'22 This split took place with the Coonan Cross Oath of 1653. Podipara, Thomas Christians ..., Op.cit., pp.152-150.

Catholics and the Jacobites - was worked out. A conference of Syrian

leaders of both sections prepared the form of application and laid down

the objective^.'^'

The Association was named 'Jathy Aikya Sangham' (1882), alias

The Syrian National Union Association. Its main objective was to work

for the uplift of the Syrian Christians with special emphasis on their

education, civil duties and sharc: in government. Disunity had been the

cause for the lack of progress. Unification was, therefore, the obvious

solution, which was suggested b j the name of this organization.

The declaration of objectives runs as follows:

The Syrians of Maliibar, well known as St.Thomas Nazarenes being separated into two religious groups called 'Pazhayacoor' and 'Puzhencoor' are weakened like an amputated body. Moreover they are lacking in social progress, in the field of education and civilization, to be achieved through unity. To make amends for this deterioration, it was thought that an association should be formed called the 'Syrian National Union Association' and that all St. Thomas Chrislians should be brought to it. Some people, responsible for :he formation of this association, were deliberating this for years and after consulting many great men, who were thew friends and well-wishers of their community, and knowing their opinions, the following decisions were taken.. .

. . . An association should be formed among the Syrians, called the National IJnion Association of Malabar, representing the St. Thomas Christian community belonging to the groups called Antiochian Syrians and Rorno-S rims and aiming at their national and social well-being . . . 12 I'

123 The Jacobite leader, Mr.K.C. Milmmen Mappillai, gives a detailed account of the formation of the 'Jathy Aikya Sangham' in his 'Memories', serialized in the Malayala Manorama Weekly, Sopt. to Dec. 1948.

'" V. C. George, NidhiriRRal Mmi Kafhanar, (hfal), Thevera, L.F.I. Press, 1950, pp. 200-201. By 1885 the two fac~ions joined together and the Jacobite faction of

The main scheme was to start a central college at Kottayam.

Besides high schools, some gi1.l~' schools were also started in important

parishes. In order to communicate the ideas, they started a journal as the

organ of the Sangham. Fr.Nidhiri took initiative for this and thus he

became the founder and the first editor of the 'Nazrani ~ e e ~ i k a ' . ' ~ ~ The

first editorial called for Christian unity - a theme that became uppermost

in the editor's mind at the time. The aim of the association was "the

national and social well-being of the Syrians, an end which was to be

achieved through education and ~ornrnerce."'~~ The paper writes: "To set

up a college at Kottayam, a central school for girls, English high-schools

and girls' schools in all major Christian centres, libraries in every parish,

technical schools and trading zentres in major localities, grain depots to

store the grains . . . a bank to mobilise adequate money.. . 3,127

Nazrani Jathy Aikya Sanghum was led by Metropolitan Pulikkottil Mar Dionysius, who was supported by many. Clne of them was K. I. Varghese Mappillai, from the Thayyil Kandathil family, which was very active in various modem enterprises of Travancore. The Catholic faction was led by Nidhirikkal Mani Kathanar, one of the most respected Syrian C'atholic religious leader and was supported by Ezhapunna Parayil Varkey Tharakan, another important lay leader from a family which figures prominently in various departments of the time. The Bishops (of both factions) were made the patrons and all doubts regarding the working of constitution were to be referred to them. When the scheme became successful it was thought most desirable to start a journal as the organ of the Sanghum Since there was a press at Mannan:~rn, it was easy to get it printed there. With the permission of Bishop Marcellinus, Fr. Nidhiry signed the declaration before~the government to start a newspapc:r in April 1887.

125 Puthupally Raghavan, Kerala I'atra Pravarthana Charithram ..., Op.cit. ,pp.63-68. Abraham Nidhiry, Fr.Nidhiy .... 0p.cit.. p. 154.

Jeffrey, Decline ... , Op.cit., p. 12 5 . 127 N.K. Jose, Nidhirikkal Mani K~thanar, Alapuzha, Prakasham Publications, 1979,

p.69.

None of these objectives had any outright religious flavour. They

were all secular social objecti~es. Only the persons they intended to serve

were to be of their own community. This method of community-based

demarcation was an evidence of a highly accentuated community

consciousness.

The Nazrani Jathy A i k ~ a Sangham (NJAS 1882) did not last long.

allegedly due to interference by the still existing Catholic missionary

leadership.'28 The two factions of Syrian Christians proceeded then on

separate but similar ways. From among the non-Catholic faction, another

newspaper was started from Kottayam, which was called Malayala

Manorama (1890) with Varghese Mappillai as the editor.'29 Nazrani

Deepika of the Catholic faction continued to serve the people.

In 1905 the Catholic: faction .organised themselves under the

banner of Travancore-Coc.hin Roman Catholic Mahajana Sabha

(TCRCMJS - 1905).'~' This too later represented only the Catholic Syrian

faction. Since 1907 the meetings of the community were known as

Samoohya Sarnmelanam.'3' The TCRCMJS organised in 1905 was later

re-named as 'Keraliya Catholica Mahajana Sabha' in 1918 at

'28 Charithra Committee, "CMI Sabhayude Charithra Sarnkshepam" 1825 - 1565, Trichur, St.Joseph Press, 1970, pp. 66 - 67.

129 Puthupally Raghavan, Keral~r Patra Pravarthana Charithram ... , Op. cil., pp.8 1 -92. "O Nazrani Deepika, Wedresday, 12 July1905.See the report entitled

"Thiruvithamcore-Cochin Roman Catholic Mahajana Sabha" and the editorial under the same title. Read also Varakkara Johny, "Katholica Congress CharithramFin Deepika, Suriday 30 May 1965.

131 John Pallissery, "Catholic Congress Oru Sannaddha Sangham" (Mal) in AKCC Bulletin Silver Jubilee So wenir, Kottayam, 1973, p. 143. (Hereafter AKCC Souvenir)

88

Changanacheny. This eventutilly accelerated the movement that began at

Mannanam in 1882 under the title Nurani Jathy Aikya Sangham. Later

its name was changed to 'All Kerala Catholic Congress or Akhila Kerala

Catholic Congress' (AKCC) ; ~ t Shertalai in 1930. It began to fight for

the rights of Roman Catholic Christians.

The newspaper Kerala Dasan published from Trivandrum by

M.M.Varkey played a significant role in awakening the Catholic

community in its political role in 1920s. '~~ The pamphlet "The Public

Service of Travancore and the Catholic Claims" with all available

statistics and details to highlight the conditions of the Catholics,

published by M.M.Varkey was widely circu~ated.'~~ Under such pressure

the government conceded greater representation to these communities in

the civil service.

Fr. Nidhiri (1842 - 1004) a versatile prodigy who has left his mark

in practically every field of :he socio-religious life of Kerala formulated a

scheme to liberate the Syrian Catholics from the yoke of the European

ecclesiastical authorities an11 then to bring all the other Syrian Christians

- especially the Jacobite - ~ a c k to the Catholic If united. the

112 Varakkara Johny, "Katholic a Congress Charithram", in Deepika, Sunday 30 May

131 1965. M.M. Varkey started a News Paper called Kerala Dasan, a four-page news commentary. The first number came out as a weekly on 22 March 1924. George Mathew, Communal Road to a Secular Kerala, New Delhi, Concept Publishing Company, 1989, p. 73.

134 M.M.Varkey, "The Public Service o f Travancore and the Catholic Claims"1931, AKCC, Publications. Cited George Mathew, Communal Road ..., Op. cit., p.74.

135 Abraham M. Nidhily, Fr. N'dhiry ..., Op.cit., p. 147.

89

Syrian Christians could have played a more important part in the political,

economic, educational and cultural activities of the country.

Through the organization 'Jathy Aikya Sangham ', and the journal.

'Nazrani Deepika', Fr. Nidh~ri tried his level best to enlighten the

community, the need of startirg educational schools. He knew well that

this would be realized only with the establishment of native ecclesiastical

hierarchy. Finally, his hard work bore fruit, when the separate hierarchy

was established for the St.Thomas Christians in 1887 and home-grown

priests were made bishops in 1896.

Indigenisation of the Ecclesiastical Structure

and the Changing Priorities

Even though the soci.21 conditions of Thomas Christians were

more or less satisfactory, they were not satisfied with the domination of

the Latin hierarchy. The breakout of the two schisms and the flow of

petitions from Malabar to Rome give general picture of the disturbances

in the Malabar church. The Apostolic Delegates proposed a division

according to 'rite ' forming tw3 different Vicariates, one for the Latin and

the other for the Syrians. The Holy See appointed Marceline Bemardi as

the coadjutor to the Vicar Apostolic of Verapoly, Msgr. Leonard Mellano,

with exclusive charge of the Syrians. But this appointment proved a

failure. The Holy See erected the Latin Hierarchy in India, on 21 June

1886."~ By the Apostolic letter 'Quod Jampridem: the Holy See

separated the Syro-Malabar Catholics from the Latin by placing them

under two Apostolic Vicariates which were given to the care of the Latin

Bishops. What the Holy Father desired for the Syrians of Malabar is

contained in the following words

" ... Hence, motu proprio with a sure knowledge and after mature deliberation, we hereby order that, after a ritual separation of the Syro- Malabar Catholics has been made from the Latins, two Vicariates Apostolic be constituted for them to be committed to Latin bishops, we should each appoint a Syro Malabar 'Jicar General to whom should be given the privilege of exercising in his own rite pontifical ceremonies and of conferring the sacrament of confirmation ... and they ;hall choose four ecclesiastics of the same nation and rite ... according to the natural boundaries of the river, 'Alavay' which from the town of 'Maleator' divides the region of Malabar till it flows into the sea near the town of "Cochin" so that the first Vicariate is of the north with the ordinary residence of the Vicar Apostolic in the city of "Trichur" from which city it will take its name; the second will be in.the south with Ordinary residence in the c iy 01' "Kottayam" from which it will derive its name.. . rr13

Thus, two Syro-Malabar Apostolic Vicariates, Trichur and

Kottayam were erected in 1887. Msgr. Adolf E Medlycott, an Anglo-

Indian, for the Vicariate of Tric:hur and Msgr. Charles Levigne, a French

Jesuit, for the Vicariate of ILottayam were appointed as the Vicars

136 Vithayathil, The Origin and Progress ..., Op.cit., p. 55-56. 137 Ibid, pp. 56-63. Full text is given in pp.112-113. Appendix I '" Ibid, p. 63.

9 1

Although the Vicars Apostolic did much to promote the welfare of

the Syrians, their ardent desire for ' a bishop of their own rite and nation '

remained unfulfilled. The next cry of the Thomas Christians was for

native bishops. In 1896 the Holy See too granted this demand. The Holy

Father erected the three Apostolic Vicariates of Trichur, Changanacherry

and Ernakulam with three local bishops with the Brief Qtlae Rei Sacrae.

"...Hence motu piAoprio, ... after instituting a new division of the entire region constitute for the Syro- Malabarians three L'icariates Apostolic immediately dependent on the Holy See namely, the Vicariate of Trichur, that of Ernakulam and. that of Changanacheny, and we order that the boundaries of each of these vicariates be defined in the following manner.. . ,, 139

The Syro-Malabar prieljts who were appointed Vicars Apostolic

were: Rev.Fr. John Menacherry, Rev.Fr Aloysius Pazhayaparambil and

Rev. Fr. Mathew ~ a k i 1 . l ~ ' They were consecrated as bishops by the

Apostolic Delegate Msgr. Zaleski on 25 October 1896 and they took

possession of their respective Vicariates. Thus, the centuries' old desire

of the Syrians to see bishops oftheir own rite and nation was fulfilled.

In the history of the Syro-Malabar church, the diocese of Trichur

stands at a prominent place. l'he history of the diocese of Trichur starts

when the Holy See separated the Syrians from the Latin administration by

erecting two separate Vicariates for the Syrians on 20 May 1887 by

139 Vithayathil, The Origin and Progress ..., Op.cit., pp .64-68. Full text is given in pp.1 13-1 14. Appendix 11.

140 Ibid., pp. 67-68

92

appointing Msgr. Adolf Medlysott as the first Vicar Apostolic of Trichur.

When the Vicariate was erected, 63 parishes from the Verapoly

(Propaganda) jurisdiction and 20 parishes from the 'Padroado'

jurisdiction came under the new Vicariate. From a report of the Apostle

Delegate, Msgr. Andrea Aiuti. to the congregation of 'Propaganda Fide '

in 1887, general situation of the Vicariate can be drawn as follows. There

were more than 1,00,000 Catliolics, 123 priests (out of whom seventeen

were disabled), 83 parishes and 22 chapels in Trichur i n1~87 . '~ '

Though the social and financial conditions of Christians were

superior to those of the Christians of the neighbouring areas, most of

them were illiterate. The majority was ignorant of even the basic elements

of Christian dogmas. Excep: for two, each parish had a resident priest

and some parishes had one or more assistants. Six of the chapels were

provided with resident priests and the others were entrusted to nearby

parishes. As a result of the able administration of Msgr. Medlycott,

Vicariate of Trichur progressed by leaps and bounds.

The erection of Vicz.riates Apostolic for the Catholic Thomas

Christians and the appointment of bishops for them went a long way,

satisfying the diverse needs of the Thomas Christians. From the letters

and reports of Msgr. Levignc: we get a general idea of the situation of the

141 From a report of the Apostolic Delegate, Msgr. Andrea. Aiuti to the Congregation of 'Propaganda Fide' in1887.ACCO Scritture 'Referitte nei congressi Malabaresi (1887-1889) ff. 1435-1438.

Vicariate of Kottayam during that time. There were 108 parishes, 206

priests, 7 houses for Men Religious Congregations (where 69 monks

lived) and 3 houses for Women Religious Congregations (where 26 nuns

lived), 1 college, 1 high school, 5 English schools for boys and 3 English

schools for girls in the Vicariate of Kottayam in 1 8 9 5 . ' ~ ~ The details of

the priorities of the indigenized ecclesiastical authorities are evident in the

following tables, which depict the general situation of the Vicariates of

Trichur, Changanacheny, Emakularn and ~ o t t a ~ a m . ' ~ '

Table No.2.9

Statistics for the Vicariate of Trichur

' 42 This information is taken from a report of Msgr. Levigne submitted to the oeuvre pontifical Mission propaga;ion de la foi, Lyons in the year 1895. cf. Cherian Varicatt, The Suriani Churol of India', p. 21 5 .

I43 Statistics taken from Catholi~: Directory of India as well as from ACO Delegazione India Soriani del Malabar 1883-1910, Vol2. Prot. No. 883311922., Table No.2.9, Table 2.10, Table No.2.11, 17able No.2.12.

'Table No. 2.10 Statistics for the Vicariate of Changanacherry

Churches 130

Priests 214

1

Religious (Men) 44

Monastries (Men) 4

Sisters (Nuns) 60

Schools 1 1 . 1; 1 1 1 Printing press

Journals 2 2 4

Source : A 0 3 Delegazione India Soriani del Malabar 1883-1910, Vol 2. Prot. No. 8833'1922.

1922 \ 1 1,59,000 1

1906

Catholics 92538 1,09,843

Convent (Nuns) 4

Converts 400

Orphanages --

Colleges --

1916

1,30,500

137

242

1

9 1

4

172

182

254

1

116

5

43 8

7

15

1,625

-- --

9

18

15,706

--

1

Statistics for the Vicariate of Ernakulam

Catholics 90,336 1.07,490 1,13,936

104 144 151

Priests 115 125 143

I 1 1

I Religious (Men) 1 :I5 / 27 1 41 ( 57 ( Monasteries (Men) 4 4 4

97 151 199

I Catechematics I - - I 1 / 3 / 1 4 \

I converts 1 :!OO / 3,000 / 4,000 / 4,479 ( I Orphanages \ - - 1 1 \ 1 1 3 1

( colleges 1 _ _ I _ _ ( _ _ ( _ _ / Schools 157 184 225

Printing press 1 2 3

Journals

Source : ACCP Delegazione India Soriani del Malabar 1883-1910, Vol2 . Prot. No. 883311922,

-- -- -- 1

Table No.2.12

Statistics for the Vicariate of Kottayam

1906 1916 1922

Catholics -. 32,000 35,000

Churches -- 4 44

Priests -- 36 43

Religious (Men) -- -- --

Monastries (Men) -- -- --

/ Catechematics ) - - - - I 2 6 1

Sisters (Nuns)

Convent (Nuns)

I converts I -- I -- 1 78 / 145 / / Orphanages / - - / - - I 1 l 1 /

++--+--I- --

--

( Printing press ( -- I - - I -- 1 1 I

3 1

3

Colleges

Schools

43

5

With the erection of Syro-Malabar hierarchy, there began a new

--

-.

Journals

era in the history of the Syro-Malabar Church. The Malabar Church under

indigenous prelates had mad(: significant progress. But the progress they

--

6

Source : ACO Delegazione India Soriani del Malabar 1883-1910, Vol 2 . Prot. No. 883311922.

--

achieved did not provide thern the needed unity as they lacked a common

1

24

head. The Holy Father, being convinced of both the progress of the

--

Church as well as the need for a common head, decided on 2 1 December

1923 to erect the Syro-Malabar Hierarchy with the Apostolic Constitution

-. --

97

Romani ~ontif ices ."~ Archbishop Alexius H.M Lepicier 0.S.M executed

the Apostolic Constitution h'omani PontiJices on 16 November 1924. On

the same day, he conferrf:d the Pallium on the first Syro-Malabar

Metropolitan, Mar Augustine Kandathil, who was hitherto the Vicar

Apostolic of Emakulam. Tbe other Apostolic Vicars of the hitherto Syro-

Malabar Apostolic Vicariates were appointed as the new suffragan

bishops of the correspondini; Sees. These were Mar Thomas Kurialassery

for Changanacheq, Mar Francis Vazhappilly for Trichur and Mar

Alexander Choolapararnbil for the Southist diocese of Kottayam.

The erection of the Syro-Malabar Hierarchy was the dream of this

Church towards her autononiy, which was obstructed by different foreign

authorities. In order to achitwe this goal she had to struggle much even at

the point of rebellion sincz she was conscious of her traditions and

patrimony. Though the Holy See viewed with sceptical eyes her

expressions of autonomy, her attempts to reinstate the heritage, spiritual

and cultural richness of h.:r past was endorsed by Rome. With the

increasing indigenization of the ecclesiastical structure, the priorities of

this Christian group also started changing and new avenues started

opening for the religiouslj~ and spiritually-oriented Catholic Thomas

Christians.

Id4 Vithayathil, The Origin and Progress ..., Op.cit., pp.71-85. Full text is given in pp. 1 16-20. Appendix IV.

Religious and Spiritual Life :

Different Ways and Channels of Expression

The St.Thomas Christians lived the faith that they received from

St.Thomas. They expressed this faith in myriad ways: in the way they

worshipped (liturgy), they lived their Christian life (spirituality), they

understood themselves as the community of Christ (ecclesiology), they

regulated their lives togeth'x (discipline) and in the way they related

themselves to people of other faiths and to society in general (theology of

non-Christian religions). This way of expressing and living faith came to

be known as Thomayude Mzrgavum ~ a z h i ~ a d u m . ' ~ ~ Thomas Christians

came together in fellowship; they listened to readings from the Holy

Scriptures and their explanations. They also had 'breaking of bread' i.e.,

Eucharistic celebration with bread and wine, prayers, praising and

thanking God, and singing of Psalms and hymns.

Pilgrimage formed a part of St.Thomas Christian's religious life.

Amador Correa, a Portuguese Jesuit, describes a pilgrimage of a group of

St.Thomas Christians to Cranganore, in which the women and children

sang praises of St.Thomas and his story in Malayalam states how devout

they were on their return From that pilgrimage.'46 In 1578 another

145 Scaria Zacharia(ed), Udayamp~'roor Sunahadosinte Kanonakal (Mal), (The Decree ofthe Synod of Diamper) Edanattam, 1994, p p . 10- 12.

146 Silva Rego, Documenta@o pdra a Historia, 1947-58, ix, pp.138ff; Mundadan, "Sources for the History of the St. Thomas Christian Church in the Pre-Diamper period", in Bosco Puthur, ed. I.ife and Nature of the St. Thomas Christian Church in the Pre-Diamperperiod, Kcchi, LRC Publications,20M), p.33.

Portuguese Jesuit, Francisco Ilionysio, writing about the Apostle and the

community founded by him stiirts with these words:

What is written below is known from the information supplied by old peoplt:; it is the common and unanimous belief to all; they hold it as well handed-down tradition; they have put these things in their books and their songs. 147

The St.Thomas Christians celebrated the martyrdom of St.Thomas:

The feast of 2"* July is known among the St.Thomas Christians as 'Thorana ', which is a malayalicisation of the Syriac word 'Dhukhr~na ' meaning commemoration. The interesting thing about it is that till very recently, if not even today, the day was celebrated in some places as 'chatham ' (from sraddham), that is annual funeral meal in honour of a deceased ancestor - definitely a Hindu custom followed by the Christians. 148

Regarding Sunday Mass and Gospel reading there are references:

"On all Sundays the Gospel should be read with the other books. The word of God should be preached for a third or a fourth part of an hour and then the sacrifice should be offered. The Archdeaion should on Sundays, in the presence of the 13ishop, publicly declare, from the cathedra of proclamation; he should read the Gospel; should regulate all things that pertain to the ministry (Canon 15). In the absence of the Bishop, Archdeacon designates the celebrants (Canon 19). There is reference to ...... the liturgy of Baptism and Eucharist. (Acts of Thomas).Anointing, ba2tism (immersion), pouring of water, invocation of the Holy Spirit etc., are mentioned. Eucharist is referred to as celebrated in the morning and mention is made about the breaking of the bread. The term 'Breaking of the Bread' stands for the rite of the Eucharist. m149

147 Dionysio, 1578,35, Bosco Puthur, ed. Life and Nature ..., Op.cit. p.33. I 4 8 Bosco Puthur, ed. Life and Nature ..., Op.cit., p.33. 149 Jacob Vellian, "Pre-Diamper Sources o f the Syro-Malabar Liturgy", Bosco Puthur,

ed. Life and Nature ..., Op.cit. p.62.

Francis Roz found them very pious, having great veneration for

the cross. The life of the Thomas Christians was always church-centred.

Churches externally looked like non-Christian pagodas, the only Christian

distinction being the crosses that were put up on the roofs and at the

Altar. A big granite cross was erected in front of the church in the open

air. Going around the cross in front of the church was always a part of the

church processions. There were separate doors for men and women to

enter the church. Often water was served at the entrance of the church to

wash the feet of the faithful. Entering the church they made a profound

genuflection, the heads touching the floor. This bowing was directed to

the cross. There used to b,: a bronze oil lamp (Nilavilakku) at the

entrance of the church. They used to keep images and statues of the

saints in the church and venerated them. 150

About the pre-Portuguese churches Joseph the Indian has the

following remarks:

The Christians have their churches, which are not different from ours, but inside only a cross will be seen. They have no statues ot'the saints. The churches are vaulted like ours. On the foundation is seen a big cross just as in our place. They have not ally bells. To call the people to divine service, they use the system of the Greek.I5'

He gave the detailed tlescription of religious traditions and rites

related to death.

Is0 Mundadan, Traditions ..., Op.cit., p. 109. I 5 1 A.Vallavanthara, Joseph the Indian ..., Op.cit., Italian version, p. 166; Latin version,

p. 167; Dutch version, p. 23 1 .

They bury the hunkan bodies as we do. When someone dies, many gather together. For eight continuous days they come together and eat together and after the meals they pray for the dead. They generally make their last nil1 and testament. The testamcnt of the dead is honoured with much devotion. When some1,ody dies without executing the will, the one who is closest to the dead is the heir. Their wives, at the death of husbancs, go back to their parental house taking the dowry with her. But she cannot marry again for one year. Divorce was not known among these ~ h r i s t i a n s . ' ~ ~

The religious and eccl~:siastical set up of the St.Thomas Christians

was developed in their own particular socio-cultural and religious milieu.

The synod of Diamper did deal with almost all the aspects of the

ecclesiastical system of the Thomas Christians of India. It dealt with

questions on Faith, the iseven Sacraments, Holy Mass, Church

administration, customs, feasts, fasts, etc.,

Life of the Thomas Christians centred round the parish church. It

was the focal point from which the community drew its spiritual succour

and social direction. Etymolc~gically, Church is the community of those

who are called. Their gathering has ecclesial significance. They draw

their sustenance and strength from the importance attached to the church

and its festivals. The allegiance and attendance in the church demanded

for the observance of ceremonies connected with the domestic

occurrences of birth, marriage and death. These events were the occasions

for social intercourse and gatherings not only of the members of the

Is2 Ibid, Italian version, p.174; Latin version, p.175; Dutch version, p. 235.

102

family but also members of t'le community who lived in the same locality

and worshipped in the same church. At the local level their

communitarian dimension was kept alive and aloft by means of their

Palliyogams. It played a very important role in their ecclesial lives.

Palliyogams is the local assembly, which consists of the heads of

the Christian families and tht: clergy of edavaka (parish). This assembly

seems to owe its origin tct the traditional village assembly of the

Dravidians known as Ma~vam, which was the responsible and

authoritative body at the village level, consisting of the heads of the

families. The presence of ihe Jewish traders and their synagogues

comprised of elders also se1:ms to have contributed its share in the

formation of Palliyogams. S~milarly, the palliyogam consisting of the

heads of families and local clergy used to discuss all matters of common

importance and take decisions. Women had no representation in this

Palliyogam. The members of the community assembled under the

leadership of the local parish clergy. All were bound to obey the decisions

of this assembly in matters connected with social and religious lives. The

activities of the parish, such as selection and approval of the candidates to

priesthood, Christian life of the people, financial administration,

punishment for public sinners, reconciliation in times of conflicts etc.,

came within the purview of th,: Palliyogam. The Palliyogam of different

parishes of the concerned territory used to assemble to discuss the matters

of common concern and importance. This set up of Palliyogam was an

effective means to maintain ~cclesiastical communion and solidarity at

the local level. The Palliyogarn is a unique ecclesiastical institution of the

Thomas Christians of India with its adequate representation of the clergy

and laity at the various level:; of their ecclesial life. It enabled them to

maintain their faith in harntonious unity, with a profound sense of

common responsibility and solidarity. The members of the assembly

enjoyed equality too. Thus the idea of the Church as a cornmunit\- or

fellowship was kept alive through the Yogam. The local communities

were enjoying a kind of practical autonomy in their parish administration.

Palliyogam was their decisicn-making and executive body at the local

Fr. Paulinus of Batholomeo who was a Carmelite missionan in

India calls it a republican rystem of government. After studying the

functioning of the ecclesiastical structure of the Thomas Christians. he

writes:

"These Christians constitute a kind of Christian civil republic. When the rights of a particular parish are threatened other parishes come together to defend it. The

r, 154 parish priest and elders judge and settle cases.

In the ecclesiastical system of the St.Thomas Christians, the

position of the Archdeacon wis of unique importance. He was the head of

152 Placid Podipara, Thomas Chrk tians.. ., Op.cit., pp.96-97. 154 Fr. Paulinus o f Batholomeo, Viaggio AN Indie Oriental;, p. 196-97.Cited in Antony

Manjaly, The Ecclesiology.. . , Op.cit.,p.284.

104

the Christian community known as Jathikku Karthavian, having the title

Archdeacon of All India. As the head of'the community there could be

only one Archdeacon at a time, while there was no such limitation in the

number of their bishops. For many centuries during the Pre-Diamper

period, the administration of the Thomas Christian community was in the

hands of the Jalhikku Karthcvian (lord of the nation or race), popularl~.

known as Archdeacon. IHis tiile was 'Archdeacon and Gate of' All India'.

As prince and head of the Thomas Christians, he enjoyed many special

privileges, even before the 1oc:al kings.I5j The bishops were spiritual men.

mostly monks, content with the spiritual leadership i.e., liturgical

celebrations, conferring of Sacred Orders, hierarchical communion,

teaching of Sacred Scriptures and about the Fathers of the Church, etc..

Scholarship and spirit of renunciation and asceticism of the

bishops made them respectatle and a source of inspiration for all. Such a

spiritual leadership was quite in harmony with the Indian religious

sentiments, which always held in high esteem their saints and sages who

were renowned for their spirit of prayer, simplicity of life, abnegation.

contemplation and asceticism. The Seleucian Bishops also acted as links

of ecclesiastical solidarity ~vith other churches in matters of faith and

communion.

'" For details see Kollaparambil, Archdeacon of All India, Rome, 1972. Also see Andrews Thazhath, Jzrridical Sources ..., Op.cit., pp. 37-38.

Fr.Chavara exerted himself considerably to take the Syrian

Catholic community to a very high level socially, ethically and spiritually.

He established a printing press at Mannanam. It was from this press that

the first Catholic prayer book ~?nanapee~voosham- Spiritual Nectar was

printed and published in ~ a l a y lam.'^^ It was the forerunner of millions

of prayer books, out of which one at least has found its way. in the course

of these years to practically every Christian home in Malabar. The

religious publications from thi; press of Mannanam had a tremendous

impact upon the Catholic life i r ~ the region. The prayer books. devotional

books, life history of saints, the scriptures and the numerous other timely

publications emerging from the press have permeated every Catholic

home in Malabar. Books like Path to Heaven, Perpetual Adoration and

other prayer books and catechism books have become part and parcel of

Catholic life in ~ e r a 1 a . I ~ ' For the spiritual well being of the faithful,

Fr.Chavara wrote few books. The documents he bequeathed to the

members of his parish known 1s Dissertations o f a goodfarl~erfronr his

death bed is a real guide for practising spirituality, while immersed in

temporal life.I5' Anastasia's .Wartyrdom is another work of Chavara,

which narrates the story of a m.iiden who dedicates her life to the cause of

Catholic faith.159 No doubt, this book inspired the Catholic girls to

I56 K C Chacko, Blessed Chavara ..., Op. cit.,p.67. 157 Ibid, pp.65-66. I S R I hid. p.62. 15') CWC Vol.11 ..., Op.cir., pp.163-7:!

dedicate their lives for the cause of the Catholic Church and many

embraced religious life.

The Thomas Christials had a living and strong religious life.

which was visible in their d ~ y ' s routine. We have a vely beautiful and

authentic report on it from Msgr. ~ a z h e ~ a r a m b i l . ' ~ ~ The church set apart

certain periods as a special occasion for sanctification and spiritual

enrichment of her children. l 'he faithful are advised to follow this time

schedule to worship God in a special manner by positive acts of penance,

fast and abstinence or by special prayers and celebrations or abstaining

from certain activities.

From the Narratives of Joseph the Indian it is seen that the

T h ~ m a s Christians observed Lent and Advent, and on Good Friday, Holy

Saturday until Easter day they abstained from f ~ o d . ' ~ ' In the Stature of

Mellano two lists of days ofalxtinence are given, one for Syrians and one

for ati ins.'^^ The Book of Deuces, authored by Mar Mathew Makkil. has

taken the regulations given \)y Mellano for the Syrian Christians. lays

down the following ~ t i ~ u l a t i o n s . ' ~ ~ h e days of abstinence prescribed are

all Fridays and Saturdays; the Great Lent begins on Monday, the entire

period of Advent, the three (lays fast known as 'Moonnu Noirnbu'. the

Vigils of the feast of Nativity, the feasts of Purification and Assumption

160 Kottayam., 'Franciae ' 1887- 1899, Vo1.7, f. 1 I , 2. 161 Vallavanthara, India in 1500 A..?..,Op.cit.. p. 174. '" Mellano, 'Statutes', 73-76. '" Makkil 'Decrees '. 23 . Section 1 , pp. 156 -158., Section Il, p. 158

107

of our Lady, the Vigils of thc: feasts of Apostles - Mathias. Peter, Paul,

Jacob. Bartholomew. Mathem, Simon and Jude, Andrew - and John the

Baptist, the Vigil of the feast of Holy Cross. and all the Saints. If any of

these falls on Monday, the abstinence from meat will not be on Sunday

but on Friday or Saturday. If the Nativity of our Lord falls on Friday or

Saturday, the abstinence of that day is not observed.

According to the regulations of the church. all those who are

between 21 and 61 years are bound to fast, the violation of which will be

a mortal sin. In these days meat, fish, egg and products of milk are

forbidden and only one meal a day is allowed. Those who are not bound

to fast are, however, expected to abstain from the above said food

164 items. According to the teachings of the church. Christians should

abstain from heavy work on Saturdays and Sundays and those days

should be spent in liturgy, reading of scriptures and Hall Mass.

Prayer is the unifying, force of every family. Popular devotions

contribute to revitalize the piety and spirituality of the people. It is one of

the ways through which the uneducated, illiterate came into contact with

Christian spirituality. Thomas Christians were great devotees of Blessed

Virgin Mary. Marian devotion has a special place in the spiritual life of

the Thomas Christians. About this very ancient spiritual tradition

Pananthanam makes the following observations:

'64 Moolakkatt, The Bookof Decrees ..., Op.cit., p20. [bid

"The Malabarians cultivated deep filial devotions towards the Mother o ? God froin the time immemorial. Wednesday was consc,crated and specially set apart as '-Marian Day", as Satu~day is in the 1,atin Church. On that day all kept perfect ab:itinence in her honour. In churches the Divine office \\;as sung in her honour with the active participation of the fai tk . f~l ." '~~

The confraternity of OL r Lady of Mount Camel was started at the

%.Theresa chapel at ~ u r u v i 1 a r ~ ~ a d . l ~ ~ This is a model and each and every

church had confraternity of Our Lady. Devotion to Blessed Virgin Mary

during the month of May is another popular devotion.IG7 There would be

no house where the rosary w.th the Litany of Loreto was not recited in

honour of Blessed Virgin Mayi.

St. Thomas Christians take earnest interest to participate in the

Eucharistic liturgy. The devotion to Holy Eucharist is deep rooted in the

minds of the Thomas Christ~ans. They worship Holy Eucharist in the

Blessed Sacrament. They belreve in the living presence of Jesus in the

Holy Eucharist. The Catholic Church teaches the faithful regarding the

importance of this sacrament and reminds them to receive Holy

Communion. Fr.Chavara was a great devotee of Holy Eucharist. He

preached and propagated the devotion to Blessed Sacrament in the form

of Eucharist. Public exposition of the Blessed Sacrament and adoration

were a common feature of the Catholic faith. The One Hour Adoration

165 Paranthanam, Mellano 72, ci ed in Moolakat, The Book of Decrees ..., Op.cit., p.

166 106.

Thazath, '.Juridical Sources.. .',Op.cit., p . 171. 167 Ibid.,pp. 212 -213.

109

(Holy Hour), Thirteen Hours .4doration, Forty Hours Adoration, etc. are

pious and devotional exerci:;es that gained wide acceptance in the

Malabar church. The Forty H(7urs Adoration, first started at Mannanam,

in 1866 has become an anrmal feature of all important parishes in

~ e r a 1 a . l ~ ~ Devotion to sacred Heart of Jesus is another popular devotion

practised in the Malabar Church.

This chapter gives an vierview of the life of StThomas Christians,

analysing their socio-cultural, economic, religious and spiritual aspects. It

has also discussed the various changes brought in this Community by the

intervention of the western n~issionaries and the Latin Church and the

subsequent break in the Church with the Synod of Diarnper. A s a result of

the continuous fight against the colonial ecclesiastical authorities, the

St.Thomas Christians got bishops who belonged to their own 'rite' and

land. No doubt, with the indigenization of the Ecclesiastical structure of

the %.Thomas Christians, there appeared a shift in the priorities upheld

by the Church, which ulti~nately favoured an atmosphere for the

emergence of various Women Religious Congregations.

168 Valerian, Thefirst Indian Saint ..., Op.cit., p.41.