"The Siege of Jerusalem" and Biblical Exegesis: Writing about Romans in Fourteenth-CenturyEnglandAuthor(s): Suzanne M. YeagerSource: The Chaucer Review, Vol. 39, No. 1 (2004), pp. 70-102Published by: Penn State University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25094273 .Accessed: 24/12/2013 16:29Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp .JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. .Penn State University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to TheChaucer Review.http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsTHE SIEGEOF JERUSALEM ANDBIBLICAL EXEGESIS:WRITING ABOUT ROMANSIN FOURTEENTH-CENTURYENGLAND by SuzanneM. Yeager Almost sixtyyearsago, theroleofthe Jews intheCroxton Playof the Sacramentcameinto question asCeciliaCutts suggested a metaphorical reading ofthe play's textual characterization;1 she argued thatthe Croxton Jews, in rejectingChristianity, were portrayed insuch a way asto represent a different group which deliberately excludeditselffromortho dox Christianity?that is, theLollards.2 Alternatively, Steven Kruger has suggested thattheCroxton Jews are representative ofthe specifically Jewishbody, andhisreassessmentlinks corruptions ofthe Jewishbody to Christian bodily miracles.3In interrogating theroleof Jewishidentity, ElisaNarinvanCourthas posited a paradoxical"Jewishpresence" in medieval English narrativesas literary,theological, andvisual represen tationsof Jews continued long aftertheir expulsion from England in 1290.4 Likewise, Sheila Delany hasshownthatthe Jews continuedtoinflu ence English writerswiththeir"absent presence."5 Critics reading the late-fourteenth-centurypoem The SiegeofJerusalem varysimilarly intheirassessmentof Jewishidentity.6 While Mary Hamel has suggested thatthe Jewsportrayed inthe Siegerepresent a homoge nized group of Jews, Saracens, and heretics,7 Ralph HannaIIIandNarin vanCourthave argued thatthe Jewsportrayed inthe Siegeoccupy a posi tion particular to medieval Jewishpeople.Setting the Siege initstextual environmentof Yorkshire, Hanna suggests a Lancastrian reception ofit whereinthe Jewsrepresent thosekilledintheYorkshire massacrein 1190.8In light ofherresearch on Augustinian historians, NarinvanCourt argues for parallels between first-century andmedieval Jews,explaining thatthe Jew^wajew mustbeconsideredwhen reading the Siege.9 Inthese critiques ofthe Siege, twostrandsof thoughtregardingJewishidentity emerge: thatofthe literal, historical readingsuggestedby Hannaand Narin van Court, andthatofthe nonliteral, typologicalreadingput for ward by Hamelandothers. THECHAUCER REVIEW, Vol. 39, No. 1, 2004. Copyright ?2004The Pennsylvania State University,University Park, PA This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER71 Theworkofthesescholarshasdonemuchtoaddresstheroleofthe Jews inthetext. Curiously, however, comparatively littlehasbeendone to explore theroleofthe Romans, whoare characterizedinvariable ways. Myapproach herewillbuild upon themodel providedby Suzanne Conklin Akbari, who argues that Jewishidentity inthe poeticSiegeof Jerusalem is variable, designating bothinbono Christian identity andin maloMuslim identity.10 WhenoneexaminesthebehavioroftheRomans against theideasof medievalChristian exegetes, onefindsthat they are depicted as depravedpersecutors ofthefaithfulandasvictoriouswar riorsforChrist.Whilethe Siege fits loosely withinthe genre ofcrusadelit erature, as Hamelhas shown, theworkbecomesmuch morethan a crusadingpoem whenone acknowledges the portrayal ofthe Jews from the Augustinian tradition together mththe depiction oftheRomansfrom the exegetical tradition.In investigating thehistorical siege'sbackground in both traditions, Iwillexaminethe writings of Joachim of Fiore, Ralph of Coggeshall, andRanulf Higden, in ordertoshow how, in England, the dualideaofRome?bothas city and as personification oftheChurch? was shifting initsculturalvalence. Medieval exegeticalinterpretation ofthehistorical siege of Jerusalem showsthatbiblical exegesis oftheeventinfluencedthe reception ofthe poem and inspired medieval commentary on themoralstateofwestern Christendom. Although literaland typologicalinterpretations ofthe Romansofthe poeticsiegeplace themintheroleofChristianswhodo battlefortheir faith, the exegeticalapplications demonstratethatthe Romansalso occupied an antagonistic role:thatoftheAntichrist.As medieval exegetessought to place thehistorical siege withinthecontext ofbiblical historiography and prophecy,they reliedonthe writings of Josephus, which comprised thecentralsourceofinformation regarding thehistorical siege of Jerusalem in70C.E.FormedievalChristian exegetes,Josephus's accountofthe Jewish war represented a history of theRoman siege thatcouldbeusedtosubstantiateChristiandoctrine. Josephuspresents thefirst portrayal oftheRomaninvolvementin Christian historiography outsideofthebiblicalaccount.Itis through examinationofthevarious exegetical commentariesthat usejosephus's Jewish Warthat one findsakindofculmination ofJosephan biblical exege sisinThe SiegeofJerusalem, asthe poem takesits place ina traditionthat relied on thecommemorationofthe sieges ofthat holycity.11 Beforeturn ing to Josephus, however, Iwilloutlinethe depiction ofthe Romansinthe poem andconsiderwhat a literal interpretation oftheirrolereveals. Certainly thereisroom foraliteral reading ofthe Romans, although theculturalfictionoftheir Christianity makesit unlikely that theyrep resent any Roman group beforethetimeofConstantine. Moreover, the fictitiouselementintroduced through thechivalricframeworkin which This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions72 THECHAUCERREVIEW they actremovestheRomansofthe poem one step furtherfromactual Romans, forthe courtlytropes enacted by theRomansofthe poem did notexistuntil long afterthefalloftheRoman Empire. Oneis left,then, witha kindofRomancharacter composite derivedfromChristiannar rativeandmedievalromance.InordertoexaminetheRomansinthe poem as specifically Roman, that is, notasa typological substitutionfor any other group, onemustconsiderthemasa group constructed by an English authortocreateafictitioushistorical past. Thus, inthe Siege Rome'scultural identity is reassigned andChristianizedovertwohun dred yearsprior toitsactual recognition.According tothe poem, Vespasian,along withhis sons, convertsto Christianity andvowsto avenge thedeathofChrist bybesiegingJerusalem: Cytees vnder S[yo]ne, nowis 3our sorow vppe: Pe dej) of derewor]3 Cristdereschalbe 3olden. (299-300;cp.348) Though the campaign is initiallyorganizedby Nero asa meanstosecure tributefromthe holycity, Titusand Vespasian aresaidtolendtheirlead ership to accomplish Christianends. Along with Christianizing the ancient rulership of Rome, the poem assertsRome's place asa holycity? anassertionthat wouldhaveinterested Englishsupporters ofUrbanVI. Inthis case, theaudienceseesthecharacter Pope Peterin action, preach ing tothe Romans, interacting withthe Emperor, and handlingholy relics (205,224-28). Although alloftheseeventsare fictitious, they add tothesensethattheRoman papacy, not Avignon, was directly linkedto the presence ofPeteratthecultural height oftheRoman Empire.12 Adding tothe religioussignificance of Rome, theVeilofVeronicais establishedasanauthenticRomanrelic (235-64). Atthetimeofthe poem's distribution, the Veilof Veronicawasoneofthe most popular relics in Rome, forit wassaidtoshowthe image ofthefaceofChrist.Herein the poem, the Veilis described as having sacred healingpowers:13 Peris no gome [o]nj^is [grounde] ]3at is grym wounded, Meselry ne meschef, neman vponerjse, Pat knelej) dounto JDatclo]s andonCrist leuejs, Botalle hapnej) to helein [an] handwhyle. (169-72) Inthe Siege the importance ofRome asthe spiritual centerofwestern Christendomisattachedtothe powers oftheVeil. Clearly theVeilis of greatimportance: itisreceivedin Romewith anoble processionjust as ifit wereChrist himself;likewise, Peterkneelsand weeps beforeit This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER73 (221-28). Itshatters pagan idolswithits mere presence, exudinglight andasweetodor (237-44). Finally, it heals Vespasian, whohasbeensuf fering fromaninfestationof wasps in hisnose.After performing these miracles, theVeilisidentifiedasa specifically Romanrelic (253-64). Through Veronica'sveilandotherrelicsfrom Jerusalem, the poem shows a Romeenriched by its spoils fromthe Holy Land; eventhefixturesof the Temple, the religious centerof Jerusalem, are packedup andmoved to Rome, leavingnothing ofthe Temple behind.This imaginaryhistory created by the Siege thus provides an authenticating narrativeforRome's titleas spiritualcapital of Christianity. Incontrasttoenriched Rome, Jerusalem isleftbareofits relics, wallowing in spiritualpoverty.Through theChristianizationofthe early Romansthe poet relocatesChristian genealogy,moving it fromtheEasttothe West; throughout thenarrative the poet's revision implies thatnascent Christianitygrewup in Rome, not Jerusalem. Readerswitnesstheutterobliterationofthe Holy Land asallofits spiritual andmaterialrichesaretaken away to Rome; sotoo arethe early rootsof Christianitypulled fromPalestineand spirited to Italy viathewrittenword.14Eventhesudariumof Veronica, takenfrom Jerusalem toRomeatthe earlystages ofthe poem, foreshadowstheimmi nentmass pillaging ofsuch treasures, as therelicsof Jerusalem are appro priated forChristian worship in Rome. The portrayal oftheRomansaswestern Europeancourtlyknights makesancientRome suddenly familiar. Moreover, byprovidingcourtly detail, whichis purely anachronistic, the poetportrays theRomansasa monolithic, westernChristian force, described using therhetoricofcru saderomances.EvenTitusis portrayed ina chivalricfashion:he addressesGodas "corteys Crist"andvowsto avenge him according tothe rulesof courtly conduct (181). The Siege\>oetportrays hisRomanswith characteristicsthatwouldhavehad special resonancetoan audiencewho had participated in campaigns inthe Holy Landor France,or, by the same token, whowere beingactively recruitedforthat purpose. Tothis end, the poem showsa mixofchivalricanddevotional images that would havebeenusedbothtoentertainanaudienceandto urge itto support the campaigns. Eventhe poem's linkstoBolton Priory, a hotbedof Lancastrian activity,suggest the verypractical natureofthe poem asa recruitment piece.15 Thestrained political climateandfinancialdiffi cultiesthat Englandexperienced in defending itsbordersand waging warin France suggest that, ifthe poem wasindeedcommissionedforcru sade recruitment, it neededto present incentivesfor expendingmoney andmen already inshort supply.16 Pro-crusade propagandapoured into England fromwestern Europe,includingPhilippe deM?zi?res's Epistre of1395to Richard II, in whichhe encourages the Englishking toward crusading.Although he speaks on behalfofthe French, hedescribesthe This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions74THECHAUCERREVIEW Holy Landas Richard's propreheritage,purchased withChrist'sPassion.17 Significantly, deM?zi?resexhortsRichardto"remember Titus, sonof Vespasian,Emperor ofRome"andtake upcrusading inthe Holy Land.18 Thusthe literary useofthehistorical siege of Jerusalem wasacommon metaphor forcrusader activity, asitis here employed to encourage the fourteenth-centuryEnglish andFrench ontheir foreigncampaigns.19 Through the poem the English who supported the campaigns abroad couldhaveviewedthemselvesliketheRomansofthe poem who, por trayed asvaliant knights,slay thousandsof Jews inthe morning and go hunting and hawking intheafternoon.20 Whetherfocusedon Englishparticipation inthelatercrusades or, pos sibly, in France, interpretations ofthehistorical siege of Jerusalem were changing in ways that musthaveaffectedlate medieval Englishreception ofthe poem. Chivalric trappings anddevotional images weremadeto function as militarypropaganda towards inspiringmilitary recruitment. Inthe poem elaborate preparations aremadeforwarastheRomans ready theirhorsesand equipment, andthen provision their ships forthe sea journey: Pan was rotlyng in Rome, robbyng of brynnyis, Schewyng of scharpe, scheldes ydressed Per wer floynes aflot, farcostes many, Cogges and crayersycasteled alle; Galeesof gretestreyng]3e with golden fanes [B]ra[y]d on J)e brodseaboutefoure myle. (281-82,289-92) Likewise, siege warfare, popular bothinthe Holy Landand during the warin France, is explicitly described asTitusand Vespasian seta siege around Jerusalem and prepare forthenextassault: Byfor Jse foure 3ates heformesto lenge Sixt[i]t>ousandby sommewhile ]3e segelaste]?; Setteward on ?>e walles fcatno3tawey scaped, Sixe thousand insercle Ipe citealleaboute. Was no3t while t>e ny3t lastebot nehyng of stedis, Strogelyng instelewedeand stuffyng ofhelmes. (421-26) Oncethe siege hasbeensetaroundthe holycity, the troops makesev eralassaultsonit andfail repeatedly. In light ofthese frustrations, Titus outlinestohis generals anewand passivestrategy ofstarvation: This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER75 "Wescholdewith [hunger] hemhontetohokeoutoftoun [Without wemeorwoundeor any wo elles.] For \>er as faylej) \>e fode f)er is feyntstrengte And !>er as hunger is hotehertesbenfeble." (879-82) Such experience with sieges wouldhavebeenfamiliartoanaudience whohad recentlyfought in France, been on crusade, orhadancestors whohaddoneso. Inthe poet'sdepictions of Jewish andRoman skirmishes, the terrify ing soundsofbattle spring fromthe page withthe repetition ofhardcon sonantsand lively detail: Bemesblowen anonblonkesto ne3e, Stedis stampen in Ipe [st]edest[uf]f[ed] steil vndere, Sti{)e menin stiropys striden alofte, Kny3tescroysen hemself, cacchenhere helmys. Withloudeclarioun cry and [withcormous] pypys, Tymbris andtabourristonelande loude, 3euen a sch[r]i[k]andeschout; schrynken J3e Iewes. (525-31) Along withrealistic descriptions of warfare, somefictitiouselementsare introducedwithchivalric depictions ofbattle.Thechivalric imagery in the poempresents a romanticizedviewof warfare, whereGod'sfavorrests on thesideofthe all-powerful Romans: SoCristhis kny3tesgan kepe tille complyntyme. Anhundred jDousand helmesof \>e he{)en syde Were fey fallenin \)e felde. (612-14) HereChristissaidtoofferhisfollowers potency in battle against a"hea then" army. The poet'sdepictions ofthe siege also represent a glamorous portrayal ofwarwheretheRomansare depicted as knights ofchivalric tales who spend muchoftheirtimeinthenoble pursuits of holding tour namentsand resting inlavish pavilions. Indeed, they are shownto beso successfulinbattlethat Vespasiangives them plenty ofleisuretimeto pursue their own entertainments.After Vespasian setsa watcharound the town, he encourages his knights to play: "For wewolhuntenat t>e hart J)is he^es aboute Andhureracchesrenne amongeJ>is rowe bonkes; This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions76THECHAUCERREVIEW Rideto t>e reuerandrere vp]?e foules, Sefaucouns fie, feleof t>e beste? Ech segge to t>e solas ]3at hymselflyke[J)]." Princesoutof pauelounspresen on stedes, Torn [ei] en, trifflyn, and on J)e toun wayten. (889-95) Here, thesceneseemsto detachthe depiction oftheChristian army from its Roman identityonly toconnectitwith a specifically western European literary mode.21Withtheirfantastic courtly adventuresonthebattlefield andtheirhaulsof militarypraeda, thecharacterizationoftheRomansas crusadingknights of medievalromance wouldhaveallowedlate medieval Christianreadersto experience a feeling of spiritual and temporal kin ship withthose responsible forthefallofthe Temple,fulfillingscriptural prophecy as they themselveswentouton crusade. The poet's useof religioustropes also encouraged suchchivalriciden tificationwiththeRomans.For instance, byplacing aten-linePassion sequence atthe beginning ofthe poem, the poet usesthePassion asa lens through whichthereaderviewstheeventsthat follow, forthesuf fering ofthe Jews isthusforeshadowed by the suffering ofChrist. Likewise, when Vespasian encourages his troops before battle, heexhorts themtorememberthe Passion, urging hismentobemerciless against their adversary and reminding themthatthe Jews tookno mercy on Christ (497-504). Theseexhortations imply thattheRoman troops, like their leaders, aremotivated by theirChristianfaithtothesame degree thattheir generals are. Vespasian's motivesare explicitly connectedwith hisChristian faith; long beforeheis crowned Emperor, heis described as "t>is comelich kyng J)at forCrist werej)"(954). Not only is Vespasian portrayed as serving underthecommissionofChristinhis"crusade" againstJerusalem, butheisshowntohavetaken up a crusader vow.Thus heisloathtoleave Jerusalem totake up his post in Romeforfearof breaking this promise,saying: "For Yhaue heylychhey3t hereforto lenge TilleI t>is toured [t]ounha[ue] takenat [my] wille Andme J)e 3ates ben 3et and 3olden\>e keyes." (977-79) Oneofhis generals, Sir Sabyn,suggests that, inordertofulfillthis "promise" to heaven, Vespasian let TitusandDomitian complete the siege in Vespasian'splace.Sabyn's adviceis orthodox, forcrusaders were allowedto perform thecrusader vowonbehalfofanother.He says that whatever Vespasian's armymay accomplish,they doitin hisname: This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER77 "So may?>[e] couenauntbe kept fcat?>ou to Cristmade: Pyself dest f>at l>y soudiours byf>yn assentworchen." (999-1000) In following this choice, thefuture Emperor isthusshownto be an obe dient Christian, a determinationthatisconfirmed when, uponleaving Jerusalem totakehiscrownin Rome, he prays forGod's blessing (1023). Titusis also portrayed asa Christian prince, andthe poet showshim desiring Christian baptismimmediately afterhisconversionatthe begin ning ofthe poem: "Telle me tit," quoj) Titus, "whattoknehelafte Tohem t>at knew hym forCristandhiscrafteleued?" "Nempne J)e Trinyteby name," quod Nathan, "at Jsries And })ermydbap temedbein blessedwater." For]} J)ey fettenafontandfoulled hym J)er, Made hym Cristen kyng ]3at forCristwerred. (189-94) Significantly, Titus fights forthesakeofChristafterheis baptized, and laterheisshownto participate in yet anotherChristianinstitution:he takes up hisfather'scommutedcrusader vow,and, after breaching the wallsof Jerusalem, hethanksGodforthe victory (1213). TheRomans' militant Christianity createsa certain unity betweenmedievalChristians and early Romans. Bybringing ancientRomeintoChristianbrotherhood withtheidealized crusadingknights ofthefourteenth century, western medievalChristians could, asit were, take part inthevictoriesofthe ancientRomans. Turning nowtothe typologicalinterpretations ofthe poem, onefindsthat exegeticalreadings offerastarkcontrasttothelit eral reading discussedabove. Typology andtheChristianAssimilationof Josephus The poeticSiegeofJerusalem offersa narrativewhichatonce justifies and authenticatesRome's position asa holycity, foras Jerusalem is destroyed, Romeis enriched through the acquisition ofitsrelics.Theideathatthe fallof Jerusalem wasthe necessary precondition fortheriseofRomewas exploredexegeticallybyreligious writerswhosaw theeventasthe piv otalmomentina perpetualcycle, withtheroleof Jerusalem's adversaries taken upby different peoples eachtime.The background ofthis cycle is thelamentationoverthefallofthe Temple, aform stemming from Jewish This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions78THECHAUCERREVIEW exegetical tradition.AsseenintheBookof Lamentations, thelaments cameto berecited publicly onthe Ninthof Ab, the Jewishday of mourn ing inremembranceofthe Babylonianconquest of Jerusalem and destructionofthe Temple in587B.C.E. Although theLamentationshave oftenbeenattributedtothe prophetJeremiah,they wereinfactwritten ina hand (orhands) otherthan Jeremiah's.22 The poems lamentthefor mer glory of Jerusalem,comparing that city'spriormagnificence tothe ruinaftertheinvasion. Along with mourning forthe city'spast, moral purification islifted up as recompense forcommunal suffering. Scholars such asE.AnnMatternotethatthelament overthefallofthe Temple is not appliedsolely tothe period of Babyloniancaptivity, butalsotothat ofthefallofthesecond Temple in70C.E.Matter suggests thelamentover thefallofthesecond Temple was perhaps in "response" totheRoman siege of Jerusalem, likewiseremembered ontheNinthofAb.23Itis sig nificantthatonelamentcanbe temporallyexchanged for another, for inthe exchange, thefallbecomesa typologicaltrope in whichthedif ferentadversariesofthe Jews, be theyBabylonian or Roman, are per ceivedasaforceunited againstJerusalem,operating acrosstime.Asthe Jewishpractice of mourning thefallofthe Temple carriesoverinto medieval liturgical tradition, wefindselectionsfromthefivebooksof Lamentationsinthelessonsforthefirstnocturnof Matins on Maundy Thursday, Good Friday, and HolySaturday.24 Thusboth Jewish and Christianwriterstreatthefallof Jerusalem ina commemorative, typo logical sense. ThemedievalChurch'sfascinationwiththedestructionof Jerusalem, along withthe liturgical andhomiletictraditions concerning the event, originate fromthethree synopticgospels thatcontainChrist's prophecy ofthe city's downfall. According toLuke 19:43-44, Christ prophesied: Quia venientdiesinteetcircumdabuntteinimicituivalloetcir cumdabuntteet coangustabunt te undique adterram prosternent teetfilios qui intesunt.Etnon relinquent inte lapidemsuper lapidem eo quod non cognoveristempus visitationistuae. Forthe days shallcome uponyou: and your enemiesshallcasta trenchabout you and compassyou round, andstraiten you on every side, andbeat you flattothe ground and your childrenwho arein you. And they shallnotleavein you astone upon astone: because you didnotknowthattimeof your visitation.25 FromtheseversesmedievalChristian exegetes builtthebeliefthatthe historicalfallof Jerusalem wasthefulfillmentof scripturalprophecy.By thefourth century, this particular Lucan passage wasincludedinthelec tionary asthe gospelreading forthetenth Sunday after Pentecost, estab lishing it as part ofthe medievalChristianhomiletictradition.Whilethe This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER79 Lucanversewas becomingpart ofthe medieval lectionary,Hegesippus's fourth-century Deexcidiourbis Hierosolimitanae, an abridgement of ]ose\yh\xs'sJewish War, introduceda Christian identity fortheRomans.In turn, medieval sermonwriterswere inspiredby thefictionalizedtheme ofChristianRome'sretributionand began toinclude excerpts from Hegesippus's work. Adding to typologicalinterpretations ofthefallofthe Temple, direct assimilationof Josephus isseeninthe portrayal ofthe first-century Roman army assoldiersofChrist.The development ofthis portrayal is seenintextsrelatedtoThe Jewish War, suchas Hegesippus's Deexcidiourbis Hierosolimitanae, mentioned above, andthe earlysixth-century Latin prose CuraSanitatisTiberii.26Inthe latter, theRoman Emperor Tiberius con vertsto Christianity after being healed by the image ofthe Veronica.Such fictionalChristianizationis alsoseeninthe workofthe anonymous Latin prose Vindicta Salvatoris, which appeared intheseventhor eighth cen turies; inthis work, Titusand Vespasian convertto Christianity andact outof revenge forChrist's crucifixion, announcing that they would"do withthe Jews asthe Jews haddoneto Christ."27AsHeinz Schreckenberg has shown,28 historiansandbiblical exegetes borrowed Josephus's accountofThe Jewish War beginning inthesecond century C.E., andit influencedthe worksof many biblical historians, includingHegesippus, Jerome, Paschasius Radbertus, and Joachim ofFiore.29 Writings about Josephus fromthelater medieval periodsuggest that hisworkhadbecome fullyintegrated intothefabricofwestern Christianity. For instance, Guy N.DeutschhasshownthatPeter Comestor, authorofthe Historia scholastica, considered Josephus to be"on par with the highestreligiousauthority."30Josephus contributedtothe writing aboutthefallof Jerusalem in medievalbiblical commentarybyprovid ing informationnotoffered by the Bible, andwhichwas received asthe exegeticalcounterpart totheOldTestament: just asthe NewTestament was thought to complement the Old, the Josephan accountwasreceived as part ofthenewcovenantin biblical history. As part ofthetraditionof thefallof Jerusalem,Josephus's work represented an apocryphal fulfill mentofthebiblical prophecies of Isaiah, Jeremiah, andotherswho warnedof Jerusalem'simpending doom.The Josephanexegetical tradi tionnot only looksbackto Jerusalem's demiseinthesecond Temple period, butalsoincludesthe first-centurysiege,portraying theRomans as the exegeticalequivalent ofthe Babylonians. The SiegeofJerusalempar ticipates inthetraditionofthelamentationswiththeaddedelementthat Jerusalem'santagonists are portrayed as Christians, further emphasizing the typologicalinterchangeability ofitsadversaries. Exegeticalinterpretation of Jerusalem's adversaries, ranging fromthe foesoftheMaccabeestothe Babylonian andRoman forces, wasalso applied tothefallof Jerusalem in1099totheFrankish army. By the This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions80THECHAUCERREVIEW twelfth century, crusadechroniclers employed thetraditionofthefallof Jerusalem toshowthatthe campaigns werethefulfillmentofbiblical prophecy. As BerylSmalley has demonstrated, theFirstCrusade inspired a new type of interpretation of scripturalprophecy thatincludedtwelfth century Franksinits plan: TheNewTestamentstillfulfilledthe promises ofthe Old; Jerusalem retainedits four senses; butthe psalmist andthe prophets alsofore toldtheFrankish conquest ofthe holyCity. Promisesstretchedelas tically fromthe past tothe present. Isaiah's prophecy: "ThatI may bring sonsfromafar" (lx,9) foretoldthe victory ofthe Franks, God's new Israelites, overthe Saracens, hisenemies.31 An example ofsuchelastic interpretation isseenin Robertthe Monk's accountofthefirstcrusade.Robertwritesthatthe crusaders, whomhe calls filiiperegrinorum,giveglory to God byinvadingJerusalem; helauds theinvasionasthefulfillmentofthebiblical prophecies "tothe praise and glory ofChrist."32This ecclesiastically transmittedbeliefthatGod divinely ordainedthe twelfth-century fallof Jerusalem was strongly influ enced byJosephus, andit echoes throughout the Siege.35 Shifting CulturalIdentities:From Jerusalem to Rome Fromaliteralandhistorical point of view,then, theRomans depicted in the Siege are part ofthe exegetical traditionofthefallof Jerusalem. The Gospel ofLuke predicts thefallof Jerusalem toa nameless enemy with unspoken incentives;however, the fourteenth-centurypoem transforms the image ofRomefromthatofanunintentional intermediary tothat ofa willing instrument working tofulfillthe plans ofGod.No longer power-hungry hordes, theRomansarelike medievalChristiancrusaders who fight becauseGodwillsit. Titusis no longer a pagangeneral and the pawn of holyprophecy; heis a mainactorina Christian apocryphal narrative.Itis forthesakeof Christ,then, thatthe poetic Titushasthe temple overturnedand plowed underwithsalt. Moreover, medievalaudi enceswouldhave perceivedby theseactionsthatTituswas fulfilling Christ's prophecy of Jerusalem's utterdemise ("non relinquent inte lapi dem superlapidem"): the phrase"they didnotleave onestone standing upon another"is repeated fourtimesinthe poem asiftoreiteratethe significance oftheeventasthefulfillmentof prophecy.34Byportraying theRomans asthe punishers ofthe Jews andthe avengers of Christ, the poet locatesRomewithinsalvation history fromalmostthefirst years of theChristian era. Moreover, though littleofthe poemactually takes place This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER81 in Rome, theshort episodes thatdo happen theredescribe a city thatis purging itselfof paganreligion. Thuswewitnesstheold emperors assas sinating one another, pagan idols shatteringuponexposition tothe Sudarium, and Vespasianbeing crownedasthefirstChristian emperor. Asthenew champions oftheChristian faith, theChristianRomansof the Siegesanctify the once-paganhistory of Rome, making the cityappear to bethe rightfulspiritualcapital of Christendom, destinedto betheseat ofSt.Peter. Theliteral reading of Jewsqua Jews, as HannaandNarinvanCourt have established, andasRomans qua Romans, asIhave shown, enables certain authenticating ideasaboutRometobe expressed, aswellas pro viding anarrativeto explain ecclesiastical thinking about Jews and ChristiansintheLatinWest. Turning nowtoan exegeticalinvestigation, oneseesthattherolesofthe Jews andtheRomans werenotstableand couldtake on morallyinterchangeable attributes, witheither group act ing as antagonists or representatives of Christianity. Whiletheliteralread ing oftheRomansofthe Siegeportrays Romeasthe rightfulplace ofthe Church on earth, the exegeticalreadings ofthe siegeinterpret Romeas asourceof religiousdysfunction. Insteadof acting asthe champion of Christ, Romebecomesthe adversary ofGod'schosen Jewishpeople. In turn, medieval exegetesappropriated the literaryimages ofthe Jews and Jerusalem and reinterpreted themas medievalChristiansandthe ChristianChurch.Formedieval ecclesiasts, Jerusalem andtheChurch were exegetically linked.AsMatterhas shown, John Cassian's exegetical interpretation of Jerusalem intheCollationeswasthelocusclassicusoflater medieval scripturalinterpretations of Jerusalem: Cassian's explanation ofthefoursensesof scripture, thehistori cal, allegorical,anagogical, and tropological, culminatesinthe famous example of Jerusalem, which can beunderstoodhistori cally asthe city ofthe Jews,allegorically astheChurchof Christ, anagogically asthecelestial city, "themotherofall" (Gal.4:26), and tropologically or morally asthehumansoul.35 Gregory the Great, followingOrigen,expanded the allegorical and tropo logicalunderstanding ofthe holycity,interpretingJerusalem's adversi tiesas typological tribulationswhichhaveafflictedtheChurch.36The development ofthese reinterpretations and shifting culturalidentities can beseen through the exegesis of many historicalandbiblicalwriters ofthe medieval period. I haveselectedthe writings of Joachim of Fiore, Ralph of Coggeshall, andRanulf Higden to represent thosewriterswho were widely knownanddrew substantially from Josephus to both portray and reinterpret thefallof Jerusalem. Inthesewritersonefinds literary This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions82 THECHAUCERREVIEW links madebetweenChristianand Jewishidentity, fromthe portrayal of Jerusalem as ecclesia, to explanations ofGod'sfavor upon thosemenwho attempt toinvadethe city. Such writingssuggest that medieval interpre tationsofthe Siege included, among other readings, the persecutedJews ofthe poem as representatives ofthe sufferingbody ofChristians. England and Josephus:Joachim ofFioreand Ralph of Coggeshall Althoughexegeticalinterpretation ofthehistorical siegebeganlong beforethetwelfth century, it wasabbot Joachim ofFiorewhovoicedthe connectionsbetweenthefallof Jerusalem andthe moralstateofRome most clearly. Moreover, and perhaps more significantly, he directly influ encedthe reception ofthehistorical siegeby biblical exegetes in England, wherethe fourteenth-century versionofthe poem wascom posed.Joachim, authoroftheLiberde ConcordiaNoui ac Veteris Testamenti, wasbornaround1135.37 HewasaffiliatedwiththeCisterciansasa young man;however, henever officiallyjoined theorder.38 Joachim traveledto Palestinein1167wherehe beganexperiencing his spiritual revelations. Shortly thereafter, he began hiscareerasanitinerant preacher andin 1181undertook planning hisLiberdeConcordia.AsE. Randolph Daniel and Marjorie Reeveshave shown, Joachimdevelops the concept ofcon cordia, his exegetical method, byusing OldTestamentbiblical history as akindof "key" totheNew Testament, his own present time, andthe apoc alyptic future.39He explains the methodtohis scripturalanalysis: Concordiam proprie essedicimussimilitudinem equeproportio nisnoui acueteristestamenti ... cumuidelicet persona et per sona, ordoet ordo, bellumetbellumex parilitatequadam mutuis seuultibusintuentur. Strictlyspeaking, we say thatconcordiais alikenessof equalpro portion betweentheOldandNewTestament. .. since, namely, characterand character, orderand order, war andwarlook upon eachotherfromacertainsimilar standpoint.40 Thusevent prefigures event, characterforeshadows character, andbat tles areset up asinterconnected occurrences.This exegetical corre spondence essentializes Joachim's useoftheword concordia, showing the relationship between patterns in OldTestament history thatsharesimi laritieswiththeNewTestamentaccounts. Using theOldTestamentlike a template, heseeks toshownot only how understanding oftheNew This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER83 Testament canbe gleaned fromconsiderationofthe Old, butthat spiri tualisintellectusresultsfrom considering both together.41Joachim's exe gesis showsthateventsand people describedinthe OldTestamenthave multiplemeanings, for theycorrespond to, andwereseento prophesy, ina sense, occurrencesintheNewTestament. Joachim writesthatthis correspondence between people andeventsmakeshistorical patterns between past and presentapparent,providing evidenceofthedivine.42 However, Joachim's useoftheOldTestamentis notlimitedto interpre tationsoftheNew Testament; healso brings OldTestament knowledge tobear upon hisowncurrent events, suchasthethreat against the ByzantineEmpire.43 Inthis case, Joachim linkstheSaracenthreat against Byzantium to Hosea's prophecy thatIsraelwouldbesurrenderedtothe Assyrians.44Joachim writes that, secundum concordiam, thebiblicalaccount ofthe Assyrians foreshadowsthe twelfth-century Saracen presence.45 Even beyond current events, Joachim'sexegesis includes predictions aboutthe future, especially the Apocalypse; hewritesthatwhatistocomeinthe Last Days canbeforetold bypast events.46Tothis end, many of Joachim's contemporaries considered Joachim's Libertobe prophetic,believing thathiswork predicted thefallof Jerusalem tothe Muslimsin1187.47 Many of Joachim'sprophecies centeraroundthe city of Jerusalem as thelocationwheretheLast Judgment willtake place. Hisattentiontothe biblicalandhistoricalroleofthe city shows a complexrelationship among the historical, new, andcelestial Jerusalems. This relationship is further complicatedby the strongexegetical linkswithwhich Joachim binds Jerusalem andRome together. Between Jerusalem and Rome, Joachim findsconcordiabetweenboththe personalities andeventsinthe OldTestamentandthoseinthe early ChristianandmedievalChurch. He suggests anatural progression of leadership,beginning withMoses and resulting in Peter'sRoman pontificate.Through his interpretation ofbiblical history,Joachimsays that Jerusalem shouldbecalledecclesia: Concordat igitur cum Moyse Paulus; Petruscum Caleb; Iohannes autemcum Iosue. Caleb, iubente domino, dataestin possessione Ebron; in quoprocessu temporis rex Dauid possedit ettenuit scep trum regni,priusquamregnaret inIherusalem.SetetPetrussedit Rome super conuentum fidelium, qui ibierat congregatus Iudeorumet gentium; in quopostaliquot annos Romanus pon tifex, qui successit protempore,sollempnem obtinuit principa tum, prius scilicet quamperueniretur adistumstatumin quopro visione pacis sanctaIherusalemuocarimerereturecclesia. ThereforePaulconcordswith Moses, Peterwith Caleb, also John with Joshua. Caleb, at God's will, gainedpossession of Hebron, in which, inthe passage of time, King David possessed andruledover This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions84THECHAUCERREVIEW the kingdom beforeheruledin Jerusalem. ButPeteralsoruled in Romeoverthe gathering ofthe faithful, a gathering formedof Jews andGentiles. [In Rome], aftersome years, theRoman Pope whofollowed [Peter] aftersome time, obtainedthissolemn prin cipality?that is, beforeit actually cameintothatstatein which, onaccountofavisionof peace, theChurchdeservesto becalled holyJerusalem.48 Here, JoachimcomparesKing David'sruleoverHebrontoPeter'sauthor ity inthe early Roman Church; healso implies that, inthesamemanner in whichDavidcametorulethe cityJerusalem, theChurch gradually increasedits spiritual dominionin Rome. Notably,Joachim writesthat withtheformal recognition oftheRoman Pope, theRomanChurch becomesthe"New Jerusalem" on earth: Quibus nimirumassimulataforeconstat ingenua illachristianorum infideliumque certamina, quepostprimos Christi apostolorum et Iudeorumconflictusin populogentili consumata leguntur;usque uidelicetad t?mpora Constantini quando nouailla Iherusalem, ecclesiascilicet P?tri, regali estcoronata fastigio,quemadmodum etuetusiliaIherusalemintribuludain diebusDauid. To [those conflictsintheOld Testament], of course, itis agreed thatthoseenormous struggles betweentheChristiansandtheinfi delswere assimilated; these [conflicts] arereadto havebeenful filled among theGentile people afterthefirstconflictsofthe Apostles ofChristandthe Jews. That is, up untilthetimeof Constantinewhenthenew Jerusalem, that is, theChurchof Peter, wascrownedwith queenly eminence, inthesame way thatancient Jerusalem herselfalsowascrowned by thetribeof Judah inthe days ofDavid.49 AstheNew Jerusalem, RomebecomesGod'sfavored city,moving the position of spiritual dominanceto early medievalwesternChristian Europe. Thissentimentis echoedinthe Siege, as Jerusalem is stripped of its religioustrappings and prestige, then replacedby Rome. Joachim makesthis progression seem natural, andnot only biblical, bycalling Rome (ecclesia) the daughter of Sion; notably,synagoga isthe motherof Sion.50 Joachim rationalizestheriseofthe daughter overthe mother, or the young overthe old, asthe predisposition ofthe HolySpirit tolook towardthatwhichis new. While Joachim establishestheRomanChurch astheNew Jerusalem, hebuilds up the strongspiritual presence oftheChurch only to bring it down again. Romeis not only thenext spiritualcapital ofGod's dwelling This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER85 place on earth,but, according to Joachim, ittooisdoomedtothesuc cessive sieges encountered by the city of Jerusalem. TheChurchofRome sharesin Jerusalem'smight, butitalsosharesinthat city's sorrows. Joachim looksatthefallen Jerusalem ofthe Old Testament, drawing from thebookof Jeremiah to depict thebattle-torn city. E. Randolph Daniel hasshownthat Joachim'searly revelationsinPalestine suggested to Joachim aconcordiabetweenthe persecution ofthe Jews,Jerusalem, and theChurch:51 Igitur secundumhuncmodum persone et persone duorumtes tamentorummutuisseuultibus intuentur; etnichilominusurbset urbs, populus et populus, ordoet ordo, bellumet bellum, et siqua esse possunt similia, que sibiaffinitatesimilitudinum pari causa rationisconueniant. ... Igitur non solum personapersonam uerumetiammultitudomultitudinem respicit utestIerusalem Romanam ecclesiam, Samaria Constantinopolitanam, Babilon Romam, EgyptusimperiumConstantinopolitanum, ethiissimilia. (myemphasis) Therefore, according tothis method,[one set of] charactersand [another set of] charactersfromthetwotestaments regard each other mutually; andnotthe less, city and city, people and people, orderand order, warand war, and anything elsewhichcanbecon sidered similar; whichmatcheachother by an affinity ofsimilar ities, by an equalargument ofreason. ... Therefore, not only one characteris compared toanother character, butalsothemulti tudelooks upon themultitudeas Jerusalem looksatthe Roman Church, Samarialooksat Constantinople,Babylon looksat Rome, Egypt looksatthe Empire of Constantinople, and things similar tothis.52 Here, cityprefigurescity,peopleprefigurepeople, andso on, until Joachimplaces ancientcitiesinconcordiawithmedieval empires andthe Roman Church; whattheseentitieshaveincommonistheirstateofruin fromaformer position ofGod'sfavor.Insimilar fashion, Joachim warns that Godhas rejected theChurchduetoits sins, andhe portrays thedes olationoftheChurch aslikethedestructionofhistorical Jerusalem.53 Along withthe comparison betweenRomeand Jerusalem, therela tionship between Babylon andRomefurther complicates matters byplac ing theesteemedRomanChurchinclose proximity to desperate and depravedBabylon. AsReeveshas shown, modern scholars, like medieval exegetes, continueto dispute the relationship that Joachimposited betweenRomeand Babylon.54 However, for Joachim, therewasan impor tantdistinctionbetweenRomaecclesiaandRomacivitas. Indeed, inthe This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions86THECHAUCERREVIEW quotation cited above, Joachim links Roma, the city, with Babylon the oppressor of Jerusalem inII Kings 25:1-7; for him, Babylon is alsothe wicked city condemned by GodinIsaiah13:2-22.In spite ofthisdis tinction,however, Joachim isconcernedwiththecrimesofbothRoma ecclesiaandRoma civitas,and, asweshall see, heraisesan invective against hismother Church, warning thatthe wickednessoftheChristianswithin could precipitate its downfall.As Joachim findsinthe prophetic account ofIsaiahand Jeremiah, God rejects thechildrenofIsraelfortheirsins? particularly theirdevotiontoidols.Hewritesthatthesinsofthe Jews, secundum concordiam, prefigure thecrimina latinorum; heblamesthe "crimes"oftheChurchforwhathe perceives as God's punishment and neglect oftheChurch. Comparing OldTestament Jerusalem and medievalecclesiastical Rome, hewrites: Jeremias adlitteramdeflet peccata iudeorum.Secundum con cordiamcriminalatinorum.Defletadlitteramdestructionem hierusalem.Secundumconcordiamdesolationemecclesiae. Literally,Jeremiah bewailsthesinsofthe Jews;according tocon cordia, hebewailsthecrimesoftheLatins. Literally, hemourns thedestructionof Jerusalem;according to concordia, hemourns thedesolationoftheChurch.55 Bylinking thedesolationofthe medievalChurchandthe repeatedsieges of Jerusalem intheOld Testament, Joachimbegins anewtrendin medieval exegeticalwriting about Jerusalem. Heholdsthatthebiblical andhistorical persecution ofthe Jews andthe city of Jerusalem are exegetically linkedto whathe perceives as God's punishment oftwelfth century ChristiansandtheRomanChurch.This exegetical method reflects Joachim's beliefthatGodhad rejectedJerusalem. His interpre tationalsolinkstheRomanChurchto Jerusalem andmedievalwestern ChristianstotheOldTestament JewsbesiegedbyBabylon.56 Thusina Christianmedieval exegetical sense, thetribulationsof Jews and Christiansalike areboundacross time, so that eventsandindividuals form part ofa pattern setto repeat itselfuntiltheLast Judgment. Asthe typologicalrepresentation ofthe moraland spiritual woes experienced byfourteenth-century Christendom, the Jews andthe holycity ofthe poemparticipate inthis cycle. Concurrentwiththe problem ofthesinsoftheChurch was Joachim's prophecy thatAntichristwouldrisefromtheChurchof Rome, aclaim thathemakesnot only inanaccountofhisconversationwithRichard I, butalsoin his Expositio in Apocalypsim.57Long beforethefourteenth-cen tury break occurred, Joachim condemnedthe corruption he perceived intheofficeofthe papacybyimplying thatAntichristwould appear in This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER87 theformofthe Pope. This allegationappears in Roger ofHoveden's accountofthe1190 meeting at Messina, where Joachim warnsRichard I of Antichrist's presence in Rome: Admirantibusautemcunctis super his quae abillo audiebant, dixit ei rex, "UbiestAntichristusnatus?Etubi regnaturus est?" Respondit ei Joachim ... quod Antichristusillein urbeRomana jam natusesse creditur, etineasedem apostolicam obtinebit. Butwith everyone aroundhim marveling overthose things which they heardfrom him, the king saidto him, "Wherewasthe Antichristborn?Andwherewillhe reign?"Joachim answeredhim thatitis believedthatthe Antichristhad already beenborninthe city, Rome, andwillobtainthe apostolic seatinthat city.58 Joachimperceives Antichristto bea mortalthreatto western Christianity arising fromthe spiritual heartofits empire.Along with Roger's account ofthe meeting withthe king,Joachim'sExpositiopredicted a pseudo Pope,appearing asa "quasi universalis pontifex."59AlthoughJoachim never explicitly identifiesthe RomanChurchwiththe city of Babylon, he does, asReeveshas shown, expect a "pseudo-Pope" asoneofthemani festationsoftheAntichrist.60AftertheGreat Schism, many fourteenth century audiencesinwestern Europe and Englandeagerlyadapted Joachim's remarksaboutRomeand Babylon tosuitthetimes.61For instance, theFrenchwriter Jean de Roque taillade, inhisVademecumin tribulatione, interpretsEngland intheroleof Antichrist against the"true Pope," andattributestheFrenchdisastersinthe HundredYears'Warto the workofthissamefoe.62Like Roque taillade, Telesphorus ofCosenza produced nationalist interpretations of Joachim's texts, claiming that Joachim's calltoreform signaled theobliterationoftheRomanChurch through theSchism.63As Reeves, Sandra Zimdars-Swartz, andDelnoC. Westhave shown, EnglishWycliffites alsoused Joachim'sprophecies as anindictmentof Rome, andthis rallyingpoint was employedby later ProtestantReformers.64 Thematically,Joachim'stypologies madea strongimpression on those Englishexegetical writerswhoweretofollowafter him; Reeveshasnoted thathisworkheld specialcurrency in fourteenth-centuryEngland as Joachim's criticismoftheRomanChurch was employedby the English exegetes.65 Combinedwiththe materialfromthe Josephan traditionof thefallof Jerusalem, biblical exegesis inthehandsof English ecclesiasts becamea powerful toolforcommentontheGreatSchism. Joachim's workwas disseminated broadly across Europe andinto England atan earlystage, and, forabriefmomentinthelatetwelfth century, was per ceivedto promoteEngland asthelast hope of winning the Holy Land. This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions88THECHAUCERREVIEW Traditional scholarship holdsthatthe pseudo-Joachite work, Super Hieremiam,66 introduced Joachim's workstotheFranciscanOrderinthe secondhalfofthethirteenth century, butMortonW.Bloomfieldand Reevesshowthathisworkdisseminatednorthofthe Alps before 1240, andthat Joachim's first English audienceincluded Anglo-Normans in thetrainofRichardI on theThirdCrusade.67Atthis meeting,Roger of Hoveden reports that Joachim tellsRichardthat Godhaslefttherestora tionofthe Holy LandforRichardaloneto accomplish; hethen predicts thatRichardwillkillSaladinandrestore Jerusalem to Christianrule.68 Such astatementmusthavedonemuchtoelevatethe urgency ofthecru sadeinthe eyes ofthe English crownandtoraisethestatusof English participation inthe campaigns. However, Danielhasshown that, after Richard'sfailureto captureJerusalem intheThird Crusade, Joachim consideredthecrusadesto bea"futile enterprise,"becoming convinced that spiritual reform, andnot valor, wouldwinthe day.69 Other English chroniclersbesides Roger were intriguedbyJoachim'sprophecies; for example,Ralph of Coggeshall offersanaccountbasedin part onaninter viewbetween Joachim andtheabbotofthe Cistercianhouseof Persigny.70 Asweshall see, Ralph, an Englishpriest whoreliedon Joachistexege sis, expands the exegeticalrelationship that Joachim believedRome and Jerusalem to share; inthis expansion,Ralph attributeswestern Europe's lossesinthe Holy Landtothe poorspiritual stateof Europe, atheme preachedespecially in Englandduring thetimeofthe Siege poem'sproduction. Ralph wasabbotoftheCistercian abbey of Coggeshall in Essex, England, from1206untilhisdeathin1218.71 Although scanthistorical evidenceexiststo provide detailsabout Ralph's life, itis believedthathe began hisChronicon Anglicanum in 1198, almostten years afterSaladin tookover Jerusalem.72 Atthis time, England had justbegun itsfull fledgedparticipation intheeastern campaigns, with manyEnglish tak ingup theCrossfortheThirdCrusadeunderRichardI. For Ralph, the culminationofhisChroniconis hisaccountoftherelicofthetrueCross. Constantinople isshowntobe politically unstableafterthe fall;thus, he implies, itis fitting to movetherelictoasafer place.73Ralph's useof Joachim ofFiore's exegesis onthe Babyloniansiege of Jerusalem shows that Ralph wasalso interrogating theroleoftheRomanChurchandthe morality ofwesternChristendom. Ralph makes special noteof Joachim; not only doesheofferanaccountofhislifeand works, buthealsoshows how Joachim, inhis Concordia, compared thetribulationsoftheOld Testament Jews withthoseof westernChristians. Likewise, Ralph reiterates how Joachim likenedtheseventribulationsoftheOldTestamenttothe opening oftheseven seals, which wastotake place beforetheendofthe world.74Oftheseven persecutions, sixhavebeenmetedouttotheOld This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER89 Testament Jews; thesesix OldTestamenttrialsforeshadowthesix being metedoutto Christians, secundumconcordiam. Ralph's accountof Joachim's work pays particular attentiontothefallof Jerusalem. Ofthe six persecutions he mentions, hetakes special careto explain thefifth fully, forthefifthtribulation explains theSaracen expulsion ofthe Crusadersfromthe city: Quintam vero persecutionem,quam sub quinta visioneet quinti sigilliapertione distinxit, dicit agitemporibus nostris a Sal??dino et ejus successoribus, qui terram Hierosolymitanam invaserunt, et matrem Syon acivitate sua Hierusalem transmigrarecompulerunt, orbatasancta Cruce, civitateet regno, etChristianorumcerimoniis etomni gloria suaillisinlocis spoliata. Moreover, he says thatthefifth persecution, whichhedistin guishedby thefifthvisionandthe opening ofthefifth seal, is enactedin ourown times by Saladinandhissuccessorswhohave invadedthelandof Jerusalem, and theycompelled mother Syon to movefromher city Jerusalem?Jerusalemhaving beenrobbed ofthe Holy Cross, the city and kingdom, theceremoniesofthe Christians, andher everyglory inthose places.75 Ralph uses Joachim'sexegetical methodto explain thatthe capture of Jerusalemby SaladinsharesconcordiamwiththeOldTestamentaccount ofthe Babyloniancaptivity.RalphrepeatsJoachim's biblical exegesis in orderto justify thesubstitutionofRomefor Jerusalem as God's holycity. Itis asif Jerusalem, withoutthe Temple orits relics, is powerless; on these grounds he writes, "mother Syon is compelled toleave Jerusalem,"just as Jews ofthesixth century B.C.E.hadbeen compelled todo. Moreover, like Joachim, who justifies theRomanChurchastheNew Jerusalem,Ralph alsodiscussesthe problems ofhis contemporary Rome. Hewritesthat"New Jerusalem," or theRoman Church, isunderattack as well.Tothis end, Ralphexpands on thethemeofChristianmalfea sancein hisdiscussionofthesixthseal marking the coming of Antichrist, whohas alreadybegun to flourishinthe city ofRome.76 Sedut malignitas diabolicaeadinventionis jampropagata, facilius per Antichristisaevissimam persecutionempossit in Christicolas ubique dilatari, credibileest primitus SarracenosAntichristi prae cursores paulatim terras Christianoruminvadereetsuodominio subjugare, sicut eos jam fecisse cernimus; ita utnullusChristianus princeps,peccatis Christanorum exigentibus, adeo potens exsistat, qui Antichristisaevissimae persecutioni etvesanae tyrannidi audeat, vel possit, rebellandoresistere. (myemphasis) This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions90THECHAUCERREVIEW But just so thatthe malignancy ofdiabolical devising whichhas already been propagated may be spread more easilythrough the savagepersecution of Antichrist, everywhereagainst Christians, it is believablethatthe Saracens, precursors of Antichrist, bit by bit are invading Christianlandsand subjugating themtotheirdomin ion, just aswehaveseenthemtohavedone already, totheextent that, onaccount of the sins of the Christians, no Christian prince exists whois powerfulenough to dare or beabletoresistthe mostvicious persecution andfrenzied tyranny of Antichrist byrebelling.77 The Saracens, or "the precursors ofAntichrist"as they are called above, are portrayed as pawns involvedina planagainst Christendom. Joachim attributestheirsuccessin driving Christiansfromtheirlandinthe CrusaderStatesto Antichristhimself.For Ralph, the reign of Babylon, thefalloftheCrusader States, andtheriseofAntichristare intercon nected.78This interpretation is by nomeansexclusiveto Ralph, for many medievalwriters explored theconnectionsbetweenthe reign of Antichristandtheriseof Muslim power inthe Holy Land.Thewidedis persal ofthis image, however, suggests that western Europe and England werebothinterestedin explaining theriseofanon-Christianforce throughexegetical means.Asseeninthe quotation above, itis impor tanttonotethat Ralph didnotattributethefalloftheCrusaderStates solely totheriseofthe Saracens, butalsotothesinsofwestern Christendomitself. Byimplicating western Europe and England inthe fall, hemakesa separate distinctionthat"Antichrist"isalsoseen apart fromtheSaracens. Byshowing Antichrist asaforceassociatedwith Christian immorality,Ralphposits a separate rolefor Antichrist, attribut ing western Europe's lossof Jerusalem not just toSaladin's power, but alsoto Christiansin. Byattributing thelossofChristian territory inthe Holy Landtotheirown corruption,Ralph likenswesternmedieval Christianstothe sixth-century B.C.E. Jews discussedinIsaiahand Jeremiah, forthese prophetssimilarly attributethe Babyloniancaptivity tothesinsofthe Jews. He predicts thatthefallofRomewillbesimilar tothefallof Babylon, a comparison made possible, he says, onaccount oftheconfusionof"manifold idolatry" in both.79In turn, theChristians cannotresistAntichrist norcan theyconquer theSaracensonaccount oftheir own prodigious sins. Uniting Christiansand Jewsthrough their sharedmoral weaknesses, Ralphexplains thatChristiansinfulnessis alia bility inthe fightagainst Antichrist.80 According to medieval exegetes, sinfulnesslost Jerusalem for Jews andChristiansalike.81The Siegeof Jerusalem may have participated inthistraditionbased on the very nature ofits subject matter.Aswehave seen, theroleofneither Roman, Jew, nor Christian occupied a fixedandimmutable place inthe exegetical frame This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER91 work.Like Jerusalem the city, these peoples weremadeto play several rolesinorderto teachChristiandoctrine.The popularity oftheworks of Joachim and Ralph of Coggeshall illustratesthe wide dispersal ofsuch interpretations of Jerusalem's demise. Ralph's Chronicon, along withtheadditions accruing to it, remained popular in England overthenexttwocenturies.Severalchroniclersbor rowedfrom it, among themRanulf Higden, a Benedictinemonkatthe abbey ofSt. Werburgh in Chester, whousedtheworksof Hegesippus, Ralph's Chronicon, andtheLatinversionof Josephus in composing his Polychronicon inthe1320s.82The Polychronicon was widely availablein England,especially inthesecondhalfofthefourteenth century; the work disseminated among theecclesiasticalinstitutionsin Latinandwastrans latedinto English atleast twice, once byJohn Trevisainthe 1380s, and again inthefifteenth century.83 The popularity of Ralph's work, both directly andas mediated by Higden,suggests thatits message struck a chordwithits medieval English audience.The topical natureofthe Chroniconis borneout through thenoted rise, afterthe westernChristian lossof Jerusalem to Saladin, of English sermons against thesinsofthe laity in medieval England. Just as Ralph's Chroniconcontributedto England'sperception thatthe lossoftheCrusaderStateswasinsome way connectedtothesinful ways ofthe west, sotoolaterchroniclerscorrelatedtheroleof Antichristwith the corruption oftheRomanChurchasseeninthe Papal Schism.In ordertoexaminesuch interpretations, onecannotlookto Higden becausehisdeathin1363or1364antedatesthe split. However, further comment regarding the Papal Schismitselfis availableinthe Appendix to Higden'sPolychronicon. Here, an anonymous authoraddsanaccount oftheelectionof Bartholomew, archbishop of Bari, as Pope Urban VI, along withthecardinals' attempt to depose him, andtheelectionofthe antipope. Thisaccountis biasedinthefavorofthe English,though not obviously so; however, thechroniclerdoestakecaretomentionthe detail, unwelcomein Englisheyes, thatthisnew pope is "consanguineum regis Franciae" (a relativeofthe King of France).84 In spite ofhis politi cal leanings, thewriter seemsmore concernedthattheSchismoccurred inthefirst place thanheis aboutthe political situationwith France; thus he concludes, "itahorribileschismain capite universalisecclesiaeest exortum" (thus thehorribleSchismtook place attheheadofthe Universal Church).85 Similarly, theseeventsreceive nocommentfrom Trevisain spite ofthefactthathisother translations, suchas thoseofthe Dialogas interMilitemet Clericumand archbishopFitzRalph's antifraternal Defensio Curatorum, suggest thatTrevisamadea pastime of commenting on the corruption he perceived withintheChurch.86 However, as Walter Ullmannhas shown, although few English chroniclerscommentat length This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions92 THECHAUCERREVIEW aboutthe Papal Schism, thosewhodorefertoitendowUrbanwith unquestionedauthority and, in contrast, showutter contempt for Clement, thecourtat Avignon, andtheFrenchcrown.87 Anextensive English accountoftheSchismwas producedby Thomas Walsingham, a monk writing atSt. Albansin1377.AntoniaGransdenhas shownthat Walsinghammay have begun hiscareer bywriting theSt. Albanscontinuationof Higden'sPolychronicon.88 His primary work, ahis tory of England, writtenasa continuationto MatthewParis'sChronica Majora, locateshimwithinthetraditionofhistorical writing foundedat St.Albans byRoger of WendoverandMatthewParis.89InhisHistoria Anglicana andSt.Albans Chronicle, hedocumentsthe beginning ofthe Schism, followsits course, and displays anti-French feelings.90Walsingham showsthatinalettersentto Pope Urban VI, hisformercardinalsattack himandhiselectiontothe papacy,referring tohim as, "apostaticus, anathematizatus,Antichristus, ettotiusChristianitatisinvasoracdestruc tor."91 Suchinvective suggests thattheecclesiasticalwriterslike Ralph of Coggeshall had, through theircriticismofthe papacy anddiscussionsof Antichrist, preparedEngland forthenext step in exegeticalinterpreta tion:the antipope asAntichrist. Likewise, thisassociationcirculated widely acrosswestern Europe,appearing inthe language oftheFrench ecclesiasts, asseeninthe example aboveandinlatercommunications.92 Almost twentyyears aftertheoutbreakofthe Schism, theuse oftheterm "Antichrist"inassociationwiththe papacy was employedby theLollards intheirConclusiones against the Church, fixed upon thedoorsof Westminster Abbey andSt.Paul'sCathedralin1395.93 Relatedtothe corruption attributedtotheChurchwerethesinsof Christendomin general; the perceived stateof moral decline, which was correlatedwiththeGreat Schism, continuedtobe thought tofomentthe lossoftheCrusaderStates.Both Higden andTrevisatake part inthistra ditionintheiraccountofRichardFslossesinthe Holy Land.Asifto jus tify Richard's defeat, Higden writesthatthefailureis part ofGod's plan tochastenChristendom: Sic igitur ChristusRexnostermalishominumbene utens, dum terrenamsuam Jerusalem ... inmanustradit hostium, coelestis suae Jerusalem uberioralucrasubtiliter conquisivit.Itaquepropter nostrorumdefectumetdedecus temporumoportet civitatemsanc tamconculcaria gentibus usque ad tempusquod solusDeusnovit. Andso Christ our king,using men'sevil well, whilehe gives over hisland Jerusalem ... intothehandsofthe enemy, he subtly con quers thefertilerichesofhiscelestial Jerusalem. Andthus on accountofourdefectsandshameful times, itis right thatthe holy city be trampledbypeople untilthetimewhichGodaloneknows.94 This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER93 According to Higden, Godhimself planned thelossof Jerusalem; the Muslim occupation of Jerusalem wasinfacta type of punishment or purification ritualfortheChristians.Thisbeliefinthe spirituallyjusti fiedlossof Jerusalem continuedtobe perpetuated in England. Trevisa elaborates on this passage whenhe presents atranslation clarifying that, although the earthlyJerusalem was lost, thecelestial Jerusalem, oreter nal salvation, couldbe gainedbyenduringpunishment forsins. Thus, byenduring theMuslim conquest, westernChristians pay akindof penance andthus progress towardtheirown heavenly salvation.Trevisa's translationofthe passage confirms a medievalviewthatthelossof Jerusalem is a justpunishment meantto strengthen Christendom; by suf fering defeat, they wouldwinthecelestial Jerusalem instead:"So Crist oure kyng usej) wel f>e eveldedesof mankynde, whilehe takef)J)e er^elich Jerusalem into l>e hondesof enemyes ... and bringej)J)erynne for]} wyslichelargewynnyng of hi3e Jerusalem in hevene."95Itis asifthe lossofthe earthlyJerusalem is necessary to produce the celestial, more valuableone.Trevisa'stranslation suggests that although western Christianshadlost hope of winning backtheirterritoriesinthe Holy Land,nevertheless, they felt they stillowned Jerusalem, albeitina more spiritual, sublimatedfashion. Itisin light ofthis explanation or necessity, if you will, of losing the earthlyJerusalem thatI considerthe Siege. As English involvementinthe HundredYears'War upheld a split intheChurchdictated by nationalis tic loyalties united against France, thetraditional exegesis thatlinkedthe suffering ofRometothatof Jerusalem likewiseinfluencedthe poem's reception in England.96 Inthe poem the depiction ofthe Jews, likethe depiction ofthe Romans, is elastic; not only dothe Jews ofthe poemrep resent Jewishgroups who come beforeandafter them, but they also rep resentmedievalChristians.In England's historicalchroniclesmedieval Christiansinthe Holy Land, likethe Jews inthe poem, sufferdeath by the sword, andfalltosicknessandstarvationintheir attempt to keep Jerusalem.97According tothe exegetes,hope for attaining the physical Jerusalem issofar gone thatan eternalidealofthe city is evoked instead; so,too, theactual city inthe Siege is annihilated, withthe Temple torn apart stone by stone.98ThisretributionforChristiansinis borneoutin Higden andTrevisa's exegeticalinterpretation that Jerusalem wouldbe trodunderthefeetofthe enemy untilChristendomearnedGod'sfor giveness anddeservedthe city ina celestialsense. Thus they wouldhave toearntheireternalrewardin heaven:thecelestial Jerusalem. In replacing the materialwiththe spiritualgoal, the physicalcity no longer matters, anditsannihilation inaugurates a period ofrenewalforwestern Christendom.Thetextthusboth explains Christian inability to keep the city and justifies the power ofRome.Asfarasthe English werecon This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions94THECHAUCERREVIEW cerned,Rome, like Jerusalem, wasatthe mercy of Antichrist, though this timeit struggled underthe perceived threatofa corruptpapal govern mentat Avignon insteadofMuslimarmies. Rome, Joachim's "New Jerusalem," wouldrise up and perform theofficesofa sacred earthlycity just as Jerusalem haddone. The image ofthefallof Jerusalemoccupied the mindsof medievalbib licalcommentatorsforoverfourteencenturies.The exegetical inter pretation ofthe siege held currency asan appliedmetaphor forthe moralstateoftheChurchandthe society ofChristiansasa whole.With theadventofthe crusades, the siegeimageacquiredgreaterproportion, as thefortunesofthecrusadersroseandfellinthe Holy Landandwere interpretedaccording tosacred Scripture. Fromthe interchangeable typological modelof first-century Romansas early medieval Christians, tothe portrayal of Jerusalem andthe Jews astheChurchandthe Christian soul, theroleofthe besieger and besieged was interpreted vari ably,depending on the exegetical context.In Josephus onefinds perhaps the very first exegete oftheRoman siege, forit washewhorelatedthe eventsofthe Jewish warin light ofhis knowledge ofthe prophetic works andthe Lamentations; asmentioned above, he"corrects"messianic prophecy infavorofhisRoman captors,only tobe"emended" againby Joachim ofFiore.Whateverthe case, the predisposition ofa society to insertitself literally intoitssacred texts, interpreting itscurrentcircum stancesintheir contexts, canbeobservedinthe manipulation ofthehis torical siege of Jerusalem. Significantly, not just the general historicalfactofthe city's demiseat thehandsofthe Romans, but Josephus'sspecific accountofThe Jewish Warinfluencedromanceand religiousgenres alike. Josephus's influence isallthe moreremarkablenot only becausehewasa Jewish writerbor rowedintothewesterncanon by Christian writers, butalsobecause one can perceive the agenda ofthoseChristian adapters as theyshaped Josephus's accountfortheirownends.The city of Jerusalem, seenatonce asa metonym forthe Jewishpeople, theChristianChurchand soul, and the city of heavenly salvation, occupies a multivalent place inthe spec trumof symbolicreligiouslanguage.Religious writerssuch as the anony mous Hegesippus,Jerome, Paschasius Radbertus, Joachim of Fiore, and Ralph of Coggeshallrepresent a merehandfulofauthors usingJosephus tocreatebiblical commentary basedon typologies. Asmedievalecclesi asticalwritersmined Josephus's accountofthe Jewish warfor exegetical material, they foundnumerous parallels that suggested tothemthatthe Roman triumph over Jerusalem wasanother step inthedivine pattern of salvation history. Whilethe exegetes haveshownhowmedievalaudiences interpreted theliteral presence oftheRomansin biblical history, this depiction also This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER95 reveals moreinformationtothereader concerning the Jews. AsNarin vanCourthas shown, the first-centuryJews ofthe Siege may havebeen viewed as medieval Jewsthrough the Augustinian tradition. Alternatively, asHamel argues, they may havebeen perceived asthenon-Christian adversary ofthe crusades, thusas part ofamore generalizedbody of Saracens.Tothese readings I wouldadd that, foran English audience, theroleofthe Jews wouldhavealso cometo represent the plight ofthe English nationitself. Indeed, asthe Jews ofthe Siege aremadeto repre sentChristendomunder threat, they are portrayed asa people with whomto sympathize andfromwhomto gaininspiration inthefaceof adversity. AsNarinvanCourthasdemonstrated through her study onthe Augustinian historians, the Siege poet's treatmentofhissourcesshowsthe influenceoflate twelfth-centuryAugustinian attitudestowardthe Jews.99 NarinvanCourt'swork on Augustinian writers, suchasWilliamof Newburgh andThomas Wykes, showsthat they considereda Jewishpres ence necessary in orderthatChristianscouldrememberChrist'sPassion. Newburgh citesPsalm 59:12, "Slay them not, lest mypeopleforget," in defenseofthe Jews.100 Indeed, not only do Newburgh and Wykesargue thatthe Jews areusefulto Christiansandthereforebetterleft unharmed, they alsoshow outrage atthe inhumanity ofthecrimes against the Jews andcondemnChristian barbarityagainst them.Thismoral response resultsin Newburg'scastigation ofChristianviolenceand subsequent defenseofthe Jews.Noting thatthe Siege poetmay havebeeninfluenced by Newburghthrough other Augustinian historianssuchas Wykes, Narin vanCourtfinds precedents forthe poet'ssympatheticportrayal ofthe Jews. Like Wykes whocondemns crueltyagainst the Jews, the Siegepoet showstheinfluenceof Jewish "toleration"inhisrevisionsofhissources andhumane descriptions ofdefeated Jews.101 Whileseveralscholarshave addressedtheissueofthe poem'ssympatheticportrayal ofa suffering Jewishpeople, I wouldaddthatthe exegeticaltypologies oftheactual siege offervaluableinformation regarding this portrayal. Theinfluence of medieval exegetes like Joachim of Fiore, wholike Gregory theGreat compared the plight of Jerusalem andthe Jews tothatoftheChristian Churchand Christians, initiated just sucha "sympathetic"interpretation ofthe Jews, forinthe Jews medievalChristian exegetes sawthemselves. Thusin investigating theroleofthe Romans, onecan findfurtherinfor mation regarding theroleofthe Jews, the sympathetic natureoftheir portrayal, andthe English audienceitself. Throughexegeticalinterpre tation, medievalChristiancommentatorsfounda way to explain western Europe's tribulationsinthe Holy Land through aseriesof typologies, linking theirown place in history toa cycle of suffering associatedwith Jerusalem sincethe Babyloniancaptivity.Byplacing thefallofFrankish Jerusalem tothe Muslims alongside the long successionof historically This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions96THECHAUCERREVIEW and biblically recordedfallsof Jerusalem, westernChristiansboth explained theirlossin scriptural termsand brought themselvesintoa cycle of history associatedwiththe Holy Land. Considered together, the exegeticalreading ofthe poem thatinter prets the Jews asa typological Christian people andviewstheRomans as theAntichristseems contradictory totheliteral reading ofthe poem wherefictitiousRomansarelinkedtotheChristian crusading forcesof western Europe. Ontheone hand, the typologicalinterpretation neces sitatesacounter reading ofthe Siege whereintheRoman aggressors becometheadversariesof Christendom, andthe Jewishsiege victims occupy a martyr-like role as Christians.Ontheother hand, theliteral reading appears muchmore straightforward as it portrays a fictionalized RomanforcewhoseChristianrootslinkthe poem's audienceto past mili tarygrandeur and spiritualauthenticity. Whilethese exegetical andlit eral interpretations seem incompatible, taken togetherthey offer an apt reflectionofthetimein whichthe poem was produced in England. In fact, upon closer inspection theresultsofboth readingsyield similar results: asacriticismofthe Papal Schism, the exegeticalreading ofthe poem wouldhavebeenincirculationatthe precise historicalmoment ofthestrifewith Avignon. Likewise, theliteral reading ofthe poemsup ports theChurchofRome bycreating a history ofRome'stieswiththe holycity Jerusalem.Through both readings, the position ofRomeas spir itual capital is justified evenasthe Papal Schismis questioned. Moreover, both readingspresent a moralcalltoarmsinthefaceof Muslim occu pation ofthe Holy Land.The exegeticalreading, however, expands into areasof interpretation wheretheliteral reading cannot:it not only calls foritsaudienceto participate ina campaignagainst theadversariesof Christendom, be they Antichristor Saladin, butalso urges Christian reformfromwithin.The Siege showstheroleoftheRomans shifting in itscultural valence; italsoshowstheroleof Jerusalemshifting from a materialrelic soughtby the English, tothatof acelestial city attained through moralreformofthesoul. Centre for MedievalStudies Universityof Toronto Toronto, Canada (suzanne.yeager@utoronto. ca) Versionsofthis paper were given attheconference"Between Empires: Orientalism Before1600"at TrinityCollege,CambridgeUniversity,July 14,2001, andbeforethemem bersoftheMedievalRomance Society atthe37thInternational Congress onMedieval Studiesatthe University of Western Michigan, Kalamazoo, Michigan,May 2, 2002.Iam grateful tobothaudiencesfortheir thoughtful comments, especially toTamara This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER97 O'Callaghan. I alsowishtothankSuzanneConklin Akbari, David Klausner, and George Rigg oftheCentreforMedievalStudiesatthe University of Toronto, and Ralph HannaIII ofOxford University, allofwhom generously sharedtheir knowledge andwise suggestions. 1.Norman Davis,ed., TheCroxton Playof the Sacrament, in Non-CyclePlays and Fragments, EETSSS1 (Oxford,1970). 2.Cecilia Cutts, "TheCroxton Play: AnAnti-Lollard Piece," Modern LanguageQuarterly 5 (1944): 45-60, at55.SeealsoGail McMurray Gibson, TheTheatre of Devotion:East Anglican Society intheMiddle Ages(Chicago, 1989), 35-38. Here, onenotesthe important textualdis tinctionthatthe Jews arenotidentified asheretics (those whoabandon Christianity), but asthosewho rejectChristianity. 3.StevenF. Kruger, "TheBodiesof Jews intheLateMiddle Ages," inTheIdea of MedievalLiterature:New Essays onChaucerand MedievalCultureinHonor of DonaldR Howard, ed. James M.DeanandChristianK.Zacher (London,1992), 301-23. 4.ElisaNarinvan Court, "SociallyMarginal,Culturally Central: RepresentingJews in LateMedieval English Literature," Exemplaria 12 (2000): 293-326. 5.Sheila Delany, Chaucerandthe jews: Sources,Contexts, Meanings (NewYork,2002),ix; regarding theterm"absent presence,"Delany referstoGloria Cigman, "The Jew asan Absent-PresenceinLateMedieval England," TheSeventeenthSacksLectureoftheOxford Centrefor Postgraduate Hebrew Studies, delivered May 29, 1991 (Delany, xi). 6. Ralph HannaIIIandDavid Lawton,eds., The Siegeof Jerusalem, EETSOS320 (London,2003). Seealsotheearlieredition by E. K?lbing andMabel Day, eds., The Siege ofJerusalem, EETSOS188 (London,1932). All quotations arefromtheHannaandLawton edition, cited by linenumber.The poem is datedtothelatefourteenthto early fifteenth centuries.HannaandLawton classify itas part ofthealliterativerevivaland argue fora monastic authorship fromthe West Riding of Yorkshire, originating fromthemonasteries of Whalley,Salley, or Bolton; seeHannaand Lawton,eds., Siege, xxx-xxxvi,lii?liii; Ralph Hanna III, "Contextualizing The SiegeofJerusalem, " Yearbook of Langland Studies6 (1992): 109-21, at 114; andChristine Chism, "The SiegeofJerusalem:Liquidating Assets," Journalof Medievaland Early ModernStudies28 (1998):309-40, at334nl. Manuscript evidence sug gests thatthe poem was popular inlatemedieval England; seeHannaand Lawton, xii-xxvi; and Mary Hamel, "The SiegeofJerusalem asa Crusading Poem," in Journeys Toward God: Pilgrimage and Crusade, ed.BarbaraN. Sargent-Baur (Kalamazoo,Mich.,1992): 177-94, at187. 7. Mary Hamel, "SiegeofJerusalem,'' 177-80. Following asimilar typological method, but withadifferent interpretation, SuzanneConklinAkbarihasshownthatthe identity ofthe SiegeJew isintertwinednot only withthatofmedieval Jews, butalsowiththatofboththe Christianandthe Muslim ("Placing the Jews in LateMedieval Literature," inOrientalismand the Jews, ed.DerekPenslarandIvanKalmar [Hanover,Mass., forthcoming]). 8. Hanna, "Contextualizing," 110-11.SeealsoDavid Lawton, "TitusGoes Hunting and Hawking: ThePoeticsofRecreationand Revenge inThe Siegeof Jerusalem," in Individuality andAchievementin Middle EnglishPoetry, ed.O.S. Pickering(Woodbridge, Suffolk,1997),105-17;here, Lawton's interpretation also posits a uniquelyJewishpres enceinthe poem(see113-14). 9.ElisaNarinvan Court, "The SiegeofJerusalem and Augustinian Historians: Writing About Jews in Fourteenth-CenturyEngland," ChaucerReview29 (1995):227-48, at 228. NarinvanCourt'sarticlehasbeen reprinted inChaucerandthe Jews: Sources,Contexts, Meanings, ed.Sheila Delany (NewYork,2002), 165-84. My articlewillrefertothe page numbersinChaucerReview.BonnieMillaralsocommentsontheroleofthe poem'sJews inherinformative book, The SiegeofJerusalem inIts Physical,Literary andHistoricalContexts (Portland,Ore.,2000). 10. Akbari, "Placing the Jews,"forthcoming. 11.The Siege wasderivedfromadiversecollectionof literary anddramatic sources, among whichHannaandLawtoninclude Josephus'sfirst-centuryJewish War, originally writ tenin Greek, whichwasavailabletothe Siegepoet inLatintranslation.Forfurtherinfor mationon Josephus's worksassourcematerialforthe Siege, seeHannaand Lawton,eds., Siege, xl?lii. 12.Formoreon thenarrativedistinctionsbetweenOldandNew Rome, seeChristine Chism, AlliterativeRevivals (Philadelphia, 2002), 181-83.SeealsoPatricia Price, This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions98THECHAUCERREVIEW "Integrating Timeand Space: The LiteraryGeography of Patience,Cleanness, The Siegeof Jerusalem, andSt. Erkenwald," Medieval Perspectives 11 (1996):234-50, at 242-46. 13.In actuality, therelic's perceivedability tohealalsomadeit popular inthelater medieval period. Moreover, a fourteenth-centuryEnglish audiencewouldhavebeenfamil iar withthesacred object, forwiththe instability ofthe Holy Land, Roman pilgrimage was onthe rise; in RometheVeilwasa popular attraction, rivaling thebonesofSt.Peterinits appeal to visitingpilgrims. See JonathanSumption,Pilgrimage: An Imageof Medieval Religion (London,1975), 243-49. 14.The Temple'sJubileetrumpets were brought from Jerusalem to Rome by Titus.See Julia Bolton Holloway, The Pilgrim andthe Book (NewYork,1992),61; Josephus, The Jewish War,VII.162, trans.G.A.Williamson (Harmondsworth, Eng., 1970), 372-73. 15.Scholarssuchas Stephen Runcimannand ChristopherTyerman haveshownthat towardtheendofthefourteenth century,crusading initiatives werenotmade by the English crown;instead, membersofthe nobilityarranged theirown campaigns. For instance, asLouis II, dukeofBourbonrecruitedmeninFranceto fightagainst the Ottoman Muslims, hewas joinedby an Englishcontingent recruitedunder John of Lancaster. Though this group wasdefeatedattheBattleof Nicopolis in 1396, theirefforts represent thelastand largest oftheinternationalcrusades. Likewise, Englishnobility also wentoncrusadeintheBaltic during lullsintheHundredYears' War, showing that, atleast among thelower nobility, the crusadingimpulse wasaliveandwell.WiththeLancastrians engaged thus, together withtheircontroloverBolton Priory wherethe poem was perhaps produced, itseems altogetherpossible thatthe Siege wasinfactcommissionedtoencour age othernoblesto participate inthecrusades.SeeSteven Runcimann, The Historyof the Crusades, 3vols. (Cambridge,Eng., 1954),3:455-64; and ChristopherTyerman,England andthe Crusades, 1095-1588 (Chicago, 1988), 265-72. 16.Theideaofthe poem asarecruitment piece, as positedby Hamel, suggests thatit derived power from feelings of upper-classEnglishsociety towardtheirfaithandtheir place in Englishsociety; see Hamel, "SiegeofJerusalem," 188-89.Suchvaluesareseeninthe fourteenth-century continuationof Holy Land legacies andvow redemptions ofdeceased family members, andinnoblehouseholdsthattook pride intheir crusadingheritage?for example, somedecoratedtheirhomeswith tapestriesdepicting crusade legends anddis playedfamily relicsthat proved (or merelysuggested)past crusade participation; see Tyerman,England andthe Crusades, 260-61. Contemporarypopular literatureandsermons continuedto testify tothe importance ofthecrusadesin spite ofthe manyobligations at homeandinFrance.RichardII paidlip servicetothe crusade, offering his encourage ment, thoughrarelyanymoney, ashewasinterestedin using thecrusadeto improve his publicimage;seej.J. N. Palmer, England, FranceandChristendom (Chapel Hill,N.C.,1972), 242-44. 17. Philippe de M?zi?res, Epistre auRoiRichart [Letter toRichard III, ed.andtrans.G.W. Coopland(Liverpool, 1975), 28-29 (English), 101-2 (French). 18.de M?zi?res, Epistre, ed.andtrans. Coopland, 16-17 (English), 89-90 (French). 19. Along withtheseincentivesfordirect participation, the poemmay alsohavebeen intendedtoincrease support ata moreindirectlevel: throughpublicfundraising. As Simon Lloyd has shown, by thethirteenth century, crusadehadbecome increasingly insti tutionalizedand integrated within English socialstructurestotheextentthat England's mosteffectiveroleinthecrusadeswas through donationsof gifts,legacies, alms, andmon etaryredemption ofcrusadervows.SeeSimon Lloyd,EnglishSociety andthe Crusade, 1216-1307 (Oxford,1988), 239-46. 20.Lawtonidentifiesthe courtly activitiesof hunting and hawking as signifiers ofiden tity. In Siege, thisisa specifically Christian identity; see Lawton, "TitusGoes Hunting," 113-17. 21.AsLawtonhas shown, these courtlyimages serveto signify theChristianconversion ofRome ("Titus Goes Hunting," 116-17). 22.E.Ann Matter, "TheLamentationsCommentariesofHrabanusMaurusand Paschasius Radbertus," Tradition (1982):137-63, at138. 23. Matter, "Lamentations Commentaries," 138. 24. Matter, "Lamentations Commentaries," 138. This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and ConditionsSUZANNEM.YEAGER99 25.Allbiblicaltranslationsinthiswork aretakenfromthe English translationofThe CatholicBible: Douay-Rheims Version (NewYork,1941). SeeLuke19:43-44.SeealsoLuke 21:6, Matthew 24, Mark 13:2; alsoOldTestament prophecies in Jeremiah 9:11,26:18; Micah 3:12; Lamentations 2; andZechariah14:2. 26.Ernstvon Dobsch?tz,ed., CuraSanitatis Tiberii, inTexteund Untersuchungen zur geschickte deraltchristlichen literature, Neue Folge, Bd.III (Berlin,1899). Seealso K?lbing and Day, eds., Siege, xvi. 27.Constantinde Tischendorf,ed., Vindicta Salvatoris, in Evang?licaApocrypha (Hilde sheim,1876,repr.1966),471-86; also Appendix II.Seealso K?lbing and Day, eds., Siege, xvi. 28.Heinz Schreckenberg, Die Flavius-Josphus-Tradition in AntikeundMittelalter (Leiden, 1972). 29. Hegesippus,HegesippiQui DiciturHistoriaeLibri V, ed.Vincent Ussani, Corpus Scriptorum EcclesiasticorumLatinorum 66; Jerome, InHieremiam Prophetam,Corpus ChristianorumSeriesLatina 74; seealsoCommentarioruminEsaiam I-XI, Corpus ChristianorumSeriesLatina 73; andPaschasius Radbertus, Expositio in Lamentationes, Corpus ChristianorumContinuadoMediaevalis85. Joachim of Fiore, L?berde Concordia, ed. E. Randolph Daniel, Transactions of the American PhilosophicalSociety 73 (1983):xii; seealso Joachim of Fiore, ConcordiaNoviacVeterisTestament (Frankfurt a. M.,1964). Forallrefer ences relating toBook5ofthe Concordia, I haveusedtheFrankfurt edition; foreditorial reasons, themoremodernDanieleditionoftheConcordiadoesnotcontainBook5. 30. Guy N. Deutsch, Iconographie del'illustrationde Flavius Josephe au temps de JeanFouquet (Leiden,1986), 20. 31. BerylSmalley, The Studyof the BibleintheMiddle Ages (Oxford,1953; repr.1983), xi. 32.Robertthe Monk, RobertiMonachiHistoria Iherosolimitana, in Recueildes Historiensdes Croisades, HistoriensOccidentaux (Paris,1866; repr.1967), Vol. III, Bk. IX, Ch.24.Seealso Smalley,Studyof the Bible, xi. 33.Aswellas influencing themedievalcultural reception ofthe crusades, Josephan exegesis hada long-livedimpact, aslatemedievalecclesiasticaldramaonthecontinent producedgreatplays ofthe first-centurysiege thatrivaledthePassionand Corpus Christi plays intheir length and popularity.By thelatefourteenth century, dramatic, liturgical, and literary sourcesensuredthatthe first-century Roman conquest wasassimilatedinto themoral teachings oftheChurch.See Stephen K. Wright, The Vengeanceof OurLord: MedievalDramatizations of theDestruction ofJerusalem (Toronto,1989), 1-18. 34.See Siege, lines 356,982,1019-20, 1289-96.BiblicalreferencesaretoLuke19:44. SeealsoLuke 21:6, Matthew 24, andMark 13:2; OldTestament prophecies referto Jeremiah 9:11,26:18; Micah 3:12; Lamentations 2; andZechariah14:2. 35. Matter, "Lamentations Commentaires,"142; and John Cassian, Collationes XIV.viii, ed.J.Pinchery, Sourceschr?tiennes54 (Paris,1958), 189-93. 36. Matter, "Lamentations Commentaries,"143n24; Lamentations 1:2; and Gregory the Great, Moralia 13.12.15, Corpus ChristianorumSeriesLatina143A:677. 37. Joachim, Liberde Concordia, ed. Daniel, xii. 38.In fact, in 1194, Henry VI gave foundation privileges to Joachim tostarthisown house. 39.E. Randolph Daniel, "Apocalyptic Conversion:The Joachite Alternativetothe Crusades," in Joachimof FioreinChristian Thought, ed.DelnoC. West, 2vols. (NewYork, 1936),1:301-28, at304-5. Marjorie Reeves, The Influenceof Prophecy inthe LaterMiddle Ages: A Studyinjoachism (Oxford,1969),4-6, 16-20. 40. Joachim, Liberde Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 2, Pt. 1, Cap. 2,62; listed by book, part, chapter, and page number. Except where noted, alltranslationsofLatintextsare my own. 41."Diximusenim quod exconcordiaduorumtestamentorum proceditspiritualis intellectus" (Joachim, Concordia, Bk. 5, Cap. 106,125r; listed by book, chapter, andfolio number). 42. ConcerningJoachim'sscripturalinterpretation ofOldandNewTestamentcharac ters, see Joachim, Liberde Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 2, Pt. 1, Cap.2, 62. 43. Joachim, Liberde Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 2, Pt. 2, Cap. 7, 181. 44.SeeIsaiah8:1-10. 45. Regarding theMuslim occupation ofthe Holy Land, Joachim writes: "tangit decem tribus praedicens illasessetradendasin manus regumassyriorum. Secundumconcordiam This content downloaded from 212.113.107.216 on Tue, 24 Dec 2013 16:29:06 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions100THECHAUCERREVIEW tangit ecclesias grecorumquasdepopulati suntsaraceni." (He touches upon thetentribes predicting that they weretobehandedovertothe kings ofthe Assyrians.According tocon cordia, he says that [this eventrefers to] theGreekChurchwhichwasdevastated by the Saracens.) (Joachim, Concordia, Bk. 5, Cap. 94,122v). 46. Joachim, Concordia, Bk. 5, Cap. 93, 122v. 47. Vitajoachimi abbatis, in Herbert Grundmann, "Joachim ofFlorisundRainervon Ponza," DeutschenArchiv f?rErforschung des Mittelalters16 (1960): 437-546. Joachim's Vit?is foundon 528-39; see 529.Thefirstof Joachim's threerevelationswhileinthe Holy Land wasthatGodhad rejectedJerusalem. See Vita,532-33; also Grundmann, 492. 48. Joachim, Liberde Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 3, Pt. 2, Cap. 1, 287. 49. Joachim, Liberde Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 3, Pt. 2, Cap. 2, 289. 50. Referring to Jerusalem,Joachim writes:"Etrecte filia Sionuocaturecclesiaaddif ferentiam synagoge,que fuitmater Sion; nimirum quia iniliafuerunt patres, inista pro patribus filiinatisunt.Et quia Sanctus proph?tieSpiritus nontarn pret?ritarespicitquam futura, utsedenouaSion loqui monstraret, nequ?quam earnmatremSionuocareuoluit sed potius filiam nuncupauit." (And rightly theChurchiscalled Daughterof Sion, withref erencetothedifferenceofthe Synagogue, whichwastheMotherof Sion; certainly, since theFatherswereinthatone [i.e., theold Jerusalem], butinthisone [i.e., thenew Jerusalem], thesonswerebornthefathers.Andsincethe HolySpirit of prophecy looks notso muchtothe past astowardthe future, inordertoshowthatitis speaking aboutthe new Sion, it didnotwishtocallher"MotherSion"butrather "Daughter.")Qoachim, Liber de Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 4, Pt. 1, Cap. 39,394). 51. Daniel,ed., Joachim, Liberde Concordia, xiii. 52. Joachim, Liberde Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 2, Pt. 1, Cap. 2, 64. 53. Joachim, Liberde Concordia, ed. Daniel, Bk. 4, Pt. 2, Cap. 27, 394. Joachim contrasts ad litteram, meaning a literal, historical interpretation tothe typological {adconcordiam). In thereformofthe Church, asinthe rebuilding ofanew Jerusalem,Joachim seesanew Rome.ThisnewRomanChurchwillberebuiltafteritsdesolationand punishment,just likethe old, temporalJerusalem mustbe destroyed inordertobuildtheeternal one: "Predicitsecundumlitteramreedificandamiterumhierusalem.Predicitsecundum con cordiamreleuandamasuocasuecclesiam ... Utdiscat intelligere iudeusnouam hierusalem qu[a]e fundataestRome." (Literally, he predicts a rebuilding of Jerusalem again.According to concordia, he predicts a raisingup oftheChurchfromits devastation ...so thatthe Jewmay learntounderstandthenew Jerusalem, whichwasfoundedat Rome.) (Joachim, Concordia, Bk. 5, Cap. 107,125r). 54. Marjorie Reeves, The Influenceof Prophecy inthe LaterMiddle Ages: A Studyinjoachism (Oxford,1969),6-9, 397-98. 55. Joachim, Concordia, Bk. 5, Cap. 107, 125r-v. 56. Vitajoachimi abbatis, in Grundmann, "Joachim of Floris," 529.Thefirstof Joachim's threerevelationswhileinthe Holy LandwasthatGodhad rejectedJerusalem. 57. Joachim of Fiore, Expositio in Apocalypsim (Frankfurt a. M.,1964), fol.168r. 58. Roger of Hoveden, Gesta r?gis HenricisecundiBenedicti Abbatis, ed.William Stubbs, RollsSeries 49, 2vols. (London,1867), 2:153. 59. Joachim,Expositio, fol.168r. 60. Reeves, Influenceof Prophecy, 9. 61. Marjorie Reeves, Joachimof Fioreandthe Prophetic Future (London,1976), 77-82. 62. Jean de Roquetaillade(Joannes de Rupescissa), Vademecumin tribulation, ed.E. Brown, Appendix adFasciculumRerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum abOrthuinoGratioeditum Coloniae MDXXXV, II (London,1690), 496-507.Seealso Reeves, Influenceof Prophecy, 321-34. 63. Telesphorus of Cosenza, CommentariainOraculum Cyrilli, ed.E. Donckel, in Die Prophezeiung des Telesforus, ArchivumFranciscanum Historicum, xxvi (1933): 29-104.Seealso Reeves, Joachimof Fiore, 79-82. 64. Reeves, Influenceof Prophecy, 83n5, 82-84.SeealsoMortonW. Bloomfield, Piers Plowmanas