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Jena Gray

12/17/14

Glasser

Anthropology of Islam

The Construction of Muslim Identities at the College of William & Mary

Abstract

This paper seeks to understand how Muslim religious identities are formed at The College of William & Mary. It should be noted that informal conversations and interviews with eight students will be highly esteemed when interpreting personal identities as articulated by the individuals themselves. An analysis of these individuals offers a localized, albeit narrow, view of the breadth of the construction of Muslim identities which inherently contains broader structural matters such as class, ethnicity and gender. This essay hopes to demonstrate that by detailing individuals’ identities of themselves the process in forming a Muslim identity will become illuminated. I operate within the understanding that one final “Muslim identity” will not be attained, nor is attainable; for Islam is a diverse, discursive tradition. There can be no assumed “average Muslim student experience” but, instead, with each individual’s ethnic, historical, and personal background measured, each student’s religious identity can be ascertained.

At The College of William & Mary, I met and discussed with eight distinct students who

identify themselves as Muslim in order to attribute their insight and experience to the micro-level

process of religious self-identification. In order to apply this narrow analysis that just eight

subjects provides one must place their experiences within the broader context of relevant

definitions and wider social structures. Anthropologist Talal Asad (1986) proposes that Islam be

acknowledged as a discursive religious tradition rather than a stagnated label. He admonishes

and exhorts other anthropologists to place Islam in its appropriate context alongside proper

historical conditions. Asad insinuates that “symbolic anthropologist” Clifford Geertz and

structural anthropologist Ernest Gellner have both inadequately approached Islam analytically by

failing to ask particular questions and misrepresenting historical structures (Grewal 2014:37).

Asad discards the notion of isolated “‘Islamic’ social systems, as Gellner claims, or ‘Islamic’

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experiences, as Geertz attempts to [describe]” (Grewal 2014:37). Asad rejects the heavy

emphasis on “social structure and historical causation, such as Ernest Gellner [places]” as well as

the “body of Islamic symbols” that Geertz ascribes to (Grewal 2014:37). Zareena Grewal (2014)

affirms Asad in that Islam cannot be treated as a total system with a fixed social structure “nor a

heterogeneous collection of beliefs, artifacts, customs, and morals” (Asad 1986:14). Islam must

be viewed as a discursive tradition comprised of various dialogues transmitted through historical

conditions and “shared foundational texts across space and over time” (Asad 1986; Grewal

2014:37).

This discursive tradition of Islam teaches adherents the allegedly “correct” method and

purpose of set practices while allowing for heterogeneity in the traditional practices of Muslims.

Asad (1986) recognizes the diversity in belief among Muslims and asserts that this heterogeneity

is not indicative of the absence of an Islamic tradition. Instead, Islam is a multidimensional

institution which thrives due to diversity, adaptation, and its refusal to stagnate. The idea that

there is a way in which Islam is permeates across cultures that are Islamic; the way in which

Islam is varies like colors reflected through a prism. One beam of light enters a multifaceted

prism yet the colors which are emanated from the prism are sundries of color and directionality;

likewise, Islam is connected by the universal belief that there is a set code of Islam. The

assortment of practices radiates across geographic expanses of land and vast stretches of time

while they continue to be understood universally as “Islamic.” Within this framework of a

discursive Islamic tradition, religious identities are constantly changing and are shaped by a

multiplicity of factors.

Religious identities cannot be extracted from the individual as a whole without

deconstructing the overall identity (if indeed religion plays a role in his/her life). Religious

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identity, social identity, cultural and ethnic identity thus all contribute as factors in the formation

of one’s self, each shaping and molding with regards to, in response of, and with relation to one

another. Because people usually occupy numerous social positions (such as parent, child,

employer, etc.), “each with its own unique set of role expectations, an individual’s self-identity

typically is multifaceted” (Weaver and Agle 2002:81). S. Stryker and S. Stryker & R. T. Serpe

explain that these role expectations can be in conflict with one another at times (1980; 1982).

These conflicts are resolved based on the “salience hierarchy” we institute depending on the

relative importance of certain identities in creating the self (Weaver and Agle 2002:81). This

salience hierarchy, according to J. D. Davidson & D. D. Knudsen (1977) and S. Putney & R.

Middleton (1961), considers one’s relation to a particular establishment of religious beliefs and

practices while determining “the degree to which that religion constitutes a central part of self-

identity” (Weaver and Agle 2002:81). The degree to which someone’s religion constructs part of

their self-identity is valuable in determining a sense of religiosity. The “degree to which religion

constitutes a central part of self-identity” and a sense of religiosity manifests itself in the

decisions William & Mary students must make when deciding to join certain religious or multi-

cultural organizations such as Muslim Student Association, Middle Eastern Student Association

or African Cultural Society.

Geertz (1968:16-17) asserts that “viewed as a social, cultural, and psychological (that is

to say, a human) phenomenon, religiousness is not merely knowing the truth, or what is taken to

be the truth, but embodying it, living it, giving oneself unconditionally to it.” For students such

as Mayah, a senior Shi’a Muslim at The College of William & Mary, the sense of religiosity may

be difficult to define. She reflects, “I mean I guess my religion influences how I dress, how I act,

and what I eat…but I guess that it’s just really fluid and I kinda do it all at once rather than

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thinking, ‘Oh, this is clearly religious whereas all this other stuff is not.’” While she may not be

able to clearly define which areas of her life are classified as religious, she considers her life to

embody her Muslim beliefs.

Yet under this pretext of religiousness, the symbolic interactionist theory, as expounded

by Weaver and Agle (2002:81) states that “the greater the number and importance of

interpersonal commitments based on a particular identity (e.g. religious believer), the more

salient that identity becomes.” In accordance with the symbolic interactionist theory this means

that, in the context of students who self-identify as Muslim to any capacity, students who get

involved in or interact more with organizations or students who also self-identify as Muslim, the

more salient, or more firm, they become in that religious self-identification (Stryker & Serpe

1982:207). Mayah does not necessarily fit in with Weaver and Agle (2002:81) and Stryker &

Serpe’s (1982:207) symbolic interactionist theory in that the majority of her friends are African-

American and Christian (if they ascribe to any religion), she does not attend MSA meetings

regularly, nor does she interact with many Muslims in a religious context. Yet, Mayah still

regards herself as living life through the lens of Islam, much how Geertz (1968:16-17) describes,

alluding to the fact that these definitions and theories are simply a loose patchwork of the

“discursivity” of Islam in which agents may weave about while still working with the common

thread.

Religion can sometimes be a greater source of identity than other sources such as kin,

culture, language or ethnicity. Jessica Jacobson (1997) illuminates that scholars of ethnicity have

often approached religious allegiance as one constituent of ethnic identity (238). Geertz also

affirms that ethnic affiliations are determined by connections of kin, mutual language or dialect,

common religion, and shared social practices (1973:259). Anthropologist and ethnographer

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Manning Nash (1989:5-6) places religion alongside nationality, shared history, and common

language as one of the foundational elements of ethnicity (Jacobson 1997:238). There are

multiple points of convergence and divergence along the path toward identity where these

threads get tangled up in knots forming a bulbous and complicated picture of one’s self.

Ethnicity can be distinguished as a specific identity in regards to one's relationship to a place of

origin (Jacobson 1997).

In Jacobson’s 1997 ethnographic work with young British Pakistanis, the consultants’

Pakistani ethnicity connects them to a specific geographic location and its population whereas

their religious adherence to Islam has “universal relevance” which transcends geographic and

ethnic barriers (238). While ethnic identity such as ‘African’ or ‘Pakistani’ signifies attachment

to a country or region of origin, religious affiliation with Islam construes a sense of belonging to

a global community with an established doctrine, affirming equivalence among all ethnicities

and nationalities (Jacobson 1997:Abstract). Each of these scholars’ work provides evidence to

support the view that self-identity is not solely univariate. Religious affiliation is not mutually

exclusive of other sources of identity; but, rather, through a complex combination of family

history, language communities, and other social contributions does the cohesion of these factors

achieve a comprehensive, although continuously changing, concept of self. This notion of a

multivariate and ever-changing identity of self can be transferred to the macro-level description

of Islam as a discursive tradition which Talal Asad works within.

In regards to one’s fluctuating identity, college is an essential time of seeking out

meaning and establishing self-identity. Family values from the household one has just left,

involvement and interaction with religious or multicultural organizations on campus, personal

revelations and convictions, and conversations with members of a different religion can all be

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formative parts in one’s religious transformation at college. For some, religion supplies a more

significant part of their social identity; or, in the words of of S. Stryker and R. T. Serpe (1982),

their religious identity is more “salient.” Identity is also affected by the social community an

individual surrounds himself/herself with at college. Religious groups on campus, like other

campus organizations, have certain role expectations for its members whether participation in

certain rituals, maintenance of a shared set of beliefs, or the experience of spiritual, cognitive, or

emotional positions (Weaver and Agle 2002:81). These role expectations that the members

pledge to by their participation, in essence, form the total identity of the organization. The

identities of campus organizations at The College of William & Mary are primarily constructed

based on the individualized identities of the constituents who constitute the whole.

It is extremely vital, in portraying students’ identities, for their words not to be

misconstrued or misused; and, as such, many descriptions of student life, religious self-

identification, historical context and familial experiences will be taken from direct quotes from

the consultant themselves. Of the eight consultants, five are female (Mina, Dela, May, Mayah,

and Yey) and three are male (Aaron, Matt, and Ammil ). Mina, May, Mayah, Yey, and Aaron

were born in the United States while Dela was born in Sudan, Matt was born in Morocco, and

Ammil was born in Pakistan. All of the students identify as Sunni Muslims except for Ammil

and Mayah who are two of few Shi’a Muslims that Ammil is aware of on campus at The College

of William & Mary. Dela is the only freshman and is involved in both the Middle Eastern

Student Association and the Muslim Student Association. Mina and Ammil are both

sophomores: Mina is involved in the African Cultural Society and Ammil is involved in both

MESA and MSA. Yey, Matt, and Aaron are all juniors: Yey and Matt are involved in both

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MESA and MSA; Aaron is not involved in either of the organizations. May and Mayah are

seniors: May is involved in ACS and MSA; Mayah is not involved in either of the organizations.

The perceived role expectations for the organizations discussed in this paper have been

formulated solely through conversation with eight consultants and by no means are to be

regarded as the identity the organizations ascribe to themselves. These role expectations are

formed through individual experiences, observations, and conversations that my consultants have

had. The “identity” of the African Cultural Society is that its members are, and thus the

organization as a whole represents, mostly West Africans or Sub-Saharan Africans: specifically

within West Africa, the members have Sierra-Leonean or Ghanaian heritage. The majority of the

members are Christian despite the organization being non-religious in nature. The Middle

Eastern Student Association has been described by the consultants through various means as

being made up of mostly Muslim students yet is more religiously diverse than ACS (mostly

Christian) or MSA (only Muslim) having Jewish, Christian, and Muslim religious faiths

represented. While MESA is also a non-religious organization, religion seems to hold importance

within the members. While MESA may have a majority of Muslim students, “there is a wider

range of practicing and non-practicing [as well as those] somewhere in between within MESA”

(consultant, Dela).

The Muslim Student Association was described both by those who are active members

and by those who are non-members in strong terms. By those who are actively involved in MSA,

the religious organization is described as having “a wide range of people at MSA” in regards to

religiosity (consultant, Matt). As a Shi’a Muslim, Ammil explains that “because I am Shi’a, I am

able to say more within the group [MSA] and feel part of the group.” By non-members, MSA is

viewed as “conservative, all the girls wear hijab, and there are stricter Muslims” and as having

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“only two to three blacks” (consultants, Mina and Aaron). Dela, a Sudanese-American freshman

involved in MESA and MSA, supports the perception of MSA Muslim students in saying that

her friends “from MSA are usually stricter in their faith, meaning they are stricter in their

practices than some of my other Muslim friends.”

Mina, a Sierra-Leonean-American sophomore is involved in ACS and not MSA,

describes herself as “firm in my beliefs” but admits that “I don’t practice [Islam] as firmly as I

should.” She holds an idea of what Islam “should” look like and in her view falls short of that

model and therefore “I sometimes feel weird around the girls at MSA because most of them wear

hijab.” Weaver and Agle (2002:81) can offer the symbolic interactionist theory as explanation to

the perception of MSA. Those involved in a greater number of interactions and who hold

commitments to a particular identity, in this case “Muslim,” have a more salient religious

identity and are seen as those who embody religiousness (Weaver and Agle 2002:81; Geertz

1968:16-17).

Matt and May, two students with formal positions within MSA, postulate reasons why

other Muslim students choose to disassociate from the organization. They suppose that other

students have a view that MSA is conservative and strict. May supposes that because William &

Mary is a liberal campus,

Perhaps, for sake of seeming not liberal, this is not the best place for people who identify

with Islam or with religion in general. There does seem to be a general sense of people

academically interested in Islam but nothing else and people seem to disconnect

themselves from Islam and from the willingness to fully engage with Islam.

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She then describes the perceptions of a Muslim experience within MSA “are those who wear

hijab, who fast, and who are perceived conservative, perceived reserved if openly identify with

religion.”

Another component to the identities of these organizations is a matter of racial and ethnic

composition. Aaron says that within the Muslim Student Association, “there’s only two or three

black people [sic.].” Matt illuminates the tension between skin color, religion, and ethnic

identification which unfolds when students elect to join multicultural organizations between

MESA and ACS; he uses Sudanese students as examples:

They are black, they speak Arabic; they are Muslim. And that sorta goes back to the

question, ‘Are they Arab?’ which goes to the basic definition of Arab which is someone

who speaks Arabic. So yes, they would be Arab. But…there’s this sense that

[whispering] because they’re black they’re not really Arab. I don’t know how that’s

propagated on both sides. I don’t know how much that really is a thing. I know May has

told me that people in ACS have told her, ‘They [Arabs] (referring to those in MESA)

don’t claim you, why do you go with them?’ And I’m like, is that necessarily true…?”

Religious and ethnic/racial lines cross and intersect often when deciding to join certain campus

organizations and definitively play a role in religious self-identification. Organizations

themselves carry a sort of identity or a communal identification and thereby choosing to

associate with a particular organization, the individual chooses to adopt the group identity as part

of his/her own identity.

For May, she struggled between these three organizations upon admission to The College

of William & Mary. May, a Sudanese senior and President of MSA, separately from Matt,

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expressed to me her struggle with ethnic and racial identity as a Sudanese Muslim, confirming

Matt’s observations. She reflected that “I wouldn’t necessarily think of myself as African if you

had asked me last year. Only more recently do I identify and associate myself with Africa. I

think it was because I only have ever interacted with West Africans [within ACS].” May has

experienced pointed questions from members of ACS before she joined the organization who,

questioned me saying I was putting “Muslim” above other identities and asked me

things like, ‘Are you trying to disassociate from being African?’ But, in truth, I had

never really associated myself with African culture because of language, because of

religion, and because of food. I just didn’t really have anything to connect me to

what I considered African, except that I was from the same continent.

May’s experience reflects the intimate link between an organization’s cultural and

religious identity and an individual’s ethnic and religious identity. By disassociating from either

a religious organization or a multicultural organization, in the case of the first few years of

May’s time at William & Mary, one is assumed to be disassociating from the identity which the

organization propagates. Ethnic identification may relate to a particular place, a particular

geographic region, but, for May, a sense of religion as social identity contributes more

significantly to her overall identity than ethnic association and is ranked higher on her salience

hierarchy (Jacobson 1977; Weaver and Agle 2002). Islam has universality and May approaches

many situations from the context of “being a Muslim, I…” rather than approaching life from

another lens. Religious or cultural groups expect certain role performance from members which

constitute a person’s identity; while, simultaneously, the members of an organization reflect a

group identity—forming an entity of its own identity (Weaver and Agle 2002:81).

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Mayah, a Shi’a senior, says she only attends MSA events when “I can best fit them in

within my schedule whereas those [organizations/activities] like Buddy art, being a tour guide,

my job at the Wren building, and working with Sodexo are all allotted time slots.” Throughout

her time at The College William & Mary, Mayah has been working with dining services as a

self-proclaimed “liaison” between Sodexo and MSA “getting foods on campus for students who

eat halal meat.” Halal does not mean the same to every Muslim, in every context. For example,

Mina explained halal meat as “like, prayed on;” while to Yey, halal means not eating pork, but

also [jello] because of the gelatin, not having foods cooked in alcohol “even though it cooks out,

but still.” For Dela, “if you only eat halal meat then [dining halls] would be more of an issue. I

fall into the category of not eating pork so I just stay away from the red meat and typically eat

chicken.” Due to Mayah’s activism in this realm of campus life, “the students just have to come

in and ask for their meal and the dining services will cook it separately for them.”

For Mayah, her family began eating halal meat after a beloved family member died when

she was young but “in terms of how we acted or what we did, that didn’t really change.” She and

her family began going to the Mosque every Sunday for an hour thinking that “maybe that could

add something to our lives.” Mayah reminisces that “I have a lot of cherished memories growing

up with my mom in the kitchen…The food culture comes primarily from our Indian heritage

backgrounds.” Both of Mayah’s parents were born in Uganda but according to her, “all of my

ancestors were from India.” Friday prayer is also a constant in her life: “I’ve never missed a

Friday prayer.” Friday prayer and her dietary decisions are high on her “salience hierarchy”

contributions to Mayah’s overall religiosity; the decisions and ways in which she lives her life

embody her religious identification as Muslim (Weaver and Agle 2002:81; Geertz 1968:16-17).

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As a senior, Mayah understands that “self-identification is usually a thing people are

searching for in college;” and, while she identifies as Muslim, she would be the first to admit that

the role religion plays in her self-identity is “definitely still forming.” Mayah defines Islam for

herself as “really only about how to be a good person. It’s like the tenets of being a good person,

an active listener—not like conversion or anything quite like that, or that this is the right way.”

She has chosen not to become an active member of MSA during her time at The College of

William & Mary and describes MSA as “just really different from [how] I grew up and where I

came from.” Ultimately, for Mayah, it is difficult “to separate what is religion and what’s not.”

Because Mayah occupies numerous social positions such as student, employee, daughter, friend,

each position has “its own unique set of role expectations” creating a “self-identity [that] is

multifaceted” (Weaver and Agle 2002:81). Islam is not just a compartmentalized aspect of her

life and it is nearly impossible to categorize religion to a single aspect of an individual’s entire

identity. Like Asad’s discursive tradition of Islam, Mayah’s identity involves a constant shifting

of variables which are determinant on historical context, familial influences, social communities,

and personal values while maintaining an inherent thread of the essence of who Mayah is.

Aaron, a junior not involved in any of the three organizations mentioned, was born in

Connecticut but both parents were born in Senegal. At the age of four, his family returned to

Senegal. He explains that “growing up in Senegalese culture was tough. My household was very

strict and so I have never wanted to get involved with MSA… [because] being involved with

MSA would mean submitting to certain rules that I just [didn’t] want to have to do.” He explains

that “we all have diverse and different backgrounds, different perspectives, different ways of

practicing Islam, and I don’t want to have to submit to certain rules, especially after growing up

in such a strict household.” But his reasons for not joining MSA do not hinder him from

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associating with and identifying himself as Muslim. He is confident in his faith: “I know myself

and I know who I am…I am a proud Muslim and I believe in God and I pray five times a day.”

Aaron explains that he is also involved in other organizations/activities which take up much of

his time such as Club Soccer; he is an RA on campus; and he is “the only sober brother of Delta

Chi.” Aaron speculates that other Muslims may have a certain negative view of him, being

Muslim, becoming a brother of the Delta Chi fraternity and he says “I don’t want my actions to

put my faith into question by someone else who views things differently than I do.” Aaron would

never deny being Muslim; he is “a proud Muslim and a proud American” but he expresses that “I

would say Islam is my religion, but not my culture.”

He illuminates from growing up in Senegal that “Senegalese culture is not very relaxed,

but rather very into Islam.” Senegalese culture was “tough to grow up in” for Aaron because of

the immense pressures to do certain things at home. He disengages from Islam as his “culture”

and firmly asserts that “Islam is my religion” while vaguely distinguishing his meaning. Without

elaborating much as to examples of the “infiltration [of] Senegalese myths and thinking into

Islam” he notes that “it can be pretty stressful.” This “infiltration”, in Aaron’s words, was taken

as a deterrent to join a religious organization like MSA upon arrival at college, especially once

he experienced “the kind of freedom here.” Aaron attaches a set of traditions, practices, and

beliefs, which he chooses not to meet the “role expectations” or the communal identification of,

onto MSA at The College of William & Mary and thereby has never actively participated in the

campus organization (Weaver and Agle 2002:81).

Aaron’s cultural background and ethnic identification have also impacted his decision not

to join the African Cultural Society. He describes, like many other consultants, that ACS is

comprised of mainly West Africans, specifically many Ghanaians and Sierra Leoneans and

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Aaron “would just not fit in.” I pressed him to explain why he specified those two nationalities

and why he “would not fit in” if ACS is mainly West Africans, Senegal being in West Africa. He

reveals that “it’s not something Africans usually talk about…but basically Africans just don’t

trust each other.” Growing up, Aaron was taught “if you see another African on the road, you

don’t trust them. Especially you don’t trust Ghanaians or other West Africans and it goes back a

lot to different ethnicities and groups within Africa.” He articulates that it is something “deeply

ingrained in all Africans” and he expresses his astonishment that ACS “can exist because of the

different tensions that exist throughout Africa and the vast separations and diversity that are

throughout the entire continent.” Aaron separates his identity from other West Africans and he

distinguishes his ethnicity, as Jacobson (1997) describes, as one relating to a particular place of

origin. Within the context of the African Cultural Society, he invokes his ethnic heritage of

Senegal rather than the cultural tradition he most closely identifies with (“I identify more so with

American culture”) which begs the question of whether or not there are other factors contributing

to his decision of abstaining membership from ACS. Aaron’s ethnic and cultural roots are

planted firmly in the historical context in which he was born; he cannot be constricted to the

strict frame that Gellner describes as “a distinctive historical totality” but rather these are parts

which contribute to the entirety of who Aaron chooses to be and with which social positions he

chooses to occupy (Grewal 2014:37; Weaver and Agle 2002:81).

Within our closing remarks, Aaron gently slides this thought in which packs more weight

than his nonchalant attitude alluded to, “Also, you take ACS—they’re mostly Christian… Yeah,

they’re mostly Christian, while you take Muslim Student Association—there’s only two or three

black people. Do you think that’s a dynamic which plays into–Absolutely. Absolutely it’s a

dynamic [sic., my commentary italicized].” This observation plays a key role in determining the

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role of the “black Muslim” within the campus organizations at The College of William & Mary.

For Mina, Dela, May, and Aaron, skin tone and religious identity have contributed to where they

fit in. For Mina, the hierarchy of salience rests more with her ethnic identification than her

religious identification and, as a Sierra-Leonean-American Muslim who has no noticeable

external markers of her faith (i.e. the physical markers of hijab); she rests comfortably within the

membership of ACS (Weaver and Agle 2002:81). For Dela, the hierarchy of salience for her

identity rests with her religious identification closer to the top than her ethnic identification as a

Sudanese-American. Despite being from Africa (she was born in Northern Sudan), she ascribes

her social identity from involvement in MESA and MSA. She dons the hijab over her rich, dark

skin and attends the Middle Eastern Student Association meetings alongside the majority of her

friends whom she describes as “Arabs and Arab-Americans.” For May, she has “honestly never

felt completely at home” in either organization (ACS or MSA) and there is much tension with

regards to ethnic identity which constrains the formation of her religious identity. Aaron has

chosen to abstain from involvement of ACS, MESA, and MSA due to the intersection of his

ethnic and religious identity.

This analysis has attempted to capture the multiplicity of identity for these eight

Muslim students. Some may hold ethnic identity, religious identity, or an organization’s

identity as their own in higher regard than other components but ultimately, the

construction of Muslim identity on campus is constantly shifting and morphing as further

experiences and interactions influence and affect students at The College of William &

Mary. For some, religion is where they find the entirety of themselves; for others, it forms a

portion of their identity; and still, for others they define their identities by consciously

choosing not to associate with a religion. Through a short explication of these students’

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experiences and self-identifications, only a narrow view of their identities as Muslim

students can be ascertained. Upon initial interviews, a strong relationship between the

matter of ethnic and religious interaction and its influence on religious identity and

organizational affiliation has been made abundantly clear. This warrants further

investigation and observation to examine this relationship to determine if a similar link

exists within similar contexts on college campuses throughout the United States or if this

relationship is unique to The College of William & Mary. These students’ religious

identities are continually transformed and shaped by historical conditions, relationships to

particular organized religious or social structures, ethnic and social ascriptions as well as

interactions with others. Therefore, these identities, of which religion and ethnicity play a

role, will be eternally dynamic.

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