Sayyid Qutb

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ic Islamic Awakeningor Arab Spring?

Sayyid Qutb, His Life and His Role

Awakened Youth Have Crossed U.S. Red Line

Civilization Not Nationality, Base of Awakened Islamic Society

Islamic Civilization Bedrock of Islamic Awakening

Islamic Awakening in Bahrain: Past, Present and Future

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Managing Editor: Dr. Mahdi Goljan [email protected], [email protected] Executive Editor: Sadroddin Musawi Editorial Board: Mohammad Fakurpour, Ali Morshedizad,

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Sayyid Qutb was born in 1906 in the province of Asyut, which is located in southern

Egypt. His parents were both deeply religious people who were well-known in the area. From his years as a young child until the age of 27, he experienced a rig-orous education. Qutb’s evident desire for knowledge continued throughout his life. He began his elementary education in a reli-gious school located in his home-town village. By the age of 10, he had already committed the entire text of the Qur’an to memory. After transferring to a more modern government-sponsored

school, Qutb graduated primary school in 1918. Due to his inter-ests in education and teaching, Qutb enrolled into a teacher’s

college and graduated in 1928. Next, he was admitted into Dar al-Ulum, a Western-style univer-sity which was also attended by Hasan al-Banna, an Arab-Islamic leader, who Qutb would later join in the Muslim Brotherhood.

After his graduation from Dar al-Ulum in 1933, Qutb began his teaching career and eventually became involved in Egypt’s Min-istry of Education. The Ministry sent him abroad to the United States to research Western methods of teaching. He spent a total of two years in the United States from 1948 to 1950. Dur-ing that time, Qutb studied at Wilson’s Teachers’ College on the east coast before moving west and earning a M.A. in education at the University of Northern Colorado. Qutb’s strong convic-tion that Islam was superior to all other systems was made clear in his work, Social Justice in Islam, which was written prior to his trip. Nevertheless, many scholars believe that it was during his trip to the United States that Qutb became convinced of the West’s spiritual and moral bankruptcy. In “The America I Have Seen”, a personal account of his experi-ences in the United States, Qutb expresses his admiration for the great economic and scientific achievements of America, yet he is deeply dismayed that such prosperity could exist in a society that remained “abysmally primi-tive in the world of the senses, feelings, and behavior.”

Qutb’s rejection of the West would lead him towards a more radical agenda in Egypt that af-firmed his Islamic beliefs.

Upon return to Egypt in 1950, he joined the Muslim Brother-hood. The cause of the Muslim Brotherhood, which was founded in 1928 by Hasan al-Banna, had much in common with Sayyid Qutb’s anti-West attitude. The Brotherhood was established in reaction to the Western domi-nance over Egypt at the time. Al-Banna and the Brotherhood believed that the solution to the Western problem lay in a re-turn to Islam. The Brotherhood posed a serious threat to the secular Egyptian monarchy. As a result, the monarchy banned the organization and eventually assassi-nated al-Banna in 1949.

Due to al-Banna’s death, Qutb be-came editor of the Brotherhood’s weekly paper and he soon emerged as the foremost voice for their cause. At the same time, Abdul Nasser’s nationalist movement was a popular alternative to the mon-archy. Nasser’s opposition to the monarchy was based on pan-Arab nationalist grounds; however, the Brotherhood found an ally in Nasser despite their differ-ent views on the significance of Islam. As a result, Qutb began to work as a liaison between the

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عکس سید قطب در زندان در حالت عادی عکس از جمال عبداالناصر در لباس نظامی عکس ازکتابهای سید قطب درصورت امکان

Sayyid Qutb, His Life and His Role

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No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

Brotherhood and Nasser’s

Free Officers Movement. With the

help of the Muslim Brotherhood, Nasser

successfully overthrew the monarchy in 1952.

Some Muslims expected Nasser to assign Qutb the job of reorganizing

the education system, but Nasser was quick to turn on his former Islamic allies.

In 1954, Nasser arrested Qutb and other leaders of the Brotherhood for plotting against him.

Qutb was released soon after his first ar-rest, but was rearrested and spent 10 years in prison. It was during this time that Qutb com-pleted In the Shade of the Qur’an, his extensive and comprehensive commentary on Islam’s holy book. Qutb’s deepest and most profound writings are contained in this work. Although he had com-pleted half of In the Shade prior to his imprison-ment, he spent all 10 years adding and revising it with a more penetrating approach. The emotion of his writing reflects the physical torture he experi-enced and the psychological torture that resulted from the murder of fellow Brotherhood members. Meanwhile, the tone of In the Shade reflects his disappointment that a military government could mistreat thousands of members of the Muslim Brotherhood without fear of popular recourse.

After considering what had taken place, Qutb

concluded that the common Muslim had adopted a Western conception of faith as abstract theory that is not always relevant to practical conduct. He was eventually released in 1964, soon after the circulation began of an-other book called Milestones. Four sections of Milestones are taken from In the Shade, and the rest is drawn from letters that Qutb sent from

The cause of the Muslim Brotherhood, which was founded in 1928 by Hasan al-Banna, had much in common with Sayyid Qutb’s anti-West attitude.

IslamIc 3a w a k e n i n gNo. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

prison. Although it was written for a select ‘vanguard’ of Islamic activists, Milestones is Qutb’s most popular work. It outlines Qutb’s political philosophy, which is based upon the concept that all earthly sovereignty belongs to God alone. Because the book directly threatened the legitima-cy of Nasser’s government, Qutb was rearrested in August 1965 and sentenced to death. After he was hanged in 1966, Qutb was considered as a martyr by many Muslims because he died at the

hands of the same government whose legitimacy he denied. The symbolic nature of Qutb’s death caused an explosion of interest in his work. Students, aware of the government’s condemnation of Qutb, were known to have

secretly copied Milestones by hand. At the time, Qutb’s ideas were assimilated into the deci-sions of many Muslim leaders in Syria, Lebanon, Tunisia, and the Sudan who were sympathetic to the Muslim Brotherhood. Al-though Qutb was a Sunni Muslim, his message of a politicized Islam was attractive for Ayatollah Khomeini and the Shia revolution in Iran. Qutb’s political message was so potent 40 years ago in part because he voiced a deep philosophical criticism of the two superpowers at that time, the United States of America and the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union has since dissolved, yet Qutb’s critique of America and Europe, which he collectively refers to as the “West”, remains extremely powerful today.

Consequently, Sayyid Qutb re-mains a significant and influential thinker in the Muslim world to this day. In his introductory chap-ter to Milestones, Qutb wrote with urgency and warned that “Mankind today is on the brink of a precipice…because humanity is devoid of those vital values for its healthy development and real progress”. This failure he attrib-uted to the prevalent theories of both the East and West which the

Muslim people had allowed to go unchallenged.

Similarly, many of today’s Mus-lims resent the power of the West and view it not only as a physical enemy, but also as a philosophi-cal and ideological one. They feel that the West, the United States in particular, still controls their civilization; as a result, they yearn for what they view as liberation from the West and its values. These desires are undeni-able and manifest throughout the Middle East.

The writings of Sayyid Qutb have provided Muslim leaders with a foundation for the philo-sophical defense of a staunch and intense campaign against the West.

The United States and other European powers may be capable of militarily defeating Islamic groups. However, unless the West has a deeper understanding of the ideas which bring about sup-port for these groups, those ideas will continue to resonate within the hearts of Muslims and contin-ue to perpetuate their measures.

Unless the West can respond to the philosophical arguments of men like Sayyid Qutb, the con-frontation between the West and Islam can never come to an end.

The writings of Sayyid Qutb have provided Muslim leaders with a foundation for the philosophical defense of a staunch and intense campaign against the West.


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Sayyid Qutb’s particular context and the fundamental differ-ences that existed between his epistemological concerns and those of early Islamic reformers such as Al-Afghani, Abduh, and

even Rashid Ridha, are most explicit in his preoccupation with the non-Islamic character of the humanities and the social sciences. By what we will call here the “humanities and social sciences”, we are referring to philosophy, historiography and historical interpretation, psychology, ethics, theology and comparative religion, and sociol-ogy. Crucially, Qutb excepts from this list of jaahilii orientations in

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The “Humanities” and the “Social Sciences” in Qutb’s Viewpoint

The United States and other European powers may be capable of militarily defeating Islamic groups. However, unless the West has a deeper understanding of the ideas which bring about support for these groups, those ideas will continue to resonate within the hearts of Muslims and continue to perpetuate their measures.


thought knowledge attained through empirical and statisti-cal methods. Qutb finds accept-able observations that do not lead to “general explanations.” However, it is important to note that Qutb’s identification of the humanities and social sciences as disciplines that threaten the in-tegrity of the Islamic conception, and therefore present obstacles to the installation of the Islamic order, is a theme seldom articu-lated by the classical modern-ists in the same explicit terms deployed by Qutb.

Muhammad Abduh neverthe-less still expressed his reserva-tions about these disciplines; but his equivocation consisted in a hedge on the power of “human reason”, rather than an explicit rejection of objectionable dis-ciplines. Just as Abduh reduced the sciences to “reason”, he also reduced non-revealed sources of knowledge about man to that same “human reason”. In mat-ters of religion and theology, Abduh seemed most anxious to assert the primacy of revelation and to avoid intellectual excur-sions, such as pursuing the topic of the “nature of divinity”, that threatened to weaken faith. Such “are philosophical ideas which if they did not lead the best of them astray have never guided any into conviction. We there-fore must be limited to what our reason can handle and to ask God’s forgiveness for those who believed in God and in what His Messengers brought and who nevertheless indulged in discuss-ing these problems.”

Sayyid Jamluddin Asadabai, on his part, worried mainly about “materialism”, deeming it both epistemologically bankrupt and spiritually pernicious. In “The Truth about the Neicheri (ma-terialist) Sect”, he wrote: “the modern materialists, despite all

their inventions, have remained baffled by some questions. They cannot apply any one of their false bases or principles, whether it be nature or absolute intel-ligence.” He ridiculed Darwinism in particular, noting that “only imperfect resemblance between man and monkey has cast this un-fortunate man [Darwin] into the desert of fantasies, and in order to control his heart, he has clung to a few vain fancies.” But more crucially for Asadabadi, what is important to expose is “the cor-ruption that has come into the sphere of civilization from the materialist or Neicheri Sect, and the harm that has resulted in the social order from their teach-ings.” In doing this, Asadabadi hoped to “explain and elucidate the virtues, advantages, and ben-efits of religions, especially the Islamic religion.”

Rashid Ridha also generally spoke in broad terms. Ridha’s im-mediate concern was the acquisi-tion of knowledge and technical know-how that would enable Muslims to break free from their dependence on Europe, but that at the same time would pre-clude the adoption of the mores of Western culture: “We must compete with the Europeans in an effort to discover the sources of benefit to us. We must explore their signs and causes, and re-frain from confining ourselves to the importation of the products of their industries. Imitating the West will make us dependent on the Europeans forever and elimi-nate all our hopes to approach and emulate them.” By “emulat-ing” the West, Ridha meant the appropriation of scientific knowl-edge and expertise that would enable Muslims to modernize their society without its West-ernization.

By contrast, Sayyid Qutb, writ-ing in a time where a “Western”

curriculum that included the new disciplines in the social sciences and the humanities had made inroads into mid-century Egyptian universities, expressed a deeper anxiety only vaguely felt by his predecessors. By the writing of Milestones, the contrast between Sayyid Qutb’s disposition towards the natural sciences, on the one hand, and the humanities and the social sciences, on the other, is sharp and explicitly pronounced. The natural sciences, when not transgressing into the forbidden territories of metaphysical specu-lation on the human condition, treat problems that legitimately belong to the realm of man’s vicegerency.

As we saw, Qutb argues that man is not only permitted to investigate the natural world and exploit its riches, but is obli-gated, by virtue of his privileged stature, to do so. The natural sci-ences, as the world has come to know them today, owe their very existence to the Islamic concep-tion, and more specifically, to its view of the world as a har-monious whole, its valuation of contemplation over God’s crea-tion, and its insistence on direct action upon immediate reality. By contrast, the humanities and the social sciences aspire to treat questions that do not legitimately fall under man’s mission of vice-gerency to God.

By definition, they transgress into the world of metaphysics and take upon themselves the task of answering questions that only God, the all-knowing and all-powerful creator, may address and answer.

Unlike the natural sciences, the humanities and the social sciences do not owe their exist-ence to the Islamic conception; on the contrary, they violate two of its most fundamental givens: the elevated status of humanity


No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

and the sacredness of divinity. While Islam places man above the rest of creation and assigns him the privileged role of God’s vicegerent, the humanities and the social sciences reduce man to nothing more than yet another creature, among others on earth, when not reducing him to mere matter.

At the same time, Qutb argues, the humanities and the social sci-ences have historically, and ironi-cally, in the name of humanism, carried out a sustained assault on divinity. The God of the philoso-phers is not an active, purposeful and conscious god, but a passive, detached, pointless and abstract entity. Moreover, when not at-tacked through undermining an ontological conception of God, divinity is assaulted by assert-ing the primacy of reason above revelation.

Qutb argues that thus the very human reason that is reduced to mere matter is at the same time incoherently, if not hypocriti-cally, elevated above divinity to answer questions it cannot even begin to fathom. Consequently, a social system that draws its principles, ideas, strategies and structures from the humanities and the social sciences is bound to do violence to both man and his Creator. Such a system, then, if adopted by Muslims, will not tolerate the Islamic conception, but instead will undermine its foundations and attempt to do away with it altogether. There-fore, the humanities and the social sciences must be viewed, more than anything else, as instruments that the anti-Islamic order, the jaahiliyyah mobilizes in its ever-continuing struggle against the true Islamic concep-tion. On these grounds alone, Qutb argues, the humanities and social sciences must be ap-proached with great caution:

the Muslim may dabble in these disciplines, but only as long as he does so with the aim of learn-ing, through them, the essence of jaahiliyyah, the better to fight and resist it, rather than with the spirit of using them as seri-ous sources of knowledge about man and society. But Muslims should oppose taking the hu-manities and the social sciences seriously — i.e., as sources of knowledge rather than as phe-nomena to be understood and studied in an attempt to better know the nature of jaahiliyyah — for another, more immediate reason: the humanities and the social sciences cannot deliver on their promises.

Rather than solve man’s prob-lems, reliance on human knowl-edge to erect social and moral systems has brought the human condition to the brink of moral as well as physical disaster. Man still remains a mystery and the eternal questions he has always faced remain unanswered, while his moral character is now, more than ever before, in a threadbare condition. The social, political and ethical systems that man has erected all suffer from a lack of realism, an absence of balance, and the preponderance of ab-stract theory.

Such systems, unlike the ones erected on the basis of the Islam-ic conception, are unprincipled, ad hoc, and always under the sway of immediate pressures of reality. Unlike a system founded upon the divine, and therefore perfectly balanced, conception, a society receiving its conception from human beings will violate its own principles and therefore, when able to survive its con-tradictions, will live hypocriti-cally, with the gap ever widening between the ideal it pretends to respect and the real it is forced to accept.

Qutb argues that thus the very human reason that is reduced to mere matter is at the same time incoherently, if not hypocritically, elevated above divinity to answer questions it cannot even begin to fathom. Consequently, a social system that draws its principles, ideas, strategies and structures from the humanities and the social sciences is bound to do violence to both man and his Creator. Such a system, then, if adopted by Muslims, will not tolerate the Islamic conception, but instead will undermine its foundations and attempt to do away with it altogether.


The mes-sage of Islam

brought by the Messenger of God, Muham-mad (peace be on him) was the

last link in the long chain of invi-tations toward God by the noble Prophets. Throughout history, this message has remained the same: that human beings should recog-nize that their true Sustainer and Lord is One God, that they should submit to Him Alone, and that the lordship of man be eliminat-ed. Except for a few people here and there in history, mankind as a whole has never denied the exist-ence of God and His sovereignty over the universe; it has rather erred in comprehending the real attributes of God, or in taking other gods besides God as His associates. This association with God has been either in belief and worship, or in accepting the sov-ereignty of others besides God. Both of these aspects are Shirk [Shirk is an Arabic word which refers to ascribing the attributes, power or authority of God to others besides Him and/or wor-

shipping others besides Him.] in the sense that they take human beings away from the religion of God, which was brought by the Prophets. After each Prophet, there was a period during which people understood this religion, but then gradually later genera-tions forgot it and returned to ignorance (Jahiliyyah). They started again on the way of Shirk (polytheism), sometimes in their belief and worship and some-times in their submission to the authority of others, and some-times in both.

Throughout every period of hu-man history the call toward God has had one nature. Its purpose is ‘Islam’, which means to bring human beings into submission to God, to free them from servitude to other human beings so that they may devote themselves to the One True God, to deliver them from the clutches of human lordship and man-made laws, val-ue systems and traditions so that they will acknowledge the sover-eignty and authority of the One True God and follow His law in all spheres of life. The Islam of Mu-hammad (peace be on him) came for this purpose, as well as the

messages of the earlier Prophets. The entire universe is under the authority of God, and man, being a small part of it, necessarily obeys the physical laws govern-ing the universe. It is also neces-sary that the same authority be acknowledged as the Law-giver for human life. Man should not cut himself off from this author-ity to develop a separate system and a separate scheme of life. The growth of a human being, his conditions of health and disease, and his life and death are under the scheme of those natural laws which come from God; even in the consequences of his volun-tary actions he is helpless before the universal laws. Man cannot change the practice of God in the laws prevailing in the universe. It is therefore desirable that he should also follow Islam in those aspects of his life in which he is given a choice and should make the Divine Law the arbiter in all matters of life so that there may be harmony between man and the rest of the universe.

Jahiliyyah, on the other hand, is one man’s lordship over anoth-er, and in this respect it is against the system of the universe and

Not Nationality, Base of Awakened Islamic Society

civilizationThe marvelous civilization, in which Arabs, Persians, Syrians, Egyptians, Moroccans, Turks, Chinese, Indians, Romans, Greeks, Indonesians, Africans were gathered together, was not an ‘Arab civilization’, even for a single day; it was purely an ‘Islamic civilization’. It was never a ‘nationality’ but always a community of belief’.

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brings the involuntary aspect of human life into conflict with its voluntary aspect. This was that Jahiliyyah which confronted every Prophet of God, including the last Prophet (peace be on him) in their call toward submission to One God. This Jahiliyyah is not

an abstract theory; in fact, under certain circumstances

it has no theory at all. It always takes the form of a living movement in a society which has its own leadership, its own con-cepts and values, and its own traditions, habits and feel-ings. It is an organized

society and there is a close cooperation and loyalty between its individuals, and it is always ready and alive to defend its existence consciously or uncon-sciously. It crushes all elements which seem to be dangerous to its personality.

When Jahiliyyah takes the form, not of a ‘the-ory’ but of an active movement in this fashion, then any attempt to abolish this Jahiliyyah and to bring people back to God which presents Islam merely as a theory will be undesirable, rather useless. Jahiliyyah controls the practi-cal world, and for its support there is a living and active organization. In this situation, mere theoretical efforts to fight it can-not even be equal, much less supe-rior, to it. When the purpose is

to abolish the existing sys-tem and to replace it

with a new system


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which in its character principles and all its general and particular aspects, is different from the controlling jahili system, then it stands to reason that this new system should also come into the battlefield as an organized movement and a viable group. It should come into the battlefield with a determination that its strategy, its social organization, and the relationship between its individu-als should be firmer and more powerful than the existing jahili system.

The theoretical foundation of Islam, in every period of history, has been to witness “La ilaha illa Allah”– “There is no deity except God” – which means to bear witness that the only true deity is God, that He is the Sustainer, that He is the Ruler of the universe, and that He is the Real Sovereign; to believe in Him in one’s heart, to worship Him Alone, and to put into practice His laws. Without this complete acceptance of “La ilaha illa Allah”, which differentiates the one who says he is a Muslim from a non-Muslim, there cannot be any practical significance to this utterance, nor will it have any weight according to Islamic law.

Theoretically, to establish it means that people should devote their entire lives in submission to God, should not decide any affair on their own, but must

refer to God’s injunctions concerning it and follow them. We know of

God’s guidance through only one source, that is, through the Messenger of God (peace be on him). Thus, in the second part of the Islamic creed, we bear witness ‘Wa

ashhadu anna Muham-madar Rasul Allah” –


“And I bear witness that Muham-mad is the Messenger of God”.

It is therefore necessary that Islam’s theoretical founda-tion– belief – materialize in the form of an organized and active group from the very beginning. It is necessary that this group separate itself from the jahili society, becoming independent and distinct from the active and organized jahili society whose aim is to block Islam. The center of this new group should be a new leadership, the leadership which first came in the person of the Prophet (peace be on him) himself, and after him was delegated to those who strove for bringing people back to God’s sovereignty, His authority and His laws. A person who bears witness that there is no deity except God and that Muhammad is God’s Messenger should cut off his relationship of loyalty from the jahili society, which he has forsaken, and from jahili leader-ship, whether it be in the guise of priests, magicians or astrolo-gers, or in the form of political, social or economic leadership, as was the case of the Quraish in the time of the Prophet (peace be on him). He will have to give his complete loyalty to the new Islamic movement and to the Muslim leadership.

This decisive step must be taken at the very moment a person says, “La ilaha illa Al-lah, Muhammadar Rasul Allah” with his tongue. The Muslim society cannot come into exist-ence without this. It cannot come into existence simply as a creed in the hearts of individual Muslims, however numerous they may be, unless they become an active, harmonious and coop-erative group, distinct by itself, whose different elements, like the limbs of a human body, work together for its formation, its

strengthening, its expansion, and for its defense against all those elements which attack its sys-tem, working under a leadership which is independent of the jahili leadership, which organizes its various efforts into one harmoni-ous purpose, and which prepares for the strengthening and wid-ening of their Islamic character and directs them to abolish the influences of their opponent, the jahili life.

Islam was founded in this man-ner. It was founded on a creed which, although concise, includ-ed the whole of life. This creed immediately brought into action a viable and dynamic group of people who became independ-ent and separate from the jahili society, immediately challenging it; it never came as an abstract theory devoid of practical exist-ence. And, in the future it can be brought about only in this man-ner. There is no other way for the revival of Islam in the shade of Jahiliyyah, in whatever age or country it appears, except to fol-low its natural character and to develop it into a movement and an organic system.

When Islam, according to the method described above, starts a Muslim community on this basis, forms it into an active group, and makes this faith the sole basis for the relationship between the individuals of this group, its ultimate aim is to awaken the ‘humanity of man’, to develop it, to make it powerful and strong, and to make it the most domi-nant factor among all the aspects found in man’s being. It seeks to implement this purpose through its teachings, its rules, its laws and injunctions.

Some human characteris-tics are common with those of animals, even with those of inorganic matter. This has mis-led the exponents of ‘scientific

Islam was founded on a creed which, although concise, included the whole of life. This creed immediately brought into action a viable and dynamic group of people who became independent and separate from the jahili society, immediately challenging it; it never came as an abstract theory devoid of practical existence. And, in the future it can be brought about only in this manner. There is no other way for the revival of Islam in the shade of Jahiliyyah, in whatever age or country it appears, except to follow its natural character and to develop it into a movement and an organic system.


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Jahiliyyah’ to consider man to be nothing more than an animal, or even than inorganic matter! But in spite of the characteristics which man shares with animals and inorganic matter, man pos-sesses certain other character-istics which distinguish him and make him a unique creation. Even the exponents of ‘scientific ignorance’ were forced to admit this, the evidence of observation-al facts choking them; but even then, their admission of this fact is neither sincere nor unequivo-cal.

In this respect the service rendered by Islam’s pure way of life has produced concrete and valuable results. Islam based the Islamic society on the association of belief alone, instead of the low associations based on race and color, language and country, regional and national interests. Instead of stressing those traits which are common to both man and animal, it promoted man’s human qualities, nurtured them and made them the dominant factor. Among the concrete and brilliant results of this attitude was that the Islamic society became an open and all-inclusive community in which people of various races, nations, languages and colors were members, there remaining no trace of these low animalistic traits. The rivers of higher talents and various abilities of all races of mankind flowed into this vast ocean and mixed in it. Their intermingling gave rise to a high level of civi-lization in a very short span of time, dazzling the whole world, and compounding the essences of all the human capabilities, ideas and wisdom of that period, in spite of the fact in those times travel was difficult and the means of communication were slow.

In this great Islamic society Arabs, Persians, Syrians, Egyp-

tians, Moroccans, Turks, Chinese, Indians, Romans, Greeks, Indo-nesians, Africans were gathered together – in short, peoples of all nations and all races. Their various characteristics were unit-ed, and with mutual cooperation, harmony and unity they took part in the construction of the Islamic community and Islamic culture. This marvelous civilization was not an ‘Arabic civilization’, even for a single day; it was purely an ‘Islamic civilization’. It was never a ‘nationality’ but always a com-munity of belief’.

Thus they all came together on an equal footing in the relation-ship of love, with their minds set upon a single goal; thus they used their best abilities, devel-oped the qualities of their race to the fullest, and brought the essence of their personal, na-tional and historical experiences for the development of this one community, to which they all belonged on an equal footing and in which their common bond was through their relationship to their Sustainer. In this commu-

nity their ‘humanity’ developed without any hindrance. These are characteristics which were never achieved by any other group of people in the entire history of mankind!

The most distinguished and best known society in ancient history is considered to be the Roman Empire. Peoples of various races, languages and tempera-ments came together in this soci-ety, but all this was not based on ‘human relationship’ nor was any sublime faith the uniting factor among them; rather their society was ordered on a class system, the class of ‘nobles’ and the class of ‘slaves’, throughout the Em-pire. Moreover, the Roman race – in general – had the leader-ship and the other races were considered its subjects. Hence this society could not achieve that height which was achieved by the Islamic society and did not bring those blessings which were brought by the Islamic society.

Various societies have also appeared in modern times. For example, consider the British


Empire. It is like the Roman society to which it is an heir. It is based on national greed, in which the British nation had the leadership and ex-ploited those colonies annexed by the Empire. The same is true of other European empires. The Spanish and Portuguese Empires in their times, and the French Empire, all are equal in respect to oppression and exploitation. Communism also wanted to establish a new type of society, demolishing the walls of race and color, nation and geographical region, but it is not based on ‘human relationship’ but on a ‘class system’. Thus the communist society is like the Roman society with a reversal of emphasis; there nobles had distinction, while here the proletariat has distinction. The underlying emotion of this class is hatred and envy of other classes. Such a selfish and vengeful society cannot but excite emotions in its individuals. The very basis of this society is laid down in exciting animalistic characteristics, and in developing and strengthening them. Thus, in its view, the most fundamental needs of a human being are those which are common with the animals, that is, ‘food, shelter and sex. From its point of view, the whole of human history is nothing but a struggle for food!

Islam, then, is the only Divine way of life which brings out the noblest human character-istics, developing and using them for the con-struction of human society. Islam has remained unique in this respect to this day. Those who deviate from this system and want some other system, whether it be based on nationalism, color and race, class struggle, or similar cor-rupt theories, are truly enemies of mankind! They do not want man to develop those noble characteristics which have been given to him by his Creator nor do they wish to see a human society benefit from the harmonious blending of all those capabilities, experiences and charac-teristics which have been developed among the various races of mankind.

God Most High says about such people:“Say: Shall We tell you who will be the great-

est losers in their deeds? Those whose effort goes astray in the present life, while they think that they are doing good deeds. Those are they who disbelieve in the signs of their Lord and in the encounter with Him. Their works have failed, and on the Day of Resurrection We shall not as-sign to them any value. That is their payment – Hell – for that they were unbelievers and took My signs and My Messengers in mockery.” (18:103- 106)


No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

Unable to muffle the voice of the people and the Islamic Awakening move-

ment, the rulers in Bahrain have imposed a total ban on the prodemocracy movement in the Island.

The ban has caused protests from different corners of the world. “Bahrain must lift its total ban on opposition protests, which violates the right to freedom of expression and peaceful assem-bly,” rights group Amnesty Inter-national said on October 31. Bahrain, a US ally which hosts the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet, has been in political turmoil since pro-de-mocracy protests led by its Shia majority erupted last year and were put down by the island’s Sunni Muslim rulers. On Octo-ber 29, Interior Minister Sheikh Rashed bin Abdullah al-Khalifa said the Persian Gulf Arab king-dom had banned all rallies and gatherings to muffle the prode-mocracy movement.

London-based Amnesty said the measure nullified the rights to freedom of association, expres-sion and assembly. “Even in the event of sporadic or isolated violence once an assembly is under way, the authorities cannot simply declare a blanket prohibi-tion on all protests,” said Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui, its Middle East and North Africa Deputy Director. “Law enforcement officials must act to protect peaceful protest-ers rather than using the violent

acts of a few as a pretext to restrict or impede the rights of all.” Bahrain’s leading opposition party Wefaq described the ban

as an attempt to silence it. “We reject this decision and consider it against our constitutional right. There is no reason for it because

Islamic Awakening in Bahrain: Past, Present and FutureUnable to Contain Islamic Awakening Movement, Al-Khalifa Bans Peaceful ProtestsAmnesty: Bahraini government must lift ban on all protestsWefaq: Ban on prodemocracy protests, an attempt to silence Islamic Awakening


By S

adro

din

Mus

awi

all our events are peaceful,” Wefaq official Sayed Hadi al-Mousawi said from Manama, adding that he feared the prohibition might lead to more tension in the street.

“A blanket ban of this nature is excessive,” Alistair Burt, Minister for the Middle East and North Africa, said.

“Peaceful protest is a democratic right. I hope the Bahraini government will rescind this measure as quickly as possible.” Bahrain has banned a series of protests organized by Wefaq in the past few months.

Since April the authorities have stepped up efforts to crack down on unrest. Activists cite an increased use of shotgun pellets, whose use officials have declined to deny. Activists have been sentenced to jail for organizing or taking part in peaceful anti-government protests. The ruling Al Khalifa family used martial law and help from Persian Gulf neighbors to put down last year’s uprising, but unrest has resumed. Shia protesters and police clash almost daily.

The Protests In mid-February 2011, Bahrain was gripped

by a series of pro-democracy demonstrations in Manama, the capital, set off by the wave of Islamic Awakening in Tunisia and Egypt. The protests — which took place at the Pearl monument, later destroyed by the govern-ment — were crushed in March with the help of troops from Saudia Arabia.

Bahrain is a small desert island kingdom in the Persian Gulf, an oil-producing nation of about 1 million that serves as a banking hub and as the base for the United States Navy’s Fifth Fleet.

Of all the revolts that roiled the Arab world in 2011, Bahrain’s government was the only one to manage a tactical, perhaps ephemeral, victory through force. But in doing so, it may have destroyed a society that once took pride in its cosmopolitanism.

The opposition in Bahrain is not calling for revolution, or the overthrow of its royal rulers, the al-Khalifa clan. But it is calling for deep political reforms — a constitutional monarchy with an empowered parliament, an elected government and an end to gerrymandering that has left Bahrain’s poor Shia majority dis-enfranchised.

With Saudi Arabia, the conservative bulwark of Bahrain’s ruling Sunni minority, the question for Bahrain is whether a reconciliation process


No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

can stop the unraveling.According to opposition

groups, at least 70 people were killed in violence related to the uprising. In November 2011, a special report — authorized by Bahrain’s rulers in a bid to ease tensions — concluded that security forces used torture and excessive force against detainees arrested in the crackdowns.

Yet, a year later in February 2012, the first anniversary of the uprising ended as it began: in clouds of tear gas, as thousands of protesters tried to march to the former site of the Pearl monument, police blocked their way by firing tear gas and stun grenades.

In October 2012, after months of protests by antigovernment demonstrators, Bahrain banned all rallies and demonstrations.

Activist’s Twitter Case OverturnedNabeel Rajab, a prominent

Bahraini opposition activist and president of the Bahrain Center for Human Rights, has been an outspoken supporter of demon-strations that began in 2011, call-ing on the country’s ruling Sunni al-Khalifa monarchy to introduce democratic reforms.

A hero to protesters, Mr. Rajab was serving three months in jail for criticizing the prime minis-ter on Twitter. In late August, a Bahraini judge overturned the conviction against Mr. Rajab for the Twitter posts, but the activist remained in jail while appealing another prison sentence.

On Aug. 16, 2012, Mr. Rajab was sentenced to three years in jail for “inciting” antigovernment protests. The court’s ruling in that case brought rare criticism from Bahrain’s allies in Washing-ton and touched off fresh clashes around Bahrain. Mr. Rajab’s wife, Sumaiya, has vowed to press on

with an international campaign for her husband’s release.

Human Rights Group Criti-cizes Use of Tear GasSo systematic is the govern-

ment’s use of tear gas that in August 2012, the group the Physi-cians for Human Rights issued a report calling the policy on tear gas use unprecedented in the world. The report, based on dozens of interviews of victims in Bahrain and forensic evidence gathered there by the group’s investigators, said the Shia populace’s abnormally prolonged exposure to the tear gas’s toxic components had already led to an alarming increase in miscar-riages, respiratory ailments and other maladies.

It documented examples of grievous wounds suffered by civil-ians whose skulls and limbs had been struck by metal tear gas canisters blasted from a few feet away. The report also described instances in which people not en-gaged in protests were attacked with tear gas fired into their cars and through the windows or doors of their homes, including at least two cases in which residents died from complications from exposure to the gas because they were trapped in enclosed spaces.

Islamic Awakening Move-ment Engulfs the IslandFor decades, Bahrain’s relative

openness and entrenched in-equality have made it one of the Arab world’s most restive coun-tries, as a Shia majority number-ing as much as 70 percent of the population seeks more rights from a Sunni monarchy that conquered the island in the 18th century. Since late 2009, Shias in villages around the nation have been holding regular protests, burning tires in the road and

demanding the release of dozens of political prisoners.

February 2011 was a new chapter in the struggle, when the reverberations of Egypt and Tunisia reached Bahrain and, after bloody clashes, protesters seized a landmark known as Pearl Square, where they stayed for weeks in tents. But in March, King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa sought assistance from Saudi Arabia,

which sent in 1,200 troops, and the uprising was crushed, with widespread arrests. After forcibly removing the protesters’ tent city, the government destroyed a 300-foot sculpture topped by a giant pearl.

Bahrain has emerged as the cornerstone of a counterrevolu-tion to stanch demands for de-mocracy. While the turmoil else-where has proved unpredictable — the ascent of Islamists in Egypt and the prospect of anarchy in Yemen — Bahrain suggests that the alternative, a failed uprising cauterized by searing repression, may prove no less dangerous.

The crackdown won a tacti-

In mid-February 2011, Bahrain was gripped by a series of pro-democracy demonstrations in Manama, the capital, set off by the wave of Islamic Awakening in Tunisia and Egypt. The protests — which took place at the Pearl monument, later destroyed by the government — were crushed in March with the help of troops from Saudia Arabia.


cal and perhaps ephemeral victory through torture, arrests, job dismissals and the blunt tool of already institutionalized discrimination against the island’s Shia Muslim majority.

In its wake, sectarian tension has exploded, economic woes have deepened and American willingness to look the other way has cast Washington as hypocritical. Taken together, the repression and warnings of radicalization may underline an emerging dictum of the Arab up-risings: violence begets violence.

Protest HistoryIn the spring of 2011, members of the

Shia majority, inspired by the wave of Islamic Awakening in Tunisia and Egypt, mounted protests to oppose the Sunni monarchy of discrimina-tion in housing, education and employment, and called for justice. King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa responded with a crackdown in which more than 30 demonstrators were martyred, according to human rights groups.

In mid-March, he decreed a state of emergency and tamped down the protests with the aid of troops from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. A week later, the government tore down the monument at the square’s center.

Since then, Bahrain has taken on the likeness of a police state. There have been mass arrests, mass firings of government workers, reports of tor-ture and the forced resignation of the top editor of the nation’s one independent newspaper. Emer-gency laws gave the security forces the right to search houses at will without a warrant and dis-solve any organization, including legal political parties, deemed a danger to the state. Even two members of the national soccer team were arrested, despite apologizing on televi-sion for attending antigovernment rallies.

In the face of such harsh measures, the opposition dispersed. But it did not go away. Instead of protesting in the streets, activ-ists began to gather in small groups in places like Costa Coffee, a cafe in a shopping mall in Manama. The assembled have grown accus-tomed to sipping lattes with gingerbread syrup, a drop of marshmallow and a less desirable side serving of tear gas from the police who stake out the cafe from across the street.


No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

The clashes at Costa — which activists said was bugged and frequented by intelligence agents — also highlight how the kingdom feels threatened by even the most benign dis-

sent. Costa’s customers include the elite, antig-overnment posters on Twitter, who use Costa as a command center, and street protesters seeking a

caffeinated refuge from their nightly clashes with the police in nearby villages.

Originally, the Bahraini government had appeared willing to compromise with the opposition, particular-ly the more moderate faction that wants the country to evolve into a true parliamentary monarchy that gives elected lawmakers more power. At one point, the king apologized for the deaths of demonstrators, and government officials say they are still open to reform.

Although the king ended the country’s state of emergency in June 2011, the situation remained tense, with security checkpoints and a heavy police presence around the country. Later that month, Saudi Arabia announced it would withdraw most of its 1,200 troops from Bahrain. According to accounts of Bah-raini human rights activists, 34 people were killed, most in the weeks after Pearl Square was cleared.

More than 1,400 were imprisoned, and as many as 3,600 people were fired from their jobs.

The Obama administration, which consid-ers Bahrain a crucial ally, issued tempered

criticisms of the crackdown but has not pressed for a change in government. In-

stead President Obama has continued prodding, cajoling and exhorting

members of the royal family to ease its crackdown.

In late September, as the government held parliamentary

elections, hundreds of protesters clashed with security forces while trying to march to Pearl Square. The protest was

part of the opposition response to the election held by the monarchy, which was boy-cotted by the most of the opposition.

According to one advocate, turnout for the election was minimal as a result of the boycott and the authorities prevented television crews from shooting inside polling stations to avoid showing the low participation.

In early October, Bahraini judicial authorities nullified the convictions and harsh prison terms

given to 20 medical workers in late September by a special security court prosecuting cases aris-ing from civil unrest in the country. The medical workers were ordered released from custody,

with new trials scheduled in a civilian court.The decision appeared to be at least a tacti-


cal retreat by the monarchy in the face of strong international protests over the punishments, including criticism from the secretary general of the United Nations, Ban Ki-moon. The spe-cial court had sentenced some doctors and nurses among the defendants to terms as long as 15 years because they had treated demonstrators who were wound-ed by security forces.

A Troubled HistoryThough the al-Khalifa family

has ruled since the 18th century,

Bahrain has been a politically troubled nation for generations.

The kingdom gained independ-ence from Britain in 1971. Soon after, the price of oil spiked dur-ing the Arab-Israeli war of 1973. Bahrain’s oil reserves were small compared to its neighbors’, but provided fuel for rapid develop-ment.

For a period, the island king-dom was hailed as a model of reform in the Arab world. King Hamad ended a 25-year state of emergency in 1999 and promised to turn Bahrain into a constitu-

tional monarchy with a newly elected Parliament.

But in 2001, he reneged on his promise and imposed a consti-tution establishing a second, appointed legislative house that significantly curtailed the power of the elected one. Gerrymander-ing ensured a Sunni advantage in the elected house, too, prompt-ing the predominantly Shiite opposition to boycott elections in 2002.

In the years since, Bahrain’s Shiites have been marginalized. They allege that the government


No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

Since 1971, the cabinet in Bahrain has been led by the king’s uncle, Prince Khalifa bin Sulman al-Khalifa, the world’s longest-serving unelected prime minister and a figure deeply resented by the opposition. Under the new amendments, opposition leaders said, Parliament would still not have the power to question or dismiss the prime minister himself. A consultative council appointed by the king also limits the power of legislators.The king’s announcement followed the release of a report by a panel of respected international jurists in November 2011. Led by M. Cherif Bassiouni, an Egyptian-American law professor, the panel recommended sweeping changes, which the government said it would pursue.

has backed Sunni Islamists and encouraged increasingly sectarian politics. Activists in the coun-try say they have uncovered a systematic effort to naturalize Sunnis from other Arab countries as well as from Southeast Asia.

Shiites are all but banned from the military and security forces — certainly from command positions — one of their primary griev-ances. The police force is staffed primarily by foreigners: Syrians, Iraqis, Jordanians, almost anyone who happens to be a Sunni and is eager to earn a Bahraini passport.

Power in the Royal FamilyThe pivotal figure in Bahrain

these days is Crown Prince Sal-man bin Hamad al-Khalifa, the heir to the throne who earned a master’s degree from Cambridge University. Described by one op-position figure as “the last samu-rai” of a ruling clan, once open to the West and now entrenched in a conservative Saudi ethos, Prince Salman led talks with the opposition in March 2011 that verged on a breakthrough before crumbling amid recriminations of each side.

Even by Persian Gulf stand-ards, the politics of the al-Khalifa family are opaque. Rivalries are balanced by the urgency of the clan’s unity, where the col-lective authority of al-Khalifa overwhelms the power of a single individual, including the king, Hamid bin Isa al-Khalifa.

Few in Bahrain believe the king is preeminent any longer. Many believe real power is vested in two brothers — the army chief of staff and the royal court minister — along with Khalifa bin Salman al-Khalifa, the king’s 75-year-old uncle and the world’s longest-serving unelected prime minister. All of them enjoy close ties with Saudi Arabia. By that measure,

the king ranks fourth, followed by Prince Salman.

Monarchy’s Concessions Fall Short of Opposition’s DemandsIn mid-January, 2012, King

Hamad announced constitutional amendments that would give the elected Parliament greater pow-ers of scrutiny over the govern-ment, but the concessions fell short of the opposition’s demands for change.

In a nationally televised ad-dress, King Hamad said that the new measures had emerged from the national dialogue that he organized to try, at least symboli-cally, to bridge the gulf between the government and the opposi-tion. The amendments would give Parliament the right to approve cabinets proposed by the Sunni Muslim monarchy and will grant legislators authority to question and remove cabinet ministers.

Since 1971, the cabinet in Bah-rain has been led by the king’s uncle, Prince Khalifa bin Sulman al-Khalifa, the world’s longest-serving unelected prime minister and a figure deeply resented by the opposition. Under the new amendments, opposition lead-ers said, Parliament would still not have the power to question or dismiss the prime minister himself. A consultative council appointed by the king also limits the power of legislators.

The king’s announcement followed the release of a report by a panel of respected interna-tional jurists in November 2011. Led by M. Cherif Bassiouni, an Egyptian-American law professor, the panel recommended sweep-ing changes, which the govern-ment said it would pursue.

The opposition praised parts of the report, but it dismissed the government’s response, saying that it had not addressed


the deeper political imbalance in a country divided, in the simplest terms, between the Sunni monarchy and a Shiite Muslim majority.

In a statement, Wefaq, the largest legal opposition group, said the speech was full of “insignificant trivia” and “far from the demands of the Bahraini people who have taken to the streets for months to demand democratic transformation and to reject the dictatorship.”

Concerns About Outside InfluencesIn the weeks leading up to Feb. 14, 2012, the anniversary of the

first democracy protest at Bahrain’s iconic Pearl monument, later bulldozed by the government, opposition groups became more strident. Groups like the 14th of February movement, which started with peaceful protests, saw some members calling on the Internet for protests to overthrow the government — and especially the ruling Khalifa family.

The situation in Bahrain started as a nonsectarian movement for freedom and turned into the hottest battlefield in the government-people war.

Meanwhile, the kingdom of Saudi Arabia is supporting the state-repression inside Bahrain, while Iran acts as a source of inspiration for the pro-democracy activists.

Each Friday, before heading to protests, many young opposition activists used to drive to Diraz, a village on the northwest coast, to listen to the kingdom’s most influential cleric, Ayatollah Issa Qassim.

Saudi Arabia Seeks Regional UnionIn May 2012, Saudi Arabia attempted to forge a single federation

with its five Persian Gulf neighbors — Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates — that form the [Persian] Gulf Coopera-tion Council. The Saudi foreign minister, Prince Saud al-Faisal, said after a meeting in Riyadh, “I am hoping that the six countries will unite.”

Bahrain, which is linked by a bridge to Saudi Arabia, is virtually the only country publicly endorsing the Saudi push for a tighter regional federation. In a statement, the king of Bahrain, Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa, said, “We are looking forward to the establishment of the Gulf Union.”

Several Bahraini opposition activists rejected the idea and sug-gested it was not only government opponents who feared a closer union with its far more conservative neighbor. “We don’t want to be subsumed by Saudi Arabia,” said Ala’a Shehabi, a writer and opposi-tion activist.

Several smaller Persian Gulf states have publicly balked at the idea, fearing Saudi domination of the group.

Doctors Convicted of Supporting UprisingIn June 2012, an appeals court upheld the convictions of nine doc-

tors charged with crimes related to the popular uprising in a case that drew international condemnation and was seen as a crucial test of the government’s commitment to political reform.

The nine doctors were sentenced to between one month to five years in prison. Nine other doctors had their convictions overturned.

The doctors were among the thousands of people arrested during

For months, the protests have aimed at the ruling monarchy, but recently they have focused on a new target: the United States. To their familiar slogans — demanding freedoms, praising God and cursing the ruling family — the young protesters added a new demand, written on a placard in English, so the Americans might see: “U.S.A. Stop arming the killers.”Thousands of Bahrainis rose up 16 months ago, demanding political liberties, social equality and an end to corruption. But the monarchy, seen by the United States and Saudi Arabia as a strategic ally and as a bulwark against Islamic Awakening, was never left to face the rage on its own.More than a thousand Saudi troops remain in Bahrain, making it a virtual protectorate. The United States, a sometimes critical but ultimately unshakable friend, has called for political reform but strengthened its support for the government.


No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

the government crackdown in 2011. Protests held in Manama quickly swept to the country’s largest public hospital, the Salmaniya Medical Complex in Manama, where the doctors worked. As protests were held at the facility, the security services raided its wards. The facility became a symbol of the state’s repression.

The verdict seemed likely to intensify those complaints. Though the court reduced sentences previously imposed by a military court, the doctors and human rights groups have dismissed the charges — including plotting to overthrow the monarchy and gathering illegally — as political and aimed at stifling dissent.

The court’s decision, and its timing, also seemed likely to cause significant embarrassment for the United States, a month earlier had resumed military sales to Bahrain after a seven-month suspension. The verdicts were announced during a visit to Bah-rain by Michael H. Posner, the assistant secretary of state for democracy, human rights and labor. Sever-al of the doctors said that Mr. Posner had met with them in the past, and told them he was advocating on their behalf with the Bahraini government.

At a news conference in Manama, Mr. Posner said: “We are deeply disappointed by these convic-tions, and that the Bahraini government did not use alternative means to address these cases.”

Many doctors said they were arrested, harassed and then tortured in prison, simply for trying to treat people wounded in antigovernment protests, regardless of their political leanings.

Taking Aim at the U.S.For months, the protests have aimed at the ruling

monarchy, but recently they have focused on a new target: the United States. To their familiar slogans — demanding freedoms, praising God and cursing the ruling family — the young protesters added a new demand, written on a placard in English, so the Americans might see: “U.S.A. Stop arming the killers.”

Thousands of Bahrainis rose up 16 months ago, demanding political liberties, social equality and an end to corruption. But the monarchy, seen by the United States and Saudi Arabia as a strategic ally and as a bulwark against Islamic Awakening, was never left to face the rage on its own.

More than a thousand Saudi troops remain in Bahrain, making it a virtual protectorate. The United States, a sometimes critical but ultimately unshakable friend, has called for political reform but strengthened its support for the government.

In May, the Obama administration resumed military sales to Bahrain after a seven-month suspension.

Dialogue between the country’s Shia majority and the king has stopped. Twenty-one of the most prominent dissidents still languish in prison, and no senior officials have been convicted of crimes, in-cluding dozens of killings, that occurred during the crackdown last year. Opposition activists are still regularly detained or interrogated for their words.

In late June 2012, in what activists called a dan-gerous escalation, riot police officers forcefully dis-persed a rally by Bahrain’s largest opposition party, injuring its leader. Every night, protesters march and clashes erupt, in standoff that often seems a breath away from an explosion.


Islamic awakeningor arab spring?


No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

By M

oham

mad

Rez

a D

ehsh

iri

Arab revolutions and their nomenclatures

Do names matter? This is an essential question. At least so far as the de-

velopments in the Middle East and North Africa are concerned, names really matter.

In this case, name in fact re-fers to the essence of the devel-opments and the essence in turn is reflected in the demands and aspirations of the people who are ready to sacrifice their lives for their ideals.

Name matters here because it also indicates the direction and ultimate destination of the revolutions underway in the Arab countries.

The Western media have used the term “Arab Spring” or “Jasmine Revolution” for these movements. The connotation of these terms will be assimilation of these revolutions with the Prague Spring (1968) and hence it will imply liberalization and secular democracy as the ulti-mate goal of the people who are making every kind of sacrifices to put an end to the West-sponsored authoritarian regimes ruling in their countries. Whereas, there

are strong relations between de-mocracy and political Islam. De-mocracy comes out of the ballot boxes of the Islamists. The fact that these revolutions started from the mosques and congre-gational prayers and ultimately the Islamist parties (An-Nihda in Tunisia, Brotherhood in Egypt…) came to power through ballot boxes indicates that there is genuine congruity between Islam and democracy.

The West does not want to ac-cept this fact and tries to distort facts about these revolutions.

Relationship between these revolutions and the Islamic Revo-lution of Iran.

As a matter of fact, Iran never planned to influence these revolutions, but it was a natu-ral source of inspiration for all of them. The model of Islamic Revolution has been useful for them with regard to its method and content.

Method: The method of Islamic revolution is mobilization of the masses, non-violent campaign, revolution in the minds and use of unarmed clinched fists in the demonstrations and protest ral-lies to impart the message of the

The Western media have used the term “Arab Spring” or “Jasmine Revolution” for these movements. The connotation of these terms will be assimilation of these revolutions with the Prague Spring (1968) and hence it will imply liberalization and secular democracy as the ultimate goal of the people who are making every kind of sacrifices to put an end to the West-sponsored authoritarian regimes ruling in their countries. Whereas, there are strong relations between democracy and political Islam. Democracy comes out of the ballot boxes of the Islamists. The fact that these revolutions started from the mosques and congregational prayers indicates that there is genuine congruity between Islam and democracy.


revolution. Content: Religious democracy is not confined

to Shia school of thought. It applies to all Islamic schools of thought as well. Hence, the Sunnis too can combine Islamism with Republicanism. The Is-lamic Republic of Iran is not merely a Shia model; it is an Islamic model. But at the same time, Iran does not want to impose its model on others; nor does it want to export its model. In fact, it can inspire Sunni models of religious democracy.

However, as the Leader of Islamic Revolution has mentioned, the wave of “Awakening” will bring about changes at two levels:

Regional level: it will change the equation of power to the detriment of the Zionist regime. The Awakening for the first time will bring popular rul-ers who are more concerned about their people than their “foreign masters”.

International level: As a result of Islamic Awakening, the regions will play a more ef-fective role in the emerging world order. The Middle East and North Africa will definitely play a more crucial role in the future of the world.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, as the spiritual center of Awakening or political Islam, welcomes the recent developments, because as a result of these developments for the first time the people of the region are going to determine their own destiny.

On the other hand, the United States and some of its Western allies are trying to divert these movements from their right path to take advantage of these movements.

One of the plots used by the United States is fanning the flames of Sunni-Shia differences or resorting to the infamous policy of “divide and rule”. At the same time, the United States and its allies promote extremism to prepare the grounds in order to suppress the genuine Islamist movements. History bears enough testimony to the fact that the West has amateurishly used extremism to achieve its goals in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya… The support lent to Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan by the West was unprecedented, but in the long-term the West was the main loser of this irrational support.

The Islamic Republic of Iran supports modera-tion in political Islam and rejects any kind of extremism. In fact, any division between the Muslims, promotion of any kind of extremism or any division between Islam and Christianity will strengthen the cycle of violence. Iran follows rationality and the moderate line. We believe that these developments should follow their course on the basis of mutual respect be-

tween religions, peaceful coexistence and preserva-tion of social solidarity of the countries where these currents are going on.

Iran rejects extremism because it leads to vio-lence. Don’t you think that Islamic Awakening is a new chapter in the region and the world?

If the answer is in the affirmative, then, as the Leader of Islamic Revolution has said, it is necessary to build the required institutions, for these cur-rents will not be limited to the stage of movement. Hence, they need political systems with Islamic nature. Unfortunately, aliens spare no efforts to impose their own models on these movements. But, the Muslim people through exercise of their natural rights through ballot boxes have rejected Western


No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

liberalism, secularism, Marxism and extreme nationalism (chau-vinism).

Relations between Islamic Awakening and New Islam-ic CivilizationThese movements will lead

to the establishment of a new Islamic civilization based on spirituality and Divine teachings. This civilization has four distinct features: religion; rationality, morality and science.

The new Islamic civiliza-

tion and these movements will revive national honor and hu-man dignity. In Tunisia one of the slogans of the revolutionaries was “dignity”, which is in essence an Islamic term, but the West tries to project the revolution as Jasmine revolution or a secular revolution.

None of the slogans of the Arab revolutions was a nationalist or mere Arab slogan.

A serious question hence is: Can we call these developments a revolution or a social move-ment?

In fact, they are Islamic move-ments. The world of Islam has always been searching for people’s participation in their political affairs and exercise of the right to self- determina-tion. Moreover, political Islam came to the fore because of the frustration of Muslims with capi-talism and socialism.

It should be borne in mind that the liberal democratic systems have been the main supporters of lifelong authoritarian mon-archs and dictators of the region. Therefore, the United States and the West are worried that with the establishment of democracy, Islamists will come to power. Algeria, Palestine, Turkey, Egypt and Tunisia are but some of the examples.

Islamic Awakening: a His-torical OverviewIt seems that the Islamic

Awakening, which is going on in the region, is very much similar with the revivalist movement launched by Sayyid Jamaludin Assadabdi against colonialism and despotism about 150 years ago.

Indeed, the “Islamic Awaken-ing” has been experiencing a state of retreat at least since

two centuries ago. However the “Islamic Awakening” woke up

once more with the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran and more recently with the outbreak of the Arab Spring revolutions. The seeds of these revolutions were sown by the Arab public discontent over despotism, dic-tatorship, negligence of Islamic rules, and westernization at the cost of indigenous, Islamic values. Hence, the fruit of these revolutions were and continue to be reaped by Islamist trends. In fact, the Islamic element in the process of Islamic Awakening requires more precise attention.

One of the reasons that Israel has threatened to attack Iran, is in fact its weakened position in the region after the recent Islamic movements. In order to divert attentions from its weak position, the Zionist regime tries to create parallel currents to draw attentions to this current. In fact the Zionist regime is beat-ing the drum of a psychological war to prevent a disintegration from within.

Is the Islamic Awakening the offspring of extremist currents?

This appears to be the basis upon which some Western ana-lysts and researcher build their theories of Arab Spring. In fact, basing the theory on this hypoth-esis represents a dreadful mis-take which will inevitably lead to wrong conclusions. When looking at the broader context, the Is-lamic Awakening is a call for a re-turn to the practice of moderate Islam. This call has spread widely across the Arab and Islamic world in response to the westernization brought about by colonialism, which was later adopted by con-secutive despotic governments in a number of Arab and Muslim states. The Islamic Awakening is therefore an immense human effort undertaken by a variety of Islamist factions, from govern-ments to clerics to individuals to


liberation movements. In brief, the Islamic Awakening, which is manifested in what is called Arab Spring revolutions, is the result of joint collaboration on a wide-scale; therefore nobody can claim a monopoly on this. However, there is no doubt that the Islamic Awakening is immensely inspired by the Islamic Revolution of Iran and its moderate ideology.

It would be distortion of the facts if one considered this huge Islamic Awakening that is taking place in the world today to be something limited to the narrow confines of partisan politics. This Islamic Awaken-ing cannot be attributed to any specific political party or fac-tion; not the Salafists, extrem-ists or anybody else. It has its roots in Islam and was inspired by the Islamic Revolution of

Iran. Evidence of this can be seen in the fact that this Islamic Awakening – which is wide awake today – prevailed in the Indian subcontinent and was adopted by such figures as Abul Ala Maududi and Muham-mad Iqbal and others. This also applies to the Islamic Awaken-ing that is prevailing in a num-ber of other Islamic countries around the world.

Therefore, the Islamic Awak-ening is a “cocktail” combining a number of old Islamic reform-ative schools of thought with new schools of thought and liberation movements. This is something that can be seen in the calls made by Jamal al-Din al-Asadabadi, Mohamed Abduh, Rashid Rida, Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi, Hassan al-Banna, Imam Khomeini and others. The above list has been ordered

according to the date of the clerics’ death, not the extent of their influence. In addition to this list, we have the Senussi movement, the Algerian Jurist Society, the jihadist movements as well as the peaceful Islamist movements, the Muslim Broth-erhood, the Tablighi Jamaat, and official and public Islamist groups and movements across the Islamic world. Not all these are all components within the Islamic Awakening movement. Only the moderate ones are its crucial elements.. Indeed the figures and organizations named above are but a limited example of this. However since the Islamic Awakening is a ma-jor human effort it has under-gone a number of fractures and divisions resulting in a number of hard-line ideologies. These hard-line ideologies harm the


No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

Islamic Awakening, as the Kharijites [a term embracing various Muslims who initially supported the authority of the fourth caliph Imam Ali Ibn Abi Talib, only to later reject him] harmed the companions of the Prophet, whose era witnessed the spread of their views. As God Almighty said, “nor does any bearer of burden bear the burden of another.” [Surat al-Anaam; Verse 164]

The danger of limiting this Islamic Awakening to Islam-ist political trends is that this represents a form of opposing or resisting the move towards religion that is currently pre-vailing in the Arab and Islamic world, which itself is a re-sponse and rejection of moral and intellectual westerniza-tion. Let us take, for example, Islamic Sharia law and the

prohibition of riba [usury]; which is something that no single Islamist jurist can deny. The westernized Arabs cannot reject this religious ordinance directly otherwise they would be viewed as opponents of Is-lam, therefore they claim that this prohibition against riba is an outcome of the Islamic Awakening and Islamism, or they attribute this to the nar-row-minded Talebani school of thought, and this is a trick that has worked with many people. In short, we need to wake up to a genuine view about the Islamic Awakening!

Mohammad Reza Dehshiri (PhD) is Vice President, Is-lamic Culture and Relations Organization, for Research and Education and Faculty Member, Allamah Tabatabie University

It would be distortion of the facts if one considered this huge Islamic Awakening that is taking place in the world today to be something limited to the narrow confines of partisan politics. This Islamic Awakening cannot be attributed to any specific political party or faction; not the Salafists, extremists or anybody else. It has its roots in Islam and was inspired by the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Evidence of this can be seen in the fact that this Islamic Awakening – which is wide awake today – prevailed in the Indian subcontinent and was adopted by such figures as Abul Ala Maududi and Muhammad Iqbal and others. This also applies to the Islamic Awakening that is prevailing in a number of other Islamic countries around the world.


Interview with Hussein Amir-Abdollahian

Although people from all walks of life have played an effective role in the

region’s revolution stages, young people should be paid special attention as they have had a strong presence in affairs related to revolutions in the regional countries, crossing the red line. Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, Iran’s former ambassador to Bahrain and Deputy Foreign Minister for Arab and African Affairs has elab-orated on the issue on the basis of his observation and exchange of views with the active youth.

Q: How do you analyze the whys and the wherefores of the young generation’s participation in region’s revolution activities?A: Each of the Arab states of

the Middle East and North Africa

is faced with a host of public demands – some of which are social requests while some are civil request and demand for freedom and some are economic demands. The point is that the civil, social, and eco-nomic demands of the majority Muslim peoples of the Middle East are seeking to serve Islam.

But who have made the Islam-serving requests? The youth are among the leading players of the stage. The young people have been the pioneers of the revolu-tions, fighting in the frontline. Women have also played an essential role in the revolutions particularly in Yemen and Bah-rain. Following the youth, other strata of the society took part. Young people have continued their movement in all stages of reproduction and durability, preventing the people’s Islamic

movement from being hijacked or confiscated. That’s why these countries have been witness-ing back-to-back revolutions with growing Islamic nature. For instance, the popular uprising in Egypt was against the rul-ing family, but protests against the United States and Zionist regime started in the aftermath of anti-regime demonstrations. The revolutions have consisted of two parts: Tools and goals. Nobody denies that virtual com-munications and environment and Internet have been used as a tool by the young people to achieve their Islamic objectives, but the tool has not been the main means. I quoted the youth as explaining the main motive: “We were students and sometimes discussed the regional develop-ments in Cairo universities. We were induced to accept that

awakened Youth Have crossed U.s. Red line


No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

Iran has turned to a warmonger-ing country after the victory of the Islamic Revolution and war imposed by Iraq. In the second decade of the Islamic Revolu-tion, we were also induced in the Arab states to believe that the Iranian people and managers are dogmatic and bigoted. The issue had occupied our minds for 10 years. But in the third decade of the revolution and post-9/11 era that the communications revolu-tion enabled us to have access to satellites and virtual environment and cyberspace, we found images significantly different from those painted before. We found out that Iran has made great progress in genetics and new achieve-ments in nanotechnology and biotechnology. We also witnessed that Iran launched a satellite into space and made spectacular progress in defense industry. The country’s significant achieve-ments were the outcome of plans in the first two decades of the post-revolution era. We were also told that some young people from Iran had held nuclear talks with the representatives of the world’s six powerful countries during the past five or six years, discussing peaceful use of nuclear technology and interviewing after negotiations and returning to their country. The six countries were reportedly threatening Iran separately, saying countdown for making an attack on Iran’s nu-clear facilities and changing the regime had started. And we were following the countdown for the next months and expecting the United States and Zionist regime to attack Iran. But due to Iran’s unwavering and logical stance, those who had announced that they would not hold any further talks with Tehran returned to the negotiating table. On the other hand, we compared ourselves and

our leaders and found out that they were acting against the will of people. As a main opposition, we were unhappy with our lead-ers’ disgraceful obedience to the policies of the United States and Zionist regime that had humili-ated the nation.”

Therefore, the aforementioned motives in parallel with logical discourse of the Islamic Republic of Iran have played a crucial role in motivating the youth in the region and as we witness they are now playing a vital role in en-couraging the young generation. I don’t mean that other strata of society have arrayed against the youth during the process of revo-lutions, but they are certainly affected by young people’s move. The opposition and campaign, due to the presence of the youth and women, are in high spirits and that’s because of the youth’s Islamic view.

he youth are among the leading players of the stage. The young people have been the pioneers of the revolutions, fighting in the frontline. Women have also played an essential role in the revolutions particularly in Yemen and Bahrain. Following the youth, other strata of the society took part.


Q: So, it is natural that the domineering powers out-line plans for influencing the opinions and activi-ties of the youth in these countries. Do you have any example in your mind?A: The United States alongside

the Western countries and Zionist regime have made every effort to divert the Islamic movements and revolution, but they have failed and consequently they have tried to ride on a wave that I think they also have failed for some certain reasons to ride on a wave. The United States, the West, and Zionist regime, in fact, have exerted themselves and the young generation has been one their main targets. Let’s remem-ber that young people have been the main target of the domi-neering powers since 9/11 and the United States’ plan for the greater Middle East. The United States and the West have tried for a decade to train mothers in the Arab and Islamic countries to raise their children according to the West’s liberal culture to meet the West’s needs and establish its culture in their homelands. What has made their plan ineffective? An unrealistic plan. Sociological factors, commitment to Islam, role of political Islam, ethnic and tribal fabrics, and important role of family in the Islamic and Arab communities caused their plan to fail.

It is completely wrong that some say the revolutions in the Arab states are the outcome of the United States’ plan because revolution in the American plan was considered as a red line. Based on their plan, the West-erners were to train new players with liberal culture to take the rulers’ positions and then the transition of multiparty power was to happen in a very slow and

simple process. And its red line was to prevent the formation of a revolution out of the plan. But now, we are witnessing that revo-lution has happened or is taking place in all of these countries. And they are real revolutions and one cannot consider them as movements or uprisings or social moves. That’s why people in these countries are not satis-fied with only the replacement of rulers and they are seeking the change of political and security structures of their countries.

Therefore, the nations’ de-mands are in sharp contrast with the plans of the United States, the West, and the pro-West rulers of the regional countries. The West’s red line was revolution in the re-gional states, but people crossed their red line. So, what are the Westerners seeking after the ongoing developments in these countries? They have targeted young people. The United States and West believe that the devel-opments in the Middle East have badly damaged their interests.

Firstly, their allies in the re-gion are being toppled one after another. Secondly, the Islamists are replacing them. Thirdly, the new officials have been picked during revolutions and elections and women and young people play important roles in the new governments. And fourthly, politi-cal structure in these countries – in spite of the West’s efforts – is moving against the interests of the United States and Israel, sidelining the two allies and sup-porting the Palestinian cause and resistance movement.

New political and security measures come in the wake of these developments such as the visit of Hamas jihad leader to Tunisia – an event that shows the resistance movement’s power has reached its peak and therefore the interests and security of the

Zionist regime and the United States have reached their lowest point.

Q: So, what is their plan for preventing such a de-cline?A: Firstly, they plan to target

Muslims as the driving force of the Islamic movement. To this end, they try to change Muslim people’s mind and disappoint them with their wrong patterns. Secondly, they know very well that the nations in the region pay due attention to Iran’s policies thanks to the country’s logic and performance in three decades af-ter its Islamic Revolution. Hence, they are trying to distract the attention of people particularly the youth in the region to Iran by heaping pressure on the country in the nuclear energy field, fabri-cating the story of assassination attempt against the Saudi ambas-sador in the United States, and accusing Tehran of interfering in regional states’ internal affairs. Fortunately, their plot has failed and, in fact, has backfired.

In spite of great efforts and huge investments made by the United States and its allies, people have had strong presence in the region’s activities. Theoriz-ing about the regional develop-ments, neither the United States’ greater Middle East plan has been implemented, nor the deep eco-nomic gap and public economic demands have been the main factor. Even people’s demand for democracy and civil rights has not been the only factor of their movement. The fact is that peo-ple’s love for the holy religion of Islam was above all demands. In the meantime, no theory or view but the following Qur’anic verse and God’s words can shed light on the ongoing developments as it says, “God does not change the fate of any tribe unless it changes


No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

its own fate.” The unprecedented and miraculous developments we are now witnessing in the Mid-dle East and Northern Africa are regarded as a divine tradition and victory the Almighty God has promised and the Islamic Awak-ening wave moved by the same driving force and inspired by the same view is making progress.

Q: Which patterns and methods can transfer the positive experiences and achievements of Iran’s Islamic Revolution regard-ing the continuation of the

main path of the revolu-tion and refusal to give in to the hegemonic powers’ demands to the youth in the region?A: Firstly, before we are going

to transfer the experiences, the young people -- thanks to their maturity – have understood and used our mechanisms. When you talk to the youth fighting in these countries, you will find out that they have understood the mecha-nisms and patterns without any link, following them according to their own countries’ realities.

But, the point is that the young revolutionaries in the region do not have negative view about Iran despite the allegations the West and some countries leveled against Tehran. They believe to have learned lessons from Iran and they have to defend the values and Islam is not an issue they compromise on. The regional countries have also been follow-ing the Islamic Republic of Iran’s campaign against global arro-gance and hegemony.

Hussein Amir-Abdollahian is deputy foreign minister of Islamic Republic of Iran.


The Islamic Awakening rests on the huge historical experience of Islamic civilization which came into being due to the scientific movement that started from the very first day of Islam.

The Leader of Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Khamenei maintains that the current Islamic Awakening is based on the Islamic Civilization which flourished after the advent of Islam. Based on his speeches, his viewpoints about Islamic civilization is reproduced below.

Less than two centuries had passed since the advent of Islam when the scientific Islamic movement started.

It is important to consider this movement in its original setting. In order to see that movement in a modern light, you have to visualize the scientific poles of the modern world in contrast with a nation in a corner of the world which has not heard of any form of civilization. Such a backward country starts to build a civilization and overtakes all other civilizations in 100 to 150 years. That was a miraculous move-ment. It is extremely hard to imagine such a thing. That would have been impossible if it had not been for the fact that Islam searched for knowledge and a scholarly lifestyle.

Islamic civilization got its essence from within itself. Of course a thriving civilization has to borrow from other civilizations. They ap-plied their knowledge, discovered the most impenetrable secrets of the material world, utilized ideas, carried out great scientific activities, founded universities on a global scale, and created tens of wealthy and powerful countries as well as a political power that was unique in the history of mankind. The question is: How did all of these become possi-ble? There was no power in history, except the political power of Islam, which extended from the heart of Europe to the heart of the Indian subcontinent. No power could ever rule over such a vast stretch of land for a sustained period of time. The Middle Ages in Europe was a period of ignorance and adversity for Europeans, who refer to it as the “Dark Ages”. The Dark Ages in Europe coincided with a period of scientific brilliance in Muslim countries, including Iran. That political and scien-

Islamic Civilization Bedrock of IslamIc awakenIng


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tific power, material glory, statesman-ship, and utilization of all constructive and thriving human powers were all due to Islamic teachings.

The fourth century hegira was the peak of blossoming for Islamic civiliza-tion. The fourth century hegira coincided with the eleventh century AD when igno-rance was at its peak in Europe, but it was the peak of Islamic blossoming in Iran. All scientists, except for a very limited number of them, were almost exclusively from Iran. Westerners got their knowledge from the east and from Iran. Most of the fields that are currently studied throughout the world were originally established by Iranians. The Renaissance in Europe had its roots in the translations of the works that had been produced in Islamic countries. That was while religion was much more influential in Iran than in Europe. Therefore, we can conclude that religion is not an obstacle in the way of science. But there is something that can pose serious obstacles to science: Different kinds of public ignorance and the Christian superstitions of the time. Not even a single scholar was ever insulted for his knowledge in the Islamic era. That was while in Europe several people were killed, stoned, hanged, or burnt to death for the simple fact that they knew something. What had happened in Europe - due to superstitious religious beliefs mixed with extreme versions of distorted Christianity - was generalized to the entire world. Now what is Islam to be blamed for? What is the fault of Muslims and Muslim nations?

Although Islam was a moral and spiritual movement, scientific and economic progress is one of the goals of Islam. More than fifty percent of the world’s civiliza-


The materialistic western civilization directs all people to materialism. Money, gluttony, and lust have turned into the greatest concerns. In major parts of the modern world, sincerity, forgiveness, and selflessness have been replaced with dishonesty, greed, stinginess, jealousy, and other vices. Today the reason that the advanced knowledge and super modern civilization of the west is not capable of delivering mankind is that their civilization is not accompanied by human values. Wherever there is knowledge, but human conscience, spirituality, morality, and emotions are absent, mankind will not be able to benefit from that knowledge. Knowledge in the absence of spirituality and morality would turn into an atomic bomb and take the lives of innocent people.

tions were then ruled by Islam - only fifty years after its advent. During the first two centuries, the great Islamic world turned into the peak of human civiliza-tion in terms of science, different types of knowledge, and social and economic progress. That would have been impossible if it had not been for the sake of Islamic teachings which paid at-tention to spirituality as well as material progress.

The materialistic western civilization directs all people to materialism. Money, gluttony, and lust have turned into the greatest concerns. In major parts of the modern world, sincerity, forgiveness, and selflessness have been replaced with dishonesty, greed, stinginess, jealousy, and other vices. Today the reason that the advanced knowledge and super modern civilization of the west is not capable of delivering mankind is that their civilization is not accompanied by human values. Wherever there is knowl-edge, but human conscience, spirituality, morality, and emo-tions are absent, mankind will not be able to benefit from that knowledge. Knowledge in the ab-sence of spirituality and morality would turn into an atomic bomb and take the lives of innocent

people. This type of knowledge was used to manufacture weap-ons and kill civilians in Lebanon, occupied Palestinian lands, and other parts of the world. This type of knowledge produced lethal chemical weapons which were used in Halabcheh and other parts of the world to kill women, children, and young men and to destroy human beings and animals alike.

In our Islamic civilization and our sacred government which as-pires to that civilization, we have set ourselves the goal of acquir-ing knowledge along with spir-ituality. That is why the western world is sensitive to our adher-ence to spirituality. That is why they have labeled our religious faith as bias. That is why they are claiming that our tendency towards moral principles and hu-man values is opposed to human rights. We must benefit from the practical and theoretical out-comes and successful experiences of other people, but at the same time we must sow the seeds of our material and spiritual pro-gress in order to achieve indig-enous solutions to our problems. And we must take care of these seeds until they germinate. We must not seek to emulate other people.


No. 5, Nov-Dec 2012

Sayyid Qutb

Documents

Transcript of Sayyid Qutb