Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto

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Japanese J ourna l of Religious Studies 1996 23/1- 2

The Distinctive Features of Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto

Su g a h a r a Sh in kai

Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto is a religious systemformulated in the early Edoperiod, based on Tendai Hokke icnijitsu thought and providing a reli-

gious basis for deijying the spirit of Tokugawa Ieyasu. The first section of

the present analysis is a critical survey of the main sources relating to the

creation and tex tual history of Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto. The second section

is an analysis of the traditions theoretical structure and ritual symbolism,

which testify to its intimate aff iliation with Tendai esoteric Buddhism as

well as its explicit political purpose of legitimizing Tokugawa rule.

T ranslators Introduction

T h e t r a n s l a t io n t h a t f o l l o w s is of the article uSanno Ichijitsu S hinto no

tokushitsu a representative example of Professor

Su g a h a r a S hinkais lifelong w ork on the history of ^hmto- Buddhist syn

cretism (1994). Since the article is part of a large body of research it takes

up a number of complex issues, so some introductory explanation is in

order.

Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto is often regarded as identical toSanno Shinto since bo th were intima tely conne cte d with the

J apanese T endai sect and were created by T endai monks. One of Suga-

har as concer ns is to show that, despite the doctrinal continuities, the two

traditions for m distinct historical entities.

Sanno S hinto dev eloped out of the T endai sects efforts to integrate

the Ja panese kami into the B uddhist worldview; the tr aditio n was cen

tered at a shrine compound called Hie Taisha at the eastern foot

* This article has been modified in consultation with the author for publication in

English. T he translator wishes to thank James Ree d for his valuable assistance with the translation. The present translation serves not only to bring this important article to English-

speaKing readers but also to commemorate the authors retirement at age 70 from Waseda

University. For more detailed s tudies see S u g a h a r a 19851992a, and 1996.


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62 Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 23/1 -2

of Mt Hiei, upon which the Enryaku- ji complex (the T endai head

quarters) is located. The three main Hie Taisha deities are collectively

referred to as Sanno (mountain king) or Sanno Gongen; probably

since the time o f the esoteric T endai mon k E ncnin 81 4- 891)theyhave been worshipped together under the title of Sanno Sansei

(The Three Sacred [Deities] of Sa nno).

Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto, in contrast, was formulated in the early Edo

period and was centered at Toshoeru ?the co mplex buil t at Mt

Nikko to enshrine the spirit of the first Tokugawa shogun, Tokugawa

Ieyasu (1 5 4 2 - lol6 ). A lthough based on the same T endai thoug ht as

Sanno Shinto, Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto was, Sugahara argues, a nighly polit

ical religious system designed to legitimize and stabilize the rule of the

Tokugawa house.

The syncretistic thought that led to the development of Sanno Shinto

haa its roots in the early Heian period, when Buddnist monks came to

regard a number of Shinto kami as guardian deities ot Buddhism; Sanno

in par ticular was seen as the prote ctor of the T endai sect. Later this view

developed into the so- called honji suijaku theory, which held that

the kami were simply manifestations (suijaku ) of various buddhas

and bodnisattvas, the latter being re garded as the kam i5s true na tur e

(honji. T he honji suijaku theory dominated Sninto thought through

the medieval era.

A mo ng the B ud dn is t concepts tha t c o nditio ne d such syncret is ticthought, particular attention should be paid to the notion ofupaya (hoben

commonly translated as sk illful me ans . T he idea unde rly ing this

concept is that Sakyamuni utilized different teachings to lead people of

differing capacities to the truth of Buddhism. Since these teachings are

tailored to suit the varying levels of understanding of the listeners they

occasionally appear contradictory, but they are compatible in the sense

that they are all intended to lead sentient beings to enlightenment. The

T endai sect sys tematized this conce pt by re fe rr ing to all upaya as provi-

sional or tentative (gon sometimes ex press ed as sangon thethree provisionals) in contrast to the teaching that is true or real

(jitsuor ichijitsuthe one r ea l). T he tr ue teacmng is that which

is ex pounded in the Lotus Sutra. Japanese kami could thus be regarded as

skillful means utilized by the Buddha to teach such things as moral

behavior. For this reason kami were sometimes called gongen (provisional

appeara nces )an ex pression that became s omething o f a title applied to

sucn important deities as Kumano Gongen. In the Sanno Shinto tradition

Sanno Gongen served as this provisional aDpearance.

A nothe r B ud dhi s t conc ept that contr ibut e d to the in te g r atio n of

Japanese kami into Buddhism was the trikaya (three body) theory.

A ccor ding to tms theory, the B uddha has three bodies, or levels of exis

tence, only one of w hich the so- called manifestation body (nirmanakaya,


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S u g a h a r a Sanno Ichijitsu S hinto 63

djin) is knowable by the unenlig htened. T he historical B uddha,

Sakyamuni, is thus sometimes regarded as the manifestation body of the

absolute or original Buddha, who exists as dharmakaya (Dharma body) or

sambhomkdya (enjoyment body, a form somewhat closer to human experience) . The dharmakaya is known in Japanese as hosshin or honji shin

the latte r term also being used in the honji suijaku concept. The

not ion of absolute but conceivable tr uth, a nd of visible but provis ional

manifes tation, is thus basic to various aspects o f Japanese B uddhist meta

physics, and can be applied relatively freely even to ex tra- Buddnist reli

gious phenomena within a generally Buddhist worldview.

As T endai B uddhis m gave rise to Sanno Shinto, its riv al the ^hmg on

sect developed what was later called Ryobu Shugo Shinto .

Both forms of Shinto were heavily influenced by the teachings of Mikkyo

(esoteric B uddhism, Japanese T antr ism ). Esoteric ritual, which

promised worldly as well as spiritual rewards, was introduced into Japan

by T endai and S hingo n in a competitive endeav or to win the s upport of

the court, and was also utilized m the forms of Sninto associated with the

two Buddhist traditions.

Mikkyo rites consist basically of mantras, ritual formulas of pre-

Buddhis t or ig in that are also k now n in J apan as true w ordsor shingon

hence the name of the S hing on sect). A mantra is a short tex t that is

often sy mbolized by a simple letter or syllable, cal led the ma ntras seed

letter /mzSkt. bija). Even in J apan these seed letters are of ten represented by the original Sanskrit or Siddham letters. In popular belief

they are endowed with the same magical power as the original mantra,

and are thus themselves objects o f veneration. T hey also serve as symbols

of various buddhas and bodJiisattvas. The Sanskrit seed letters were also

introduced with Mikkyo into Shinto. Mantras are often applied together

with mudra (inshohand symbols) leading to the ex pression inmyd

w hich refers to ma ntr a and mud r a tog ether. T hese e lements, as

Sugahara shows, were much utilized in Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto.

By the end of the Heian period (12th c.) the identification of kamiand buddhas had left virtually no Shinto belief unaffected. In the four

teenth century, however, a more nationalist outlook began to develop

that placed the J apanese kami at the basis of Shinto- Buddhist sy ncretism.

Ih is was expressed by the phrase shinbon butsujakukam i as or i

gin, Buddhas as manifestation. Tms theory was set forth principally by

the Yoshida family of Shinto priests, and was finally systematized by

Y os hida K anetomo 1415 - 151 1)the f ounder of Y uiitsu P or

Y os hida Shinto. The shinbon butsujaku theory might be regarded as

the first step of Shinto towards a doctrine independent of Buddnism. A

further step in this development was what might be called a temporary

alliance with Conf ucianism that led to the cre ation o f various Confucian-

Shinto interpretations in the early Edo period.


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Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto, though influenced by Yuiitsu Shinto, may be

seen as a reaction against this school. It was in some ways a final attempt

to restore the medieval Buddhist worldview in which both kami and bud

dhas endeavored to lead sentient beings along the path of Buddhistenlightenment. It also had, as mentioned above, the highly political func

tion of religiously supporting the Tokugawa familys claims to power. It

was pr opo unde d by the famous T endai abbot T enk aiwho is said to have

lived for 108 years (1536- 1643) and who was one of the most influe ntial

religious advisors of Ieyasu and his successors, to the extent that he was

sometimes called the blackfrocked chancellor.

W he n Ieyasu died in 1616 there was no question that his spirit was to

be ve nerated as a kami,1 but quarrels arose co ncer ning the way to do so.

It was Tenkai who finally took control of Ieyasus enshrinement at Mt

Nikko and supervised the funeral ceremony discussed in the article

below. H e probably also decide d Ieyas us pos thumous na me, uT osho

Daig ong en (Great Deity Illuminating the Eas t), an allusion to A materasu

Omikami, the imperial ancestor deity illuminating the sky.

Tenkai placed Tosho Daigongen at the top of the Sanno Ichijitsu

S hinto system and made T oshogu its relig ious center. A lthoug h, as

Sugahara points out, he did not set forth a completely new doctrine, he

changed the parameters of the existing doctrinal structure of Sanno

Shinto in order to maximize the symbolic prestige of his divine lord. The

level of symbolism he introduced rivaled even that of the imperial courtin Kyoto. T enk ai5s concer n in this res pect testifies to the s upre me posi

tion that the court still enjoyed in terms of symbolic importance, even

under the political rule of the Tokugawa.

W hile carefully reex amining the main rele vant sources, S ug aharas

article provides a fas cinating insig ht into the fabric of ^hmto- Buddhist

myth creation at the beginning of the Tokugawa era, documenting the

religio- ideological discourse r elied upon by the ruling T okugawa house.

Bernhard Sc h e i d

Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto and Sanno Shinto

Sa n n o I c h ij it s u Sh in t o is a n in t e r pr e t a t io n of Shinto formulated by

the T endai monk J ig en Daishi T enkai .2 Sanno Ichijitsu

1 T his was not w ithout precedent. A n early ex ample, also mentione d in the text below, is

the ens hrinement of Fujiwara no K amatari (614- 669) at T onomine in Y amato. A more

recent ex ample is T oyotomi Hidey oshi (1536- 159 8), who is wo rshipped at the T oyok uni

Shrine in Ky oto as T oy okuni Daimyojin.

2 Important studies on Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto include Tsuji 1983, Sh i m a j i 1931, U e s u g i

1935 (1972), T a j i m a 1934, Ko b a y a s h i 1978, and Ku b o t a 1973. T ajima, Kobayashi, and

K ubota take the view that Sanno Ichijitsu S hinto was ex pounded by Tenkai. T he study of


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Shinto is often believed to be the same as Sanno Shinto, but, although

the two tr aditions share the same basic T endai teachings, the ir pur

poses and characteristics are quite different. Sanno Shinto involves

dev otion to the g uar dian deities of Mt Hie i and is centeredaround the Hie shrine at the foot of Mt Hiei, where the Three

Sacred [ Deities] of S anno M(S anno Sansei) O miy a Ninomiya

and S hos hins hi are worshipped. Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto,

in contrast , centers on rel ig ious r i tual for Tosho Daigongen ,

the deifie d soul of T okueawa Ieyasu. It w ould no t be inacc u

rate to call it Tosho Shinto. The nature and function of these two forms

of Shinto are thus quite different. In this essay I will attempt to clarify

some of the basic features of S anno Ichijitsu ^hmto .

The Foundation of Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto

In order to understand the basis of Sanno Icnijitsu Shinto it is neces

sary first to ex amine T enk ais ideas c onc er ning S anno S hinto. T hese

ideas can be found in the first fascicle of a work attributed to Tenkai,

the Tosho daigongen enoi ( rn an d )[Chronicle of

the g reat deity illuminating- the east (in Cnines e char acte rs )], also

abbreviated as Mana engi (Chronicle in Chinese characters). In this

w or k f e nk ai is ques tio ne d by Ieyas u abo ut the honji suijaku of SannoShinto. He answers: T he Shinto of Sanno G ong en is neither Sog en

[Sh in to ] , H o n jaku En g i [Shinto], nor Ryobu Shugo

G [ Shinto] , nor is it one o f the forms of s hin to transmitted

among those bor n into Shinto priest families (JDZ 1 :1 0) .3 T enkai5s

inte nt io n, i t seemsis to show tha t S anno ^hm to is complete ly

autonomous and not to be associated with any other existing form of

Shinto.4 T hen, using citations fr om the works of g reat masters of the

past, he explains that this is a Buddnist Shinto transmitted within the

Kubota Osamu abounds in valuable insights, as it correctly grasps the main features of

Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto and stresses that it was a means o f sroverning the la nd a nd bene fiting

the pe ople . I am in ag re ement for the most part with K ubotas view.

3 T enkai here refers to the most popular Shinto inter pretations of his time as classified

by Y oshida Kane tomo (1435 - 15 11 ).\ untsu Soge n, a lso known as Y osnida Shinto, is

K anetomos version of Shinto, while Ry obu Shugo (shing on S hinto) a nd Honjak u Engi

Sninto are based on B uddhist doctine. See T ranslator s Introd uction.

4 It seems that T enk ai tr ied to pos it ion S anno S hinto as well as Sa nno Ichijitsu

Shinto as a tradition indepe ndent o f other forms of Shinto. However, T enk ai?s biogra

phers, T ogen a nd S hintai, obviously reg arded S anno Ichijitsu Shinto as based on Ryobu

^hugo Sninto. It is only in the biography by Inkai that we find expressions like ^Sanno ichiji ts u no shug o no s hint o,5 (the syncretic Shinto of Sanno Ichijitsu) or

uSa nno shugo no k am i the s yncretistic k ami of S an no ), w hich indicat e atendency to regard Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto as an autonomous form of Shinto.


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T endai sect, and tha t it is based on T endai doctrines:

1.Jikaku Daishi [ E nnin] 794- 864)5 says: T he appear

ance of the T hree Sacred [ Deities] of Sanno in this

wo r id .. . is due to the w onderful pr inciple of the secret storehouse

of the three virtues [ of wis dom, liberation, and the

Dhar ma body] . T hey appeared in order to help s entient beings

plag ued by the three poisons [ greed, ansrer, and ig nor ance ] .

[Sanno] is a spirit whose three actions [of moving, speaking and

thinking] are in harmony. T herefore it is called the Pure [ Deity

of] Miwa Sanno.w

2. T he Shimei anzen gi 6 says: His benefits c anno t be

grasped and the ordinary mind cannot comprehend mm. First,

he is unk now n to the wor ldly dharmas ; second, he is the well-sprinsr of kami, buddhas, and sentient beings; third, he pervades

the four [Buddha] lands .7 However vast the dharmas may

be, none transce nd S anno5s transmiss ion. T heref ore this is called

a mystery, and will be realized by only two people. His name has

been handed down to us. However, by virtue of our good karma

we are able to write [tms], following the august decree [of

the s hogun] .

3. A secret transmission says: T he various ka mi in their prov isional

forms will unite and return to the one truth of Sanno. T he teachings o f the first B uddha, S aky amuni, are all

encompassed within the [teaching of the] provisional and the

true . Finally, the three pro v is ional [teachings] will

unite with the one truth P and return to [the teachings of]

the Lotus [ Sutra] . A ll rivers flow into the sea, where the water

tastes equally salty. All your various exercises will unite in the Way

of the Bodnisattva, resulting in a perfect person .8 T his is the

great principle of the Buddha Dharma. Furthermore, all pro

visional forms of the kami will unite under the name of S anno.w

4. The Nimon sosokushu 9 says: uS anno is the name of all

dharmas, the one perfect all- embracing body. It contains the true

J A disciple o f Saicho, the fo under o f the Japanese T endai sect. During his long sojourn

in Cnina, E nnin acquired many T an trie transmissions. These he introduce d into T enaai,

thus stimulating the deve lopment of T aimitsu, or T endai esotencism.

6 A w ork att ributed to Anne n; see below.

1 A T endai clas sif ica tion o f all B uddh a la nds into four types: the la nd wher e or dina r y

people and sages dwell together; the land where skillful means remain; the land of true

recompense without obstruction; and the land of eternal quiescent light.

8 In T endai terms, the pers on of the Perf ect T ea ching, that is, one who has realizedthe highest insight and goal.

9 Commonly regarded as a work of Eshin Sozu Genshin the autho r of the

Ojdydshu.


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meaning . Despite our respect for all kami w hat was it

that made the seven generations of the Heavenly Kami, the five

generations of Earthly Kami, the sovereigns, and the ministers?

W hat made the buddha s of the past, present, and futur e, and alsoordinary people? The mind cannot grasp it and words cannot

speak of it .

5. According to an old transmission Juzen- ji says: I am

the divine child, warp and woof of heaven and earth, I am coexis

tent with the fundamental life of all be ing s .10

6. T he Kenmitsu naishogi11 says, T hree rays appear ed in

the sky, nurturing the thousand phenomena and the myriad

things, and on the earth there appeared the Three Sacred [Deities]

s upporting the sky and the four seas.12 In their inne r heart thereare benevolent clouds supporting all beings so that no place is

mined. Outwardly, there is soft light and mild winds so that noth

ing remains unaffected. Jltimately, Sanno Gongen is the arche

typal deity of heav en, earth, and hum an beings, the s pirit

dwelling in the green of the willow, the red of the blossom. This is

a truth transmitted from mind to mind .

7. T he Masafusa ki says: iJiere are no kami outside the one

shrine of Sanno. All kami are parts of Sann6.wWas Masafusa

a transmitter o f Sanno S hinto?13T enkai first presents J ik ak u Daishi E nn in s ex planation that the T hree

Sacred Deities of Sanno appeared m order to save sentient beings, lost

in worldly passions, by conferring upon them the benefit of the won-

derf ul principle inhere nt in the virtues o f the B uddha.

T he Shimeian zengi cited in the second passage is an apocrypha

attributed to A nnen the f amous T endai m on k w ho sys tematized

T aimitsu thought (the T endai version of esoteric B uddhis m). T he pas

sage states that although the benefits resulting from the appearance

of the Three Sacred Deities of Sanno cannot be comprehended by

ordinary people, these deities nevertheless form the basis of the exis

tence of kami, buddhas, and sentient beings.

The third quote is said to be a secret transmission, according to

w hich the te aching s o f the first B uddha , Saky amuni, are al l reducible

to [the Tendai categories of] the provisional and the ultimately true

10 One of the seven avatars o f Hie Sanno.

11 Questionably att ributed to Enc hin (8 1 4- 8 91 ),a disciple of En nin who was also instr u

mental in the deve lopment of T aimitsu in Ja pan.12 In Buddhist cosmology, the oceans that surround this world, with Mt Sumeru in the

middle. A way of refe rring to the entirety o f the wor ld in which we live.

WJ D Z 1 :10. T he numbe r in g o f the passages was added by the author .


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. Since all provis ional teachings ev entually re turn to the one tr uthof the Lotus Sutra, the transmission maintains that in due course the

provisional teachings of all kami will also return to the teachings of

the kami of Hie Sanno, which is, again, representative of the one truthof the Lotus Sutra. 1 he ex pression, the various k ami m their prov isional

forms will unite and return to the one truth of Sann6 was presum

ably inspired by a passage in a work called the Sanno hiketsu, by a cer

tain Chishin cited in v olume 6 o f the /^ ?:14

T he Sanno hiketsu says: T he various ka mi o f the three

provisional [teachings] will unite and return to the one true

Sanno (ichijitsu Sanno). Therefore, the unification of the kami

is called a mysterious event . In this way the kami

of the L and o f J apan w ill re turn to their true nature

Sanno." (T 76.515)

A nothe r pos sible source is a passage f r om the same w or k f o und in vol

ume 7 of the Keiran juydshuu:

Chishin A jaris Sanno hiketsu says: The buddhas and bodhi-

sattvas of the ten destinies [ from hell to Buddhahood] in the

past, present, and future, are all derived from the first Buddha,

Sak yamuni. We, the kami o f J apan, great and small, are mani

fes tations mi of the Three Sacred [Deities] of Sanno. AsSanno appeared in the world and revealed [the truth] starting

[with provisional means] in the remote past, he united

the kami of the three provisional [teachings] and led them

back to the one true Sanno (ichijitsu Sanno). In tms way, Sanno

united them. This must be deeply reflected upon.

(T 76.524a)

However, whereas the Sanno hiketsu speaks or ichijitsu Sanno (the one

true Sanno), the Mana engi reverses the order to Sanno ichijitsu (the

one tr uth of S an no ). T his ex pres sionI believe, forms the s ource o fthe name uS anno Ichijitsu S hinto.

Thus Tenkai maintains that Sanno Goneen is the basis of all dharmas

(phenomena, laws, things) and that it comprises the archetypal form

14 T he Keiran juydshu is an important work on Taimitsu and Sanno Shinto by Koshu

(127b- 1350). elsewhere in the Keiran juydshu the Sanno hiketsu is called the Mudd-ji Chishin ki

[ Report of Chishin of Mudo- ji Temple]. Furthermore, towards the end o f Wako ddjin

rieki kanjoi]anothe r work in the Sa nno Ichijitsu Shinto tr adition, we find

Chishin of M udo- jime ntione d as the author of a certain Enjokoshiki. We may pre

sume that this refers to the same pers on. A t the beg inning oi his Keiran juydshu Koshu namesseveral teachers under whom he studied, but Chishins name is not to be found among-

them. The fact that Koshu cites from Chishins work indicates that Chishin predated Koshu;

he may have been a man of the K amakura period.


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of the k ami of J apan; all kami, he says, are div ided b o d

ies) o f Sanno Go ng en. T enka i5s sixth quote, fr om the Kenmitsu naishd

gi, says, Ultimately, Sanno Gongen is the archetypal deity of heaven,

earth, and human beings. The passage from the Nimon sosokushu inT enk ai5s fo ur th quote also stresses this po int , s tating. uS anno is the

name of all dharmas, the one perfe ct all- embracing body. A g ain, the

old trans miss ion used in quote num be r five attributes to Juzen- ji

(one of the deities oi the seven shrines of Sanno) the remark that I

am the divine child, warp and woof of heaven and earth, I am coexis

tent with the fundamental l i fe of al l beings. Tenkai concludes in

number seven with a quote from the Masafusa ki of Oe Masafusa

1041- 1 1 1 1 )15 w hich ex presses the ess ence o f S anno S hinto

doctrine in its claim that Sanno Gongen is the original source of allJapanese kami, that all kami are, in other words, bunshin of Sanno.

T enkai s imultaneously stresses the fact that Sa nno S hinto is an

autonom ous f or m o f S hinto no t to be s ubordinated to any of the

already ex isting S hinto s chools.

We may as sume that in f or mul ating S ann o Ic hijit s u S hinto, T enkai

took the above interpretation of Sanno Daigongen and applied it to

Tosho Daigongen, the apotheosis of Tokugawa Ieyasu.

Tenkai and the Tosho daieongen engi

T he above- mentioned Tosho daigongen engi (hereafter TDE) by Tenkai

consists of the three fascicles of the Mana engi and the five fascicles of

the Kana engi/ (Chronicle in kana), the latter complete with

illustra tions.16T he T DE was, accor ding to T enk ai5s biogr aphies, c om

piled m K anei 12 (1635). T he biography of the painter K ano T annyu

17 howev er, re ports that he did the illust ra tions fo r the Kana

engi in K an ei 13 (16 36). A g ain, the T aiyu'in dono g ojikk i

18 dra w ing up o n sources like the Kanei nikkimaintainsthat the T DE was completed in K an e iIV (lb40). We are lett w onder

ing w hen, exactly, the work was compiled. L et us thus re ex amine the

dating of the work, drawing primarily from an early study of this issue

by Hiraizumi Kiyoshi (1926).

15 A scholar o f the late He ian per iod, and a uthor o f the Honcho shinsenden ii;.

16 T he TDEs Mana and Kana engi are both contained in the collection Kozan shuyd, vol.

2, and in Jigen daishi zenshu, v o l . 1 Tokyo: Kaneiji, 1923. The Mana engi alone is containedin volume 1 of the Zokuzoku gunsho ruiju (Jinsd- bu).

17 Also c alled Kano M or inobu, 1602- 1674. O ne of the most famous painters of his day,he was also employed by the Bakufu.

18 The official report of the reign of the third Tokugawa shogun, Iemitsu, whose posthu

mous name was TaiyQin.


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T he dating o f 1635 (K anei 12) for the compilatio n of the T DE is

based, as me ntio ne d above, on T enk ais biogr aphies. For e x ample,

T 6 g e n 5s Tdei kaisan J ige n Da ishi de nk i

(abbrev. states,

ihe 1 oshogic engi was written m [Kanei12. fhe emperor him

self copied the head fascicle, called the Shinto no ichijiku

[ The scroll on S hinto] , and priestly princes, courtiers,

and court officials added their excellent writings to the later

fascicles.

Shintais BusMt Tdei kaisan J ige n Daishi den

(abbrev. Shintai ki ) records,In (K ane i ) 12 the master wrote the Tosho daio'ong en engi. T he

Shinto no ic hy ik uw hich the empe ror himself copied, was

made its head fascicle. Princes and courtiers were ordered to

write the remaining parts , and the painte r Kano T anny u pain tea

pictures for every section.

T he Too'enki was written in 1650 (Keian 3) only seven years after

T enkai s death, when his m em or y was still quite vivid. A lthoug h Tosren

heade d the Fukuju- in of the R inzai tem ple Myosnm- ji and thus

belonged to a different sect than the Tendai priest Tenkai, he hadbeen pers onally a cquainted with the latter. T he biogr aphy was based

on a ro ugh draft by S hintai, a mo nk of the Genryu- in temple o f the

Toei monastery, and on personal accounts from leading disciples of

T enk aisuch as K oka i K ok ai an d G ok en an d f r om

other scholars o f the T enaai s chool.

T he Shintai ki was w ritte n in 1659 (Ma nji 2 )only six teen years after

T e nk ais death. T hus this Diogr aphy too was w rit ten w hen me mor ies

of T enkai re ma ined fresh, s hintai based his Diography on reports

from his master Ryoshin

a confrer e of T enkai, to w hich he a ddedseveral stories about the old priest.

It may therefore seem safe to take t>35 as the year that the T DE was

compiled. How then, are we to interpret the statement in Hoin lan

nyu sai K ano Morinobuhithe biog ra phy o f T annyu

by Hayashi Gaho 1 61 8- 1 68 0)19 that in the year 13 [ of K anei

(1 6 36 )] [ T annyu] received an order f rom L ord Taiyu [ lokueaw a

Ie m i t s u ] t o i ll us t r a t e t he c h r o n i c l e o f L o r d T o s ho [ T o k ug a w a

Ieyasu]A ltho ug h we cannot be sure, the one- year difference mig ht

be due to the fact that the report refers only to the illustration of the

chronicle, and not to when the text itself was actually completed.

19 Son and s uccessor of Hayas hi Razan, Co nfucian advisor of the shog un.


11/24


T anny u^ illustrations were not in the Mana engi, but rather in the

K ana engi. Hayashi Gaho continues his biography by reporting that,

for the excellent work he did in illustrating the TDE, T annyu received

the B uddhist title of Hog en and the name- suff ix - sai

This was of such special importance that he shaved ms head,

rec eiv ed the title H S g e n an d chang ed his name f ro m

Mo rinobu to Tannyu- sai, before he painted the pictures of the

kami. T here fore he went by the name of [ Tannyu] - sai, also

receiving the title ofedokoro. He was then tnirty-five years old.

Hay as hi5s dating of these ev ents is called in to question, however, by

a n e n t r y i n t h e T aiyuin dono g ojtnki u n d e r t h e da t e K a n ei 15

(16 38 )/1 2 /2 9 to the effect that the painter K ano M or inobu receivedthe Ltit le of] Hoeen, shaved his head, and changed his name to

T a nn y u(K T 40 :1 22 ). This indicates that the bestowing of the name

Ho ee n a nd suffix -sai actually occurr ed in 1638and therefor e t hat

the illustrations for the T DE were made sometime later than 1636.

The next problem is how to account for the report in the laiyuin

dono gojikki that says the T DE was completed in K anei 17 (lb4 0 ). Ih e

relevant T aiyuin dono gojikni entries are as follows:

Kanei 16/11/3

Same year/11/25

Kanei 17/4/7

Same y e ar /4 /17

Chie f abbot T enkai presents the draft ofthe Toshogu gvengi [to the s hog un] . [KT 40:

159]

[ T he s ho g u n] s u m m o n s c h i e f a b b o t

Tenkai, listens to the engi. [KT 40:160]

Chief abbot Tenkai brings the engi of the

Divine Ancestor [Ieyasu] and presents it

[to the Shog un] . [KT 40:181]

T he engi is now dedicated. Tenkai had dis

cussed the text with the priestly PrinceSonjun [ 159 1- 16 53] 2 a dis ciple of

Shoren- in before c ont inuing the

edition. To the final copy the emperor

himself added his august writing and the

regent as well as members of the imperial

family inked their brushes to write a chap

ter each. [ KT 40:182- 83]

Tms suggests that ^hoeun Iemitsu asked Tenkai a second time to com-

20 Nephew of Empe ror Go- yozei, famous as a B uddhist monk and cal l igrapher. He

received religious instr uction at Shoren- in, one o f the three T endai temples in Ky oto estab

lished for the education oi imperial princes.


12/24


pile the TDE, w hich was ten complete d in K an ei 17 (16 40). T his new

T DE was then dedicated to Tosho Daigongen on the seventeenth day

of the four th m ont h, the twenty- fifth annivers ary o f the dea th of the

deified Ieyasu.The revised T DE consisted of fascicles 2 and 3 of the present Mana

engi plus the five fascicles of the K ana engi. We know this from a letter

contained in fascicle 2 of the Kozan colle ction.21 T he let

ter, dated the seventh day of the second month of (in all probability)

K anei 17 and addressed to Tenkai, was written by Prince S onjun o f

Shoren- in; c onf irm ing the ac count in the official chronicle, it reports

the compilation of the two fascicles of the Mana engi and the draft of

the K ana engi. H ir a izum i hy pothesizes that the three- fascicle Man a

engi found in the present T DE was formed by combining fascicle 1 ofthe first Mana engi (i.e., the one completed in 1635) with the two fasci

cles of the revised Mana engi. It was, Hir aiz umi believes, T enk ais

inte ntion to produce tms three- volume Mana engi from the time he

beg an c om piling the two new fascicles of the Mana engi first pres ented

to Iemitsu in 1639.

The A malg amation o f T endai and S hinto T eaching

As me ntione d above (see no te 1 6 )the Kozan shuyd collection contains

versions of both the Mana engi and the K ana engi. The order of three

fascicles of the Mana engi is the reverse, howev er, o f w hat it is in the

present TDE. T he Kozan shuyd version begins with a section entitled

the Mana goengi that consists of fascicle 3 and fascicle 2 of

the present TDE, m that order. This is followed by a section entitled

the Toshogu ki ,cons ist ing o f fas cicle 1 o f the TDE. In the

Kozan shuyd version, furthermore, the writing style constantly shifts

between kanbun (only Chinese characters) and kana majiribun (a mix

ture of Chinese characters and kana) as tho ug h the work ha d yet to be

proper ly e dited. T he s upports H ir a iz um is hypothesis that the first

draft o f the Mana engi was written in kana.

L et us ex amine the s ignif icance of fascicle 1 of the I D E , the

4


13/24


maus oleum o f T osho Da ig ong en ] by the historian Hay ashi Razan

1583- 1657): T enkai pres ented his one- fascicle Engi and the

emperor nimself inked his brush a nd added his w riting to it Hayashi

19181p. 261 ). T he one- fascicle Engi mentioned here refers, of course, to the 1635 version of the Mana engi, compris ing the first fasci

cle of the Mana engi found in the present TDE. Hayashi dated this

event to the fif th mo nth of K anei 13 (133 6).22

T he appellatio n S hinto no ichij ik u (the Scroll on S hinto) an

appellation also used in the shintai ki~ ref lects the significance of this

fascicle. It was called the Scroll on Shinto because it concerned itself

w it h the or ig in a nd the specia l features o f S anno Ic hij it s u S hinto,

ex plamine the historical sienificance of ve nera ting Ieyasu as a ka mi

and the doct rinal justif ication therefor. Its teachings are drawn f romthe doctrine of Hokke ichijitsu (the one truth of the Lotus

Sutra) and are there for e based entirely upo n T endai S hinto theory .

If Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto can be seen as a form of Sanno Shinto

centering on the doctrine of Hokke ichijitsu, one would expect the

honji (true nature) of Tosho Daig ong en, its central figure, to be Shaka

(S ak y am un i). Y e t Sa n n o Ich ij i t s u ^h mto re g ard s Y akus h i Ny o ra i

(Bhaisasya- raja, the he alin g B ud dh a as Ieyas u5s / onjz- Buddha. T his

apparent contradiction can be accounted for by the fact that Tenkai

regarded both Shaka and Yakushi as manifestations of the same body(dotaiIn a pass age e nt it le d Dojo kan m the Toshogu gohonji

kyd [ Dedication to the honji of the Toshogu], a work

attributed to Tenkai, we find:

In the hall of the Main Shrine (' Omiya) there is a Lotus

seat. On the seat there is the character [be, for SansKnt ve].

The character represents a medicine bottle. The medicine bot

tle represents Yakushi Nyorai. In his heart, bright as the moon,

Yak ushi has a white lotus. O n the lotus there is the char acter

[ba, for Sanskrit va], representing- a big bowl, f he big bowlrepresents the Buddha Shaka. In his heart, bright as the

moon, Shaka has the characters [kin; seems to be for

Sanskrit rand for r]. The character represents a red

lotus. T he lotus represents A mida Nyorai. Y akushi Nyorai sits

in the middle, with shaka and Amida to his left and right.

(JDZ 1:121)

In this way T enkai ex plains that Y akushi, ^haka, and A mida can be

re g ar ded as the same body. T he identity o f the three buddhas is also

22 T he date K an ei 13 in this tex t is probably in error, like the same date give n in

Hayashi Gah6s Hoin Tannyu-sai Kano Morinobu hi. In tms case we may assume that the year

should actually be K anei 12 (1635).


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argued in another section of the Toshogu gohonji kyd, entit led Nyu

J DZ 1 : 123).

T hus ^ann o ichijitsu S hinto regards Yakushi as the honn of fosho

Daigoneen, and, at the same time, as identical with Shaka Nyorai, themaster of the Lotus Sutra. T his identific ation of Yakushi w ith Shaka is

w hat link s the te aching s o f T endai and S anno Ichijit s u S hinto. Seen in

this light, our conclusion that Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto is an expression

of Shinto designed to support worship of Ieyasu as a kami is certainly

not unwarranted.

A t this p o in t we may re call tha t the honji of the Three Sacred

[ Deities] of Sanno Omiya, Ninomiya, and S hoshinshi center upon

Shaka Nyorai, with Yak ushi Nyorai and A mida Nyorai m subordinate

posit ions. In the Toshogu Shrine we f ind losho Daigongen, theGr eat Manife sta tion of \ akushi Nyorai (the honji), in the middle,

w ith S ann o G ong e n and Mata rajin to his left and right. Given

the above- mentioned views on the f undam enta l identity of shak a

Nyorai a nd Yak usm Nyorai, it is self- evident that both S anno S hinto

and Sanno Ichijitsu are compatible with the Hokke ichijitsu teaching.

The Purpose of Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto

Let us turn now to the purpose of Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto as a religion.

Sanno Ichijitsu ^hmto was intended as a teaching that would guaran

tee peace and tranquillity in this world and enliehtenment in a com

ing rebirth (genze annon. ovshd zensho . It was, in other

words, to be an ete rnal, un cha ng in g te aching that w ould pray for the

stability of the bakuhan system and the prosperity of the Tokugawa

house, and hence ensure that the Tokugawa house would rule Japan

forever.

Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto was plainly a religion with a quite clear polit

ical import. Tms is quite frankly expressed in the Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto

kuju gosojo hiki[Secret chronicle of the oral

transmiss ion o f S anno Ichijitsu S hin to J, a wor k by T enk ai5s successor

j o in of Kansh6- in in Mt foea kushi monastery:

[ Sanno] Ichijitsu S hinto was taug ht by J ig en Daishi to our lord,

the great aeity Tosho. It is a great teaching, never weakening

for a myriad generations, to insure the prosperity of [Ieyasus]

descendants and the stability of the state. (T Z 12: 253)

K eng y o5s Wako saik i [Second shining of the soft light]

also contains a passage point ing to the polit ical na ture of S anno

Ichijitsu Shinto:


15/24


H ie s Sanno Ichijits u Shinto is an essential device (ydjutsu

so that the worldly truth will prevail forever (zokutai joju

and so that the government will rule and benefit the

people (Jikoku nn . (T Z 12: 422)

l h a t this was inde e d S anno Ichijitsu S ninto s aim is indicate d by the

fact that the transmission (kechimyaku ) of Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto

was referred to as the secre t me tho d o f g ov ernine the country and

benefiting the people {jikoku rimin .23

In this way, S anno Ichijitsu S hinto was a tea ching that ex pounde d

the div ine power o f T osho Daigo ng en, the deified lok ueaw a Ieyasu,

seeking prosperity for h is descendants and peace for the realm.

A ccording ly , T enkai writes in the first fascicle o f the Mana engi:

Tosho Daigongen, [a deity] of the Proper First Court rank,

reveals himself. He knows the way of peace and tranquillity in

this world and of enlightenment in the life to come. For the

prosperity of the Tokugawa house and the eternal benefit of

the people, you must by all means guard Sanno Shinto and not

com Dine it w ith any other doctrine. Instead you must imitate

the etiquette of To- no- mine 4 then your descendants

will prosper . (J DZ 1:12)

A nd m the thi r d fas cicle he adds ,

T osho Daig ong en has penetr ated tms princ iple and has

pledged that he will always guard his descendants and provide

benefit to all living beings.... The Gongen^ power doubles

that of the sun; it provides wealth to his descendants, solidity

to the temples and peace to the three shrines. (JDZ 1:34)

A ll o f these sta te ments ex press bas ically the same idea, and indicate

that the central concerns of Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto were that the

Tokueawa lineage prosper and never come to an end, that the feudal

system of the Tokueawa Bakufu continue, and that the country be

eoverned for the peoples benefit.

T he distinct features o f Sanno Ichijitsu ^hm to w ere, moreover, pre

figured by the expectations of Ieyasu himself. As seen in a passage of

the Togen ki, Ieyasus hope was to appear as a kami upon his death and

aid his descendants through his divine power:

J There is, indeed, a Genealogical Table of the Secret Method of Governing the

Country and Benefiting the People {Jikoku rimin hihd sosho keifucon-

tained in J DZ 1:94- 100.

24 T his refers to the cult of Fujiwara no Kamatar i (614- 669), the ancestor of the Fujiwara

house, w ho was enshr ined in the mountains of To- no- mine, Nara Prefecture, and w orshiped

there by the members oi his family. For details see the Translators Introduction.


16/24


[By the virtue of] this Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto, I have acquired

merit for a long time, yet I pray for another favor. The reason

is that upon the day of my death I want to appear as a divine

power and give my protect ion: firs tmay the leaves and twigsof my descendants bloom forever; second, may the seeds of

the Buddhas teachings never cease; and, third, may the realm

be forever protected fr om the misfor tunes of war. T enkai

could not suppress his feelings and shed tears like waves.

(JDZ 1:294)

A ls o, it is reported in the Shintai ki:

(Ieyasu s a id : [By the virtue of] S anno Ichijitsu Shinto, I

have acquired merit for a long time, yet, I pray for another

favor. The reason is that upon the day of my death I would like

to appear as a divine power, so that I might protect my

descendants, pacify the state, and let the T ruth [ of the Buddha]

prosper. (JDZ 1:3 53)

Ihese remarks indicate what kind of religion Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto

had to be in order to fulfill the expectations of Ieyasu.

The Death and Apotheosis of Tokugawa Ieyasu

A fte r Iey as u5s de ath his remains were in ter red first in a grave on Mt

Kuno 25 the n later mov ed to t heir f ina l re sting place at T os hog u

in Nikko. The reentombment at Nikko was already st ipulated by

Ieyasu hims elf in his last will. O ne or two days before the f our th day of

the fourth month, Ieyasu called Honda Masazumi (one of his

most tr usted vassals), Nanko- bo T enk aian d K onchi- m S uden 26 to

his bedside a nd spoke to them on matters to follow his death. I h e

co nte nt o f this conve rs ation may be disce rned f ro m S ude ns diary, the

Honko kokushi nikkiw here we fin d a letter dat ed G e nna 2

( lo lb j/4 /4 to the bakufu- inspector of Western J apan, Itakura Iea- no-

kami Katsushige:

One or two days ago H on da Joshu, Nanko- bo, and I were sum

moned by his lordship, who told us to keep his body at Mt

K uno and to conduct the funer al rites at Z6jo- ji. [ He said that]

the mortuary tablet should be placed in the Daym- ji m Mikawa.

25 A mo untai n to the s outheast o f Ieyas u5s castle in S unpu (Shizuoka P ref ecture ), where

the first T oshogu was built.

26 Ishin S uden (1569- 1633) was, along w ith T enka i, one of the closest advisors of

T okugaw a Ieyasu. He be long ed to the Rinzai branc h of the Ze n sect, hea ding the Nanzen- ji

in K yoto, where he res ided in a temple called Konchi- in. He was posthumously awarded the

title Honk o K okushi.


17/24


After the first anniversary of his death we should erect a small

temple at Mt Nikko and enshrine (kanjo27 him there. He

should be made the guardian aeity of the Eight Provinces [of

J apan] . T hat was his august will. (DBZ 140: 1094)

Ieyasu died soon after, on the seventeenth of the same month. In the

four th mo nth o f the following year, l b l7 the re entom bment in Nikko

was cond uc te d un de r the s upe rv is ion o f T enkai.

This entombment ceremony was, by the way, almost certainly con

ducted acco rding to the r i tes of an inde pe nde nt S anno Ichij i tsu

S hinto .28 Fascicle 3 o f the Mana engi reports that following the exam

pl e o f S an n o Daig o n g e n a n d the Imp e r ia l S h r in e o f A mate ras u,

[ Tosho Daigong en] received B uddhis t orders and an initiation in

the esoteric precepts in the Inner Shrine (JDZ 1pp. 31- 32).

Ih us B uddhist or dination rites and an esoteric abhiseka r i t u a l29

were pe r for me d for the de if ie d Ieyas u in f r ont o f the sanctuary o f the

Inner Shrine of Mt Nikko. There is also an entry in the Tdom ki, dated

G e nna 3 (1 6 1 7 )/4/8 that reports as follows:

The sacred palanquin of Toshogu was transferred to the stone

cavern of Mt NiKko^ Inner Shrine . T he respectful trans

port and the order of the entourage followed strictly the direc

tions of Chief Abbot Tenkai. At noon, the chief abbot spreadthe nisidana m?it30 in front of the deity, performed a purifi

cation rite, and bowed respectfully. Quietly sitting in the full

lotus position, he contemplated the assimilation of kami and

B uddha. Respectfully tak ing [ this notio n to his heart ] he took

a five- pronged vajra and invested the precinct o f the kami w ith

magical power. He conducted himself as if the kami were actu

ally present. Finally, in front of the Daigongen he performed

the inmyd [ mudra a nd mantra] of the Five Eyes (gogen

.31 (JDZ 1:296)

This term refers to a ceremony performed at the setting- up of a branch shrine inw hic h the dei ty o f the or ig inal shr ine is ca lled into the new one. It could als o be tr ans lated

as inv ok e inv it e or sum mon u p .

28 Reg arding Ieyasus ree ntombme nt in Nikk o, T enkai m aintained that it was Ieyasus

last will to be buried a ccor ding to the rites of S anno Icnijitsu Shinto, no t those o f Y oshida

Shinto. Some claim that tms last will was an invention of Tenkai, but my research substan

tiates T enk ai5s posit ion. See Su g a h a r a 1958; 1992a, pp. 199- 203.

29 L it. spr inklinff water o n the he ad . Orierinally an Ind ia n water - sprinkling ritual or ini

tiation called abhisecana or abhiseca, res embling Christian baptism. A pplied in Mikkyo to con

fer the precepts, a mystic teaching, etc., on a person.30 One of the six possessions of a Buddhist monk, used for religious services. Jpn. nishi-

dan or nidan.

31 T he five types of se eing or insig ht possessed by a Buddha , co nsisting of or dinary


18/24


T hus the esoteric Buddha- Ey e inmyd ceremony was performed in the

stone cavern of the Inne r Shrine o f the Nikk o ma usoleum.

The Ceremony for E ns hrining Ieyasu in Nikko

Let us now take a closer look at the enshrinement ceremony that

T enkai per fo r me d in the cavern. T he cere mony is descr ibed in several

ritualis tic pre s cr iptions fur nis he d w ith titles such as 4


19/24


Let us now list the individual steps of the Secret Enshrinement

Cer emony in the Pa g oda as re corded in a manuscr ipt in the Kaiko- in

collection of Mt Hiei. Written on the front page is The Utmost Secret

A bhis eka Ce remony o f S ann o Ic hiji ts u S hint o in the Nik k o P ag oda { Sanno ichijitsu shin Nikko tatchu kanjo saigokuhi hichu shinpihd

.33 It dates f r om the late E do and was

copied by a certain Ryocho fr om a book of Mittan S oji5s

transmission. As we examine the details of the invocation ceremony in

the pagoda (listed below), we should note the peculiar fact that, in

ad dit ion to the uBuddha- Ey e inmydthe inmyd of the T hree Re galia

(sanshu no jin g i 34was pe r f or me d.

First, the esoteric ceremony of 100 rays shining together.

2 Nex t, the inmyd of Invoking the Saints.

3 Next, the summ oning of the live spirit.

4 Next, the Later Five Offer ings.

d Nex t, the inmyd of Off er ing 1 Jiree Pieces o f Food.

o Next, the inmyd of candles, drink and food, paper money, and

light.

7 Next, the inmyd of the Bliss o f A ll Heavens.

8 Next, the inmyd of Receiving the Precepts of the Aspiration for

Enlightenment (bodhicitta).9 Next, the inmydof Awakening the Aspiration for Enlightenment.

10 Next, the inmyd of the Precepts of Samaya.

1 Nex tthe clarify ing of karmic bindings .

12 Next, the secret mudr a of the T hree Perfections (siddhi).

13 Next, the secret inmyd of the Eight Characters of the Mother

W omb [ Mandala] .

14 Nex t, the secret mudra of the Mother W omb Wor ld.

I d Nex t, the secret mudra of the Dia mond W orld.

Id Next , the secret inmyd of K ongosatta (Vajrasattva).

17 Next, the inmyd of the Buddha- Eye.

18 Next, the inmyd of the Three Perfections.

19 Nex t, the deep secret inmyd of the T hree [ Imperial] Regalia.

20 Nex t, the ritual master descends from his seat.

21 Nex t, the ritual of self- protection.

22 Next, the inmyd of conquering the three realms.

33 wSa nno ichijitsu shin in this title s hould be Sa nn6 ichijitsu s hi nt o ,b ut it seems thatthe charater M was omitted.

34 T he T hree Reg alia refer to the three s ymbolic treasures o f the emper or, that is, the

sword, mirror, and magatamajewels.


20/24


23 Next, the ritual master approaches the spirit of the dead

contemplating the charactert (ram).

24 Next, the Yogic Mind Pagoda Mudra (vam), contemplation of

the character 3T (a), contemplation of the character t {ram).25 Next, the inmyd of the five rings [the five elements of earth, water,

fire, wind, and sky].

26 Next, the inmyd of the Samaya o f the V ictorious Body.

27 Next, the Go lden Ring.

28 Nex t, the master spells the Heart inmyd of the Three Mandalas.

29 Next, he turns to the morta l remains spelling the Mother inmyd of

the Three Mandalas.

30 Next, the loosening o f self- protection.

31 Nex t, the [ tortoise] shield of the T hree Mandalas.

32 Nex t, the master returns to his seat.

33 Nex t, prayer.

34 Next, the water offe ring.

35 Next, the thanksg iving.

36 Nex t, the ringing- of the bell.

37 Nex t, the s killful means of trans fer ring ones merits [ to the

deceased].

38 Next, offer ing goods, offe ring lectures.39 Next, the transf err ing of one s merits to all directions.

40 Nex t, dissolving- the ritual pre cinct.

41 Nex t, seeing off [ his L ords hip] .

42 Nex t, the [ tortoise] shield of the T hree Mandalas.

43 Next, des cending fr om the seat, bowing to the Buddha.

As this de s cr iptio n o f the es oter ic e ns hr in e me nt uses te rms like seikon

(life spirit), im i(mortal remains), and shirei (spirit of

the de a d)words that are n ot o f a level of sanctity appropr iate to the

divine spirit or Ieyasu, it seems more appropriate to regard it as a gen

eral outline of the esoteric enshrinement ceremony rather than as a

description of the ritual specifically used for Ieyasu.

T he inmyd of the Three Reealia, referred to above, was a ritual con

nected with the enthroning of an emperor. Why was such an impor

tant inmyd utilized in a Mikkyo abhiseka initiation ceremony? When

an emperor was enthroned tms inmyd was bestowed along with an eso

teric abhiseka initiation into the imperial rank (sokui . );35

its bestowal upon the spirit of Ieyasu must have been of much the

same import. Needless to say, venerating Ieyasu as a kami and bestow

35 Editors Note: On the use of the sokui kanjo in medieval Japan, see K a m i k a w a 1990.


21/24


ing the inmyd of the T hree Reg alia on Tosho Daig ong en was part of an

attempt to confer imperial status on this deity and legitimate the rule

of the T okugawa Bak ufu over J apa n.36

Outside of Sanno Ichijitsu shinto the inmyd of the Three Regalia isabsent from T endai esoteric r itual, whether that of T aimitsu or of

Tendai Shinto. It is found only in connection with Shingon Ryobu

S hinto, in the esoteric abhiseka o f Miwa- ryu S hinto.37 T his a bhi

seka has in the course of its transmission become almost identical with

the imperial abhiseka ritual of enthronement (sokui k anjo). T he T hree

Regalia abhiseka ceremony used by Tenkai during the enshrinement

cer emony differ ed fro m the Miwa- ryu ritual only in that the orig inal

seed letters ( bija) of shingon esotericism were replaced by Tendai

seed letters, indicatinsr a gr eat fam iliarity on T enk ai5s part w ith theMiwa- ryu r itua l.A similar 1 hree Reealia ritual can probably be f ound

in th e wr i t in g s o f Go ry u S hinto (the S hinto of the imper ial

house), but since study of the writings of Goryu Shinto is stil l not

allowed this supposition is impossible to verify.

T hat Sanno S hinto took an intere st in the Miwa- ryu S hinto trans

mitte d at the s hrine o f Omiw a is certa infor it reg arded the Om iy a

G o n g e n deity of the Hie Shrine to be the Omiwa Myojin

deity of Yamato that was enshrined at Mt Hiei during the

reig n of Emper or T enji (662- 671) to serve as the g uardian deity of

the new capital in O m i.38 Fr om this po int of view it seems quite nat ur

al that Tenkai might utilize an esoteric abhiseka ceremony associated

w ith Miwa- ryu S hinto. T ha t T enkai ha d a str ong inte rest in the the tra

dition may be infe rr ed by the presence of Miwa- ryu works like the

Ten chi reiki ki in the Tenkai col lect ion of the Mt Nikko

library, or of the Shinto kanjo injinhd Miwa ryu and the Shinto kanjo injin kuketsu1 in the Tenkai collec

tion oi the Mt Hie i l iorary. A lthoug h it cannot be proven that T enkai

36 An oth er interesting piece of evidence in this respe ct is the existence of an imperial

seal in the Nikk o Pag oda, know n from secret transmissions. T he inner box in which the seal

is kept is inscribed with the words, The entire three fold world is my doma in; A nd the liv ing

beinsrs in it are all my children. These words are from the Parable chapter of the Lotus

Sutra, but from their location it is clear that they refer to worldly dominion. For a more

detailed discussion of tms seal, which is so secret that it is never exposed to human eyes and

is thus only known thr oug h wr itten sources, see S ug aha ra 1992a (pp. 221- 24) and S uga

h a r a 1992b (which also discusses the above-mentioned ceremony in greater detail).

H Doctrinally affiliated with the Shingon sect, Miwa-ryu Shinto regards the monk Kyoen

1140-1223) as its fou nd er, yet is probab ly of later origin.38 For details see Su g a h a r a 1992a, pp . 9-1 2. After the rem oval of the capi ta l f rom

Y amato to Ot s u in O m i m bo7, the im pe ria l eua r dian dei ty o f the Omi w a Shrine was also

w or s hipe d m a new shrine on Mt Hi ei, a shrine lat er na me d Om iy a.


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actually used these texts, their age suggests that he most probably did

(the Shinto kanjo injinhd, for example, is dated Keicho 2 [1597]). In

due course he then used the abhisek a cer emony o f Miwa- ryu Shinto

in a Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto service, transforming it into a type of Tendai esotericism.

Conclusion

As we hav e seen, S anno Ic hijit s u S hint o was a f or m o f S hint o dev el

oped in order to realize the goals of deifying Ieyasu under the name

of T osho Daigo nge n, raising him to imperial rank, a nd legitimizing

the rule of the T okugawa B akufu over J apan. It provided prayers for the

prosperity of the descendants o f the lok ug aw a house, s upported the

eternal continuation of the shogun line, and aimed for peace and sta

bility under Tokugawa Bakufu rule. Since it supported the replace

me nt of imperial power in Kyoto w ith a per ma nent g ov ernme nt in

Edo it was quite political in nature, although it was its religious teach

ings that gave Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto its character as a Shinto tradi

tion.

Much the same can be said about the name Tosho Daigongen.

Tosho, meaning illuminating the east, was intended to indicate apresence in no way infe r ior to the sun- like being that illuminate s the

skytha t is, A mate ras u O m ik am i, the ances tral deity o f the impe r ia l

line.

Thus, as we have seen, the distinctive doctrine of Sanno Ichijitsu

Shinto was directed toward furthering the prosperity of the Tokugawa

family and co ntinuing its rule over J apa n, as ex pressed in the phrase

governing the country, benefiting the people.

A BBRE V IA T IONS

DB Z Dai Nihon Bukkyd zensho152 + 10 vols. Tokyo:

Bussho Kankokai, 1913- 1922.

J DZ Jigen Daishi zenshu2 vols. T okyo: K anei- ji1923.

KT Kokushi . Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1964.

T Taisho shinshu d 100 vols. TakakusuJunjiro et al.eds. Tokyo: Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai

and Daizo Shuppan, 1924- 1932.

T Z Tendai shu zensho25 vols. T endai S huten K ankokai

ed. Tokyo: Daiichi Shobo, 1972.


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REFERENCES

H a y a s h i R a z a n -

1918 Razan sensei bunshu 2 vols. K y oto: H e ia nKokogakkai.

H i r a i z u m i K i y o s h i

1926 T osho daigong en engi ko . In Hiraizumi Cho,

Waga rekishi kan. T okyo: S hibundo. (reprinted as

chapter 7 of Toshogu shiNikko: Toshogu Shamusho,

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Ka m i k a w a M i c h i o

1990 Accession rituals and B uddhism in mediev al J apan. JapaneseJour nal of Religious Studies 17: 243- 80.

K o b a y a s h i K e n z o

1978 Kinsei Bukky o Shinto to Niho n seishin .

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1958 T enkai no S hinto jisek i ni tsuite . Philo

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T suji Zennosuke it

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U e s u g i Bun s h u

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Sanno Ichijitsu Shinto

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