MASTER THESIS

Social Inclusion and Security Issues regarding Roma Population in

Europe: the Role of the European Union

MAGISTRSKO DELO

Socialna vkljuenost v drubo in varnostni izzivi romske populacije

na obmoju Evrope: vloga Evropske unije

July, 2014 Tina uklje, B. A.

Mentor: Assoc. Prof., Ph.D., Branko Lobnikar

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Pursuing studies takes a lot of ones motivation, work, ambition, strength and

sometimes even frustration. It is not an easy way, but entirely worth the entire

knowledge one can gain along the way. Despite hardships, I learnt how to get up and

continue, since I was not alone. Thanks goes to those who helped and encouraged me

along the way.

First, I would like to thank my professors at the Faculty of Criminal Justice and

Security, at the University of Maribor. My deepest gratitude goes to my mentor,

Professor Branko Lobnikar, PhD, for his support and encouragement, guidance and

advice. My gratitude goes also to Gorazd Meko, PhD; Andrej Sotlar, PhD; and Katja

Eman, PhD; for giving me the opportunity to participate in the EFUS project.

In addition, I would like to thank the EFUS office for accepting me as a student and

giving me the opportunity to participate in the Urban Security Management

programme, which gave additional value to my current studies in Master and a

thorough knowledge in the field of Criminal Justice and Security.

My sincere gratitude goes to the Forum Franais pour la Scurit Urbaine in Paris,

which accepted me as an intern and therefore gave me the chance to conduct this

survey, be a part of their team, getting to know their work and helping me on a daily

basis.

Last but not least, my biggest thanks goes to my parents, grandfather, brother and

his family and my friends who have been encouraging and supporting me throughout

my years of study.

Appreciation is a wonderful thing. It makes

what is excellent in others

belong to us as well.

(Voltaire)

Tina uklje

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

1 INTRODUCTION and METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH ........................................... 12

1.1 Preface and introduction ........................................................................... 12

1.2 Objectives and purpose of the thesis ........................................................ 14

1.3 Research questions and hypothesis ........................................................... 14

1.4 Methodology ...................................................................................... 15

1.5 Limitations of the Master thesis .............................................................. 16

2 THEORETICAL CONCEPTS............................................................................ 17

2.1 Concept of social exclusion .................................................................... 18

2.2 Concept of trust-distrust ....................................................................... 19

2.3 Problem of identity.............................................................................. 20

2.4 Problem of multiculturalism ................................................................... 21

3 HISTORY OF ROMA POPULATION IN EUROPE .................................................... 23

3.1 Roma's nomadic lifestyle through centuries ................................................ 23

3.2 The change in Roma status .................................................................... 26

4 ROMA TODAY ........................................................................................... 27

4.1 Data on Roma living in the Member States .................................................. 28

4.2 Living circumstances of Roma ................................................................. 34

4.2.1 Roma communities living in integrated urban and suburban neighbourhoods .. 34

4.2.2 Roma communities living in segregated urban and suburban neighbourhoods . 34

4.2.3 Roma communities living in segregated rural settlements......................... 35

4.2.4 Roma moving within the EU-15 Member States ...................................... 35

4.2.5 Roma travellers and (semi-) mobile lifestyles ........................................ 35

4.3 Roma migration nowadays ..................................................................... 36

5 EU INSTRUMENTS FOR ROMA INCLUSION......................................................... 39

5.1 Legal instruments ................................................................................ 39

5.1.1 Assessment of National Roma Integration Strategies in comparisons between

the Member States .................................................................................... 41

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5.2 EU financial instruments ....................................................................... 45

5.2.1 Structural Funds ........................................................................... 46

5.2.2 Other EU funds ............................................................................. 47

5.2.3 How to make EU funding more accessible and efficient? .......................... 48

5.3 EU projects aiming towards better Roma inclusion ....................................... 50

5.4 EU networks designed for Roma .............................................................. 54

5.5 EUs impact on status of Roma ................................................................ 55

6 SOCIAL INCLUSION AND EXCLUSION OF ROMA .................................................. 56

6.1 Social Inclusion of Roma in contemporary societies ....................................... 56

6.2 Social exclusion .................................................................................. 61

6.2.1 Exclusion, racism and violence towards Roma population ......................... 61

6.2.2 Roma expulsion ............................................................................ 63

6.3 Contemporary Security Issues regarding Roma population ............................... 65

6.3.1 Issues of living conditions ................................................................ 65

6.3.2 Social issues ................................................................................ 66

6.3.3 Crime and security issues ................................................................ 66

6.3.4 Prejudice issues ............................................................................ 67

6.4 Positive and negative impacts of immigration ............................................. 68

6.5 Public opinion on immigration and diversity................................................ 69

7 THE CHALLENGING FUTURE FOR THE ROMA .................................................... 71

7.1 Challenges for Roma ............................................................................ 71

7.2 Techniques for better promotion of Roma inclusion in Member States and EU ...... 72

7.3 EU Monitoring .................................................................................... 73

7.4 Moving forward ................................................................................... 76

7.5 Overcoming prejudices ......................................................................... 78

8 CONCLUSION ........................................................................................... 80

9 REFERENCES ........................................................................................... 81

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TABLE OF CHARTS

Chart 1: Quantity of Roma population in Member States Chart 1 .................................. 29

Chart 2: Quantity of Roma population in Member States Chart 2 .................................. 30

Chart 3: Percent of Roma regarding the majority Chart 1 ........................................... 31

Chart 4: Percent of Roma regarding majority Chart 2 ................................................ 32

TABLE OF TABLES

Table 1: EU projects on Roma integration .............................................................. 50

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ABSTRACT

The Roma population is the largest minority in Europe. Their nomadic lifestyle has

brought them to settle on all continents, but they are most numerous in the

European continent. Nowadays, there are between 8 and 12 million Roma living in

the European territory. Instead of accepting their different background and building

a diverse society, they are marginalised by majority on a daily basis in several areas

of their lives, such as poor access to health services and education, labour market

and poor housing conditions. Despite well established (inter)national Frameworks

they remain deprived and excluded, facing not only several security issues but being

victims of discrimination. We reviewed the European Unions Framework, projects

and networks and, considering these documents, we found the information on the

EUs funds that are intended for the projects of social inclusion and that the legal

Frameworks are not as implemented in Member States as they were supposed to be.

Gathering and reviewing data, we discovered that the EU plays an important role in

Roma inclusion. The EU very often finances and assists with several projects and

networks. However, we have not found any projects in the field of Roma being the

victims of discrimination or even crime. There are a few projects and organisations

which aim towards Roma inclusion and include recognition of Roma discrimination.

We believe that this area needs more focus in the future in order to completely

follow the idea of equality in diversity.

Keywords: Roma, Social Inclusion, European Union, Member States, Security Issues,

Diversity, Roma Exclusion

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POVZETEK (Executive Summary in the Slovenian language)

Socialna vkljuenost v drubo in varnostni izzivi romske

populacije na obmoju Evrope: vloga Evropske unije

Socialna vkljuenost v drubo in varnostni izzivi romske populacije na obmoju

Evrope: vloga Evropske unije je magistrsko delo, katerega namen je bil analizirati,

primerjati in ugotoviti, ali so Romi vkljueni v sodobne drube, ter prepoznati

varnostne izzive te etnine manjine na podroju Evrope, hkrati pa tudi oceniti vlogo

Evropske unije pri tem. Kljub tevilnim raziskavam, posodobljenim aktom in

dokumentom s podroja socialne vkljuenosti Romov, njihovi ivljenjski pogoji

ostajajo neurejeni ter jim onemogoajo vkljuenost in jih s tem e vedno potiskajo

na rob drube. Za potrebe raziskave smo uporabili metode demografske statistine

analize, pol-strukturirane intervjuje s policisti, ugotovitve metode opazovanja z

udelebo, analizo dokumentov in funkcije Evropske unije ter se pri raziskovanju in

primerjalni analizi oprli in zbirali informacije iz slovenskih in tujih virov ter tudij o

zgodovini Romov, statusu v modernih drubah ter stopnji vkljuenosti v drubo.

Romi so najtevilneja manjina v Evropi. Nomadski nain ivljenja je razlog za

njihovo naselitev na vseh kontinentih, v najvejem obsegu pa ivijo na evropskem

kontinentu. Danes ivi na evropskem teritoriju med 8 in 12 milijonov Romov.

Namesto, da bi veinski del prebivalstva sprejel njihovo drugano ozadje in gradil na

raznoliki drubi, je romska populacija marginalizirana na vsakem koraku, kot na

primer za stanovanjske pogoje, pri dostopu do zdravstvene podpore in izobraevanja

ter pri zaposlovanju. Da bi nali vzrok zato, smo pregledali zgodovino Romov. Romi

izvirajo iz Indije, od koder so se zaeli preseljevati okrog leta 1192. Vzroki za selitev

so bili tevilni, glavni pa je bil gotovo vojna na obmoju Indije. Romi so tako potovali

preko Irana proti Evropi, del Romov pa je odel ez Egipt v panijo. S tem se je

zaelo njihovo nomadsko ivljenje; preseljevali so se pogosto, saj je bilo v takratnem

asu veliko vojn, lakote, hkrati pa so bili velikokrat nezaeleni na lokalnih obmojih.

Preivljali so se predvsem z izdelovanjem oroja, orodja ter zabavljatvom (glasba in

ples). Med 15. In 16. stoletjem se je zaelo obdobje industrializacije in s tem

manjanje potreb po njihovem delu. Romi so se zaradi tega velikokrat selili, lakota

pa jih je nemalokrat prisilila h kraji. S tem so postali e bolj izloeni iz drube,

velikokrat so bili tudi sunji, rtve nasilja ter tudi ubojev. Zgodovina nam pove, da so

zaradi svojih vein najbolji status obdrali Romi na Madarskem. Njihov status je

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strmo padal od 16. stoletja naprej, viek pa je dosegel v genocidu, kjer je bilo ubitih

med 200 000 in 500 000 Romov. Po tem dogodku so se Romi povsem zaprli v svoje

komune, dale stran od modernega sveta, kar se velikokrat kae tudi danes.

Poznavanje zgodovine nam razjasni marsikatero teavo in oviro, s katero se

spopadajo Romi v vsakodnevnem ivljenju.

Po uradnih ocenah Evropske unije, naj bi danes tam ivelo priblino 6 milijonov

Romov. Najve Romov ivi v Romuniji, to je 1 850 milijonov, najmanj pa na Cipru in v

Estoniji, to je 1 250. Upotevajo tevilo prebivalcev v posamezni dravi najveji

dele Romov prebiva v Bolgariji, to je 10,33 %, in najmanj v Luksemburgu, 0,6 %.

Posodobljene uradne podatke je zelo teko pridobiti, saj zakon v kar nekaj dravah

lanicah zaradi diskriminacije prepoveduje kakrnokoli zbiranje statistinih podatkov

o etninih manjinah. Veliko Romov se v veinsko prebivalstvo integrira tako, da

spremeni priimek, ponovno zaradi diskriminacije. Poleg tega nam zbiranje informacij

oteuje tudi nomadski nain ivljenja Romov. Kljub temu, da se veina Romov ne

preseljuje v tolikni meri kot se je neko, nikjer nimamo podatkov, koliko Romov se

je izselilo iz drav izvora in koliko jih dejansko e ivi tam. Drave so velikokrat

tranzitne, hkrati se nekateri Romi preseljujejo iz njih (na primer ehi), druge

skupine Romov pa se naseljujejo na teh obmojih (Romi iz Romunije in Slovake).

Veliko se jih preseljuje tudi v Kanado in Zdruene drave Amerike. Glavni razlogi za

preseljevanje so slabi ivljenjski pogoji, ki velikokrat ne zadostujejo niti osnovnim

ivljenjskim potrebam. Evropska Komisija je razdelila romska naselja na pet

medsebojno razlikujoih se naselij, od stanovanj povsem v srediih mest, do

barakarskih naselij na obrobju drube, kjer Romi nimajo dostopa niti do pitne vode.

Hkrati se je potrebno zavedati, da je veliko Romov z urejeno stanovanjsko

problematiko e vedno izkljuenih iz drube.

Kljub dobro zasnovanim mednarodnim in dravnim dokumentom Romi ostajajo

prikrajana in izloena etnina manjina, ki se ne spopada samo s tevilnimi

varnostnimi izzivi temve je tudi rtev diskriminacije in tevilnih rasistinih oznak. S

pomojo podrobnega pregleda mednarodnih dokumentov in predpisov Evropske unije,

projektov in organizacij smo zbrali informacije o vkljuitvi Romov. Pri pregledu smo

ugotovili, da ima najvejo vlogo pri oblikovanju zakonodaje, implementaciji in

nadzoru le-te Evropska komisija. V okviru tega organa je bila izdana zelo dobra

dokumentacija, z naslovom Nacionalne strategije za vkljuevanje Romov, ki ne

ponudi le splonih in specifinih ciljev ter predloga implementacije temve tudi

nadzor implementacije v praksi v vsaki dravi lanici. Nacionalne strategije vsebujejo

tiri kljuna podroja, za katera so nujno potrebne izboljave: socialno zavarovanje,

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izobrazba, zaposlovanje in stanovanjska problematika Romov. Kljub zadanim ciljem

ostaja mnenje in realizacija cilja na dravi lanici. Tu je morda tudi razlog, da veliko

drav lanic ni izpolnilo niti splonega cilja v doloeni kategoriji. Primeri taknih

drav so Malta, Nizozemska, vedska in Litva, po drugi strani, pa so tri drave lanice

pokazale velik interes in napredek (eka, panija in Madarska). Le-te so izpolnile

vse pogoje, kot tudi e implementirale cilje v prakso.

Nadalje smo se osredotoili na finanno pomo Evropske unije in na projekte, ki se

osredotoajo na socialno vkljuenost. Najpomembneja finanna izvora Evropske

unije sta Evropski socialni sklad in Evropski sklad za napredek regij, ki spadata pod

strukturne sklade, ki so temeljno finanno in politino orodje za to podroje.

Podobno kot pri dokumentaciji Evropske unije je tudi tu domena odgovornosti na

posamezni dravi lanici. Kljub dokaj velikim zneskom namenjenim za socialno

vkljuenost, je poraba sredstev izredno slaba. Romunija je na primer porabila manj

kot 1 % namenjenih sredstev, Bolgarija, manj kot 5 %. Ostale zahodnoevropske drave

so porabile najve 16 % razpololjivih sredstev, medtem ko je Madarska porabila 40

% namenjenih sredstev. Razlogov za slabo porabo sredstev je ve; ugotovili smo, da

je nad porabljenimi sredstvi drav lanic relativno slab nadzor, drave lanice

veinoma e vedno niso implementirale politik v praksi, poleg tega velikokrat

omenjajo zelo zapleten administrativen potek porabe evropskih sredstev. Nadalje je

teava v tem, da Evropska unija velikokrat le delno prispeva k projektom, kar

pomeni, da morajo preostanek financirati drave same. To lahko predstavlja teavo,

sploh dravam, ki so finanno nestabilne ali pa niso dovolj politino motivirane, da bi

finanna sredstva namenile za ta namen. Hkrati, je teava tudi v pomanjkanju

vkljuevanja Romov in lokalnih skupnosti v te odloitve. Veliko drav lanic ni

predloilo zadostnih finannih sredstev za namene socialne vkljuenosti Romov; med

njimi so Irska, Francija, Ciper, Luksemburg, Nizozemska, Avstrija, Finska in Zdrueno

Kraljestvo. Nasprotno pa je veliko drav pokazalo interes in finanna sredstva za

sofinanciranje projektov in programov za izboljanje ivljenjskih razmer Romov:

Belgija, Grija, Latvija, Litva, Madarska, Poljska, Romunija, Slovenija, Slovaka in

vedska. Kljub relativno slabim rezultatom in pomanjkljivi implementaciji evropske

dokumentacije v dravah lanicah, menimo, da je to velik korak za Evropo, ter da

pomeni zagotovitev osnovnih ivljenjskih pogojev temelj in zaetek socialnega

vkljuevanja Romov v moderne drube. Kljub temu smo opazili, da manjka zlasti del

o Romih kot rtvah diskriminacije in nasilja. Vse kae na to, da se informacije o tem

uradno ne zbirajo, velikokrat pa Romi molijo v strahu pred poslabanjem

ivljenjskih razmer. To je vsekakor tematika, ki je izrednega pomena in samo z

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razkritjem teh dogodkov bomo lahko pomagali Romom. To je bilo opazno tudi pri

pregledu projektov in mre za podroje socialne vkljuenosti Romov. Skratka, kljub

temu, da je veliko pomanjkljivosti in da drave lanice aka e veliko dela, menimo,

da je velik napredek izdelava dokumenta Evropske unije, saj so le tako tono

doloeni cilji, njihova implementacija pa se lahko preveri v vsaki dravi lanici

posamezno. Menimo, da je Evropska unija, e zlasti v zadnjih nekaj letih, veliko

prispevala k premiku socialne vkljuenosti Romov.

Odgovor na vpraanje ali so Romi bolj socialno vkljueni kot izkljueni vsekakor ni

preprosto. Veliko primerov kae na vse vejo aktivnost lokalne populacije in oblasti,

hkrati pa je e vedno prisotnih veliko primerov diskriminacije, rasizma in celo nasilja

do pripadnikov romske populacije. Veliko je namre primerov izkljuenosti Romov:

ugotovili smo da je e vedno veliko primerov, kjer so Romi rtve diskriminacije,

zanievanja, rasizma in celo nasilja (policijska brutalnost). V tevilnih dravah na

obmoju Evrope se tovrstni dogodki dogajajo e danes. Nadalje, veliko je primerov

izgona Romov iz drav Evropske unije v drave izvora. Najbolj zloglasen primer

tovrstnih vrnitev je vsekakor Francija. Navkljub povsem nepotrebnim primerom

izkljuenosti in izgona Romov pa obstaja veliko primerov dobrega sodelovanja oblasti

(policije), lokalne skupnosti in Romov, kar je pokazala raziskava v Sloveniji, kjer smo

opazovali medsebojne odnose med omenjenimi akterji. Ugotovitve so pokazale

primer nesporazuma z lokalnimi prebivalci in tudi primer policistovega zanievalnega

odnosa in neprimerne ale v zvezi z Romi, na splono pa dober medsebojen odnos in

odprtost Romov. Na obmoju Romov in sodelovanja z oblastmi je bila narejena

primerjalna raziskava na obmoju severovzhodne Slovenije, kjer smo ugotovili, da

Romi, v primerjavi z lokalnim prebivalstvom, ne dojemajo problematike kriminalitete

v takem obsegu, hkrati pa utijo manjo pripadnost lokalnemu obmoju. Ugotovitve

raziskav so pomembne, saj pokaejo, da se odnosi med Romi in oblastmi kljub

zgodovinskim dogodkom, poasi izboljujejo. Hkrati nam tudi pokaejo, kako

pomemben je obutek pripadnosti in stik z lokalnim prebivalstvom. Nadalje,

raziskave kaejo, da drave lanice v vsakodnevno ivljenje najbolje implementirajo

izobrazbo otrok. To je vsekakor dober zaetek in e bolji pokazatelj napredka

sodobnih drub.

V sklopu vpraanja in koncepta izkljuenosti ter vkljuenosti smo razdelili varnostne

izzive romske problematike v sodobnih drubah v tiri skupine. V prvo skupino

uvramo ivljenjske pogoje, kamor spada stanovanjska problematika, dostop do

socialnih zdravstvenih storitev, monost zaposlovanja in izobrazbe. Ugotovili smo, da

je e vedno preve primerov, kjer Romi nimajo dostopa niti do osnovnih ivljenjskih

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potrebin (na primer pitna voda). Naslednja skupina izzivov se imenuje socialni

izzivi in e samo ime pove, da je izrednega pomena interakcija in stik z lokalno

skupnostjo in oblastmi. Potrebno se je zavedati, da je to dolgoroen proces in ne

asovno omejen program ter da bo potreben interes z obeh strani. Nadalje so

izrednega pomena varnostni in kriminoloki izzivi, zlasti z vidika Romov kot rtev.

Romi so bili e v preteklosti rtve diskriminacije, rasizma, nasilja in velikokrat tudi

suenjstva. al se to dogaja e danes. Veliko primerov je neprijavljenih zaradi strahu

rtev, da se tovrstni dogodki ne bi ponovno pripetili. Velikokrat so Romi tako rtve

kot tudi storilci nasilja, kar je potrebno upotevati pri tovrstnih raziskavah. Zadnja

skupina izzivov so izzivi stereotipov, ki vsekakor predstavljajo velik sodobni izziv. e

elimo iti preko naih stereotipov, je potrebna velika mera motivacije in interesa

tako lokalnih prebivalcev, oblasti kot tudi Romov. Menimo, da je to mogoe zlasti s

pomojo neformalnih dogodkov, kjer se znailnosti obeh skupin predstavita in na ta

nain se zane proces spoznavanja, nato sprejemanja in ne-nazadnje poasi proces

zaupanja in sodelovanja med vsemi akterji.

Sploni pregled, primerjalna raziskovalna analiza drav lanic in vloga Evropske unije

za vkljuitev Romov v lokalne skupnosti nam je pomagala predstaviti Rome v

sodobnih drubah. Med drugim smo ugotovili, da bi bilo potrebno dati ve poudarka

na kriminoloki vidik Romi kot rtve in storilci kaznivih dejanj. Le tako lahko

namre nadaljujemo in pridobimo zaupanje s strani Romov; zanemarjanje primerov,

kjer so Romi rtve in primerov izgona, vsekakor ne pripomore k vzpostavitvi zaupanja

in odprte komunikacije. Za uspeno vkljuevanje in implementacijo zakonodaje

Evropske unije je potrebno poostriti nadzor in cilje prilagoditi posameznim dravam

lanicam zaradi raznolikosti med Romi. Zavedati se je potrebno, da je

implementacija in izvedba projektov za vkljuevanje Romov zlasti v domeni

posameznih drav lanic, tako da je le-te potrebno ustrezno motivirati. In ne

nazadnje, eden izmed uspenih nainov bi lahko bil vzpostavljanje zaupanja in

komunikacije preko neformalnih dogodkov. S spoznavanjem drug drugega ugotovimo,

da smo vsi pravzaprav enaki. Raznoliki, vendar elimo enako. Ko spoznamo to, se

odpre komunikacijska pot, zaupanje in sodelovanje. S tem zraste tudi motivacija

oblasti in skupaj z ustrezno dokumentacijo pomagamo Romom k vkljuitvi v sodobno

drubo.

Kljune besede: Romska populacija, socialna vkljuenost, Evropska unija, drave

lanice, varnostni izzivi, neenakost, izkljuenost Romov

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Peace is not unity in similarity, but unity in diversity, in the comparison

and conciliation of differences.

(Mikhail Gorbachev)

1 INTRODUCTION and METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH

1.1 Preface and introduction

Fear of someone or something different has been present throughout the centuries.

People have always been afraid of something new, something different and unknown;

thinking Why is that person different than us? and making a strong distinction

between us and them. This aspect is unfortunately present and visible today in

contemporary societies that refuse to include someone different, someone like

Roma. Roma people have extensive and very diverse historical, cultural and linguistic

background. Originally they came from India, where they started developing their

nomadic lifestyle due to the changes in their environment (famine, wars and no

opportunities for labour market participation). Roma population is the most

numerous and deprived population in Europe and with a population of more than 6

million1, they form a larger entity than many European Union states (Maryniak,

2004). This ethnic minority has experienced discrimination and marginalisation in

different aspects of their lives throughout their entire history in Eastern Europe

(Crowe, 1994; Fekete & Webber, 2010; Pucket, 2005), such as being the victims of

discrimination and threats of local authorities (many times police), being the victims

of the Holocaust and there are many examples of Roma being slaves and prisoners

who were many times killed (Hall, 2011). Due to all of these circumstances, some of

them developed anti-social behaviour and started stealing in order to survive while

travelling. Nowadays that seems to be the only thing that people recognise and are

aware of about the Tsiganes, Gypsies, Gens du voyage or Travellers, as people

call them.

The history, culture and Roma identity are important, and in order to preserve these

things, it is also essential to bear in mind that Roma is as an ethnic minority group

and that there are several Roma groups that are experiencing deprivation,

1 According to the European Commissions estimation (European Commission, 2012a).

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marginalisation and social exclusion on a daily basis (European Commission, 2012c).

By doing that, we can focus on improving their living conditions, helping them

through the process of social inclusion and preserving their origins and culture at the

same time.

Peoples mind-sets are mostly designed to capture and focus mainly on negative

things; the majority usually knows them only as thieves. Not many focus on their

abilities, such as playing music and making a use of metal objects, since these were

the two main professions in the history of Roma. We mainly focus on the output and

are reactive instead of proactive. Instead of pointing out what they are doing wrong,

the majority should start asking themselves why they are doing this in the first place

and try to prevent this behaviour with an analytical approach and cooperation.

Therefore, to start making a change and in order to integrate the Roma in to

contemporary societies, pursuing only documents is not enough. We cannot change

ones mind-set, but we can adapt it to the environment that we live in. But how can

one do that, especially in the environment that is focusing mainly on negative

outputs of Roma? The most successful and visible approach in this area is by informal

cooperation. In order to do that, the managers of projects and meetings have to have

the knowledge of international and national Frameworks, projects and networks

designed for better Roma participation and their living and security issues in

contemporary societies.

Through this thesis we will present Roma, their status in Member States, their living

conditions and the role of the European Union in better Roma inclusion. We will try

to find the reasons why Roma remains a deprived ethnic minority, living on the

margins of society, despite the promotion of equality and the EU Frameworks. Due to

better understanding of the Romas status nowadays, we will present brief overview

of Roma which is vital in order to understand their behaviour in local communities,

their attitudes towards majority and last but not least, their resistance towards local

authorities. The main aim of the thesis is to answer the question of how to make

social inclusion of Roma in contemporary societies more implemented and visible on

a daily basis. Additionally, we will focus on the importance of cooperation of all

parties, which is of vital importance and gives guidelines for the future of better

Roma integration.

14

1.2 Objectives and purpose of the thesis

Objectives and research questions are the basis for developing a research model for

the assessment of the Roma status in contemporary societies.

The main aim of the thesis is to present the current situation of Roma population in

the European Union using the comparative research analysis. The purpose is to

present Romas status in contemporary societies by researching their living

conditions and security issues they face in everyday life. By highlighting what needs

to be done in the future in order to follow the equality, we will try to develop advice

for local and national authorities, local communities, Member States and Roma

population.

In order to make an assessment of Romas status and the evaluation of the various

factors that play an active role in their better implementation, there is a strong need

to make this research a conceptual one. Therefore, overreaching research concepts

are:

(1) Implementation of Frameworks and the role of the European Union are EU

Frameworks implemented on a daily basis and are there effective evaluations and

monitoring of Member States?

(2) Security Issues which issues are Roma dealing with on a daily basis in Member

States and what are the differences between them?

(3) Social inclusion vs. Social exclusion what are the techniques for better

promotion of Roma inclusion and what are the successful preventative techniques

for social exclusion of Roma?

In order to get answers for the questions above, it is necessary to assess Romas

status in Member States.

1.3 Research questions and hypothesis

The main assumption of the thesis is: How to make social inclusion of Roma in

contemporary societies more efficient in Member States?

For better understanding and purpose of research, we extended the hypothesis into

main concepts:

15

(1) How many Roma are living today in Europe? (Which security issues do they face

on a daily basis?).

(2) What are the most efficient ways to enhance inclusion of Roma in

contemporary societies? (Which EU Framework is used in order to assure that?

Which EU projects are designed and aimed towards Roma inclusion? Are the Roma

receiving any help from international and national networks?).

(3) Are all EU Member States participating in projects that are aiming towards

Roma inclusion in the same part? (Are the Member States interested in

participating in these projects and are they organising them on a national level?).

(4) Every year the European Union gives certain part of its budget to projects for

social inclusion. Is the EU budget used fully for the projects of Roma inclusion?

(Which EU bodies are responsible for decisions regarding the amount of money

that is intended for the Roma inclusion projects? Which EU funds are aiming

towards social inclusion of Roma?).

(5) Is Roma nowadays facing inclusion or exclusion? (Are there any efficient

preventative techniques of expulsion and discrimination towards Roma? Is there

something an individual can do on a daily basis?).

1.4 Methodology

In the process of hypothesis verification, we will use a variety of social science

research methods. To verify the formed research assumptions we will use the

following methods:

(1) Method of demographic statistics analysis used to find out the number of Roma

people living in Europe today. Statistic data will be collected from different

sources (international databases, international organisations and national

databases for each country living in the European territory).

(2) Semi-structured interview with police officer and expert who deals with these

issues within his working environments. The interview was conducted during one

survey in Slovenia and the results are relevant for the thesis.

(3) Findings of participant observation method were summarised during visits to

Roma camps in Slovenia and cooperation with police while establishing new

projects aiming towards better communication between local community, police

and Roma population. The information is important to see the relations between

Roma, local community and police.

16

(4) Method of source analysis (written, electronic and video sources) will be used

throughout the thesis, especially for the preparation of theoretical concepts as

well as to verify formed research assumptions.

(5) Method of EU Framework and the role of the EU analysis will be used to

present EU's legal Framework, EU projects, EU bodies and EU budget in the field

of social inclusion as one of the mechanisms to ensure Roma's inclusion and as a

prevention technique for possible maltreatments. Analyses are necessary in order

to evaluate the role, function and efficiency of the EU bodies aiming towards

better Roma inclusion.

(6) Method of previous studies and current research analysis is important as a

source of information about concept, used methodology and results in order to

evaluate the Roma's position nowadays.

1.5 Limitations of the Master thesis

In the process of reviewing the literature and data we have encountered the

following limitations:

(1) Time frame and financial limitations of the survey were limited in discovering

more thorough information on Roma and the function of the EU.

(2) Incomplete data on statistical estimations of Roma population in the Member

States, projects and networks designed for Roma inclusion.

(3) Limitations of the contents with focus only on Roma living in current EU

Member States. Due to the purpose of the thesis, there was no need to gather the

information on Roma living outside the EU.

(4) Inability to conduct field study was due to the financial and time limitations as

well as too wide area of research.

(5) Lack of knowledge on European Union and Roma due to lack of time to learn

different aspects and thorough data on the EU and the Roma.

Therefore, the content of the thesis will focus on reviewing the relevant data on the

Roma inclusion and the EU. Assumptions and conclusions are based on theory,

literature reviews, Frameworks, field research in Slovenia and on current research.

17

Diversity: the art of thinking independently together.

(Malcolm Forbes)

2 THEORETICAL CONCEPTS

The situation of Roma population nowadays can be discussed from various points of

view. Learning more about the security and multi-ethnical conflicts can be done

partially from the point of view of several sociological disciplines or integral from the

theory whose main aim is to integrate findings of certain disciplines as a whole

(Mitar, 1998). Due to various issues that concern Roma population in the

contemporary societies, there are several paradigms which can be explained within

that context.

Roma population can be discussed from the ethnical and historical point of view.

Roma originally came from India from where they started moving in 1192. Upon their

arrival in Europe they were often victims of expulsion, misunderstanding and false

identification (Muc, 2011; Novak, personal interview, 20. 04. 2012). In order for us to

understand the relationship between local community and Roma, we should have a

thorough knowledge of historical and cultural origins of this minority. Roma can be

also debated from the social point of view; level of social inclusion, relationship with

local communities and people who are working with members of Roma on a daily

basis. Furthermore, we can discuss Roma in the field of law. There we can find

information on delinquency, minor offences and crime incidents as well as disruption

of the public order. It is important to bear in mind that Roma are not only the

perpetrators of the crimes, as the majority might believe, but are very often victims

of racism, exclusion and even violence on a daily basis. Health is important due to

having proper living conditions for survival. Many Roma members do not have health

insurance. Several Roma settlements do not even have the access to drinking water,

disabling them from having basic living conditions. In addition to poor health

conditions their housing conditions are very often poor as well. Many Roma families

live together and constitute a high number of family members (up to 40 members of

one family). In addition, several settlements are illegal and are often a reason for

the conflicts between Roma and local community. One of the major environmental

issues is definitely Romas garbage disposal and unhygienic settlements. All of the

aforementioned greatly influences participation of Roma in labour market.

18

Employers frequently do not employ Roma due to the stereotypes of them being

thieves and not having proper living conditions. One of the important points of view

is definitely political where we claim that Roma should actively participate in the

decisions, passing a bill and writings of acts that are made about them, at least.

There are several concepts that can be discussed in the field of Roma inclusion. We

mainly focused on those that are important for the context of the thesis.

2.1 Concept of social exclusion

Concept of social exclusion is a very complex phenomenon. It is a multifaceted

concept that has been delineated in various ways by several theorists (Hargie,

ODonnell & McMullan, 2011). For the importance of understanding, we will primarily

define social exclusion. Social exclusion in this context relates to a process of social

disintegration in the division of the relationship between an individual and society

(Burchardt, LeGrand & Piachaud, 2002). Furthermore, Silver and Miller (2003)

identified five principal features of social exclusion:

(1) Multidimensional, including both individual and collective dimensions;

(2) Dynamic, progressing from total inclusion to complete exclusion;

(3) Relational, including psychosocial factors in relationships such as isolation,

humiliation and rejection;

(4) Active, since exclusion is carried out by people or various processes;

(5) Relative, due to its variations in several contexts.

According to these definitions, social exclusion is a process of disintegration which is

multidimensional, fluent and active, includes relationship and varies within different

contexts. For our purpose, we focused mainly on the idea of this concept where it is

conceptually connected to relations within society, poverty and deprivation. Social

exclusion has both social and economic dimensions (Adato, Carter & May, 2006).

Poverty usually starts with lower incomes and with that slowly comes exclusion from

the majority. Social exclusion can also lead to other forms of deprivation which

continue to limit individuals possibilities (Sen, 2000). This concept therefore mainly

discusses that the majority confines certain minorities to the margins of the

19

economic and political society. This concept talks about to what extent do people

have equal access to basic utilities, such as health, housing, participation in labour

market, being active in community and public life (Klasen, 2002) and have equal

access to education system. Accepting diversity has always been an issue and it

represents, despite modern promotion of equality, a big issue in contemporary

societies. Stigma is present on a daily basis and consequences are felt by deprived

members of the society by increasing isolation, which eventually leads to social

exclusion (Hargie, ODonnell & McMullan, 2011). Local community can feel these

consequences as isolation and distrust of the Roma population, worsening the

stereotypes and all in all deepening the conflicts. All of which is present in the entire

society, in the cultural, economic and political context.

2.2 Concept of trust-distrust

This concept is multifaceted and must be properly interpreted given the historic,

cultural, economic and political context. The complex of societys phenomena such

as trust cannot be properly understood from the perspective of just one discipline or

apart from other societal phenomena. Authors place this concept mainly into social,

psychoanalytical, political and phenomena of psychological development. In addition,

some authors understand this concept as one of the modern societies which was

developed due to changes in social construction, whereas others comprehend it as a

source of hope (psychology of development) or as a basic condition for humanity

(Markova & Gillespie, 2008). Xiaojuan and Sia (2009) state that people nowadays

have a prevalent tendency to distrust rather than to trust, in order to avoid potential

negative consequences. That is probably due to the individuals feelings of safety and

fear of the unknown.

The issue of trust or/and distrust is present in Roma population as well as the

majority. Trust and distrust originate from heterogeneous sides of the individuals

personality. Trust comes from the positive side, assuming the best in others, whereas

distrust anticipates dishonesty and opportunistic characteristics in people (McKnight

& Chervany, 2001). Since people find it hard to accept diversity, they often distrust

the so called others (different racial or ethnic origin). This is derived from

centuries old stereotypes about Roma being unfair and criminals (uklje & Banutai,

20

2012) and incidents done by the majority, showing they are impatient and Roma

intolerant.

This concept and the concept of social exclusion can be visible not only amongst the

majority but in police as well. Being the responsible authority for detecting crime

and the persecution of the offenders gives police the role of the authority among the

community. We believe that the relation between Roma and police can depend on

everything mentioned above and that it is present on a daily basis as distrust from

both sides. Since police distrust Roma, a vicious circle of distrust, exclusion and

stereotypes is formed. For the purpose of the context, this is important due to the

processes of establishing trust, cooperation and communication between Roma, local

and national authorities as well as majority since they play vital role in the process

of Roma inclusion.

2.3 Problem of identity

Roma population originated from India. They started moving from there mainly due

to the wars in that area and with that they started their nomadic lifestyle. This is

probably the source of their lifestyle. When they were forced to move through

Afghanistan, Iran, Asia and Europe, one part of Roma went towards Egypt. The

nature of their lifestyle was the main reason for commencements of various legends

about their origins and name in the Middle Ages (Djuri & Muc, 2010; Novak, 2012). In

the years of moving through Europe, Roma has not exactly settled and therefore they

have taken over a lot of foreign culture and language characteristics. By doing that,

they started losing their own origins and autochthonism and as a consequence their

culture, habits and customs are nowadays fading (uklje & Banutai, 2012). The

aforementioned can lead individuals to search for their identity. On one hand, Roma

does not fit completely into the majority, due to the colour of their skin, dialect,

history and tradition, while on the other, they are no longer autochthonic members

of Roma population. The trouble of identity is visible on a daily basis when they are

preserving certain so called remains of their customs and habits (for instance,

unintentional collection of secondary materials, such as metal) which unfortunately

stigmatises and differentiates them even more from majority. Nowadays issue

remains in how to find and preserve their identity while trying to fit into the society

at the same time. Furthermore, several social scientists state that there are at least

21

three forms of identity: identity as a unique individual, identity due to linguistic

characteristics and identity of satisfaction of ones desires (Cohen, 1994;

Hammersley & Treseder, 2007). Searching for ones identity can be troubling enough,

considering different types of identities and, let alone trying to fit into society with

different habits while trying to preserve ones culture. This can be very difficult and

confusing for members of Roma which can also result in offences or minor criminal

acts.

Nowadays we do not have a population that would be homogeneous, especially in

bigger cities and since travelling across the globe has become a part of many

peoples daily lives. As a result, cities constitute nations with various cultures,

religions, races and beliefs. However, in smaller towns and villages, diversity is often

not as common and accepted as it is portrayed to be. By obtaining the so called

collective identity, local communities feel safer if there are no outsiders and

different people. While on one hand this could be positive especially in the process

of social inclusion, on the other hand it suppresses the internal differences of the

group (Medina, 2003), forgetting and destroying their unique habits and customs,

forcing them to integrate and search for a new identity.

2.4 Problem of multiculturalism

Multiculturalism can be defined as contemporary societys fact and political

programme of preserving cultural and ethnic identities (Veer, 2007). According to

Rietveld (2014) and Modood (2007) multiculturalism in Europe is in crisis and it has

been like that for nearly a decade. Furthermore, multiculturalism can be

interrelated to the national identity: multiculturalism accepts diversity and is then a

part of the process of building national identity (Modood, 2007). As we discussed

above, there is no such thing as a nationally homogenised society nowadays (Bratun

& Mitar, 1999). Societies throughout the world vary greatly, the issues amongst them

happen when they encounter on a daily basis. There are several conflicts within the

countries that have ethnical or national dimension (Bratun & Mitar, 1999). It can be

difficult to have members of one population at one place due to their various

opinions, wishes, lifestyle and even values. Now imagine a diverse population; a

population where members originate from different countries, having different

beliefs and culture, all coming to one place. There are bound to be issues. As a

result, distrust, suspicion, conflicts and even violence can spur. The solution lies in

22

tolerance and accepting diversity, which is nowadays the excellence that is quite

uncommon. The reason lies in mis- or not-understanding of the other; when people

do not understand each other, they do not trust other populations and socially

exclude them. Intolerance, unacceptability and stereotypes are a part of everyday

life.

All of the concepts mentioned above interrelate in the political, cultural, economic

and social context and shape contemporary societies and ethnical conflicts between

Roma and majority on a daily basis.

23

History never looks like history when you are living through it.

(John W. Gardner)

3 HISTORY OF ROMA POPULATION IN EUROPE

The Roma belonged to the Indo-European people. Their ancestors were the stock

breeding tribes living on the Siberian step. At around 4000 B.C. the Latin, Greek,

Germanic and Slavic groups separated from the area in tribes (Tamas, 2005). They

started leaving India in 1192 (Djuri & Horvat Muc, 2010). Their nomadic lifestyle

brought them through Afghanistan and Iran, to Turkey, Greece and towards Central

Europe, while another part of Roma population went through Egypt all the way to

Spain (Horvat Muc, 2011; Novak, 2012).

3.1 Roma's nomadic lifestyle through centuries

Having left Central India, the Roma spent several centuries in North-western India

and came into contact with people speaking Dard and Iranic. North-western India was

the point of contact for various cultures, such as Chinese, Persian, Hindu and Muslim.

The armies of the great conquerors also marched across this area since this was a

crossroad of various travelling people, the continental gate of India. These were the

routes where roads from India, China, Persia, Arabia and Europe met. On the steps of

Siberia and in India, the Roma developed a tribe in clan based system as well as

acquiring a knowledge of fishing, hunting, gathering and other skills essential for

their survival. Such skills included working with metal, entertaining and music

making, for example. It was also joining this period with religious systems, beliefs,

and developed social order which, improving and changing over time, influenced the

lives of the Roma for centuries (Tamas, 2005; Vaeka, Juraskova & Nicholson, 2003).

The recurrent wars between the 6th and the 10th century resulted in famine in the

region. The Roma tribes were forced to give up their settlements and to wander to

Byzantine Empire. While on the road, the local population called the newcomers by

the name Tsigan. This name, according to certain sources, originated from the

name of a sect called the Atcigan. According to others, it came from a name of a

mountains area in Asiamaina (Tamas, 2005). A third explanation of the origin of

24

their name is that it came from the Greek Athinganos which means someone who

does not want to be and cannot be touched (Attali, 2003; Hancock, 1987).

A small number of groups moved further, towards Egypt. The majority, however

remained in the territory of Greece or in smaller tribal clannish groups led for Europe

and amongst other places, arrived at Hungary between the 13th and 14th century

(Reyniers, 2002). In the 14th century there were various documents and diplomas

which referred to the presence of the Roma in Hungary. In 1416 and 1417 the Roma

appeared in the Western territories of Europe (Cahn & Guild, 2010; Djuri & Muc,

2010; Eurostat, 2013; Horvat, 2011; trukelj, 2004). The Roma made a living by

engaging in service industries. They dealt with metal work, tool and gun making, gold

washing, silver work, shoe making, basket making and road building. Such activities

as repairing buildings, making fortifications, making music, animal dancing, tale-

telling, fortune-telling, delivering mail and animal dealing also belonged to their

repertoire. Their products were exchanged with peasants for food or money and then

the Roma moved on to the next settlement. On the road, they made those products

in exchange for money (trukelj, 2004; Tamas, 2005).

After a while, there was no need for further services. Industry and trade were more

developed and therefore there were no opportunities for the Roma to indulge in the

industry or to establish new, stable travelling groups. The great changes brought by

the 15th and 16th century were the wars of religion. Neither the discovery of new

territories nor the intolerance towards difference as such would be of benefit to

Roma groups. Their environment was growing more and more distrustful and hostile

towards them. One after another, violent measures aimed for their expulsion.

Lacking any kind of existential basis, they were occasionally forced to steal.

Nevertheless, the situation in Hungary was different. The knowledge of the Roma

was important in the development of the economy. Kings, aristocrats and cities were

in need of gold washers and people with a good knowledge of building fortifications.

The villages also needed workers to manufacture or repair tools. As a result, many

monarchs tried to defend the Roma with free passes just as King Sigismund has done

(Tamas, 2005).

During the centuries of slavery many of them lost their mother tongue, using

Romanian language. In eastern Poland, Ukraine and Russia the number of Roma grew

rapidly during the 16th century. In Western Europe the official prosecution of the

Roma continued (Tamas, 2005). Despite being a marginalised population, during the

25

centuries of living next to each other and cultural exchange, independent Roma

cultures and dialects developed (Roche, 2003).

In the 18th century there was less and less room for Roma communities to fill the

niches of industry and commerce or to continue with their traditional craftsmanship.

During the 18th century, crowds of Roma were deported to the colonies to the North

and South America and to Australia. Many of them became victims of revived anti-

Roma cruelty. By the middle of the century, the majority of the Roma had become

slaves. They were marginalised in the European societies during the 19th century.

Roma performed seasonal work and provided industrial goods in the remote

settlements. Travelling and avoiding prosecution by the authorities was part of their

daily lives. Due to industrialisation, the development of commerce and

improvements in public safety, especially on the roads, the Roma were forced to find

new ways of making their living. Their entertainment became legally recognised

professions in many places: circus artists, showmen and musicians became

independent jobs (OSCE & Council of Europe, 2010; Tamas, 2005).

By the beginning of the 20th century, significant groups of western European and

American Roma had become accepted citizens. They had become industrial and

agricultural workers and their circumstances were hardly different from those around

them. However, there still remained some groups living on the margins of society.

They were either engaged in service industries or commerce. Some other Roma

groups were travelling in wagons as musicians, entertainers or merchants, selling

carpets and used goods. They were constantly subject to the supervision and

harassment of the police. Their possibilities to camp, travel and settle, just like their

human rights, were often limited. Their existence was acknowledged with prejudice

and hostility. Roma were hugely represented in military services compared to the

ratio of the population. During the World War 1, many Roma were enlisted and taken

to the front. In 1920 the Roma began to found political and cultural organisations,

associations and magazines in Romania, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria (Tamas, 2005).

Following the murder of 200,000 to 500,000 Roma in the Holocaust, persecution

persists, especially in Central and Eastern Europe where Roma form up to 10 % of the

population (Brearley, 2001; Maryniak, 2004).

26

3.2 The change in Roma status

Roma have endured expulsions, death sentences for being Gypsy and slavery from the

16th century onward. Persecution persisted with the murder of 200 000 to 500 000

Roma in the Holocaust (Brearley, 2001). As a result of trauma caused by the Nazi

genocide, all Roma communities were very afraid (Auziaz, 1999). That was probably

the biggest influential turning point in history where the Roma status from ethnic

minority transformed into even more marginalised group. Out of fear, many hid in

the forests. Their communities lived closed away from the world and the information

about the developments rarely reached them. In Western Europe the Roma tried to

slowly rebuild their lives and relations. They restarted their services in industries and

did seasonal work (Tamas, 2005).

Persecution of the Roma stemmed from the highest authorities in State and Church.

Discriminated against under communism, their plight has dramatically worsened

since 1989. Endemic problems (low life expectancy, high illiteracy, dire poverty and

poor housing) are now heightened by massive, disproportionate unemployment.

Unprecedented persecution has been unleashed by new state nationalism and easing

of censorship. Roma became the new scapegoat for post-Communism societys ills

(Brearley, 2001).

27

Gypsy is not described as he is, but as he needs to be according to the dominant socio-

political paradigm.

(Ligeois)

4 ROMA TODAY

Today, Roma population represents the largest ethnic minority in the EU. They have

settled throughout the European continent but they mostly live in Central and

Eastern Europe. Roma communities in the 28 countries of the EU2 do not constitute

one homogenous group. They live in different living conditions and follow different

lifestyle patterns. Even though the Roma population is diverse, they do share many

socio-economic characteristics and experience a similar rejection in the majority of

population.

However, when establishing approaches and strategies one must bear in mind that

even though the problems and issues are present in the same areas for all Roma

people (housing, employment, education, health) there are diverse distinguishing

elements in terms of the intensity of social exclusion of Roma (European Commission,

2012b). Roma actually consist of a very diverse population. They differ in territorial,

cultural and dialectal areas. Main Roma ethnicities are Finnish Kale, Iberian Kale

(mostly Spain), Manush (France, Belgium, Luxembourg and Swiss), Roma (Europe and

USA), Romanichal (UK, USA, Canada and Australia), Romanisael (Sweden and

Norway), Sinti (Austria, Germany) and Welsh Kale. There are many more Roma

groups but these are the main branches (Catholic University of Louvain, 2005;

Fekete, 2014; Halwach, 2005; Kavaliauskaite, 2008; Horvat, 2011; Puckett, 2005).

Nowadays, trends of Roma people are various: while some traditional traveller

families have completely abandoned nomadic lifestyle (due to administrative

troubles and the lack of appropriate spaces for accommodation, for example), other

Roma groups continue to pursue it (European Commission, 2012c). In addition, there

have been several presumptions on whether or not the Roma has the ethnic identity

that they used to or if it is lost. After years of adapting and adjusting to a nomadic

2 As well as in the candidate and potential candidate countries.

28

lifestyle, their language, culture and habits changed and became mixed with the

local populations. Due to their numerous and various changes of location, it is

sometimes unclear whether their culture, habits and language originated from Roma

community itself.

4.1 Data on Roma living in the Member States

All together there are between 10 and 12 million Roma living today in the European

territory, a large proportion of them in the EU (OSCE & Council of Europe, 2010).

According to the European Commission (2012a) there is approximately 6 200 531

million Roma living today in the EU member states. The estimated number of Roma is

approximate and varies greatly. Furthermore, there is no information on the number

of Roma in two member states, Malta and Croatia. We have not found any

information whether there are Roma living in Malta or if the problem was that the

estimated number varied too much. In Croatia we have information of the Roma

presence, but when writing these strategies, Croatia was not yet a member of the EU

(became a Member of EU in May 2013).

Therefore, Eastern Europe is home to between 6 and 8 million Roma. Accurate

population estimations are difficult because of infrequent data collection, the Roma's

mobility, and the Roma's reluctance to register as "Roma" in censuses out of fear of

being stigmatized. In addition, governments have typically underestimated the actual

number of Roma in a given country. For instance, various scholars and European

Commission (2012a) have all estimated Slovakia's Roma population at around 500 000

or more, but the government officially counted only 83 000 for the year 2000.

Similarly, in Slovenia the official governmental estimation of Roma is around 3000

Roma, but the actual number of Roma living in Slovenian territory is between 11 000

and 12 000 (uklje & Banutai, 2012; Tanner, 2005).

Problems relating to the accurate estimation can be numerous. Official estimations

usually vary greatly in relation to the actual number of Roma. Reasons for that can

be infrequent data collection, Romas mobility as well as Romas reluctance to

register as Roma. A survey in Slovenia (uklje & Banutai, 2012) showed that many

Roma change their surname due to the stigmatisation of local community, making it

difficult to find the accurate statistical data on this ethnic minority.

29

Romania, with an estimated 1 850 million Roma, has the largest Roma population in

terms of quantity, though they constitute about eight percent of the country's 20

million people. In Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovakia, and Serbia, Roma population is

estimated to be between 500,000 and 800,000. In terms of percentage of total

population, Slovakia and Bulgaria have among the highest concentration of Roma,

with 9.17 percent and 8 percent, respectively (Eurostat, 2013; Tanner, 2005). On the

contrary, France has a very small percentage of Roma, 0.42 percent (European

Commission, 2012a).

In this chapter we will take a look at statistical data3 in two different aspects: one

chart presented will be regarding the number of Roma population in Member States

and the other will present the portion of the Roma population in correlation to the

part of the majority population. Due to the bad visibility, the results are divided into

two parts: in the first chart one can see the quantity of the first eleven countries

that have the most numerous Roma population. In addition, a chart will be presented

with the other Member States that have less than 60 000 Roma population.

3 Statistical data applied in this empirical analysis is based on estimations in all Member

States done by the European Commission (2012a).

0

200

400

600

800

1.000

1.200

1.400

1.600

1.800

2.000

1

Romania

Bulgaria

Spain

Hungary

Slovakia

France

Greece

Czech Republic

United Kingdom

Italy

Germany

Chart 1: Quantity of Roma population in Member States Chart 1

30

From Chart 1 it is visible that by far the highest number of Roma population is in

Romania (1 850 million) whereas in Bulgaria the number of Roma drops to 750 000. In

Spain there are approximately 725 000 members of Roma population. Slightly lower

again, 700 000 Roma live in Hungary. Interestingly, the number of Roma in Slovakia

and France are low, with 500 000 and 400 000 respectively. We believe that in the

listed countries the number of Roma is the highest. The numbers do not vary much in

Greece, Czech Republic and United Kingdom: 265 000, 250 000 and 225 000 in the

same order. In Italy the number of Roma is around 140 000 and in Germany 105 000.

Portugal has 55 000 Roma, followed by Sweden and Netherlands, with 43 000 and 40

000 Roma settled there. Ireland, Belgium and Austria have in the same order 38 000,

30 000 and 25 000 Roma population. From Chart 2 one can see slight drop of number

of Roma in comparison between Austria and Latvia. In Latvia there is 15 000 Roma

and in Poland slightly less, 13 000. In Finland and Slovenia the number of Roma is the

same, 11 000. There are 6 000 Roma in Denmark and half less in Lithuania, which is 3

000. Cyprus and Estonia have the same number of Roma, that is 1 250. In

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

1

Portugal

Sweden

Netherlands

Ireland

Belgium

Austria

Latvia

Poland

Finland

Slovenia

Denmark

Lithuania

Cyprus

Estonia

Luxembourg

Chart 2: Quantity of Roma population in Member States Chart 2

31

Luxembourg there lives around 300 Roma. For Malta we could not find any data on

Roma population; neither official estimations, nor unofficial. In Croatia there are no

estimations done by the European Commission, but the official estimations of the

census, show us that there are approximately 17 000 Roma (Census of Croatia by

Municipalities, 2011).

In the second part of the empirical analysis, we will present the number of Roma

considering the part of the majority population in each Member State. Due to better

visibility, the results are again shown in two charts.

The highest percentage of Roma in compliance with majority is in Bulgaria, which is

approximately 10.33 % of the majority. In Slovakia, Roma population constitutes 9.17

% of the population, whereas in Romania the percentage of Roma is approximately

8.32 %. In Hungary the percentage of Roma is slightly lower, 7.05 %. Significantly

lower percentages of Roma are visible in Chart 3, where from approximately 7 %,

there is a drop to only 2.47 % of Roma in Hungary. Roma represents 1.57 % of the

population in Spain and 1.39 % of the majority population in Czech Republic. Here we

presented the Member States where the Roma population constitutes more than 1%

of the majority population.

0,00%

2,00%

4,00%

6,00%

8,00%

10,00%

12,00%

1

Bulgaria

Slovakia

Romania

Hungary

Greece

Spain

Czech Republic

Chart 3: Percent of Roma regarding the majority Chart 1

32

From Chart 4 it is evident that in Estonia and Ireland the percentage of Roma is the

same, which is 0.90 %. In Latvia the percentage of Roma is lower, 0.65 % and in

Portugal Roma represents 0.52 % of the majority population. The percentage of Roma

in Sweden and Slovenia does not differ much; 0.46 % and 0.42 % in the same order. In

the UK Roma represent 0.37 % of the population and 0.30 % in Austria. In Belgium the

percentage of Roma is slightly lower, 0.29 %, 0.24 % in the Netherlands and 0.23 % in

Italy. Finland and France share the same percentage of Roma, which is 0.21 % of the

population. Cyprus has 0.16 % of Roma and Germany has 0.13 % of Roma. The

percentage of Roma in Poland and Denmark is the same, which is 0.10 % of the

majority, slightly less, 0.08 % of Roma is in Lithuania and 0.06 % of Roma in regard to

majority population lives in Luxembourg. If we make approximate calculation for

0,00%

0,10%

0,20%

0,30%

0,40%

0,50%

0,60%

0,70%

0,80%

0,90%

1

Estonia

Ireland

Latvia

Portugal

Sweden

Slovenia

United Kingdom

Austria

Belgium

Netherlands

Italy

Finland

France

Cyprus

Germany

Poland

Denmark

Lithuania

Luxembourg

Chart 4: Percent of Roma regarding majority Chart 2

33

Croatia, estimating4 that there are 17 000 of Roma living in Croatia, and the majority

population is estimated to approximately 4 million, the part of Roma is

approximately 0.39 %.

When seeing and understanding the result one quickly sees that a correlation of the

number of Roma in one country to the percentage of Roma in the same Member State

does not exist. For example, France has quite high number of the Roma living,

considering other Member States, it is the 6th highest Member State according to

number of Roma. On the contrary, regarding the part of Roma takes France on only

the 20th place. The reason lies in the number of residents, which in France is

approximately 65 million (Eurostat, 2013).

Therefore, while reviewing the results and conducting implementation policies one

must firstly take into consideration the number of Roma in Member State as well as

the percentage that Roma represents in that Member State. In addition, the official

estimations may not be correct and up-to-date. The official estimations and the

actual number of Roma population vary. Therefore, the demographic data must be

taken with a great deal of a precaution. Moreover, in several cases we had trouble

finding information due to the fact that some countries laws prohibits them to

follow statistic database on ethnic minorities due to marginalisation and

discrimination, making it very difficult to find reliable and up-to-date information or

any statistical information on the Roma at all. Not only is the statistical data hard to

gather in order to be accurate but there is also a big gap between countries official

estimations, the actual number and the estimations according to the European

Commission. The reasons in the gaps in statistic data lie in infrequent data

collection, Romas mobility and Romas reluctance to register as Roma due to the

stigmatisation. Furthermore, the comparisons of Member States do not include two

countries. Croatia became a Member only in May 2013 and the European

Commissions estimation was done in 2012. The second country, Malta, has been a

member since 2004, but there is no information at all whether or not the Roma is

present in this Member State or not.

4 Estimation is done by Census of Croatia by Municipalities (2011).

34

4.2 Living circumstances of Roma

Living circumstances of Roma nowadays vary not only in each Member State but also

in the different regions of one State. The most common stereotype is that Roma live

in isolated Roma settlements that usually do not even have basic utilities, such as

running water. There are, unfortunately, examples of unregulated Roma settlements,

but most people are forgetting that many Roma live in urban and suburban

neighbourhoods and are well integrated in the local communities. Regarding these

differences, European Commission (2012b) stressed five major types of contexts

defining the living circumstances of Roma.

4.2.1 Roma communities living in integrated urban and suburban

neighbourhoods

This category belongs to groups and families living in high density areas of the city,

districts labelled by ethnic concentration, deprivation and poverty or usually in lower

middle or working-class neighbourhoods, as well as in the city centres. Roma living in

suburban neighbourhoods can be found in many countries around the Europe, but

most commonly in Spain. They are less visible since they are less concentrated and

their habits are similar to the rest of the neighbours. They can be seen in the south

of France and frequently in central Europe (Slovakia, Hungary and Czech Republic) as

well as Bulgaria, Poland and Romania.

Many of these Roma are believed to be engaged in a process of socio-economic

integration but the risk of them being excluded from the society is higher than that

of their neighbours. All in all they cannot be considered as excluded from the social

fabric of the cities (European Commission, 2012c).

4.2.2 Roma communities living in segregated urban and suburban

neighbourhoods

Isolation from small cities and villages, extreme deprivation, deteriorated

neighbourhoods and slums are characteristics for these types of settlements.

Roma living in segregated rural settlements are visible in all EU Member States, but

are most frequently seen in the Hungary, Slovakia, Greece, the Czech Republic,

Romania, Bulgaria, Spain, Portugal, Italy and France. The concentration,

marginalisation and exclusion of Roma people in many countries are mostly the

35

product of complex and various processes (European Commission, 2012c). In addition,

in Slovenia one can spot many segregated Roma settlement, especially in the South-

Eastern part of Slovenia (uklje & Banutai, 2012).

4.2.3 Roma communities living in segregated rural settlements

Roma groups in this category are isolated from cities, towns and villages or situated

in the suburban areas of villages and characterised by extreme deprivation (European

Commission, 2012c).

The estimated number of Roma people living in rural areas is very high in some of the

countries, for example in Romania, Bulgaria, Slovakia and Hungary (Altrock, Guntner,

Huning and Peters, 2006). Additionally, in Slovenia there are several segregated rural

settlements without basic utilities, such as running water and electricity (Novak,

personal interview, 20. 04. 2012; uklje & Banutai, 2012).

4.2.4 Roma moving within the EU-155 Member States

These groups of Roma migrants mainly originate in Eastern and Central European

countries (mostly Romania, and to a lesser extent Bulgaria, the Slovak and Czech

Republic), mostly coming from the former countries of Yugoslavia (Tanner, 2005).

Furthermore, they are motivated by economic considerations and generally aiming

for a sedentary lifestyle (European Commission, 2012c).

4.2.5 Roma travellers and (semi-) mobile lifestyles

This category includes the Roma who have been assigned numerous designations

(Nomad, Rom, Travellers, etc.) and who continue to have a mobile or semi-mobile

lifestyle or are treated as nomads by authorities and local communities (European

Commission, 2012c).

Comparing to the sedentary communities, the number of Roma that are still engaged

in nomadic lifestyle is relatively low. Most Roma have actually settled down while

5 EU-15 area Member States are: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany,

Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and United

Kingdom.

36

some traveller groups in Western Europe continue to travel and have adapted a

nomadic or semi-nomadic lifestyle (European Commission, 2010b). This lifestyle has

been frequent in the past and continues to be practiced by several Roma groups in

Europe, especially in Belgium, Germany, France, Italy, the UK and Ireland and to

some extent in Nordic countries as well as in the Iberian Peninsula such as Spain and

Portugal (European Commission, 2012c).

4.3 Roma migration nowadays

Even though the nomadic lifestyle that characterised Roma is mostly history, there is

still part of the Roma population that does not belong to the sedentary part of the

population. Some Roma are still moving and migrating across the Europe, whether it

is due to their historic background or just a wish to start a better life with new

opportunities that do not include discrimination.

For example, in the 1990 the Roma migrants came mostly from Yugoslavia in the EU.

This Roma migration flow was mainly directed to Italy, France, the UK, Germany and

Belgium, but has lately reached all EU-15 Member States, including peripheral

countries such as Ireland, Spain or Portugal and to a lesser extent Nordic countries

such as Sweden, Denmark and Finland (European Commission, 2012c). Despite several

recent studies and National Integration strategies there is no clear estimation on how

many Roma have left their countries of origin either partially or completely, and

moved to another one. The general understanding is that the number has risen

significantly in the past decade (Instituto Nacional de Estadicia, 2013).

A decade and a half between 1989 and the EU expansions of 2004 and 2007 was a

period in which laws governing immigration to Western Europe became considerably

more restrictive, particularly concerning non-privileged migrants (in particular

persons seeking work, rather than arriving with previously contracted work). It was

also a period of significant strain on refugee law and, particularly in Western Europe,

the considerable erosion, in practice, of asylum rights. Nevertheless, many Roma fled

persecution particularly from Bosnia, Serbia and Kosovo, but also from now EU

Member States including the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, Poland and

the Baltic countries and secured refugee status or temporary surrogate protection

in Western European and other countries during the period. Among the public, and

even among relevant policymakers, the distinction between migrants and refugees

37

was often not as clear as was often asserted. Not only has this in practice often split

families down the middle, but a number of EU Member States have had also national

policy debates concerning the expulsion of Roma, often carried out in a crude or

inflammatory manner (Cahn and Guild, 2010).

To make matters even more complex, a number of European states including EU

Member States such as the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia and Poland have

become both countries of migrant origin and countries of emigration for Roma. Roma

from the Czech Republic, for example, continue to migrate particularly to the United

Kingdom, while Roma from Romania and Slovakia also EU Member States migrate

to, among other places, the Czech Republic (Cahn and Guild, 2010). Roma migration

and concerns related to the fundamental rights of Roma migrants has also arisen

in the OSCE area outside the EU, on occasion with impact in the EU (OSCE, 2012).

Russia is a target country of migration for Roma from Moldova, Ukraine and the

countries of Central Asia, as well as possibly from other countries; Ukraine is both a

target country of Roma migrants (particularly from Moldova) and a country of Roma

migrant origin.

Canada, for example, has provided refugee status to large numbers of Roma from

Central and Eastern Europe, particularly from the Czech Republic and Hungary.

Canada also re-imposed visa requirements for Hungarian citizens, in order to stop

Roma from migrating from Hungary to Canada, and discussions about lifting the visa

requirement centred primarily on seeking guarantees that Roma will not migrate to

Canada. Following the abolition of the visa regime for Czech citizens in Canada in

2007, several hundred Roma from the Czech Republic have again sought asylum in

Canada.

Prior to the events of 11 September 2001 in particular, the United States resettled

several thousand Roma from Bosnia, including Roma from Bosnia threatened with

forced return to Bosnia by, in particular, the German Government. The United States

also resettled several hundred Roma from Kosovo who had secured temporary

protection in the FYROM6 (Cahn and Guild, 2010).

A significant portion of the Roma immigrants came to France from Romania and

Bulgaria. The accession to the EU of the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland,

the Baltic States and Slovenia in 2004, followed by Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, has

6 FYROM: Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

38

altered to a certain extent the nature of legal entitlements due to Roma from these

countries (Severance, 2010). It has also created a situation in which, in countries of

immigration, superficially unitary Roma communities may include persons with

differing status and potentially differing legal entitlements, particularly as concerns

EU rights, as well as rights under the Council of Europes European Social Charter

(2013) and Revised Charter (Cahn and Guild, 2010).

A massive gap exists between European efforts to challenge racial discrimination, on

the one hand, and policies concerning Roma migration, on the other. Within Europe,

major efforts have been made to force Roma to go to or to stay in the East, away

from the economically dynamic parts of Europe. Where this has not proven possible,

certain public authorities action or inaction has led to a worsening of the situation

of Roma migrants or to a neglect of their plight, even when living conditions may be

degrading (Cahn and Guild, 2010). We agree with the authors since after reviewing

Frameworks we discovered that many countries actually remodelled their policies in

order to make it more difficult for Roma to settle in their countries. That can be

done, for example with very high standards in obtaining their working visa, which is a

clear example of discrimination, violation of their human rights and social exclusion.

39

Inclusion and accessibility are basic pillars of everyday democracy.

(Michael Briguglio)

5 EU INSTRUMENTS FOR ROMA INCLUSION

The EU is established on the respect and implementation of fundamental human

rights, the observance and control of which is ultimately ensured by the Court of

Justice of the EU. Model approaches to Roma inclusion can and must be

systematically connected with EU legal, policy and financial instruments (European

Commission, 2012c). The EU has emerged as a potential ally for the transnational

Roma as they possess normative power when espousing values such as inclusion, yet

are able to elaborate policy at a supranational level which has supremacy over

domestic policy (McGarry, 2012).

EU has a big impact on the Roma integration through its legal Framework, financing

the projects, establishing networks, regulating the implementation of the financial

resources and legal instrument of Member States on daily basis and all in all with

these actions spreading the application of basic human rights to Member States.

While reviewing the literature we discovered that European Commission plays the

most important part in conducting newest legislation regarding Roma inclusion, its

implementation, monitoring and regulation in the Member States and has a big role

in conducting projects.

5.1 Legal instruments

In the field of implementation and application of human rights exist numerous

national and international Frameworks. Despite that many Roma in Europe do not

enjoy rights in the same proportion as the rest of the citizens. Effective rights are

more important than the formal legal recognition and require adequate legislation,

proper enforcement of this legislation, and elimination all the obstacles that make it

ineffective and non-implemented on a daily basis (Council of Europe, 1953, 1989,

1998, 2000b; UN, 1948, 1966a, 1966b, 1969).

40

All kind of Framework concerning Roma population must aim to guarantee the

enjoyment of full basic human rights, including adequate access to public services

and active participation in society. The Roma National Strategies, policies, projects

and action plans should be utterly based on human rights in order to ensure that

Roma as residents of the EU can fully enjoy their fundamental rights as enshrined

both in EU law and in international human rights treaties that bind all Member States

(European Commission, 2012c). It is essential that integration policies and strategies

are based on transparency and tackle difficult as well as taboo subjects in an

appropriate and effective manner (Council of Europe, 2009).

We divided legal instruments of the EU in three parts, starting with the EU

directives. The latest Directive is the Framework Decision on Racism and Xenophobia

(Council of Europe, 2008) whose purpose is to ensure that racism and xenophobia are

punishable by effective and proportionate criminal penalties in the EU. The main aim

of the Directive 2004/38/EC on the right of EU citizens to move and reside freely

within the EU (European Union, 2004) is to encourage EU citizens to exercise their

right to move and reside freely within the EU Member States. The Racial Equality

Directive 2000/43/EC (Council of Europe, 2000b) is the key piece of EU legislation for

combating discrimination regarding race or ethnicity.

International conventions are second part of EU legislation and are listed below,

starting with the most recent one:

- Convention on the Rights