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Urban-System Evolution on the Frontier of the Ecuadorian Amazon

Author(s): Roy Ryder and Lawrence A. Brown

Source: Geographical Review, Vol. 90, No. 4, (Oct., 2000), pp. 511-535

Published by: American Geographical Society

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3250782

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URBAN-SYSTEMEVOLUTIONON THE FRONTIEROF THE ECUADORIANAMAZONROY RYDERand LAWRENCEA. BROWN

ABSTRACT. Like he North American rontier,Ecuador'sAmazonianmarginhasadvanced nperiodicwaves.But the impetushas been extremelyvaried, nterlacingperiodsof socioeco-nomic crisiswith times of prosperity.Recenteventsin easternEcuadorconfirm thaturban-ization is a fundamental component of frontier development in South America. Theurbanizationprocessis not a sign,however,of regionaleconomic strength.Capitalgainsattheperipheryaretransferred o the nation'scoreregion.Even he largerboom townsdisplaylittle functionalspecialization; heyare,instead,precariouslydependenton employmentinthe public-service ector.Nonetheless,urban centers n the EcuadorianAmazon continue togrowandto drainsurroundingruralareasof youngerand more educated ndividuals.Key-words:Amazon,boomtowns,Ecuador,rontierregions, egionaldevelopment.

1he six provinces of the Ecuadorian Amazon-the Oriente-account for 48 per-cent of the nation's territory but contain only 4 percent of the population (INEC1991).When oil was discovered there in the late 196os, new access roads brought anend to the isolation of the region and facilitated large-scale spontaneous coloniza-tion of rain forest-dominated terrain. In the prepetroleum era colonists had beenrestricted mainly to the piedmont or the banks of navigable rivers, but the newwaves of pioneers rapidly thrust the agricultural frontier deep into the northeast-ern Oriente (Figure i).

Boom towns have become a fundamental feature of the frontier's landscape. Todemonstrate this, we first review the literature on urban systems at the South Ameri-can frontier, then present detailed analyses of Puyo and Nueva Loja,the two largestboom towns in the Ecuadorian Amazon. Our emphasis is on factors that haveinfluenced their development: rural-urban migration, local primacy, and spatialinteraction with other towns in the Oriente. We include references to the findingsof other researchers of frontier development and compare the development of pio-neer towns in the Ecuadorian Amazon with those in the coastal plain-the Costa.Our final comments focus on an examination of current negative and positive per-ceptions of the potential resilience of the Oriente and its urban network.

URBANIZATION AT THE SOUTH AMERICAN FRONTIERThe ambiguous term frontier can be applied to either a relatively static border zonebetween neighboring states or a dynamic peripheral region in the throes of absorp-tion into the national and global economies. John Friedmann recognizes two kindsof dynamic frontiers: those characterized by settlement and those dominated byextraction (1996).ff DR. RYDERs an associateprofessorof geographyat the Universityof SouthAlabama,Mobile,Alabama36688.DR. BROWNs a professorof geographyat Ohio StateUniversity,Columbus,Ohio43210-1017.

TheGeographicaleview90 (4): 511-535,October2000Copyright ? 2001 bythe AmericanGeographicalSocietyof NewYork

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THE GEOGRAPHICAL REVIEW

Cities and Regions of EcuadorEsmeraldas ariColombia

ImbaburaHi aPichinch arra Nueva Lojaichincha SucumbiosSanto Domingo .e _ M io uito ShushufindiManabi CocaCocayonbie Cotopaxi Napen Orellana0 _ Quevedo. Tena

Los Ambato. Tungurahua PastazaRios Bolivar Puo CurarayoBabahoyo i CraBabahoyo Riobamba SarayacuGuayas Chimborazo Montalvod Guayaquil . Macas so o so 100 MilesCanar Morona-Santiago ?

Cuenca. MendezAzuay City

ProvinceElOro GualaquizaLoZamora Peru Natural Regions

Loja Nambija CostaZamora-Chinchipe Sierra

OriOnente

FIG.1-Cities and regions of Ecuador. Cartographyby Sang-I Lee,Departmentof Geography,Ohio StateUniversity)

Settlement frontiers are colonized by farmers who migrate from the establishedheartland of a nation to thinly populated margins in search of land. Ensuing pio-neer rural communities are accompanied by remarkable boom towns that articu-late the frontier economy with the rest of the nation and the world at large. As in thefrontier characterized by FrederickJackson Turner,the wilderness is tamed and thelandscape evolves through successive stages of economic development (Turner1920).Historical evidence reveals that settlement frontiers do not necessarily advance at auniform rate. Expansion of the North American settlement frontier in the seven-teenth and eighteenth centuries was sensitive to long-wave Krondatiev economicepisodes. Prosperous periods associated with a push to the west alternated withstagnation of the frontier during economic depressions (Earle 1992;Berry 1996).

Extractive frontiers do not involve permanent rural settlement but arepenetratedprimarily to extract minerals, fuel, or timber for export to industrial regions. As inAlaska, the Canadian North, or the Australian interior, it is assumed that extractivefrontiers will remain sparsely populated (Elazar 1996). In the absence of rural set-tlers, towns established for resource-extraction purposes eventually decline andbecome ghost towns once the resource is exhausted.

Frontier regions in South America, both settlement and extractive, share thedistinctively urban personality of that continent. Amazonia may be considered an

I

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FRONTIER OF THE ECUADORIAN AMAZON

"urbanized jungle" (Becker 1996, 91) because the majority (55.2 percent in 1991) ofBrazil'sAmazonian nhabitantsarenot small,ruralproducersbut live in towns andparticipaten urbanactivities.Casestudies of boom townsin the BrazilianAmazonshow,however, hat theireconomicgrowth s uneven anddependson external orcesand changes in transportation (Lisansky 1990; Godfrey 1992;J.T. Roberts 1992). Inaddition,employment s mobile,and it blursanyinterfacebetween urbanand ruralareas.David Clearydescribeshow one-quarterof the households in the Brazilianboom town of Rio Branco still gain better than half of their income in the ruralzone throughextractiveactivities,agriculturalwork,or sales of family-farmprod-ucts (1993). Male residents of Xinguara in southeastern Amazonia leave home towork n the lumber or miningindustries n the dryseason andfindemploymentinlocal constructionprojectsor commerceduringthe rainyseason (Godfrey1990).Boom towns in the EcuadorianAmazon are a recent phenomenon, but onewith old economic problems.Althoughstatefundshave trickleddown to expandemployment n public-serviceagencies, obsstillare scarceandincomeslow. Urbaninhabitants cramble orbureaucratic ndservicepositions in local governmentorfall back on one of a multitude of small-scalecommercialenterprises.Fieldsurveysof establishments in both Ecuador (Brown and Ryder1999;Ryderand Brown 2000)andBrazil(Volbeda1986)reveala proliferationof modest restaurants, ars,cornerstores,andretailoutlets. Commercialestablishmentsoutnumber all others in Ama-zonianboom towns regardlessof differences n city size,city age,or the natureofthe local economy (oil extraction,mining, lumber,ranching,pioneeragriculture).This finding is consistent with researchby Cleary (1993)and by Brian Godfrey (1990),both of whom emphasize he importanceof small-scalecommercein towns of theBrazilianAmazon.The informalsector is clearlyas important n Amazonianboomtowns as it is in the capitalcity of Quito,situated n the Sierra Teltscher1993), heport city of Guayaquil,n the Costa(PlacenciaandVasquez1986),and otherLatinAmerican cities (Bromley 1982; Safa 1986; Portes and Johns 1989; Portes, Castells,and Benton 1989;Lawson and Klak 1990).

Boom towns link frontierregions to more establishedparts of their nations.Theyalsoroutinelydisplay ittle interactionwith each other and do not oftendiffuseprosperityto the hinterlands(Lithwick,Gradus,and Lithwick1996).Even whenfrontier growth centers are planned and equipped with industrial or mineral-extraction facilities, they may have limited success in spreading economic de-velopment. Ciudad Guayana,in Venezuela, has become a relatively dynamicindustrialcenter,but it absorbsmigrantsfrom the surroundingregion,and thereis little evidenceof economic progressbeyond the city itself (Hollier 1988;Brownand Lawson1989).Similarly,he planned mining complexof Carajas,with its asso-ciatedspontaneousboom town of Parauapebas, asgeneratedconsiderableexportrevenue or Brazilbutremainsanexotic enclavewithnegligible rickle-downeffectsfor the Amazonian state of Para.Most of the miners employed in Carajascomefromoutside Para,and companycafeteriasand town supermarketsare almosten-tirely uppliedwithfood andmerchandise romout-of-statesources(Roberts1995).

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The disappointingperformanceof plannedfrontiergrowthcentershas convincedformerproponentsto rejecttheir value as stimulants for development n frontierregions.Friedmannnow considersgrowthpoles to be more parasitic han genera-tive (1992).That neitherplannednor spontaneousurban centersin frontierregionsener-gizetheirsurrounding uralcommunities s not surprising.Rural ifein LatinAmer-ica is predominantlyone of drudgery, n which household members work longhours on the farm. The viabilityof small-scalepioneer agricultural nterprises sdiminishedbyproblemsof insufficient apitalandcredit, nsecure andtenure,poorsoils, unreliableroads, ack of transportation, nadequate echnicalassistance, owprices or foodcrops nurbanmarkets, ndcropdamagecausedby pestsandplagues.Livingconditionsin the LatinAmericancountrysideare inferior o those in urbanhabitats,which offer betterhousing, amenities,and health and educationalfacili-ties. Even the immigrantinhabitantsof urbansquatterneighborhoodscomparetheir situation favorablywith their prior existence in the rural areasthey aban-doned (B.Roberts1992).LatinAmericanfrontier owns thereforeattractmigrantsfromhinterlandsand can displayremarkable atesof population growth.

John Browderand BrianGodfreyview the BrazilianAmazon as a peripheralsociospatialcontinuum with a wide rangeof coexistingpopulist and corporatistsocioeconomic groups (1990, 1997). Associated urban systems vary so much inmorphology, unction,andextraregional inkages hatthey cannotbe explainedbycentralplace theory,the Turnerthesisof frontierdevelopment,structural rame-works,or anyothersingletheoreticalmodel. Populist segmentsof the frontierarecharacterizedby small farmers, ndependentminers,petty merchants,and othersengaged in labor-intensiveactivity.They are distinguished by four benchmarkstages of urban development. Initial resource extraction is servedby rudimen-tary expeditionary resource settlements. Subsequent immigration of pioneerpeasant farmers is accompanied by the development of local service centers.Selected ervicecentersattain he privileged tatusof municipalityand benefit fromthe influx of public-serviceemployment,services,and utilities.Many municipali-ties eventuallyyieldmarketarea o new service centersat the expanding rontier. nthe absenceof productive-usually manufacturing-specialization heydiminishinpolitical/economicvitalityandbecome relictmunicipalities.

Corporatistsegmentsof the Amazonian frontierare dominatedby public andprivate capitalizedenterprises, ncludingcattleranching, agribusiness, arge-scalemining,wood processing,andhydropowerprojects. nitialplannedcompanytownsarewell equippedand designedto caterfor managementand technicalstaff. Sur-rounding satelliteshanty towns spring up spontaneouslyto house constructionworkers,domestics,and otherlow-income residents.The bicephaliccomplexmayeventuallyattainmunicipalitystatus,but depletionof the local resourcebase leadsto closureof the companytown andcollapseof the symbioticshantysettlement.Asmall residualsettlementmay remain,with minor governmentservices and pettymarketactivities.Thus,unlike the populistmodel, the corporate rontierdoes not

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evolvetoward ncreasingly omplexforms of urbanizationbutdegeneratesn stagesfromplannedsettlementsto residualdepressednuclei.Browderand Godfreyoutline otherbroadprinciplesof urbanization n Ama-zonia.Urbangrowthin the Amazon is generallydisarticulated rom surroundingagricultural evelopment.Linked o the nationalandglobaleconomies, argerboomtowns exhibit growththat exceeds local levels of economic progress.Inconsistentstatepolicieshavepromotedboth populistandcorporatist rontierswith contrast-ing urban patterns,but whatever the developmentstrategy, he survival of indi-vidualboom towns is greatly nhanced f theyareableto achievemunicipality tatusandexpand employment n the service sector.Key ocations in transportationnet-works also areparticularlyavorable o growthandmaylead to the developmentofregionalsecondarycities or even regionalmetropolitancenters.Thegeneral patialevolution of townsin the EcuadorianAmazon has been ana-lyzed by LawrenceBrown and RodrigoSierra(1994)and by Brown and his coau-thors(1992,1994,1996), ho observe imilarities etweenemergingrealitynEcuadorand universalcore-peripherymodels of frontierdevelopment,including EdwardTaaffe,RichardMorrill,andPeterGould'smodel sequenceof transportationdevel-opment (1963).Theyalso find context-dependent heoreticalframeworks,nclud-ing Edward Muller'sthree-stageclassification-pioneer, specialized,transitionalperiphery-of nineteenth-centuryNorth Americanpioneer regionsto be relevant(1977).Thus Coca(PuertoFranciscode Orellana),NuevaLoja,and Shushufindiareelements of a specializedperiphery,whereasPuyo is considered to be developinginto a majorgatewayand the dominant centerof atransitionalperiphery.Theprin-cipaldiscrepancywith context-dependentmodels correspondsto economic func-tions:Ecuadorian ioneer ownshaveexceptionallyargeservice ectorsandrelativelyweakrepresentationof wholesalingand financial activities. Brownexplainsvaria-tions in the developmentof EcuadorianAmazon towns by identifyingdistinctivecombinations of endogenousand exogenousforces(1999).

DEVELOPMENT FACTORS IN THE EVOLUTION OF PUYOPuyo,the largest own in the EcuadorianAmazon,originatedas a Dominican mis-sion in 1899.Pioneer farmersbeganto arrive n the 1930s,when a North Americanoil company,LeonardExploration,beganto build a road from the Sierra own ofBarnoso Puyo.Dominican priestsconstructed a church and two schools in 1932,and an armybase was established n 1935.By1938Puyo'spopulationwas 1,073,anditwasalready helargest ettlement n theprovinceof Napo-Pastaza Hurtado1988).The1941nvasionbyPerumade the Ecuadoreangovernmentpainfullyawareofthe need to reduce the isolation of its vulnerableAmazonianprovinces.ShellOil,whichreplacedLeonardExploration n 1939, ontinued constructionof theBanios-Puyoroad until it reachedan airstripbearingthe company'sname in 1942.It tookfive additionalyears,however, o completethe final 6-mile roadlink to Puyo.Shellsuspended ts unsuccessful earch or oil in 1949,butPuyocontinued to attractcolo-nists, including refugeesfrom a majorearthquake n Sierratowns of Pelileo and

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Ambato. Leonard Exploration returned to the region in 1957and initiated an exten-sion of the Bafios-Puyo road to Tena. This road was completed in 1963and stimu-lated the development of Teniente Ortiz, Santa Clara,and other new communities.No oil was discovered, however, in the region surrounding Puyo.In 1959 Napo-Pastaza was subdivided into two provinces. Tena continued toadminister Napo, and Puyo was declared capital of Pastaza.Significant colonizationoccurred in 1964-1965, after Ecuador approved an agrarian reform and coloniza-tion law. Haciendas in the Sierrareadily released dependent serfs, modernized pro-duction, became increasingly livestock oriented, and functioned with a reduced poolof temporary hired workers. Peasants lost access to hacienda pasture and fuelwoodsources and were relegated to small, infertile land parcels that became even smallerwhen they were fragmented by inheritance (Brown 1991).Rapid population growthand decreased access to land forced many peasants to seek scarce employment inurban areas, cultivate high-altitude moorlands (Gondard 1986), or colonize coastaland Amazonian rain forests (Lowder 1982). In the mid-1960s Puyo was a"busytown,"with schools, shops, and an agriculturalextension service (Hegen 1966).Another waveof migrants came from drought-stricken LojaProvince in 1969-1970 (Aspiazu 1982).The rural population of Pastaza continued to increase by 2.14 percent per year be-tween 1974and 1982,but this growth was overshadowed by the province'surban popu-lation, which grew at an annual rate of 8.54percent (Urriola 1988).Urbanization wasstimulated by state revenues from the 1970Soil boom that were used to expandeducational, medical, legal, technical, and administrative facilities in the province.It was in the nation's interest to consolidate control of the sparselypopulated Oriente,encourage colonization, promote socioeconomic development, and reduce the riskof further loss of oil-rich territory to neighboring Amazonian countries.

Ecuador always protested the 1942 Protocol of Rio de Janeiro, which favoredPeru and reduced Ecuador's Amazonian territory to a fraction of its former size.Significant border skirmishes broke out in the southern Oriente in 1981and early1995,but, in response to international pressure, Ecuador and Peru finally adopted apeace proposal in 1998 that may bring political stability to the southern Oriente.

The population of Puyo in 1990 was 14,438 (INEC 1991). In Browder-Godfreyterminology, the town has become the most successful "municipality" of the pied-mont settlement frontier, and it has a more sedate and orderly appearance than doother settlements in the Oriente (Figures 2 and 3). The central streets are paved, andthe majority of the buildings are solidly constructed of cement blocks. The townboasts a modern marketplace, a new bus terminal, and excellent recreational sportsfacilities, including a new soccer stadium. Deficiencies in the supply of water andthe disposal of sewage continue, but electricity is available at all times, and the streetsare kept reasonably free of litter. Puyo has attained an air of maturity.

Change in Third World regions results from the interaction of endogenous-local-characteristics with exogenous forces related to world economic circum-stances, national conditions, and state policies (Brown 1991,1999;Brown and others1994). Puyo's complex evolution has been strongly influenced by exogenous factors

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- -,~~~~~~~~~~-

FIG. 2-By July1993Puyo, heleadingtownin the EcuadorianAmazon,had attainedan air of maturity,with pavedstreetsand a wide rangeof urbanservices.(Photographby Roy Ryder)

FIG. 3-The weekend fair atPuyofills downtown streetswith people andproduce.(PhotographbyRoy Ryder,July1993)

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FIG.4-Despite somewhatchaotic and unattractivedowntownstreetscapes,NuevaLoja, he secondlargestsettlement in the EcuadorianAmazon,was well on the way to overcomingits shanty-townappearanceby July1993. Photographby Roy Ryder)

FIG. 5-The main street of NuevaLoja s characterizedby solidbuildingsandbustlingcommerce.(Photographby Roy Ryder,July1993)

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operatingat both internationaland national levels. Relevant nternationalforcesinclude the earlyintervention of foreign missionaries,the 1941 nvasion by Peru,and variousstagesof oil explorationrelated o the growingworlddemand forfossilfuels.An influentialnationalpolicywasthe 1964 aw thatfacilitatedcolonizationasan escapevalve for peasantswho had been marginalizedby the modernization oflarge arms n the Costaand theSierra.Togetherwith the1949earthquakenAmbatoand the 1969-1970 drought n LojaProvince, his legislationstimulatedpioneerag-riculture n Puyo.Briefperiodsof prosperity n agriculturewere related o fleetingfavorablepricesfor tea,naranjilla ruit (Solanumquitoense),and sugarcane n na-tional and internationalmarkets.A particularly elevantoutside factor was Puyo'sselection as provincialcapitalin 1959,which was followed by local expansion ofstateadministrative acilitiesusing revenuesderived from the country's1970soilboom.

Endogenousfactorsin the growth of Puyo are more difficultto specify.Theindigenous population,the targetof earlymissionaryactivity,has not participatedsignificantlyn the town'sdevelopment.Thesurroundingregionis poorlyendowedwith naturalresources,and local soils manifest limited potential for agriculture.Forestreservesare so depletedthat local artisansuse wood from the northeasternOriente.Nonetheless, t was the uniquegeologicalstructureof the centralOrientethatstimulatedexplorationfor oil and led to construction of the road from Baniosto Puyo.No oil was discovered,but the perceivedpotentialfor oil exploitationwasclearlyasignificantendogenousfactor n theearlydevelopmentof Puyo.Thedomi-nantcontemporaryendogenouscharacteristic f town is probably ts geographicallocationin the center of the Oriente,with a comparatively hort accessroute to theSierra.The road that winds its wayup the PastazaCanyon s veryfragile,but it is avital link betweenPuyoand dynamicmarkets n Ambato.

DEVELOPMENT FACTORS IN THE EVOLUTION OF NUEVA LOJAThe boom town of Nueva Lojaowes its origins to discoveriesof oil in the north-eastern Oriente in 1967.The first buildings were erected in the late 196os by pioneersfromLojaProvincewhobelongedto anagricultural ooperative alled"NuevaLoja."The chosen site was beside an oil campnamed"LagoAgrio," nd most localpeoplestill referto their town by that name. A studyof initial colonization in the regiondescribesNueva Lojaas a rudimentary"squatter ettlement of about 100houses"(Bromley 1972, 289). By 1971,however, Texaco-Gulf had completed the road fromQuito to Nueva Loja,and the town had become the point of origin of the mostdynamicagricultural rontier n the EcuadorianAmazon(Figures4 and5).

Manycolonists were unskilledor semiskilledconstructionworkers or Texaco-Gulf and associatedcontractingcompaniesbeforethey claimed and clearedroad-side land. Some came to the regionwith the specificobjectiveof establishingpio-neer farms(Barral1983).Oil extractionandspontaneousagricultural olonizationoccurredsimultaneously.RayBromleyestimated that at least 1,400 new roadsidefarms had been established by the end of 1971 (1972). Most of the migrants were

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poor and of ruralorigin.Theycamefrom Pichinchaand otherneighboringSierraprovinces but also included peasantswho were fleeing economic depression inManabi Provinceand drought in LojaProvince. Anne Lise Pietri estimatedthat150,000people abandonedLojaProvincebetween1962and1982to seekbetter for-tune elsewhere,especially n Quito and the EcuadorianAmazon (1986). Bromleyemphasized hat the flood of colonistswas motivatedneitherby high agriculturalpotential nor a romantic pioneering spirit (1972, 1981). The influx was largely theconsequenceof difficulty n obtainingland or lucrativeemploymentin the high-lands or the coastalplain.

In 1982, census results showed that Nueva Loja (7,237 inhabitants) had a largerpopulationthanTena(5,457), he capitalof Napo Province INEC1982).Communi-cationsbetweenNuevaLoja, n northernNapo,andTena, n the extremesouthwest,havealwaysbeen difficult.As a result,booming NuevaLojawas declaredcapitalofa new province,Sucumbios,createdfrom the northernflankof Napo in 1989.Bythe following yearNuevaLojahad accumulated13,165esidents o become the sec-ond largestsettlement n the EcuadorianAmazon.Only Puyo,with its populationof 14,438, had more inhabitants (INEC 1991).

It is clearthat the evolution of NuevaLoja, ikethat of Puyo,has been stronglyinfluencedby exogenousfactors.At the international evel,the world demand foroil andthe constructionof the Quito-Nueva Lojaroadby Texaco-Gulf aveoriginto the town and madeit accessible o the rest of Ecuador.Subsequentnationalfac-tors include hegovernment's olicyofpermitting pontaneouscolonizationaroundNuevaLoja n order o convert he region nto a live frontier-and to reduce he riskof invasionby Colombia.At the same time, this policy was intended to alleviatepeasants'demand for land in the Sierraand to providea haven for refugeesfromthe droughtin LojaProvince.The most significantendogenousfactor nvolved n the economicdevelopmentof NuevaLojaand its surroundingregionhas been the presenceof oil. Indeed, f oilhad not been discovered here in 1967, he northeasternOrientemight still be aninaccessibleperiphery. nitialexploration and road construction in the late 196osand early 1970Screated abundant full- and part-time unskilled jobs for colo-nists. This laborforce rose to apeakof about5,000between 1969and1971 Brom-ley 1972).In recentyears,however,the impact of the oil industryon employmenthas diminished. EkkehardBuchhofer estimated that approximately1,000 un-skilled laborerscontinued to work for small firms thatperformedsubcontractedconstruction work,maintenance,and repair operations for the national oil cor-poration (1988).These low-income employees were frequentlyhired on a tem-porarybasis. BlandineGravelin oundthatonly a handful of the300 employees nthe Nueva Lojaoil camp were from the town itself (1987).The vast majorityofskilled oil workersstill travelby airfromQuito, livein an oil campfencedoff fromthe town,worknine-dayshifts,and returnhome to the Sierrabetweenworkassign-ments.Even food suppliesare flown in to the oil campfrom Quito (Wesche1989).Like the Carajasmining camp in Brazil,oil-extraction facilitiesat Nueva Lojaare

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enclosed in an enclave that has a restrictedeconomic impact on the neighboringtown and its hinterland.LOCAL PRIMACY AND RURAL-URBAN MIGRATION: PUYO AND PASTAZAScarce employment in Puyo is aggravated by immigration from the surrounding

region. City planners voice deep concern about economic stagnation in ruralPastaza,where few incentives exist for agriculture (Urriola 1988). Technical assistance fromstate agronomists is inadequate, and productivity is diminished by persistent pestsand disease that attackcropsand livestock.At times, crop failureis on a massivescale. A plague devastated naranjilla crops in the 196os and 1970s, causing coloniststo migratefrom the ruralcommunity of Fatima to Puyo or Tena.Many farmersencounterdifficulties n takingtheir produce to urban markets because of pooraccessibility.Eventhose who havepropertiesclose to roads arediscouragedby lowfood prices that do not compensatefor the high costs of transportation.As ob-served n the northeasternOriente,cropsareincreasinglybeing replacedwith pas-ture forcattle,which aremoreeasily aken o marketandrequireess labor(Hiraokaand Yamamoto1980).The demise of croppingand the surgein cattleranchingarereflectedin the distribution of loans approvedby Puyo'sbranch of the BancoNacional de Fomento (National Development Bank), the principal source of creditfor Pastaza'sgriculturalists.undswere nvested n teaplantations n theearly1970s,but production was severely reduced after 1976 as a consequence of falling interna-tional marketpricesand increasing abor costs (Aspiazu1982). Since then, bankfunding for cultivation has been negligible. JamesHicks arguesthat the BancoNacional de Fomento has given preferential treatment to ranchers in the Ecuador-ian Amazon (1990). Provincial planners argue, however, that diminished financingof cropping is not bank policy but a sign that farmers no longer wish to risk com-mitting themselves to a loan for crops. Oriente farmers are not alone in their deci-sion to replace crops with pasture. Owners of large Sierra farms also have turned tolivestock to produce meat and dairy products for the growing urban market, toreduce labor costs, to free up capital for investment in urban real estate and indus-trial projects (Vos 1988), and to lower the risk of state expropriation by converting alarge proportion of the farm to pasture (Brown 1991).Pastaza'seconomically activepopulation employed in agriculture fell from 4,752 (59.7 percent) in 1974 to 3,993(39.2 percent) in 1982. The province's rural population grew at a sluggish 2.14 per-cent in the same period, and its share of the total population decreased from 77percent to 67 percent (Urriola 1988).

Migration from Pastaza'scountryside to Puyo is not caused by modernizationof production or land consolidation. Colonists in the Oriente are not forced toleave their land by cattle ranchers and land speculators, as has been reported in theBrazilian Amazon (Bakx 1990; Godfrey 1990; Schmink and Wood 1992). Althoughranching is becoming increasingly significant in Pastaza, and 8.73 percent of thefarmers control 37.03 percent of the farmland (Laspina 1981), there is no widespreadprocess of involuntary expulsion of small farmers. City planners suggest that mi-

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TABLE I-POPULATION CHANGE IN THE LARGEST SETTLEMENTS OF PASTAZA PROVINCE,ECUADOR, 1974-1990

ROAD MEAN ANNUAL MEAN ANNUALDISTANCE POPULATION GROWTH RATE, POPULATION GROWTH RATE,FROM PUYO IN 1974-1982 IN 1982-1990SETTLEMENT (km) 1982 (%) 1990 (%)

Puyo - 9,758 9.5 14,438 6.0Shell 6 2,055 5.1 3,322 7.7Mera 15 569 -1.3 689 2.6Veracruz 6 369 -0.2 463 3.2SantaClara 45 268 1.9 473 9.6Arajuno No road 256 2.9 228 -1.4Sarayacu No road 212 -1.6 283 4.2Curaray No road 176 -16.3 204 2.0Fatima 8 146 -2.3 169 2.0Montalvo No road 134 -6.3 580 41.6MadreTierra 9 134 -4.7 194 5.6Diez de Agosto 13 130 0.0 198 6.5Tarqui 8 100 -0.6 143 5.4TenienteOrtiz 18 69 -6.3 57 -17.4

Sources:Ruiz and Alvear1988; INEC 1991.

gration to Puyo is caused by disenchantment with pioneer agriculture. Young fam-ily members, in particular,take advantage of education in rural schools to abandonthe rigors of farming in the rain forest and search for alternative income strategiesin Puyo. An analysis of deforestation in Morona-Santiago Province reveals a similarsituation among second-generation colonists in the southern Oriente (Rudel 1993).Farming an inherited share of the family farm with degraded soils is not an attrac-tive option for the future. Those who establish a farm are faced with the arduoustask of repeating their parents' pioneering experience in inaccessible rain forest. Inthe absence of new road-building projects that will improve access to unclaimedland, many decide to seek alternative income opportunities in urban areas-an op-tion that was not available to the older generation of colonists.

Carlos Aramburu observed similar migration of more successful colonists intoPeruvian Amazon frontier towns, where they invested in stores, restaurants, repairshops, and other nonagricultural activities (1984). John Terborghbelieves that mostinhabitants of tropical rain forests in Latin America would gladly trade their farmsfor a steady job in a town if such employment were available (1993). As observedelsewhere in LatinAmerica, rural-urban migration in the Ecuadorian Amazon is aselective process, with ominous implications for the future of rural areas (Gilbert1990). Those who abandon the countryside are generally young and educated,whereas the residual rural populations are older, less skilled, and unreceptive totechnological changes that would make farming less destructive of the environ-ment. In short, Puyo is draining rural Pastaza of its more talented inhabitants.

All of the most populated settlements in Pastazaare seats of administrative units.Road connections are important-and available-to link only nine communities to

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FIG. -Urban settlements n the Puyoregion.(Cartography y Sang-IlLee,Departmentof Geog-raphy,Ohio StateUniversity)Puyo (TableI, Figure6). The other settlementsare in the eastern rain forestanddependon airtransportation hroughShell.Onlytwo urbancenterswerecharac-terizedby rapidannualgrowthratesduringthe oil boom of the 197os.Puyoreapedthebenefits of an unprecedented xpansionof public-service acilitiesand govern-ment employment opportunities.Shell,with its armybase and airstrip,displaysconsiderablecorporatevigor but still lags far behind the provincial capital.Themajorityof the othersettlementshadnegativeratesof populationgrowthbetween1974and 1982 (Ruiz and Alvear 1988). It would appear that they lost many inhabit-ants to Puyo duringthat criticalperiod.

Between 1982and 1990 Puyo's mean annual growth rate declined from 9.5 per-cent to 6.0 percent,affectedbytheonsetof nationaleconomicrecessionand shrink-ing public expenditure. n contrast, he surroundingsmall communitiesexhibitedsome signsof a weakrecovery.ApartfromArajunoand TenienteOrtiz,ruralsettle-ment populationgrowthrateswere2 percentor greater.The abnormallyhigh rateof 41.6percentforMontalvo,with its male:female atioof 4.8:1, s explainedby itsfunction as a militarybase close to the border with Peru (INEC 1991). It would bepremature,however, o interpret he recent revivalof the smallvillagesas evidenceof provincialpolarization eversal.ntermsof absolutepopulation,Puyostillclearlydominates even the largervillageswithin its sphereof influence.Puyo is the primatecentralplace of the PastazaProvince,monopolizing ser-vices, facilities,commerce,and skilledlabor.Togetherwith farmers rom ruralar-

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THE GEOGRAPHICALREVIEW

FIG. 7-The rudimentary nature of transportation in the Ecuadorian Amazon is reflected in thesimplicity of buses that travel between Nueva Loja and Coca. (Photograph by Roy Ryder, July1993)

eas,inhabitantsof smallersettlementstravel o Puyoto sellproduce,buy supplies,settlelegalandadministrative ffairs, onsultadoctor,or find a highschool for theirchildren.Theprosperityof Puyodoesnot trickledownthroughanurbanhierarchy.Puyo maybe comparatively mall,but provincialplannersconsider the town to be"hyperurbanized"ndsuggest hat thereshouldbe decentralization f activities romthe provincialcapitalto smallercommunities(Jaramilloand others1988).INTERACTION AMONG TOWNS IN THE ECUADORIAN AMAZON

The flow of goods and people is constant between Puyo and the SierrathroughAmbato andRiobamba,but Puyohaslimitedinteractionwith othersettlements nthe Oriente.The roads that cross the rollingfoothills, terraces,and plains of theOriente are no betterthan those thatwind up the precipitousAndeanslopes anddeep canyonsand into the high intermontanevalleysof the Sierra:They arenar-row,sinuous,unpaved,anddeteriorate apidly n inclementweather.Anupper ayerof crude oil allowsvehicles to travelsomewhat faster n the Nueva Loja-Cocare-gion, but the slicksurface s slipperywhenwet.The rudimentaryroad networklimits buses to an averagespeed of approxi-mately20 milesperhour.Inaddition, nhabitantsof theAmazon areaccustomed ofrequent ong delayscausedby rain and landslides.It is not surprising, herefore,that Puyo has direct bus serviceonly to the two nearestprovincialcapitalsof the

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Oriente-Tena and Macas. The twelve buses per day to Tena and six buses per day toMacas are continuations of services that link the Sierra to these towns by way ofPuyo. The duration of the 5o-mile trip from Puyo to Tena is three hours. A travelerwho wishes to continue his trip to Coca, in the dynamic northeastern region, mustchange buses in Tenaand travel another grueling 1oo miles in seven additional hours.Brown and his coauthors consider Puyo a major gateway to the Ecuadorian Ama-zon (1994). The tenuous bus connection to the northeastern Oriente, however, be-speaks Puyo as a city that has not taken full advantage of its unique central locationand proximity to the Sierra.

As long as it may be, the six-hour trip south from Puyo to Macas eventually maybecome a significant outlet for produce from Morona-Santiago Province, becauseroads in the south-central Oriente are even more primitive. A major landslide in1993added a two-hour detour to the nine hours already required to travel 100 milesfrom Gualaquiza to Cuenca in the Sierra. Furthermore, the principal newspaper inCuenca recently reported that the 125-mile intraregional trip from Gualaquiza toMacas demands twelve hours of the passenger's time (El Mercurio 1993).

Cartographicanalysisof daily interprovincialbus schedules in other Orientetownsalsosuggests hatextraregionalinkswith the Sierraare still farmoreimpor-tant thanintraregional onnectionsare(Ryderand Brown2000). Buses eaveNuevaLojafor Cocahourly (Figure7), but thereis no direct serviceto Tenaor Puyo.Incontrast,eighteenbusesperday go from Nueva Lojato Quito,and fiveadditionalbusesgo to citiesin the Costa.Similarly,Tenaofferssixteendailyconnectionsto theSierrabut only one bus to NuevaLoja.Cocaalso offersten buses to the SierraandCostaeveryday.In short,the emergingroadwaynetworkprovidesnew options fortravel o the Sierrabut does little to promote interactionwithin the region.Abundantbus connections between northernOriente towns and Sierracitiesare related o the originsof the colonists,who emigratedprincipally rom theprov-incesof Pichincha,Tungurahua, nd Chimborazo.Equally mportantarethe com-paratively large urban centers of Quito, Ambato, and Riobamba, which offersignificant commodities and services. People normally turn to higher-order centralplaces to buy better merchandise, seek professional assistance, or settle administra-tive affairs. Colonists find little incentive to visit other Oriente towns that are com-parable n size or smaller han theirplaceof residence.Justas the smallvillagesinPastazaProvinceare subordinate o Puyo,the largerOrientesettlementsare domi-natedby Ambato,Riobamba,and, aboveall, Quito. Townsin the Orienteare notuniquein theirdependenceon largercities.A nationwideanalysisof bus servicesbyRayand RosemaryBromleydemonstrated the overpowering nfluence of Quitoand Guayaquil over other Ecuadorean towns (1979).A more detailedanalysisof transportation n the Orienteis needed to confirmthe limited interactionbetweenboom towns. Roads inkingthe regionto the Sierrapass throughnumerousminor settlements.Localbus and taxi servicesalso connectboom towns to surroundingsmall rural communities. Nonetheless, activities inlargerEcuadorianAmazon towns would appear mainlylimited to entrepotfunc-

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tions-reception and distributionof goods and servicesfrom outside the frontier,frontiergoodsdestined or externalmarkets, ndgoods circulatingwithin thesphereof influenceof each town. Justas Browderand Godfreyobservedat populist fron-tiers of the BrazilianAmazon(1997), owns in the EcuadorianAmazonevolve intoservicecentersbutremain ied to themetropolis,and interactionbetween the townsthemselves s limited.

COMPARISON OF AMAZONIAN AND COASTAL PIONEER TOWNSTownsundoubtedlyhave become a significantcomponentof landscapes n the Ec-uadorianAmazonduringthe past five decades. Census results for1990show that26.7 percentof the Oriente'spopulation is classifiedas urban. Between1982and1990,urbanpopulation grew by 62.1 percent,while overallpopulation growthinthe region was only 41.2percent (INEC 1982,1991). Nueva Loja,Puyo, Tena,and Cocahaveexperiencedparticularly apid developmentsince1970.Such remarkable rowthof towns in the Amazon s bestkeptin properperspec-tive. In the late twentiethcentury,urbanexpansionin the Orientepaled in com-parisonwith urbanization n the Costa.In 1950Ecuadorhad only thirteentownswith more than 1o,ooo inhabitants;by 1982 he countryhad thirty-sixadditionaltowns with populationsgreater han 1o,ooo, including twenty-eightin the Costa(Le6n 1987).TableII comparespopulationstatisticsof four towns in the Ecuador-ian Amazonwith those of threepioneertowns in the Costa.In1950SantoDomingowasonly50percent arger hanPuyo,butby1990 t had accumulatedeighttimes asmanyresidents.The expansionof QuevedoandBabahoyohasbeen less dramatic,but they stillhavegrownmuch more than the largestOrientetowns have.

Manyfactorshavecontributed o the morerapidcolonization,agriculturalde-velopment,andurbanizationof the Costa.Ridged ieldson the fertileGuayasallu-vial floodplainshowthat intensiveagriculturehas been a traditional eatureof theregionsinceprehistoric imes (Parsons1969).The cocoa boom of 1880-1925niti-atedthe developmentof an influential,export-orientedentrepreneuriallassbasedin Guayaquil.nthe1950Sand196os a bananaboom also stimulatedagro-industrialdevelopmentand commercialactivitiesthat werepartiallychanneledby dynamicAsianminoritygroups.Geographicalocationhas also beenasignificantactor.UnlikeAmazonian arm-ers, isolatedfrom coastalports by two cordilleras, oastalplantationowners andsmallholdershave had readyaccess to internationalmarketsthrough Guayaquiland the PanamaCanal(Bromley1981).Locatedbetweenthe nation's two biggestcities,Guayaquil ndQuito,farms n the Costa alsohavebeen able to grow producefor domestic markets.The extraordinary uccess of Santo Domingo is explainedpartiallyby successfulefforts of local farmersto diversifyproductionand reducedependenceon fluctuating nternational ood prices by growingproducefor con-sumptionat home andabroad(Gravelin 987).Modernizationof agriculturen the

Costa also has sent waves of migrantsto coastaltowns.

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FUTURE DeVELOPMENT OF THE ECUADORIAN AMAZON AND ITS TOWNSThe Oriente has played a major role in Ecuador's development over the past threedecades. Amazonian oil generates 40 percent of the country's export income andnational budget (Kimerling 1993). Nonetheless, oil has not served to diversify theregion's economy or create a more balanced distribution of wealth. In the 1970s, atthe peak of the oil boom, planners in the Ecuadorian Amazon protested that a com-

TABLE II-POPULATION GROWTH OF SELECTED TOWNS IN ECUADOR, 1950-1990POPULATION

TOWN 1950 1962 1974 1982 1990Oriente

Puyo 1,092 2,290 4,730 9,758 14,438NuevaLoja 0 0 1,762 7,237 13,165Tena 351 1,092 2,106 5,457 7,873Coca 66 237 1,211 3,996 7,805Costa

SantoDomingo 1,529 6,951 30,523 69,235 114,422Quevedo 4,168 20,602 43,101 67,023 86,910Babahoyo 9,181 16,444 28,914 42,266 50,285Sources:INEC1950,1962, 1974,1982, 1991.

paratively small portion of oil revenues was invested in the source region (Povedaand Cruz 1988). In the 198os and 199os, when the nation's economy was crippled bymassive foreign debt, energetic requests by local authorities for state funds to im-prove the region's basic infrastructure continued to be unsuccessful.

A sense of gloom and pessimism pervades recent studies of the Oriente, wheredevelopment appears to be up against overwhelming obstacles. Many of the soilshave limited value for agriculture, and the most fertile are already occupied by set-tlers and indigenous groups. Use of poor soils for extensive pasture only leads tosevere compaction by cattle as they graze (Custode and Sourdat 1986;De Noni andTrujillo 1986). As a result, opportunities for expansion of sustainable agriculture orranching are limited (Hicks 1990). Michel Portais speculated that African oil palmscould become as significant for the development of the northeastern Oriente in the198osas bananas were for the Costa in the 1950S(1983).The economic impact of oilpalms still is restricted, however, to the Shushufindi area,and there is mounting criti-cism of plantation fertilizers and insecticides that contaminate the soil and the net-work of rivers (Martinez Salaberria1990). Pollution from oil installations has alsohad a negative impact on the environment. In addition to the major oil spills causedby earthquake and landslide damage to pipelines in 1987 and 1989 (Hicks 1990),regular oil-well operations eject 4.3 million gallons of toxic waste into the rain for-est every day (Kimerling 1993). Meanwhile, oil reserves are steadily dwindling.

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Cocaine s produced n theneighboringColombianprovinceof Putumayo Po-veda1988),andit is feared hat disheartenedEcuadorian olonistswill turnto cul-tivation of narcotic crops (Poveda and Cruz 1988;GarciaNegrete 1993). Colombianguerrillasand rivalparamilitarygroups frequentlycross the border for suppliesandtemporaryrefuge.Manyof the 4,000 Colombianswho live in NuevaLojahavefled the turmoil of Putumayo.The United Statesis providingfinancialassistancefor Colombiangovernment fforts o eradicate rugsandnarcoguerillasnPutumayo(Steinberg2000). Theescalatingconflictis expectedto sendnew waves of refugeesacrossthe borderto NuevaLoja.Despitethe growthof political organizationsde-signed to protect the territorialrights of indigenous groups, reservations n theOriente still are invaded by colonists and oil companies (Trujillo1988;Nations 1993).Concernis growingthat frustratedEcuadoreansmaybe forming guerillaunits oftheirown in the Oriente.

Towns offer few opportunitiesfor employment in manufacturing,and manyurban residentsrely on income from a public-servicesector that is precariouslydependenton funds from the nationalgovernment.Sustained structural-adjust-ment policies relatedto Ecuador'sforeign-debt crisis will cause reductions inpublic-serviceemployment and makeurbanresidentsof the Amazon even moredependent on the informal sector.The basic infrastructureof most Amazoniansettlements is primitive, and many town-dwellers still have no access to cleandrinking water or sewer facilities. Nelson Gomez and his coauthors predictedthe collapse of towns in the Amazon when oil production finallycomes to a halt(1992).The nationalgovernmentwill be unableor uninterested n maintaining hefragile,oil-relatedroad network,boom towns will become ghost towns, and oilinstallationswill be swallowedup bythe rainforest.The Orientewill no longerbe afrontierwith potentialfor developmentbut will revert o its formerstatusof mar-ginal periphery.Some researchers, owever,havea more positiveview of the Amazon's uture.Withsome improvements n basic infrastructure,speciallyroadsandenergysup-ply, agro-industrialnstallationscouldbe established o producejuice fromnaran-jillas,vegetableoil from Africanpalms and local species of peanuts,alcohol andflourfromcassava,meatproductsfromlivestock,and meattenderizer rompapa-yas (Jaramillo ndVillacis1988).Anappropriate egional-development lanwouldstimulatesmall-scaleactivitiesdesignedto use otherlocalresources,produce temsfor local consumption,and reducedependenceon commoditiesbroughtinto theregionfromQuitoandotherextraregionalources.Withmodestfinancialand tech-nical support,small, labor-intensive irms could be established n the Orientetomanufactureconstruction materials, leather goods, and wood products. Earlyachievementsof the Centro de ReconversionEcon6micadel Austro (CenterforEconomicModernizationof the South) were based on a similarstrategyof sup-portingsmall-scale,abor-intensiveagricultural ndindustrialenterprisesdesignedto meet the needs of the provincesof Azuay,Cafiar, ndMorona-Santiago Morris1982).

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As for mineralresources,Rene Benalcazarpredicted hat oil explorationwoulddiscoversufficient reserves o extend current rates of extraction to the year 2040(1989).Even when petroleumreservesbecome exhausted,there are other mineralresources o be exploitedin the Oriente. GonzaloDuran estimated that an addi-tionaldailysupplyof 2,000 tons of cement would be needed to meet the demandsof Ecuador's onstruction ndustry(1988); he300 million tons of limestone in thevicinity of Tenacould satisfythis need for300 years.Phosphatesdiscovered n thenorthernand southernportionsof the EcuadorianAmazoncould be usedto manu-facturefertilizer, nsecticides,and detergents.Canadianmining companies haveidentifiedsubstantialdepositsof copperin the southern Oriente.Significantplacerdeposits of gold and silver are found throughoutthe region, as shown by recentevents in Nambija,an abandonedSpanishgold-mining settlement near Zamorathat a spontaneousinvasionof gold minersbroughtback to life in the 198os.At itspeak,the briefgold-miningboom generateda floating population of up to 15,000miners living in a chaotic urban environment(Uria 1992). Othermineralsin theOriente ncludeuranium,kaolin,asphalt,andgemstones.Mineralwealthprobablywas a fundamentalcause of the strugglebetweenPeru and Ecuador or Amazonianterritory,but now that the long-standingborderdisputehas been resolved,a bina-tionaltechnical committee hasproposed potentialcooperativemining ventures nthe southernOriente.

Ecotourismjoins agro-industrialdevelopment and mining as an additionalpotential source of income for both colonists and the indigenous populace. Ap-proximately 18,000 tourists visited Napo Province in 1991(Wesche 1993).As a result,therealreadyare elevenlodgesand a floatinghotel on the Napo andAguaricoRiv-ers. Rolf Wesche makes a strong case for developing low-capital, indigenous,community-operated ecotourism projects designed to accommodate "back-packer" ourists who wish to become familiar with unaltered rain-forest habi-tats and native settlements (1993). Even remote indigenous communities havebecome dependent on modern goods and services,and ecotourism could offertheir inhabitantsgreaterremuneration than can agricultureor forestry.Legisla-tion and state regulationwill be needed to preventnegative environmental andcultural impacts associated with irresponsible ecotourism in frontier regions(Harrington 1993;Butler 1996), however, and it is to be hoped that the growingpresenceof Colombianguerrillasdoes not jeopardizeefforts to promote this newindustry. nSeptember1999 welveforeigntourists and oil workerswerekidnappedby guerrillasat the northeastern rontier(SeattleTimes1999).Theywere releasedone month later.Ten additionalforeignoil workerswerekidnapped n Sucumbiosby Colombian rebels in October 2000 (CNN 2000). After five months of captivity,one victim was assassinatedand the remainingnine hostageswerereleased n ex-changefor ransompayments CNN 2001).

Agro-industrial nterprises,mining,andtourismwould stimulateurban devel-opment in the Oriente and help towns absorbmigrantsfrom surroundingruralareas.As colonists move to towns the rateof deforestationshould decline. Subse-

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quent conservationof the rain forest would make availableecologicalresources,including spices,pharmaceuticals, ndorchids, hatcouldgenerateexportincome.CONCLUSIONSBrian Berry (1996) and Carville Earle (1992) have argued that the North Americanfrontieradvancedin spurts that were tied to waves of economic prosperityandrelated innovations in technology.The frontier of the EcuadorianAmazon is nostrangerto such periodic surges,but with extremelyvariedcausesrelatedto epi-sodes of both socioeconomic crisisand prosperity.Thus immigrationhas surgedwith earthquakes,droughts,and other natural disasters n the Sierra,with land-reformpoliciesthat led to the expulsionof peasantsfromhaciendas,with foreigninvestments n road constructionto search or and extractpetroleum,andwith oil-revenue-financeddiffusion of administrative unds to provincialcapitals n orderto assertgeopoliticalcontrol of a marginalterritorythreatenedby invasion fromPeru.

Pastexperiencesuggests hat the EcuadorianAmazonwill not be controlledorplannedby its residents,because the regionis at the mercyof exogenousforces.Ifalternative ncomeopportunitiesremainscarce n Ecuador'sargestcities,colonistswill invadethe rain forestin spontaneouswaveseachtime foreign enterprisespro-vide access roadsdesignedto extract a naturalresource.Moreover, he immediatefuture of Nueva Lojaand the northeastern rontiermaybe severelyaffectedby arelativelynew exogenous factor:Escalatingconflicts between Colombian armedforces,paramilitary roups,andguerrillasn neighboringPutumayoProvince,Co-lombia,threaten o driveunprecedentednumbersof refugeesacrossthe border.

Puyoand Tenabelongto awell-definedpopulistsettlement rontier n thewest-ernpiedmontsector of the EcuadorianAmazon. On the otherhand,developmentsin the northeasternOrientesince thelate196ossuggest hat theextractiveandsettle-ment categories n Friedmann's ualisticclassificationof dynamicfrontiersare notalwaysmutuallyexclusive n atropicalrain-forest etting.As soon as an accessroadwas constructed o link the Sierra o the corporateoil-miningcampatLagoAgrio,massiveand spontaneousrural settlement of that regionfollowed,with accompa-nying urbangrowthof Nueva Lojaand other frontierservicecenters.Settlementand extractioncontinueto be parallelprocesses n the easternpartof the Ecuador-ian Amazon,especiallysouth of Coca.This finding confirmsresearchby GodfreyandBrowder 1996),who discovered hatpopulistandcorporatemodes of produc-tion overlap n many partsof the BrazilianAmazon.Theexperienceof the EcuadorianAmazoncorroborates esearchnBrazil how-ing urbanizationas a fundamentalcomponent of frontierdevelopmentin SouthAmerica.Declaring he Orientean"urbanizedungle"maybepremature, uttownsareundoubtedlyoutstandingfeaturesof the region.Rapidurbanizationat the Ec-uadorian Amazon frontier is not, however,an indicator of regional economicstrength. Prosperityat the North American frontier was reflectedin the vibrantfinancial and wholesalingfunctions of boom towns. In contrast,warehousesand

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banks arenot prominentfeaturesof the urbanlandscapes n the EcuadorianAma-zon.Capitalgainsfromoil extractionor largecattle ranchesare not invested n thelocaleconomybut appear o be transferredmmediately o the nation'scoreregion.As observed n other frontierregions,urbancenters n the EcuadorianAmazondo not diffuse economic progress o theirhinterlands.To the contrary,provincialcapitals ikePuyoare characterized y local primacy.Theyovershadowsmallerur-bancentersand drainsurroundingruralareasof youngerand more educated ndi-viduals.Rural-urbanmigrationwill not ceaseaslongasnationalgovernmentpoliciescontinueto favorurbanand industrialdevelopmentandneglectthe needsof small-scale farmersand ruralcommunities.Interprovincialbus schedulessuggestthat interactionamong the largertownsof the EcuadorianAmazon is limited:As in other frontierregions,boom towns aretied to national coreareas,and the prevalenceof exogenousfactors n the develop-ment of frontierregions restrictssignificantintraregional ntegration.Tenamaysoon share the fate of Brazilianrelictmunicipalities.Thedynamiceasternportionof the provinceof Napo, administeredby Tena,has been converted nto two newprovinces-Sucumbios,formedin 1989,andOrellana, ormedin 1998-governedbythe rivalboom towns of Nueva Lojaand Coca, respectively.Even the dominanttowns, Puyoand NuevaLoja,haveadministratorswho expressconcern about thefutureif jobs in publicserviceare not augmentedwith employmentin other eco-nomic sectors.Michel Portais and JoseRodriguezarguethat a strong manufacturing sector

is not essential for vigorous urban growth in Ecuador (1987).Long-term sur-vival reflects increased economic specialization (Portais 1987);as in more ad-vanced economies of the world, successful towns in Ecuador are associatedwithspecific areasof development. Ambato and Santo Domingo thrive on their dy-namic commercial function, Guayaquilis a financial stronghold, Quito has ad-ministrative power, Ibarraand Salinas progress with tourism, and Cuenca isstrengthened by commerce and industry. Specialization is still insignificant inthe Oriente,however.The population of towns in the Amazon may continue toexpand in the near future with additional immigration of the ruralpoor, butdemographic growth without accompanyingurban economic growth and spe-cializationwill only exacerbateexisting problems of limited income opportuni-ties and deficient urban infrastructure.

Ultimately, he future of towns in the Orientedependson how Ecuadorman-ageseconomicdevelopment hroughoutits Amazonianregion.A "post-oil boom"collapseof the regionalurbannetworkaspredictedbyG6mezandhis coauthors n1992 s excessivelypessimistic.The Oriente has alternativeresources hat motivatecontinuedoccupance.On the otherhand,the interior ocationof theregion appearsto preclude he dramaticgrowthexperiencedbytowns in theCostaduringthelatterhalf of thetwentiethcentury.Amorelikelyscenario,one observed n otherregionsofthe world,is that selectedAmazonian ownswith advantageousocations,resourceendowments,andpoliticalclout will prosper,while others fadeaway.

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