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Running Head: CULTURAL CONVERGENCE IN UAE

CULTURAL IDENTITY AND CONVERGENCE ON WESTERN ATTITUDES AND BELIEFS IN THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES

Rodney C Hills Crawford School of Economics and Government

Australian National University Acton, ACT, 0200

Australia

Paul W B Atkins Crawford School of Economics and Government

Australian National University Acton, ACT, 0200

Australia

Corresponding Author: Dr. Paul W.B. Atkins Crawford School of Public Policy Australian National University Canberra, ACT 0200 AUSTRALIA Email: paul.atkins@anu.edu.au Tel: +61 2 6125 8979

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ABSTRACT

Studies of acculturation have assumed that, under pressure to assimilate, individuals will

accommodate by adopting behavioural and attitudinal attributes of the local, dominant culture. In

contrast, this empirical study based in the United Arab Emirates used an original survey

instrument, together with a range of convergent analytic techniques, to demonstrate pervasive

westernization in the Arab and Subcontinental dominant communities. In addition, the study

demonstrates a novel use of multiple discriminant analysis to explore differences between

cultural and personal identities, a potentially useful tool for the cross-cultural management

literature. In contrast to other studies, we examine how individuals perceive themselves as

deviating from their home cultures in a context where there is minimal pressure to conform to the

local culture and commercial globalization is given free reign. We show that non-Westerners

perceived themselves both as more deviant from their home societies than those from Western

nations, and as more similar to Westerners than to their own societies. The fact that even those

born in Gulf Arab nations tended to converge on Western beliefs and behaviours suggested the

cause of westernization may have been media and Western business models. These observations

lead us to challenge common theoretical models of acculturation individuals may acculturate by

assuming learned transient aspects of cultural identity in order to maximize personal opportunity.

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KEYWORDS: Cultural Identity, Attitudes And Beliefs, Acculturation, Migration, Globalization,

Management, Middle-East

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The processes by which individuals adjust their behavior, values and identity in the face of other

cultures are important for understanding both the multicultural workplace and transnational

migration. While research has documented individual acculturation in organizations where two

cultural groups are required to work together (Brannen & Salk, 2000; De La Torre, 1978: 301;

Fisher & Hartel, 2003; Peterson, 1978) and in situations of family migration (Budhwar, 2008;

Konig, 2009; Malhi, 2009; Mirdal, 2006; Wagoner, 2008), in both these situations there is

usually pressure to conform to a dominant, majority group for economic and social success.

This study was undertaken in a more plural society in the Arabian Gulf and therefore explores

the dynamic processes of acculturation at work in a situation where cultural pressures are

ambiguous. The data was collected in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), a region with a very

large expatriate working population, where individuals have to make their own behavior and

attitudinal choices within social frameworks that encompass family, organization, and the society

at large (Molavi, 2007). The largest component of the study sample came from Dubai, an

economic environment in which a global population is encouraged to participate (Malecki &

Ewers, 2007; Naithani & Jha, 2010; National Media Council of the UAE, 2010) and little formal

pressure is applied in some Emirates to make individuals conform to the norms and practices of

an Islamic society, for example in relation to dress and socialization (Khan, Clear, Al-Kaabi, &

Pezeshki, 2010; Naser, Mohammed, & Nuseibeh, 2009). The Dubai Government Website (Dubai

Government, 2011) indirectly illustrates this willingness to tolerate a diversity of behaviors with

many pages welcoming expatriates, while the only section of the website dealing with behavioral

etiquette is found in the section addressing “practicing religion”.

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Although this is an Arab Muslim State, UAE born citizens are estimated to comprise less than

19% of the total of just over 5 million (National Media Council of the UAE, 2010). Rasheed

(2009) reported that the UAE consisted of a rapidly increasing expatriate population comprising

1.75 million Indians, 1.25 million Pakistanis, 500,000 Bangladeshis, 1 million from other Asian

communities and 500,000 Westerners. It is not uncommon in any large organization in the UAE

to have a working population representing more than 40 nationalities. Not unsurprisingly, this

mix of cultures produces cross-cultural miscommunication, tension, sometimes conflict and often

inefficiency. Sometimes these problems stem from language differences (El Amouri & O'Neill,

2011; Khuwaileh, 2003), but often poor levels of interpersonal trust or misunderstood values

contribute (Al-Ali, 2008; Ali, 2010; Ali, Azim, & Krishnan, 1995; Barhem, Younies, & Smith,

2011; Goodwin & J., 2010; Kuehn & Al-Busaidi, 2000). These points were often acknowledged

and discussed during cross-cultural management training undertaken by the first author, but

would seldom be discussed openly in the workplace.

Acculturation Migration and the Middle East Context

Migrants are expected to acculturate and studies of acculturation have tended to focus on

migrants who are expected to change gradually to conform to the norms of the society into which

they have migrated. Much research has focused on migrants into western societies and the extent

and speed of changes that occur for the migrants and their families (Budhwar, 2008; Malhi,

2009; Mirdal, 2006; Rasmussen, 2007). With a wider focus on multiculturalism, there has been

some shift to considering the benefits of different multicultural policies and whether this impacts

on rate of adjustment (Berry, Poortinga, Segall, & Dasen, 2002). However, there has been no

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research in a heterogeneous society, such as the UAE, in which there is no implicit pressure to

adjust at the social and organizational level to a dominant national group. In the UAE there is

also the added complexity of whether the minority local national society can maintain its own

cultural heritage in the face of such plurality (Al-Waqfi & Forstenlechner, 2010; Raven &

O'Donnell, 2010). Indeed this concern has been so prevalent that 2008 was decreed by President

His Highness Shaikh Khalifa Bin Zayed Al Nahyan's as National Identity Year for the UAE and

included a National Identity Conference (UAW Interact, 2008).

There has been considerable interest in the West on the movement of Muslims into western

society (Mirdal, 2006) and, within the Middle East there has been a growing interest in defining

concepts of Islamic management (Ali & Al-Kazemi, 2007; Ali & Al-Owaihan, 2008; Fontaine,

2008; Yeganeh & Su, 2007), Islamic work ethic (Kumar, 2010; Yousef, 2001) and Arab

management styles (Behery, 2009; Dedoussis, 2004; Neal, 2007; Smith, 2007; Yasin, 2002,

2007). There appears to have been no research examining changing Arab culture as affected by

immigration, or the impact of western business practices within the Middle East.

As mentioned previously, approximately 50% of the UAE workforce is from the Subcontinent

which we define as comprising India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. We refer to the

nationals of these countries collectively as Subcontinentals for brevity. The literature on the

Subcontinent has examined both Hindu and Muslim culture and its behavioral implications in

comparison with Western management (Ahmed, 2008; Banerjee, 2008; Bhal, 2006; Khilji, 2004;

Kumar, 2004; Parboteeah, Paik, & Cullen, 2009; Sen & Wagner, 2009) and there are studies of

Subcontinentals as migrants into the West (Budhwar, 2008; Malhi, 2009). There is a growing

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literature on Subcontinentals as affected by migration to the Middle East (Schoepp &

Forstenlechner, 2010; Vora, 2008, 2011). There is also a significant literature on Westerners and

their need to adjust in foreign work environments, indeed the bulk of the cross-cultural

management literature examines these areas of difference from a western perspective, but

relatively few texts focus on the Arab world (Al-Omari, 2003; Williams, 1998).

Research Approach and the Significance of the Study

Our approach adds to understanding of migration adaptations in the Gulf environment and is

unique in a number of ways. First we have data from working populations situated in the context

of a work-based training program. Second, we have a sample of participants drawn from across

the spectrum of national identities working in Dubai and we were able to aggregate this

individual data into regional groups to help discern cultural trends. Third, because we have both

ratings of the self and ratings of the country of origin for every individual, we were able to

compute an accurate index for each participant of the extent to which they perceived their own

values and behaviors as deviating from those of their country of origin. To our knowledge, no

similar data have been collected previously and, combined with the fact that this study occurred

in a context without strong pressures to conform to local patterns of belief, values and behavior,

provides a unique test of the process of changing identities in response to such a unique

environment. Finally, our data confirm personal observations in the workplace that demonstrate a

complex web of personal adjustments in behavior and attitudes that many individuals perceive to

be the optimal way to maximize their opportunities in a situation of ambiguous and sometimes

conflicting cultural demands.

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First hand observation of behavior among the cultural groups in training classes in the UAE led

us to consider how individuals manage themselves in a heterogeneous society and how theories

relevant to cultural identity (Berry et al., 2002), including cultural identity strategy (Camilleri &

Malewska-Peyre, 1997) or social identity (Tajfel, 1978) would apply. Although there is a

substantial literature on this and related subjects, including whether or not Western and Eastern

individuals think and identify themselves in similar ways, the focus has been on comparing East

Asia and the West, often using student samples (e.g. Nisbett, 2003; Suh, 2002).

Migration and Cultural Identity

Cultural identity theory has developed largely from a western perspective in order to examine

how migrants adapt to living within or alongside another so-called “dominant” cultural group as

illustrated in general texts (Berry et al., 2002). Each theory handles the tension between ethnic

identity and civic identity in different way. Identity strategy (Camilleri & Malewska-Peyre,

1997) examines this tension from an “aspirational” perspective, that is what “is” as opposed to

what one would like to be, while social identity theory (Tajfel, 1978) seeks to identify with

which group the migrant identifies.

These theories predict that expatriates in the UAE should identify themselves increasingly with

either a Subcontinental or Arab culture, because these are politically and numerically the

strongest social groups. However, we cannot be sure that these theories apply with any certainty

in the heterogeneous Gulf environment. Our data set (collected between 2004-2008) indicated

that deviation from home culture was observable, the question was whether a direction of

cultural adaption could be identified. Our preliminary observations suggested that, contrary to

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theory-based expectations, convergence was towards the West, not towards the politically or

numerically dominant cultures. As a consequence, we framed and tested the following

hypotheses:

1. Non-Westerners will perceive a larger gap between themselves and their society of origin

than Westerners.

2. Self ratings of non-Westerners will converge on the Western self ratings

The first hypothesis, if confirmed, suggests that non-Westerners adapt more than Westerners

while the second suggests that adaptation is towards the Western cultural model rather than

towards any other, including the local Arabic culture.

METHOD

The Survey

This study was an initiative to support both post-graduate teaching in cross-cultural management

and professional training in cross-cultural awareness within local and multinational, public and

private organizations. The survey was designed to clarify whether a wide range of cultural

attributes, previously identified in teaching literature, were identifiable in the local working

populations. The instrument was original and designed to be understood by, and of interest to,

class participants in the Gulf environment. Well-known texts were used to identify cultural

descriptors (Hofstede, 1980; Kluckhohn, 1961; Scheider, 1997; Thomas, 2002; Trompenaars,

1997), with particular attention paid to attributes that were of interest to students or were

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particularly salient dimensions of inter-cultural dynamics in the region. The survey design also

allowed individuals to consider whether or not they identified with the cultural attributes of their

home society. The survey questions included in the analysis are listed in Appendix A.

Questions were in relatively simple English to avoid misunderstanding (Harzing, 2005, 2006).

Most Subcontinental and Western respondents either spoke native English or were fluent in

English. Among the local Arabic speaking population, many were fluent in English but others

were much less so. These participants were encouraged to complete the questionnaire in an

Arabic translation or use English and Arabic versions simultaneously in order to assist

understanding.

After providing demographic information regarding country of nationality, the country the

person had lived in longest, gender, age and religion; participants completed 120 items organized

into two sections. The first 60 items pertained to values, attitudes or behaviors from the

perspective of most people in “your society” and the second 60 repeated the questions but asked

for a “personal” response. The question of “national” identity was an important issue for those

participants who were effectively double migrants, perhaps having moved from the Subcontinent

to Britain and then recruited to work the Middle East. As a consequence, “Your society” was

explained as meaning either the country of a participant’s birth or the country with which they

most strongly identified and in which they felt most comfortable.

For each question, the respondent was asked to either agree or disagree with each statement on a

scale from 1-7. Some of the questions used agree-disagree as the anchors while others used ‘yes-

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no’. This was a historical accident and comparative analyses demonstrated that this had no

impact upon the results. Some questions were worded positively and some negatively.

Twenty-eight of the questions involved an exact or near-exact replication of the belief (e.g.

Q1/61: “My society believes that all people are equal”, Q61 “I believe that all people are equal”)

or behavior (e.g. Q24: “Where I'm from, people will meet a time deadline even if it clashes with

a social obligation”, Q84: “I will meet a time deadline even if it clashes with a social

obligation”). Twenty-six of the questions required slight rewording to make sense in both the

personal and societal context. For example: Q.13 asked “Where I come from people try to hide

their emotions in public,” Q.73 asked “I believe I should hide my emotions in public.” Six of the

questions (Questions 16, 27, 38, 45, 55, and 57) involved a significant rewording between the

societal and individual version and these were excluded from further analysis. Questionnaires

that were completed improperly (e.g. responses all the same) were discarded, as were incomplete

questionnaires.

Participants

Because participants in the survey came from a wide variety of countries, to increase statistical

power we grouped their data as follows:

Gulf Arabs (n=166): Included UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Oman and a small sample of

Iranians.

Mediterranean Arabs (n=137): The Levant, Egypt, North African Arab Countries.

Subcontinent A (n=317): India, Sri Lanka.

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Subcontinent B (n=97): Pakistan, Bangladesh.

West (n=128): Western Europe, Canada, United States, New Zealand and Australia.

This arrangement requires explanation. The Gulf Arabs were separated from the Mediterranean

Arabs because the historical and economic bases of their culture were rather different. The small

Iranian sample was included in the Gulf Arab group. Although Iran is not an Arab country, it has

a common religion in Islam and has a long influence in the commercial history of the Gulf Arab

States. Subcontinent A was separated from Subcontinent B because of the obvious religious

differences and their potential impact on behavior and values. However, while noting that India

in particular is an extremely culturally and religiously diverse nation with sizeable Hindu,

Muslim, Buddhist and Christian populations, it was appropriate to separate this group from the

Muslim Subcontinent. In the Subcontinent A sample, the Hindu group was the largest and the

Indian Christian group second largest (reflecting commercial recruitment into the Gulf from the

Indian South). Muslims were only 10% of the sample among those who chose to reveal their

religious affiliation. The use of a regional “Subcontinental” group is consistent with Indian

perceptions of regional identity as noted by Vora (2008) in interviews with the Dubai Indian

population. The Western group was also heterogeneous and included non-English speaking

Europeans.

Organizations did not ask for the results of the survey and participants were not required to

provide information that would reveal their identity. Because the questionnaires were nearly

always completed as part of training and offsite, the survey was undertaken in an atmosphere of

learning, inquiry and trust. It was fully explained that outcomes were anonymous, that results

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were only for research purposes and that there were never “right” or “wrong” answer. We

believe this strategy counters the noted difficulties of both access and inhibition in responding to

questionnaires in the Gulf region, especially among women (Bennett & Wright, 2010;

Forstenlechner & Al-Nakeeb, 2010; Forster, 2011; Khan et al., 2010). The questionnaires were

handed in on completion without comment from trainers. Thus the pressures for socially

desirable responding were extremely low or nonexistent.

RESULTS

The data were analyzed in three different ways to obtain different, but converging, perspectives

on the data: a) an analysis of difference scores between self and societal ratings, b) a repeated

measures comparison between regions and c) a multiple discriminant analysis to confirm patterns

of results between regions. These analyses are presented in turn below.

Comparisons of Self and Societal Ratings within Regions

For each participant, absolute difference scores were first calculated for each item (e.g. Q1 –

Q61, Q2- Q62 ...). The mean absolute difference was then calculated for each participant across

all 54 pairs of items. This score thus indexed the extent to which each participant saw

themselves as deviating from their own societal beliefs and behaviors: High scores indicated

high perceived deviations and low scores indicated low perceived deviations from their own

society. The mean absolute difference between a participant’s societal rating and their personal

rating is herein referred to as a ‘deviation’ score as it reflects how far the individual perceives

that they deviate from their own culture.

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Although a series of planned comparisons fitting age, gender and religion as single predictors all

revealed significant differences, only Country of Origin was significant (F(4,510) = 6.8, p <

.001) when all the variables were included in the analysis. Because we expected time spent in a

country during formative years and total time spent in a country would exert an impact upon

personal beliefs, we conducted a separate analysis with just these two variables (“Country of

Origin” and “Country Most Lived In”) to explore interaction effects. There was a significant

interaction (F(7, 857) = 4.09, p < .001). The main effect for Country of Origin (F(4,857) = 2.92,

p = .02) was significant but Country Most Lived In (F(4, 857) = 1.04) was not.

Many (81%) of the participants had lived most of their lives in their country of origin, while

some (15%) had mostly lived in a Gulf Arab nation despite being born elsewhere (see Table 1).

These two populations were analyzed separately. There was a significant country effect for those

who had lived most of their lives in their country of origin (F(4,707) = 60.5, p < .001). Post-hoc

comparisons revealed 3 main groups of respondents, with those from the West deviating less

than those from either the Gulf Arab or Sub-Continent A regions, who in turn differed less than

either those from the Mediterranean Arab or Sub-Continent B regions. In other words, those

from the West who had lived most of their lives in their home countries, perceived themselves as

more similar to their own societies than those from other nations.

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TABLE 1 ABOUT HERE

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A similar pattern of results was also obtained for those who had lived most of their life in a Gulf

Arab nation (F(4,296) = 3.5, p = .01). However, here the power was considerably less and the

only significant group differences were between the Sub-Continent B participants and those from

the West or Gulf Arab nations. For those people who had spent most of their lives living in Gulf

Arab nations, those who were originally from a Gulf Arab nation or the West deviated the least

from their own ratings of their society. In summary, Westerners consistently saw themselves as

closer to their home societies than others, regardless of whether they had lived most of their lives

in their home country or as expatriates.

Comparisons Between Regions

To compare regions with one another we conducted a two by five repeated measures ANOVA

with self and societal ratings as the within subjects factor and country of origin as the between-

subjects factor. To control for positive and negative wording with regard to different cultural

attributes, scoring was reversed for all questions on which Westerners responded on average with

a score greater than 4 (the mid-point). Country of origin (F(4,877) = 63.8, p < .001) and the

comparison between self and societal ratings (F(1,877) = 1290.7, p < .001) were both significant

as was the interaction (F(4,877) = 39.3, p < .001). Figure 1 reveals that the interaction arose

because the differences between societal and self ratings for the West (and to some extent the

Gulf Arabs) were smaller than the differences for the other groups. Multiple comparisons

showed that, even though the difference between self and societal ratings for the Westerners was

the smallest, it was still significant (F(1,132) = 53.1, p < .001). Furthermore, separate analyses

revealed that the differences between the self ratings for the five national groups were

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substantially smaller (F(4,877) = 12.4, p < .001) than the differences between the societal ratings

(F(4,877) = 94.8, p < .001).

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FIGURE 1 ABOUT HERE

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This analysis was also conducted with just those subsets of people who had lived most of their

lives in Gulf Arab nations (Figure 2) and once again the pattern was repeated with a significant

interaction (F(4,294)=4.3, p = .002), although here only societal versus self ratings (F(1,291) =

192.4, p < .001) was significant while country of origin (F(4,291) = 1.1, p = ns) was not. In this

case, separate analyses revealed that the differences between the self-ratings were not significant

(F(4,291) = 0.7, p = ns) while the differences between the societal ratings were (F(4,291) = 4.2, p

= .003).

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FIGURE 2 ABOUT HERE

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In summary, these analyses confirmed the earlier finding that Westerners had a smaller gap

between self and societal ratings than others. However, they also showed that the self ratings of

the other national groups converged on the Western ratings.

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The preceding analyses both collapsed items into a single mean score and therefore did not

consider patterns of response across multiple items. To examine these patterns, and to avoid

having to reverse the sign of any items, multiple discriminant analysis (MDA) was also used to

test whether significant differences existed between mean item profiles (across all questionnaire

items) for the different national groups. The MDA had a single dependent variable with 10

categories (societal and self ratings for each of 5 regions) and 54 independent variables

corresponding to the questionnaire items. To identify a reduced set of questionnaire items that

most effectively discriminated between groups, we used stepwise estimation as recommended by

Hair, Black, Babin and Anderson (2010). All 54 items showed significant mean differences

between groups (lowest F(9,1754) = 2.8, p = .003) so they were all candidates for inclusion in

the MDA. The thirty-one questions that best discriminated between groups were retained in the

analysis after the stepwise estimation.

Overall the Wilk’s λ of the discriminant function was .107 (χ2(279) = 3891.3, p < .001)

indicating that the ten group means (self and societal ratings for 5 national groups) were not

equal on the selected independent variables. Holdout analyses using Press’s Q statistic (Hair et

al., 2010: 301) provided strong support for model adequacy (estimation sample Q = 4219, p <

.001; holdout sample Q = 3429, p < .001). The first three discriminant functions together

explained 85.8% of the variance. Figure 3 depicted the reduced space scores (Hair et al., 2010:

310) for the first discriminant function which explained 58.6% of the variance (canonical r =

.893). This function weighted most heavily on the items: “My society is comfortable with young

men and women meeting freely in public”, “In my society men and women usually work with

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their own gender rather than a mix” and “In my society most people at work wait to be told to do

something rather than just do it without being asked”. Thus, this discriminant function could be

thought of as reflecting both the perceived importance and formality of gender, and a mix of

fatalism and authority relations. The next two discriminant functions explained 17.0% of the

variance (canonical r = .596) and 8.9% of the variance (canonical r = .473) respectively. For all

three functions, the difference between the self and societal scores was the smallest for the

Western group (indicated in Figure 3 by the Western line having the least slope). Furthermore,

for all three, the self ratings for the non-Western groups converged on the Western values. Thus

participants from the other groups saw themselves as being more similar to Westerners than their

own society.

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FIGURE 3 ABOUT HERE

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Discussion

In summary, using three different dependent variables (differences between self and societal

ratings, mean transformed scores and multivariate patterns of covariation between items), we

have shown that non-Westerners perceived a larger gap between themselves and their home

societies than did Westerners (Hypothesis 1), and that the self ratings of the non-Western

nationalities converged on the Western self ratings (Hypothesis 2). This acculturation pattern

requires explanation and we now examine why these effects might have arisen in terms of three

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possible explanations: personal disposition and identity, temporary changes in response to local

demands, and globalization. We also consider associated gender and workplace issues.

Personal Disposition and Identity

A combination of identity strategy (Camilleri & Malewska-Peyre, 1997) and social identity

theory (Tajfel, 1978) appears to provide a partial explanation for the observations. Using

Camilleri and Malewska-Peyre’s (1997) concepts we assert that non-Westerners express an

aspirational value for themselves to become more like those in the West, and yet assert that their

home communities represent their heritage and past associations. This strategy is mediated by a

need to belong to a group – either at work or at home (Tajfel’s “social identity”). Recognition

through citizenship is closed to members of migrant communities (Vora, 2008) and there is no

formal policy geared to achieving multiculturalism. So in the UAE, joining the dominant

political community is not a realistic aspiration. Consequently neither the “melting pot” or

“multicultural” models of plurality distinguished by Berry (2001) apply in this context.

Indeed, a fuller explanation for the expressed deviation among the non-western groups, but still

allowing them to domicile within their ethnic communities, is their additional capacity

pragmatically to assume multiple identities, according to needs for acceptance within home or

workplace; a strategy which Suh (2002) observed is a non-Western phenomenon. Malhi (2009)

also noted that Canadian South Asians shifted to a hybrid identity when conversational

circumstances forced or allowed this and Vora (2008) noted Indians in Dubai adapted to cultural

ambiguity, differentiating themselves both from other expatriate groups and Indians in India.

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In terms of identity, why did Western expatriates demonstrate the smallest gap between self and

societal ratings? First, they were the only expatriate group for whom returning home had no

major long-term economic disadvantage so there would be no aspiration to adopt alternative

cultures as part of a family migration strategy. Second, given that most Gulf businesses in which

they were employed formally aspired to western practice, their need to adjust their workplace

identity was minimal. Third, despite the challenges faced in the Gulf (Cerimagic, 2010), many

Westerners appear to see their management style and its underlying values as self-evidently the

right way to behave, consistent with the widely accepted individualism and emphasis on a strong

internal locus of control in the West (Joffe & Staerklé, 2007; Trompenaars, 1997). This contrasts

with other cultural groups where comfort with multiple identities and sensitivity to external

pressures are normal (Suh, 2002).

How Transient Is Identity Change?

The concept of the “consumer citizen” appears in the literature concerning those who aspire to a

range of western consumer behaviors, while not assuming western values (Assad, 2007;

Ramsaran, 2003; Vora, 2008). Since our survey data indicates that many non-western individuals

actually claim behavior and beliefs that are western and are also migrants who have moved to an

environment defined by consumerism, this possibility of a superficial transient identity must be

considered. This links to and supports our conclusions above concerning the assumption of

multiple identities acknowledging that any claimed identity may not be firmly held or permanent.

It may be transient or a step on a road to acculturation.

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That non-western individuals were more likely to choose behavior patterns in order to maximize

their personal advantage at work or in their community is confirmed at least for Indians in

studies of the Hindu mindset (Kumar, 2004; Sen & Wagner, 2009). The latter suggests, among

other things, a religious basis for Hindu cultural pragmatism and contrasts this with the more

inflexible basis of the Abrahamic (Western) religions. Behavioral pragmatism was also

confirmed in class discussions with the first author when members of the non-Western

community indicated that they made pragmatic choices about Western or non-Western behaviors

according to need, usually using the phrase, “it all depends….” Our data alone does not allow us

to judge whether or not the differences claimed by non-Western groups between themselves and

their home societies were transient or signs of permanent identity change, albeit towards multiple

identities. Most likely all three states were present.

Globalization

Our data reveals both that non-Westerners adapt more than Westerners, and that the direction of

adaptation is towards the Western model. However, it is not clear from where behavior is

learned. This is not a region with a dominant Western culture. In addition, commercial

organizations in the region have a mix of Western, Subcontinental and Arab management, and

Government institutions are almost entirely Arab. So there do not appear to be strong

organizational pressures to become more Western in beliefs and attitudes. But our data shows

significant changes in all the groups, including the Gulf Arabs, towards the more Western

cultural model. One possible reason for these changes is the pervasive influence of Western

media in all its forms throughout the region. Not only can we expect this to be the key influence

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in Gulf Arab attitudes and behavior (who are not exposed to pressures to change by a conflict

with the culture of the UAE) but also a necessary condition for changed values and behaviors

amongst all the other non-Western groups.

Western media and commerce influences the thinking and behavior of a large group in any non-

Western society with access to communication systems. The phenomenon is described in the

literature on globalization, for example for the Gulf in Saudi Arabia by Assad (2007) where it is

described as “emulation” of the west and for India by Vora (2008). The influence of media can

explain why so many non-Western migrants are sufficiently familiar with Western norms that

they are able to adapt quickly to Western behavioral strategies in the corporate environment.

This influence is consistent with Khilji’s (2004) observations of changing values among younger

employees in Pakistan and Budhwar’s (2008) observations on the impact of media and the

internet in India. It also explains why the Gulf Arab group which is “in situ” also adopts Western

behavior patterns, albeit to a more limited degree. Presumably the Gulf Arab group members

were both very aware of key western behaviors but must also be responsive to the overwhelming

presence of their home societies. In summary, the pattern of change towards the Western model

for all the groups sampled, but particularly including the Gulf Arabs, suggest that the identity

deviations observed in our samples were sown before migration and represent a wider

globalization, westernization, or modernization process which may or may not be associated with

longer term value changes.

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Interactions Between Acculturation and Globalization: Attitudes Towards Gender

The Gulf Arabs (including Emiratis), who had to adapt to a working life in a society in which

they were a numerical minority, albeit with overarching political and economic influence,

demonstrated a somewhat different pattern of convergence. The MDA analysis showed that the

Gulf Arab group appeared to have deviated from their home society on many items but self

ratings were still similar to their home societal ratings on social gender issues. On this they

deviated significantly from western values at the personal level. Of course the area of gender

relations, in particular issues concerning social separation of the sexes, remains a significant

difference at a societal level between Islamic and Western culture.

We assert that this illustrates a key area in which personal choice is heavily influenced by the

home culture. Indeed, the first author experienced on many occasions the problems faced by

Emiratis adopting western behaviors in their home country. The strength and resilience of Gulf

Arab culture has been described elsewhere (Crabtree, 2007; Itani, Sidani, & Baalbaki, 2011;

Madsen, 2010; Raven & O'Donnell, 2010; Sidani & Thornberry, 2010; Wright & Bennett, 2008)

although its importance has been contested in relation to workplace issues (Naser et al., 2009;

Yousef, 2001). That Gulf Arabs remain personally supportive of their society’s traditional view

on gender supports our contention that individuals make pragmatic adjustments to suit their

identity needs, in this case according to the proximity of the home environment and the strength

of the value in question.

While the Emirati group has been studied in the context of the Government’s push for

“Emiratization”, and its success or otherwise (Al-Ali, 2008; Forstenlechner, 2008; Ibrahim, Al

24

Sejini, & Al Qassimi, 2004; Pech, 2009; Raven, 2011), and the progress of women in the

workforce (Al-Lamky, 2007; Al-Sayegh, 2001; Gallant & Pounder, 2008; Naser et al., 2009;

Raven, 2011), the cultural responses of the national Gulf Arabs to the high number of expatriates

has not been studied. While we note that the Gulf Arab group covers some cultural variation both

between countries, such as the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Oman (Elamin & Omair, 2010; Neal,

2007), and to some extent within the Emirates themselves (Khan et al., 2010; Naser et al., 2009),

we stress that the Gulf Arabs showed a significant convergence on the Western model, albeit

smaller than that of other non-Western groups (see Figures 1-3). The pattern of results suggests

that Gulf Arabs adapted certain non-core attitudes and behaviors towards the Western model but

that core attitudes and behaviors associated with Gender were not influenced by Globalization

pressures.

Management and Workplace Implications

There is a growing literature on the effective functioning of the multicultural Gulf workplace

including studies of work satisfaction (Elamin, 2011; Goodwin & J., 2010; Klein & Radnell,

2009), the impact of Islam (Hillman, 2007), Arab culture (Hutchings & Weir, 2006) and the

changing role of women (Al-Lamky, 2007; Al-Sayegh, 2001; Bennett & Wright, 2010). The

presence of cultural ambiguity or discontinuity, consistent with our assertion of the presence of

multiple identities, has been noted (Ali, 1995; Behery & Paton, 2008; Crabtree, 2007; Elamin &

Omair, 2010).

The qualitative experience of the first author in the classroom suggests that the patterns of

adaptation suggested by our data may cause a loss of trust in the workplace. For example,

25

Western managers sometimes commented that the capacity of their non-Western colleagues to

change their behavior, language and values according to pragmatic needs was both unexpected

and disconcerting. Conversely non-Western managers often became frustrated and commented

that Western managers were inflexible, intolerant and unwilling to adjust to local conditions. The

loss of trust on both sides resulting from cultural ambiguity is inimical to economic cooperation

and productivity (Aboyassin, 2008; Ahmed & Salas, 2008; Fukuyama, 1996; Kim, Dirks, &

Cooper, 2009; Wang & Clegg, 2002).

In order to improve workplace performance, non-Westerners need to better understand and

appreciate why Westerner’s appear relatively unwilling to adapt as suggested by our data.

Westerners need to understand and accept that non-Westerners are adept at assuming multiple

identities - which may seem disconcerting but does not reflect untrustworthiness. These

observations and suggestions for action are supported by evidence from class discussion in

training groups. In these groups non-Western cultural groups could usually explain their own

cultures well, and knew the behavioral manifestations of Western culture, but seldom understood

what made Westerners “tick.” Conversely, Westerners who did not have prior training or

experience in cross cultural matters were seldom capable of explaining their values to members

of other cultural groups. We suggest, therefore, that cross-cultural training should go well

beyond behavioral issues, should include the study of underlying values, and must be undertaken

across all cultural groups present in the workplace.

To summarize, in the UAE we see cultural developments that challenge the typical concept of

acculturation toward a dominant or majority group. We believe that the outcomes of the cultural

26

mix in the UAE are moderated by factors including residential transience, broader globalization,

and for local Arabs proximity to their home culture. This is a very complex environment and

explanations may be undermined because arguments based on data such as ours often mask other

realities. For example, we claim that migrants understood that adoption of local nationality was

closed to them but Vora (2008, 2011) notes this is not necessarily true for well-established

wealthy families. Nonetheless, we have argued that changes to identity resulting from exposure

to the ‘melting pot’ of the UAE are complex and arise from aspirations to act in more Western

ways as well as forces to acculturate. We believe that individuals will seek to maximize their

personal advantage by adaption of attitudes and behaviors that will work well for them in this

ambiguous environment. It seems that for all nationalities, choosing to emulate Western

behaviors provides the most satisfactory outcome.

Implications for Further Research

The data were collected among a predominantly expatriate group of whom the majority were

reasonably well educated, albeit at a range of levels in the workforce. Further research is clearly

required to understand whether such patterns of change also arise in non-working populations in

the home communities, particularly for those who are less well-educated. We have argued that

both globalization and expatriation are important influences upon behavior. Widespread access

to international media, the internet and mobile phone technology throughout the Middle East and

the Subcontinent may result in similar patterns of change across the region even among less well

educated or non-working populations. Further research is required to separate the effects of

media and internet technology from those of expatriation or migration.

27

A second line of enquiry would explore the extent to which the stated deviant values of non-

Western expatriates are deep-seated and permanent or, as we suggest, a pragmatic reaction to

immediate need. We accept that individuals can have varying degrees of flexibility or ability to

move from their home cultural orientation (Rosinski, 2003). What is poorly understood is how

and when an aspiration becomes a permanent value, when a value identity becomes a real

identity, especially when domestic and work environments are in different cultural domains. Can

this happen within a generation, or is it a matter of generational change? Can emulation lead to

deeper change and does the consumer-citizen eventually become a citizen if the doors are open

to long-term residency?

Finally, measuring both self-perceptions and perceptions of the culture of a person’s home

society provides a new and important approach to investigating issues of acculturation. Our data

allowed us to explore gaps between personal and cultural identity in a way that has not been

done before. In our view, our approach provides a promising line of measurement and analysis

for further studies of acculturation and the effects of globalization. However, our instrument also

has limitations. The survey was developed from cultural descriptors used in well-known texts

(Hofstede, 1980; Kluckhohn, 1961; Scheider, 1997; Thomas, 2002; Trompenaars, 1997), and the

items were selected and adapted based on their value for teaching and discussion, with particular

attention paid to attributes that were of interest to students or were particularly salient

dimensions of inter-cultural dynamics in the region. The intention was not to develop a

standardized research instrument. It is possible, therefore, that some important attitudes and

beliefs that change may not have been sampled in the instrument, or that some of the items were

28

less reliable than others. Given the significant and interesting findings revealed by the

instrument, further attention should now be given to validating the instrument against other

approaches.

Conclusions

Our study has demonstrated that expatriates from four regions, including the national Gulf

Arabs, claim to diverge from their home cultures and converge on several key cultural attributes

associated with a Western model of self, while the Westerners themselves apparently claim no

significant movement towards any of the local cultures. We interpret these observations through

a model that allows for cultural identity based on pragmatism, rather than a more deeply rooted

cultural change. In a unique heterogeneous workforce with no predisposition to conform to any

dominant culture, we observe a form of globalization, with convergence on the Western attitudes

and behaviors. However, whether the convergence is real and permanent is questionable. We

need to understand the adoption of these seeds of cultural deviation, so that our understanding of

their impact on behavior after migration is better understood. These observations have wider

application than in our limited Middle Eastern research environment.

Workplace managers should note that tolerance and trust are better developed through

appreciation of individual’s needs for pragmatic adaption rather than through a desire to seek

more permanent attitudinal or behavioral change. Although there is a business literature that

emphasizes the need for Western expatriates to prepare for culture shock when they travel

overseas, our data and personal observations provide evidence that Western expatriates see little

need to adjust their values in the UAE. This observation, and our earlier note that non-

29

Westerners seldom understand the foundation of Western values, indicate a need to teach cultural

understanding to all participants in the Gulf workplace.

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38

APPENDIX A: SURVEY ITEMS INCLUDED IN ANALYSES

001. My society believes that all people are equal / 061. I believe that all people are equal 002. Where I am from people are born into different levels of society (e.g. high and low) / 062. I believe people are born into different levels of society (e.g. high and low) 003. In my society people can get authority and status through wealth / 063. I believe people can get authority and status through wealth 004. My society believes people with more ability should have more authority / 064. I believe that people with more ability should have more authority 005. Where I am from, if you work harder than others you get higher status / 065. I believe if you work harder than others you should get higher status 006. Where I come from, strong personal relationships are more important than rules / 066. I believe strong personal relationships are more important than rules 007. In my society it is acceptable for people to bend the rules/laws if they get in the way / 067. I believe it is acceptable to bend the rules/laws if they get in the way 008. Where I'm from, if there is a conflict, keeping a personal relationship is more important than achieving objectives / 068. I believe if there is a conflict, keeping personal relationships is more important than achieving my ... 009. In my society, people in the workplace prefer to be managed as a group rather than as individuals / 069. I prefer to be managed as part of a group rather than individually 010. In my society, people believe they must take care of themselves, and cannot depend on their community in times of need / 070. I believe that I should look after myself and not depend on others 011. Where I come from people will bend the rules/laws if they have to, in order to be loyal to a friend / 071. In my friendships I believe I should bend the rules/laws if I have to, in order to be loyal to a friend 012. In my society we only invite very close friends into our homes / 072. I only invite very close friends to my home 013. Where I come from people try to hide their emotions in public / 073. I believe I should hide my emotions in public 014. In my society we talk about difficult subjects directly and openly / 074. I am comfortable discussing difficult subjects directly and openly 015. My society is comfortable with young men and women meeting freely in public / 075. I am comfortable with young men and women meeting freely in public 017. Where I come from, if people are given a choice, they like to do many things simultaneously rather than one at a time / 077. If given a choice, I like to do many things simultaneously rather than one thing at a time 018. In my society most people want to finish tasks even if they are given new priorities to work on / 078. I prefer to finish an old task even when I am given new priorities to work on 019. Where I'm from people prefer quick (e.g. quarterly) returns rather than waiting for (possibly better) longer-term (e.g. 2-year) results / 079. I prefer quick (e.g. quarterly) returns, I don't like waiting for (possibly better) long term (e.g. 2-year) returns 020. In my society people plan for the long term (like 5 years), rather than for the short term (like 1 year) / 080. I prefer to plan for the long term (like 5 years), rather than for the short term (like 1 year) 021. In my society people think more about the past than the future / 081. I prefer to think about the past rather than the future 022. Where I come from, people spend most of their time doing traditional things rather than new things / 082. I prefer to spend my time doing traditional things rather than new things 023. In my society people believe there will always be enough time to complete a task / 083. I believe there will always be enough time to complete a task 024. Where I'm from, people will meet a time deadline even if it clashes with a social obligation / 084. I will meet a time deadline even if it clashes with a social obligation

39

025. In my society people think of time as being in endless supply / 085. I believe time is in endless supply 026. Where I'm from, people get to meetings on time no matter what may come up / 086. I believe I should get to meetings on time no matter what may come up 028. In my society people conduct business meetings in public offices rather than requiring privacy / 088. I prefer to conduct business meetings in public offices rather than make an appointment to see ... 029. Where I'm from, most people work in a room with others and have little personal privacy at their desk / 089. I don’t mind working in a room with others 030. People in my society usually go shopping in crowded market places rather than shops or stores / 090. I prefer shopping in open crowded market places rather than shops or stores 031. Where I come from, people wait in line or queue rather than crowd around to do business / 091. I would prefer to wait in line or queue, rather than crowd around to do business 032. Where I'm from, people in offices work with their doors open rather than keep them closed / 092. I prefer to keep my office door open rather than closed 033. In my society friends usually greet each other by embracing / 093. I prefer to greet people by embracing them rather than shaking their hand or just saying a greeting 034. In my society people would be comfortable concluding a contract discussion in a café rather than waiting for a formal business meeting / 094. I don't mind holding formal contract discussions in a casual atmosphere (like a café) 035. Where I am from we touch each other during friendly conversation rather than stand at a distance / 095. I prefer to be able to touch my friends when having a conversation rather than stand at a distance. 036. In my society most people at work wait to be told to do something rather than just do it without being asked / 096. I like to wait to be told to do something, rather than do it without being asked 037. Where I come from, social groups tend to take credit collectively for the achievements of individuals within their group / 097. I prefer to share credit collectively for my achievements rather than take personal credit 039. In my society men and women usually work with their own gender rather than a mix / 099. In my workplace I prefer to work with my own gender rather than with a mix of genders 040. In my society a spoken agreement has the same importance as a written agreement / 100. I believe that a spoken agreement has the same importance as a written agreement 041. Where I'm from managers expect to give written approvals before action will be taken / 101. I expect staff to request written approvals before taking action 042. Where I'm from employees always get written approval before taking action / 102. I prefer to receive written approvals rather than act on spoken instructions 043. In my society we need to get a personal commitment from a staff member in order to ensure an application is processed / 103. I expect to need a personal commitment from a staff member in order to ensure an application is ... 044. In my society people are rewarded with long-term employment rather than more cash / 104. I prefer to be rewarded with long-term employment rather than with more cash 046. In my society people will accept a better/higher job title rather than a pay rise as a reward for doing well / 106. I prefer to be given better/higher job title as a reward for doing well instead of receiving cash 047. In my society people take long term employment rather than higher status as a reward for good work / 107. I would prefer to be given a promise of long employment rather than higher status as a reward for ... 048. Where I'm from people would prefer to leave nature (rivers, forests etc) alone rather than try to manage it / 108. I believe that we should leave nature (rivers, forests etc) alone rather than try to manage it 049. In my society we believe the future will look after itself, we should not try to influence it / 109. I believe the future will look after itself, I should not try to influence it 050. In my society people let problems sort themselves out rather than take action / 110. I prefer to let problems sort themselves out rather than take action 051. Most people where I'm from have a career plan (e.g. 5 or 10-year) / 111. I believe I should have a career plan for 5 or 10 years ahead 052. In my society it's important to think and reflect on a decision, even if it may cause long delay / 112. I think it's important to think and reflect on a decision, even if it may cause a long delay

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053. Where I'm from people accept their situation in life rather than strive to make changes / 113. I accept my situation in life rather than try to make changes054. Where I come from people enjoy leisure and art more than seeking monetary rewards / 114. I would rather enjoy myself through leisure and art than look for financial reward 056. In my society people do not pay upfront and trust someone to finish a job, they only pay when a job is completed / 116. I pay for a job when it is completed, I do not pay upfront and trust someone to finish it 058. Where I am from we believe that even when people are not supervised they will still work as hard as they can / 118. I believe that most people will work as hard as they can even when they are not supervised 059. In my society we like to act after carefully thought out logic, rather than on intuition and what 'feels right' / 119. I like to act after carefully thought out logic rather than on intuition and when it 'feels right' 060. Where I am from we like to explain things with stories rather than with scientific explanation / 120. I prefer to explain things with stories rather than by scientific explanation

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Table Captions

Table 1: Number of participants, means and standard deviations of perceived deviation of self

from own societal ratings for those who had lived most of their life in their country of origin and

those who had lived most of their life in a Gulf Arab nation. Rows are ordered by decreasing

size of perceived deviation.

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Table 1

Lived most of life in Country

of Origin

Lived most of life in a Gulf Arab

nation

Country of Origin n M (SD) n M (SD)

Sub-Continent B 81 2.1 (0.55) 17 2.1 (0.49)

Med Arab 92 2.0 (0.51) 38 1.9 (0.65)

Sub-Continent A 262 1.8 (0.51) 69 1.7 (0.54)

Gulf Arab 161 1.7 (0.47) 161 1.7 (0.47)

Western 113 1.2 (0.38) 11 1.5 (0.41)

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Figure Captions:

Figure 1: Mean self and societal ratings across all items for the five national groups with

positively worded items reversed.

Figure 2: Mean ratings for those who had lived most of their lives in Gulf Arab nations.

Figure 3: A plot of reduced space coordinates (Y-axis) for the first discriminant function of the

multiple discriminant analysis explaining 58.6% of the variance. A discriminant function is a

weighted average of all the items assigned statistically (Hair et al., 2010).

44

Figure 1

2.5

2.7

2.9

3.1

3.3

3.5

3.7

3.9

4.1

4.3

4.5

Societal Ratings Self Ratings

Mean Response Gulf Arab

Med. Arab

SubCont A

SubCont B

West

45

Figure 2

2.5

2.7

2.9

3.1

3.3

3.5

3.7

3.9

4.1

4.3

4.5

Societal Ratings Self Ratings

Mean Response Gulf Arab

Med. Arab

SubCont A

SubCont B

West

46

Figure 3:

‐600

‐400

‐200

0

200

400

600

800

Societal Ratings Self Ratings

Discrim

inan

t Function 1

Gulf Arab

Med. Arab

SubCont A

SubCont B

West