Roman Senators in CappadociaAuthor(s): R. P. HarperSource: Anatolian Studies, Vol. 14 (1964), pp. 163-168Published by: British Institute at AnkaraStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3642471Accessed: 22/01/2009 10:01

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ROMAN SENATORS IN CAPPADOCIA 1

By R. P. HARPER

I. L. IULIUS C.F. FAB. PROCULEIANUS

AN INSCRIPTION AT Comana Cappadociae (?ar k6yti, Magara, Adana), hitherto

unpublished, provides the evidence for this note (P1. XLIIa, Fig. I). The stone is now in the yard of the school at ?ar. It is a white marble slab, 0.90 x 0.40 m., recut below and at the lower right corner. The building which now houses the school was a church when the village was inhabited by Armenians and seems to have been built by them entirely out of ancient materials. This stone is said to have formed the door-sill of the church and to have been taken out when the position of the door was changed recently. Lines 4 and 5 certainly appear to have been worn by the passage of feet.

A-/ YA I N rF IOYYION A$>'BIAA n PD/1rAHIA N O N TAM IAN4N Cf-

TI- r N fn fE B E T I- N A'T 1K PA TI P EJ C : A I CAP h. :.

, O..e A P V., , ? CEBA C. T E Y ..' ."A "'. "'.... FIG. I.

A. 'Iovutov raiov vuov Daplta nlpoKXriavov, TrapotV, OTrpg- -rryov, iTpeoaprrTv Airr[o- -Kpcrropos TIT.o .Kaio'apo [s

2BpaT9o[v Trrapxei]as K.ar[Tr- [-a8oKtas KcrX.]

Proculeianus' family derives its Roman citizenship, since it is enrolled in the tribe Fabia and bears the nomen Iulius, from Iulius Caesar, Augustus or Gaius Caligula. If, as is likely, this is a man of eastern origin, Augustus would be the most probable patron. We may compare the case of C. Iulius Spartiaticus,2 whose grandfather, C. Iulius Eurycles,3 was re-established as ruler of Sparta after the battle of Actium by Augustus and will no doubt then have been enfranchised.

Since there is no mention in this inscription either of aedileship or of tribunate Proculeianus must have been patrician. Under the Flavian emperors many people owed their senatorial rank to their support of Vespasian in 69. This would have been an appropriate action for Proculeianus' father. Here we may note that Spartiaticus was out of favour with Nero.4 Without more information it is impossible to infer that Proculeianus was the son of Spartiaticus, but if he was not, he belonged to a family of very similar background and standing.

1 The material for this article was recorded during work in the field in I963 which was made possible by a grant from the Research Fund of the Durham Colleges.

H.-G. Pflaum, Les Carrieres Procuratoriennes Equestres sous le Haut-Empire Romain (I960), p. 63 f., no. 24 bis.

3 Annee Epigraphique, 1927, nos. I and 2. 4 Pflaum, loc. cit.

ANATOLIAN STUDIES

This inscription was set up during the reign of the emperor Titus, probably contemporaneously with that in honour of the governor, M. Hirrius Fronto Neratius Pansa, copied by Clayton and Ramsay at Comana 5 but unfortunately not now visible.

The post held here by Proculeianus is not that of governor, which would be rrpEaperuTrs Kali avTolrpa-ThyoS, nor yet a Greek approximation of legatus legionis, but, in view of the special conditions prevailing at this period in the Galatia- Cappadocia complex, is that of legatus to the governor. This officer appears to have performed duties akin to those of a iuridicus. Two holders of this post are known.6 Ti. Iulius Ti.f. Celsus Polemaeanus, cos. suJf. in 92, was leg. Aug. / divorum Vespasiani et Titi provinciae Cappadociae et Galatiae Ponti / Pisidiae Paphlagoniae Armeniae Minoris before proceeding, still under Titus, to be legate of IV Scythica.7 C. Antius A. Iulius A.f. Quadratus, cos. suff. in 94, was TrpeopaEvrS Ep3ocraro0U rrapXEicS [KcTnraboKiac ] FraXarias (l)pvyias [Tlicn6icas 'AvTr]oxicas 'AplEvias pl[IKpas].8 Quadratus will have held this post in the early years of Domitian.

If Proculeianus ever attained the consulship, it would be reasonable, in view of his patrician rank, for him to have overtaken his immediate predecessor as legate to the governor of the Galatia-Cappadocia complex, Polemaeanus, and to have held that office in the mid 8o's, where gaps in the fasti remain to be filled.

It would be rash to attempt to identify any descendants of Proculeianus, his names being not uncommon, but attention may be drawn to the fact that Q. Iulius Proculeianus is attested as governor on two milestones near Sebastopolis in Pontus in the year 23I,9 and the connexion of the Sicilian Baebii Iuncini with the province of Egypt may be compared.10

II. ARADIUS PATERNUS

IMP CAES DIV[i SEVERI PII NEPOTI DIVI ANTONINI MAGNI PII FILIO

5 MARCO AVRELIO SEVERO [alexandro] PIO FELICI INVICTO AVG PONT MAX TRIB POT X COS III P P PROCOS

10 PER ARADIVM PATERNVM LEG AVG PRAES PROV ARVIAS M P X I

IA.

This milestone stands in the forecourt of a petrol station about three miles south of Pozanti on the main road which leads through the Cilician Gates to Tarsus.

5 BCH. VII (1883), p. 128, no. 3 = IGR. III, no. I25. 6 Cf. D. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor (1950), p. 1437. 7 ILS. 8971, from Ephesus. 8 M. Frankel, Inschriften von Pergamon (I890), 451. A good example of the many inscriptions

of Quadratus at Pergamum. o AE., 1905, nos. 132 and 133. 10 Pflaum, Historia I (1954), p. 444.

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ROMAN SENATORS IN CAPPADOCIA

It was said to have been found in I96I during ploughing of an adjacent field. At the edge of this field is a stream and in its bank a number of well-defined layers of road-metalling can be seen. The distance of eleven Roman miles marked on the stone is measured presumably from the first station in Cappadocia, "mutatio Pilas," which the Itinerarium Burdigalense 11 records as being m.p. XIIII from "mansio Opodando ". The distance from Pozanti to the Gates is now about I5 miles.

Aradius Paternus, who caused this stone to be set up in 231, is a governor of Cappadocia previously unrecorded. This was a time of feverish preparation for Severus Alexander's expedition to counter the Sassanid threat, which he undertook in 23I-3. References to milestones demonstrating this were collected by Magie.'2 The milestones most relevant to the present study are the two found near Sebastopolis,l3 which were set up in the same year, 231, but with Q. Iulius Proculeianus as governor. The fact that the two milestones are differently inscribed has been taken to show that the work was undertaken hurriedly. One might suppose that a governor, finding himself superseded, would wish to see his achievement inscribed by the roadside before he departed. It is not, however, clear whether Paternus followed Proculeianus or vice versa. It would be logical to assume that whoever was appointed to Cappadocia in 231 would be a well-tried military man and intended to lead the northern force of the tripartite invasion of Persia. It may be noted that in the campaign of 232 only this force achieved anything that might be called successful.14 This can be readily understood if the backbone of the force were the army normally stationed in Cappadocia and therefore used to the

campaigning conditions of the area. No evidence of the prior or subsequent career of either man is available, but, in view of what we know of the later history of the Aradii, Paternus seems the more likely to have been entrusted with this mission in 23I.

The Aradii rose to the top ranks of society in the fourth century.15 Several families appeared similarly in the post-Severan period, such as the Virii and the Armenii. Hitherto in the early third century the lone figure of Q. Aradius Rufinus has been known to represent the family. He is attested in 219 as being co-opted sodalis Augustalis Claudialis,16 and as being consul, year unknown.l7 Information about him has been greatly increased by an almost complete career inscription at

11 578.5. 12 Magie, op. cit., p. 1560, n. 1. Comment on some of these is necessary. AE. 1941, no. 163, from near BaSmakci, is dated to 222 in AE. on the reading TRIB.POTEST/IMP.I.I.COS.- P. P. PRO. COS with the comment: " La mention de la seconde salutation imperiale de SevEre Alexandre est anormale." Professor Birley comments that it is not only unusual but impossible. The inscription must be understood to read II cos. (iterum consul) and so to refer to the precise year of Alexander's second consulship, 226. This incidentally alters the date of the governorship of Asinius Lepidus, elsewhere unattested; cf. Degrassi, I Fasti Consolari (1952), p. 62: "Prima del 222-224 ? " AE. I922, no. 129, from near Adana, now in Adana Museum, is dated to 230. It reads TRIBVNI/POT.X.IMP.X./COS.III.P.P.PRO/COS and should be dated, along with the present inscription to ioth December, 230-9th December, 231. The strange IMP.X., which is definitely on the stone, must be a lapicide's error, probably derived from a desire for symmetry with POT. X. The milestones of Severus Alexander on the military road between Caesareia and Melitene do not specify a year or governor, though they are before 226, and so may be taken to represent normal repair work.

13 AE. 1905, nos. 132 and 133. 14 Herodian, VI, 5, 5. X1 CIL. VI, I684-95. 16 ILS. 5025; PIR A o106. 17 ILS. 3937-8; PIR2 A OI7:

" potest idem esse qui praecedit."

165

ANATOLIAN STUDIES

Bulla Regia. 1 The relationship of Paternus to Rufinus is not certain. The fragmen-

tary inscription CIL. VI, 31948, ties together the names Paternus and Rufinus. It might be argued that here we have the son P. Aradius ......... Paternus and the father Q. Aradius Rufinus, but if so, there would be some difficulty in making a suitable restoration. If Rufinus was governor of Cappadocia in about 222-6 and the careers of both men proceeded normally, the gap of five to ten years between their governorships may be taken as an indication of the difference between their

ages. This would seem to point more to the relationship being that of brothers. The position of the Aradii shown here enables us to consider afresh a recent

problem of the fasti of Roman Britain, that is the building inscription found at Reculver,19 which records work done under a governor . .R...IO RVFINO. Professor Richmond restored the cos. ord. of 2I0, A. Triarius Rufinus. Unfortun- ately, this attractive solution does not satisfy all objections. Firstly, it was unusual for a consul ordinarius to be appointed as governor of a military province.20 Secondly there is, on careful consideration of the spacing, as has been carried out by Mr. John Leach,21 not enough room either side of the R for three letters. This is admitted by Professor Richmond in his use of a small first I in TRIARIO, a point not noted by Mr. Wright. One of the spaces before the R is required for a B to complete the word SVB. The praenomen can be dispensed with as the mention of this was

becoming optional in the third century.22 Thirdly it is not true that " In the consular fasti the name Rufinus is not very common ". Degrassi lists no fewer than

twenty-eight Rufini in his index of cognomina. Of these twenty-eight only Aradius

supplies the optimum single letter before the R and two letters before the IO. Professor Richmond's otherwise admirable restoration drawing itself clearly shows that the third line is overloaded with A. TRIARIO. If plain ARADIO is restored that overloading is eased. Q. Aradius Rufinus may be expected to have held his consulship soon after being elected to his fairly senior priesthood, though young Augustales Claudiales are known, and so would be available for the governorship of

Upper Britain by the mid 220's after his stop-gap post in Africa. The dating of this building activity at Reculver will thus have to be placed definitely after the split of the provinces in Britain.

After this important command Rufinus would be a senior consular able perhaps to influence the appointment of his relative Paternus to his former province of Cappadocia.

18 Communicated to me by Mr. R. P. Duncan-Jones. The full name, Q. Aradius Rufinus Optatus Aelianus, is given. He was indeed both consul and sodalis Augustalis. The career is in descending order. When the inscription was set up he was acting in place of the proconsul of Africa. Previously he had been governor of three provinces, in a normal type of sequence. Firstly praetorian Galatia (without a legion), followed by praetorian Syria Phoenice (with one legion). On the present state of knowledge of the fasti of these two provinces he could comfortably have governed both between 212 and 217. Most recently he had governed ...... OFIAE, presumably consular Cappadocia, this would be after c. 218, when M. Munatius Sulla Cerialis was recalled and tried by Elagabalus, Cassius Dio, LXXIX, 4, 5, and before Asinius Lepidus, attested in 226, v. sup. n. I2. He cannot have succeeded Cerialis immediately as he should have been at Rome receiving his priesthood and holding the consulship. Also the governorship of M. Ulpius Ofellius Theodorus has to be fitted into the reign of Elagabalus, CIL. III, p. 2063, so Rufinus probably governed Cappadocia in the early years of Severus Alexander. His early career is missing, but praef. aerarii and another prefecture are recorded.

19 A7. XLI, p. 224 (Richmond) ; JRS. LI, p. I19 (Wright). 20 It will be sufficient here to point out how many governors of consular provinces are shown

below the line in Degrassi, their appearance as such being the only evidence and terminus ante quem for their holding the consulate.

21 Drawings at the Department of Archaeology, University of Durham. 22 Compare JRS. XVIII, p. I I2, from Bowes and ILS. 2618 from Risingham, both of Alfenus

Senecio, one with and the other without a praenomen.

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ROMAN SENATORS IN CAPPADOCIA

III. AURELIUS CLAUDIUS HERMODORUS

The funerary temple, known as " Kink Kilise " (P1. XLIIb), in the side valley leading north out of ?ar (Comana), has long been known.23 A number of inscrip- tions have been recorded in and around the temple,24 but none hitherto such as to identify what person or family originally had it built. Recently illegal digging has taken place in front of the temple and an entrance has been found into a vault below, where some damage has been done to the floor. The temple faces west. Into each of the two long sides, north and south, are let six rectangular loculi, in two rows of three. Below the middle loculus of the lower row on the north side is an inscription (Fig. 2), which we may assume to name the first occupant of this elaborate tomb.

_ ____ locutus _

AY P HA \IOY'KA EP)OAUJPOY CYNKAHTIKOY

FIG. 2.

The fact of this man's rank as a senatorius suggests that his name Aurelius was not necessarily due to the constitutio Antoniniana, as it generally was, but was used as a meaningful name. The writing in full of Aurelius and abbreviation of Claudius

supports this. In PIR.2 only the emperor Claudius Gothicus and his brother and successor Claudius Quintillus appear as Aurelii Claudii, but among Claudii Aurelii there is a well established Lycian family descended 25 from Cl. Telemachus, &pXIpEivs Lyciae, whose grandson Ti. Cl. Telemachus was cos. suf., year unknown, probably at the end of the second century, and whose great-great-grandson was Ti. Cl. Aurelius Telemachus, 6 Kp&(TrlaTro) O TrrraTKos.

At Comana itself there have been attested, naturally, a number of Aurelii, but

23 W. H. Waddington, " Inscriptions de la Cataonie," in BCH. VII, p. 135; J. R. S. Sterrett, An Epigraphical Journey in Asia Minor (x888), p. 239; Pere G. de Jerphanion and P&re L. Jalabert, " Taurus et Cappadoce," in Melanges de la Faculte Orientale de l'Universiti Saint-Joseph (I911 ), Vol. V, fasc. I, p. 287.

G. L. Bell, Amurath to Amurath, I9I I, p. 348, Figs. 226 (plan) and 227 (photograph). Miss Bell cannot, I think, have been inside the vault, of which she gave a plan, but probably peered through a small hole above the entrance now in use. At all events she missed the Hermodorus inscription, which may of course still have been covered with rubble, for she published notes by Hogarth on five others which she had seen in the same area (pp. 351-2). Her description (pp. 349-50) of the state of the village of Sar at the period indicates perhaps why the Titus inscription (above, no. I) lay unnoticed by the travellers of the time.

24 In Kirk Kilise: MFO. III, I, p. 459, no. 28; V, I, p. 31I, no. I ; p. 313, no. 3. From a similar building, adjacent to the south, now entirely ruined, whose chief architectural feature consisted of columns : Wadd., BCH. VII, p. 135, no. 15 ; MFO. V, I, p. 313, no. 2; p. 3 4, no. 4; also probably Wadd., BCH. VII, p. 136, no. 17.

25 Stemma: PIR2 C 1037.

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ANATOLIAN STUDIES

these are of little importance as they can be written off as " 2I4 accretions ".26 Three Claudii have been recorded: the Aoylonis Claudius Marcellinus on the inscription set up in honour of the emperor Decius in 249,27 Tiberius Claudius Aelianus Sosander, brother of Philopator and son of Apollonius on two inscrip- tions,28 and a plain Claudius who, with his brother Diogenes, set up an inscription to unnamed parents.29 To these I would add an inscription which I saw on a small column about a metre high in a yard to the west of the school at bar which reads: Aup. KXcm)8./ MpKE[XXos]/ACvp. KXAa[uvi]cp/T-ro ,oC'av [Tr]/T-r yXvKU-r [CCr]/Tra-rpi/ PvfiurS X[&ptv]. Of the inscriptions around the funerary temples two involve the name Marcellus 30 and one Marcella.31 This evidence together suggests that here we have the grouping of monuments of a family round the tomb of an illustrious ancestor. There is no other Hermodorus attested at Comana, but one Hermodora.32

Hermodorus is, in fact, by no means a common name; in IGR. III the only example is no. I422, Fl. Domitianus H. from Prusias ad Hypium, while in OGI the only example is no. 228, an ambassador from Smyrna. At Dionysopolis in Lower Moesia Aup. 'Ep'6ocopos AOVKiov is attested as an Epr3poS with twenty- eight others all having their names prefaced with Avp. and one individualist Pkaou os.33 Thus it is with some confidence that we can rediscover in CIL. III,

4796 = ILS. 4197, a native of Comana, Aur. Hermodorus, v.p., while serving as

p(raeses) p(rovinciae) N(orici) M(edi)t(erranei) in 3II, restoring a Mithraeum at Virunum which had lain in ruins for more than fifty years.

It cannot be absolutely established that the governor of Noricum was the man buried at Comana. He may have been his father, for we might expect that the governor would have had his career commemorated on his funerary inscription, while the son might more appropriately rest on his father's laurels, as a senatorius, and not have played an active administrative role. It would be fitting, however, if the restorer of one temple had built another for his own resting place.34

ADDITIONAL NOTE ON INSCRIPTION NO. I

A further opportunity to work on the stone occurred in 1964 and it was possible to take a squeeze. This revealed that the correct reading of 1. 5 was

CEBACTOY OYECTTACIAN[OY. We may compare OGIS. 672 : Au'roKpO&ropo OTuEa-rraoaiavou/ Ep3acrarov. The province will then have followed in line 6f.

26 I follow here the new dating of the constitutio Antoniniana by Mr. Fergus Millar in Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, XLVIII (1962), pp. 124-31.

27 Souter in Anatolian Studies presented to Sir W. M. Ramsay (I923), p. 400, no. I. 28 MFO. V, I, p. 320, no. 17, and Wadd., BCH. VII, p. I34, no. 12. 29 MFO. V, I, p. 313, no. 2. 30 Wadd., BCH. VII, p. 136, no. 17, and MFO. V, I, p. 3I3, no. 3. 31 MFO. III, I, p. 459, no. 28. 32 Wadd., BCH. VII, p. 135, no. 14. 33 Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria Repertae, Vol. I (1956), p. 34, no. 14. 34 I should like to thank Professor Eric Birley for much advice, generously given, in the

preparation of this article.

I68

PLATE XLII

(a) L. Iulius C.f. Fab. Proculeinus.

(b) Kink Kilise.