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Transcript of Ripon Forum Winter 2002
B ecause we want our family to have a long history, too.
A t pfizer, we've cared for generations.
Since 1849. we've refused to believe that the ills
of the world can't be cured. We're determined to
find cures for the diseases that touch all our famities.
We search day in, day out, year in, year out
looking for treatments for diabetes.
for the cure for cancer, for new antibiotics to tight
deadly new strains of bacteria. We've worked
with a passion for over a century and a half.
This year we're devoting $5 billion to research.
Why do we work so hard?
Because families are depending on us.
Life ;s ollr life'S work.
www.pfizer.com
u :z: I I
Publif;her
The Ripon Society
Prnidml Hon. Bill Fren;eel
Executive Direclor
lAIri Halju
ComnamicationI DiRaor, Editor
Scot Chri5lenson
Det.ignl rut Din:CI>on
Christina F'. Valis
Production
CCI www.cci-serviccl .com
C 2002
by The Ripon Society
All Rights Reserved
One Year Subtaiplion: 125.00 individum
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Ripon forum • Winter 2002
THE
RIpON ]FORUM
Contents VOLUME 37 ' NUMBER I ' WINTER 2002
A Man for All Seasons .... .. ... ......... .... ... ... ... .... ... .. .... ............ .. .. ..... . 5
David Wimtoll
The TauziniDingell Bill ............................................. .. ...... ... ... .... 6
IMllter B. M cCor1llick, 1r. alld 101m D. Willdhawen
The Selective Service System ...................................................... .. 8
Scot Christenson
Welfare Reform: A M other's Work .......................... .................... 11
Rim H askills
A Ripon Interview with Shelley Moore Capito
Winning West Virginia .... .. .... ....... ..... .. .... .... ..... ..... ..................... 13
Scot Christenson
Environmental Politics vs. Environmental Policy .. .. ......... .. .......... 16
l talia Federici
Fortress North America .... ... .... ...... .... ...... ... .. ...... .... ... ..... ............. 20
Scot ChristC11S01l
The /Upon Forum (lSN 0035-5516) is published quarterlybyThe Ripon Society.
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Gam NdJoI, 0" oIunuue tklq,otejrom Nt'W}~ rolks 'Xir" Omgrwitmol M;isQry B()iJrd mtmlxn Snw(Jr" SMSO" CdIiIlS (R·,\1oi~) a..d C""~_,, }'''''ifer Vf"''' (R-lIash.) QJ rht Z()(}() &{JI'Nica" Naritmol Cr"Mi~"tw".
T he annual Rough Riders Award Dinner will be held May 8, 2002 at the JW Marriott hotel in Washingron, D.C. In 2001, Ripon was proud to award the Teddy Roosevelt Rough Rider saber to Senator Don Nickles, HHS Secretary Tommy Thompson, Congressman Michael G. Oxley and Congresswoman Nancy J ohnson for their achievements in public service.
Co"zmsmo" Cloy Show (R·F!o.) shorn highlighfJjrom the Rip"" ~ ~Rlol Ih1pI" RIal Progrrss" wir" Rip"" mlmHn.
Check out the Ripon Society website at www.riponsoc.org for the latest press releases, schedules of events, membership information and more! We value your opinions and would like to hear from you. Email us at [email protected] comments, questions and concerns to:
Letters to the Editor 501 Capitol Court NE Suite 300 Washington, D.C. 20002
Snuuor ChlKJ Hagtl (R.Nrh) discl#Jafortign policy ""ojth form" FVprt.sn.Jative o..d RifJO'l Socitry l~j"tHt Bill Fmr .• tL
• ~.I·.ponSOC.OI·g
A Man for All Seasons Why George W Bush Will Not Suffer the Fate of Winston Churchill and George H. Bush
by navid Winston
n the late spring of 1940 as France crumbled under the jackboots of Nazi
troops, Britai n's Conservative Part)'
faced a grim reality: Neville
Chambe rl ain, a peace tim e prime
minister if ever there was one, was clearly
the wrong man in the wrongjob at the wrong
time. Britain desperately needed a prime
minister to wage war not sue for peace. \"'isely if reluctantly, the party rumed to Winston
Churchill wOOsc brilliance and ~ over
the next five years
provided the leadership
crucial to \vinning what
becune a 'Yaror survival.
Ycr,just months after Churchill's glorious
victory. the Bri ti sh
people unceremoniously booted their ~conquer
ing hero~ out on his ear
as pomvar social change
replaced the defense of the realm as the
country's most important political issue.
ingratirudc, hO\vcver, is certainly not a
trait pecu1iarto the British. George H erbert
Walker Bush met a similar fate just two years
after America's spectacular defeat ofSaddam
Hussein in the GulfWar. Bush's election in
1988 assured the continuation of Rcagan's
successful strategy to end the Cold War and
Bush's international experience proved in
valuable during the delicate post- \var period.
D uring the Gulf War the foUowing
year, Bush's job approval numbers topped
90 percent, but it was a sluggish economy,
not the "sheik of Baghdad," that foiled the
41n president's reelection bid.
Ripon FOI'um • Winter 1001
Now, political observers in some quar
ters are beginning to speculate on the post
war furure of George W . Bush. The central
ques tion: Will he find himself, like
Churchill and his father before him, victo
rious in war but done in by the public's naru
ral tendency to put domestic priorities ahead
of foreign policy?
Clear~'. all three share a common and
awesome responsibiliry---leading in a time of
war. and they share common characteristics:
candor, integrity,courage, and intelligence. But
before we rush to commit Gcorgt! W. Bush to
the fute of his predecessors, it's important ro
remember one kt:y difference bcnvccn them:
this president came to povv'er as a "domestic
candidate,~ not a "wartime lcader.~
H is political credentials did not rely on
the kind of military and diplomatic experi
ence that defined ChurchiU and his f.'\ther's
national political personas. Q lite the con
trary. Bush, the ),ounger, came to the presi
dency after raking a quite different path. He
staked his claim to the Oval Offiee on his
successful record as governor of one of the
nation's largest states. Bush's caU for com
passionate conselVatism, tax cuts, and edu-
cation reform connected \vith voters who
relegated foreign policy experience, as they
usually do, to the political backwater of sec
ondary issues.
D uring the 2000 campaign, the per
ceived strengths of George H erbert W alker
Bush and Winston Churchill were the per
ceived weaknesses of George W. l roni
cally, like Churchill and his father, Bush's
flf~t year and likely his presidency will be defined by his performance as a wartim(:
leader. But those pundits pondering Bush's iXllitical
demise should rcmeml:x.'f"
one key difference. Un
like hi s fa ther and
Churrhill whore dom,,tic policies cost them their
positions, Bush's first year
has seen the centerpieces
of his campaign's domes
tic proposals--education
refonn and tax cuts--both become law.
Bush has proven himself an able diplo
mat and an inspiring commandcr-in-chief, but
he also hasn't forgonen the ~horse he rode in
on." He has rom an uncanny ability to lead
not just on maners of war but on important
domestic issues of peace and prosperity as well.
It is that dual leadership that sets him apart.
In May 194O, British Economic Mjn
ister Hugh Dalton called C hurchill "The
man and the only man we have, for this
hour." Given his extraordinarypcrformance.
one could say the same of this presi
dent.
David WillS/on iJ president of77lc Wilwon Grollp.
,
The TauzinlDingell The Stimulus Package That D oesn't Cost the us. Treasury a D ime
By Waltef" B. MCCOI"Rlick, Jt-.
tcendy, members of the U.S.
House of Representatives had the opportuni ty to vo te on
crucial legislation that affects all
Am ericans. T his bi ll could
ultimately inject up to 5500 billion a year
into our struggling economy and revitalize
our nation's hard-hit tdecem and high
tech sectors. Best of all, it would not cost
American taxpayers a dime.
This legislation is not the much-de
bated economic stimulus package. Rather
it is theTauzin-Dingcll lntemet Freedomand
B.",n"oo Doploym<nl Aa. Through thi,
bill, Congress can help spur billions of dollars in in\'esnnent in our nation's lnremct back
bone; help spark renewed gro.vth in the U.S. infonnation economy and put more Ameri
cans back to work.
When Congressmen Billy Tauzin and
John Dingell introduced this legislation early
last year, there was a clear need for regula
tory fairness among the nation's providers
of high-speed Internet access services. fu the rules stand today, companies that de
liver high-speed Internet access services over
cable lines operate in a deregulated environ
ment, while companies that deliver the ex
act same services over a telephone line face
heavy regulation. fu a result, cable modems
control 70% of the high-speed Internet ac
cess market, while investment in broadband
via telephone lines has all but dried up.
With the U.S. economy struggling, the
need for greater investment in more broad
band Internet access has only grown more
urgent. Today, a mere 8% of Americans
have high-speed Internet access service.
As a result, the whole range of high- tech
•
companies - hardware manufacturers,
software makers and content providers
do not have the mass consumer audience
they need to drive sales of their next-gen
eration products and services. Without this
mass market, many of the companies that
fueled the U.S. economic boom of the 1990s will continue to struggle.
What can get high-tech growing again?
From prominent economists at the
Brookings Institute to leaders of the infor
mation revolution , there is widespread
agreement that the massive, nationwide
availability of high-speed Internet access
services is the spark that can jump-stan re
newed growth. This is precisely what the
Tauzin-Dingell bill would do
Opponents of this bill have made many
desperate charges to defend their interests.
They claim, for instance, that a level play
ing field would lead to a telecom monopoly
of high-speed Internet access. This claim is
preposterous considering that the nation is
well on its way to a cable ffiOOOJXlly of the
same market today. That won't change until
Congress makes a stand for basic regulatory
equity: that all wmpanies prwiding the same
service should play by the same rules - no
matter if that service is delivered via cable, tele
phone or satellite broadband facilities.
Fair competition would eliminate the
disincentive to invest that has held back the
widespread availab il ity of high-speed
I nternet access services. Instead, it
would ensure rules that encourage,
rathe r than discourage, the invest
ments nece ssary to see these se rvices
reach all America n s, giving consumers a
choice of providers and giving high-tech
companies the mass market they need to
get our infonnation economy growing again.
Given all that's going on in our world
today,you might ask why this legislation de
serves Congress' immediate attention. The
answer is simple: For America to heal, our ea::momy must heal For Americans to go back
to ,vork, our infonnarion economy must get
back on a grmvth track. These things can only Iupp<n ifCong<= w<guank th< powotfuI
cycles ofhigh-tcchgro.vth and inn0-
vation thatcan onlycome from f.Ur competition. If we
frec-up invest-
ment in high speed access to the Internet,
we free U.S. companies to begin the process of
renewal With one vote from Congress, and
not a dime from the U.s. Treasury, we r.'I can begin to grow again. ...
Halter B. MCC"'lIIick, Jt: is Prtsidmt and CEO
oft/Jt U.S. 1H«om AsiocialiQII .
Ripon ForLim • Winltr 2002
11~-gniO\ni u8T ~dT - - --- -
n the early 1970's, Congress and the
FCC allowed competition for
telephone equipment, long distance
service, cellular and other mobile
services, infonnation services and satcl~te services. Each time, the growth of
competition brought about lower prices for
consumers, greater technological innovation,
and economic growth.
the Telecommunications Act of 1996,
which promOtes competition for local tele
phone services. Since then, hundreds of
new com panies raised bi llions of dol
lars in invesunenl capi tal to compete
against the incumbent Bell Companies.
These new companies, known as Com
petitive Local Exch ange Ca rri e rs
Ri pon FOf'um • Wlnt~r 2002
Promoting Monopolies Will Stifle Economic Growth
(CLECs), have deployed state-or-the art
technologies, such as high-speed OSLo fiber optic cables, and next generatio n
switches.
Despit e this enormous progress,
Congress is considering legislation that
will reverse the pro-competitive provisions
of the 1996 Telecom Act and put most of
these innovative C LECs out of business.
Why?
The Bell s argue that their high
speed services should be exe mpted from
competition in order to encourage them
to deploy these services more quickly.
But the Bells have never followed
through on their past promises to de
ploy advanced networks in return fo r de
regu lation. The Bells have been given
the right to price cap regulation, infor
mation services, cable se rvices, but did
not deploy the promised new technolo
gies. T he Bells only deployed DSL, a
technology they invented in the late
1980's, when faced with competition
from CLECs in the last fou r years.
The Bells complain that the prices
they can charge the C LECs for leasing
portions of their network are too low. But
the statute and the FCC's rules guarantee
that the prices must allow the Bells to earn
profit. The Bells simply want a higher
profit.
The Bell s further maintain that
they should be deregulated to compete
with the cable companies' high-speed
Internet services. But t he Bell Compa
nies and cable companie s are alre ady
regulated simi larly. The cable compa
nies must carry thc signal s of the broad-
Il l' John O. Windhauscn
casters, just as the RBOCs carry the sig
nals of the CLECs.
I f the Bells are deregulated, and the
CLECs eliminated, each market will have
only twO companies - the Bell Company
and the cable company. D uopolies gener
ally do not compete - they divide up the
market between them.
The CLECs have invested enormous
sums of money O'>'tt the past 5 years to build advanced, high-speed local net\'IIOrks - CNer
556 Billion. These networks already carry
60% of the local, high-speed I nternet traf
fic around the country. Perhaps more im
ponant, these co mpetitive local networks
fue led our nation's tremendous economic
growth through the late 1990's.
Japan's economic stagnation teaches
us the dangt:rs of relying on large conglom
erates pro tected from competition. By
contrast, our country's reliance on compe
tition has made us the strongest economy
in the world. Let's not take a giant step
bacbvards and puU the rug out from under
these new entrepreneurs. Congress should
stop the Tauzin- Dingell bill in its tracks
and renew its suppon for competi
tion fo r all local telecom services.
Jolm A. Wintlha/JS(n is presidl!1lt o/the As.roeiati()n
0/ Lrxa/ 7(/uOln IllUn iear;ons Sero;us.
On February 27, the House passed the Tauz;n ~D;ngell
Internet Freedom and Broad~ band Deployment Act (HR. 1541) on a 171·158 vote. The bill now faces an uphill battle;n the Senate.
7
The Selective Service System Insurance Policy or Cold l%r Artifact?
By Scot CIIJ"istenson
he firs t war of the 21" Century is also one of the most
unconventional conflicts the United States has bee n
involved with since fighting the Barbary Pirates in 1805.
Instead of engaging in battle against a defined and
central ized enemy. the U.S. has declared war on a
movement that transcends borders and nationalities. T his will
not be a war where teeming armies clash on the battlefield and
massive ships attempt to outmaneuver onc another on the high
seas. It will be a war where proficient high-tech intelligence
,
gathering will assist specially trained teams to ferret out terrorists
and liquidate them.
Meanwhile, the U.S. government continues as it has fo r de
cades to gather and process the names of all able-bodied young
men in the event that a draft is needed to supply the military with
additional manpower. Every male in the United States is required
to register with Selective Service within 30 days of his 18'" birth
day or risk being denied college loans, federal job training and gov
emment employments. Violators may also be fined 5250,000 and!
or be sentenced up to 5 years in jail.
The purpose of the registration require
ment is to give the United States an insur
ance policy against any unforeseen threat
agai nst national security. But in an era
when even the Pentagon states that a draft
is ~highly unlikell. many fee l that Selec
tive Service's S25 million annual budget is
too high a prem ium to pay. Congressma n Ron Paul (R-T X) has introduced a bilJ to
terminate Selective Service, and he is not
alone in his be lief that the age ncy has out
lived its purpose.
Congressman Mark Foley (R-FL) stated
in a 1995 House debate "The Selective Ser
vice, as we know it today, was created by
President Carter to respond to fea rs that
Ripon Forum · Winter 2002
regional confli cts of the Soviet Union would
grow and lead to a supe rpower showdown.
The national defense structure at that time
had been gutted and allowed the volunteer
Armed Forces to fall to dangerously low
levels ... that is not the case today. This Con
gress has made a commi tment to a strong national defense. We intend to keep mi li
tary personnel equipped and ready to
fight .. .I n almost 10 years of the Vietnam
war,jus[ under 2.5 million Americans we re
sent to the combat area; one of every four
of those young Americans were drafted. In
10 years we did not send the number of vol
unteers that can be deployed from ou r shores today ... [Ending Selective Service]
will not leave the U.S. defense vulnerable.
We have 3 million vo lunteers ready to
fig ht. ft
Critics of Selective Service believe that there is little need
for draftees in IOday's military. Modern warfare has become
increasingly reliant on technology and specialized personnel to
defend U.S. interests. Gone are the days when a recruit could be
given a gun, grenade, and a few months of instruction before be
ing sent into battle. T oday's military consists primarily of profes
sionals who have gone through years of extensive training to handle
advanced computerized weapons and machinery. In addition, the
Gulf War demonstrated that fore ign powers could now be neu
tralized through the usc of missiles and airpower with minimal
face- to-face confrontation benveen soldiers.
AJso at issue is the f.,ct that women are currently exempt
from the registmtion requirement, a policy that has caused re
sentment among young men who stand to lose important ben-
ally less capable than men. The topic was initially discussed
when a shortage of nurses du ring the Second World War led
the government to contemplate drafting women to flU vacancies
in the medical field. A surge in volunteerism made the drafting
of medical personnel irrelevant and the issue was dropped. M ore
recently, President Clinton reviewed the exempt starus of women
and concluded that there was no need fo r Congress to amend the
draft law because women have not yet been put in combat roles
by the U.S. military and the current system was enough to meet
the nation's security needs.
OPposition to the draft is nothing new. T he fact of the matter
is that the draft has never really been popular. Early attempts
at conscription during the C ivil War resulted in four days of rioting because the draft laws aIlowed men to avoid service by
paying 5300, an amount most working men could not afford.
The purpose of the registration requirement is to give the United States an insurance policy against any unforeseen threat against national security.
Activist during the First World War argued that the
draft violated the liberty of Americans by removing
their freedom to choose whether to fight or not . Over
250,000 eligible men failed to register as required. In 1940, Afte r ca mpaigni ng on a platform of
isolationism, Franklin Roosevelt alarmed the
American public when he established the Selective
Service and began the first peacetime draft as the
conflict in Europe was escalating.
efits for failing to comply. As women play an ever- increasing
role in the all volunteer military, some question the fairness
of the draft when on ly women arc given the option of serving.
Some women have even expressed co ncerns that the registra
tion exe mption reinforces the stereotype that they are gener-
Ri pon Forum • Winttr 2002
Conscription was briefly suspended at [he end
of the Second World War, but millions of young men were drafted
between 1948 and 1973 to keep the nation at a state of readi
ness to combat communism. Following the war in Korea, the
Vietnam conflict saw the most active, prolonged opposi tion
to the draft, prom pting the US to end the registration re-
•
quirement in 1975. Because of the Soviet invasion of Afghani
stan, the suspension was short-lived and Preside nt Carter reinstated the registration requirement in 1980 amid much controversy. The system has been in place
The agency has also developed a series of reforms to correct problems with
the system since the Vietnam War to ensure fairness. Like the C ivil War, Vietnam was seen as a rich man's war where those
who had the money could buy their way out and the poor were left to do the fIghting. College students could avoid service if they remained in school and were making progress tOwards a degree. No more. If drafted, a college student would have to report for service at the end of the semeste r and a college senior would have until the end of the academic year. Special ef
fort has also been put into forming draft boards to bette r represent the communities in which they serve.
The exemption of women will be less of an issue if the Health Care Personnel
Delivery System is implemented. Proposed in 1989, the plan calls for medical specialists to be registered and available for a draft in the event of an emergency mobilization. Since the
ever since and has so far survived sev
eral attempts to dismantle it. However, Selective Service is not
without its supporte rs. Former Secretary of Defense William J. Perry recommended to Congress in August 1995 that the Selective Service be funded adequate ly. "This small, but important agency,~ he wrote, "should
be maintained in its current State of
The draft has never really been popular. Early attempts at conscription during the Civil War resulted in four days of rioting because the draft laws allowed men to avoid service by paying $300, an amount most working men could not afford.
readiness, and its peacetime registration program involving America's young men should be preserved to help ensure that any future draft, if needed, would be fair and equitable."
Proponents of the Selective Service point out that regardless
of the nature of recent co nflicts, the sys tem offers protection against an unforeseen cri sis. Even with the
collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States still has to be
prepa red to defend its global commitments in potentially explosive regions such as Asia . By maintaining the system in peacetime, it has been estimated that the country will save 8-10 days in the process for drafting and training troops in the event of an emergency where additional manpower is necessary. Being able to reinforce battle-weary troops a week earlier could mean the difference between victory and defeat.
10
medical speciali sts wou ld not be servi ng in a combat role, women would be expected to serve.
Although nOt perfect, Selective Service does perhaps offer the country an affordable safety net. The S25 million bud
get is a relatively cheap insurance policy when considering that it is less than the cost ofa single F-16 fighter. When it comes to defending the coun try, what would make Ameri
cans feel more secure - having an extra fighter patrolling the skies, or having a sys tem in place that has rhe ability to call upon the 13.5 million men that are currently draft eligible? The majority of Americans would probably feel safer with the latter.
SCO/ Christenson iJ the iditol' olne Ripoll rort/m
Ripon forum ' Wintn lool
Welfare Reform: A Mother~s Work oy lion Ilaskins
the 1996 welfare reform
Congress, there were
numerous predictions from
scho lars, editorial page
writers and politicians that a welfare
system that demanded work, imposed
sanctions and operated under time limits
would result in huge declines in family
income and increases in poverty and
homelessness.
Now comes the U.S. Census Bureau
with its data on family income and poverty for 2000, thereby permitting informed judgments about whether welfare reform
is driving poor families into the Grate
Society. For the seventh year in a row, poverty was down. Further, black and His
panic households had their lowest poverty
rates ever, and the overall child poverty rate
was lower than in any year since 1976.
Similarly, black and Hispanic households
both set records for all-time high incomes.
How is the nation making such re
markable progress against poverty and low income? T he Census Bureau report shows
that an important part of the answer is that
welfare reform has led to huge increases
Ripon forum • Winter 2002
in work and earnings by single mothers
and a revolution in how government helps
the poor. No
longer does gov
ernment help the
poor primarily
by giving them welfare benefi ts.
The new ap
proach is to en
courage, cajole
and, if necessary,
force poor and able-bodied par
ents to take jobs.
T hen, once they
arc employed,
government pro
vides hel p
through a system of work supports
that includes cash
earn ings subs i
dies, pr ima rily
through the
Earned Income
Tax Credit
(EITC), medical
insurance, food subsidies, child care and
housing.
"
T he Census Bureau data show how
this new approach works. Consider the
group of about 2 million families headed
by mothers with incomes under 513,000.
In 1993 this group earned on averagc only
Sl,400 and had welfare benefits (prima
rily cash and food stamps) of S4,400 (all
figures are adjusted for inflation). By 2000,
their earnings had increased by 130 percent, to S3, 1 00, and their welf.'lre benefits
had declined by a quarter to S3,300. In
addition, they enjoyed a 300 percent in
crease in EITC income. T he nct effect was
that total income for these mothers and
children rose by a quarter, to S8,600.
Now consider the group of 2 million
mothers with incomes between 513,000
and S21,000, a group that includes many mothers leaving welfare. Earnings in
creased from S4,900 in 1993 to 511,700
in 2000. Similarly, EITC income increased
by nearly 200 percent. Although the wel
farc income of mothers in this group fell
by nearly 60 percent, their total income
increased by more than S4,000, to S17,600.
Progress against poverty over the
1993-2000 period is equally remarkable.
12
Child poverty declined by nearly a third
to 16.2 percent, its lowest level since 1976.
Moreover, for three of the past five years,
poverty among black children declined
more than in any year before 1995 and has
now reached its all-time low. Deep pov
erty, defined as income at half the poverty
level (about 57,000) or less by the Census
Bureau, has also declined sharply and is now well below its previous historical low.
The Census Bureau reports additional
data that are even more encouraging. The
official poverty index does not include in
come from the EITC and a few other pro
grams, notably food stamps, that provide
non-cash benefits to low-income families.
But in recent years the Census Bureau has
been calculating an CJ;:perimental poverty measure based on a more comprehensive
definition of income that includes these
benefits. Using this broader measure, child
poverty is actually around 10 percent, rather
than the official measure of 16.2 percent.
Even more important, child poverty de
clined more than twice as much during the
economic recovery of the 1990s as it did
during the recovery of the 19805, prima-
rily because so many more single mothers
boosted their income through earnings.
The most important conclusion to
draw from these remarkable numbers is
that the performance of low-income
mothers in leaving welfare and entering
employment is a great success story. Aided
by a strong economy, not only have they
rescued their children from poverty but
many have told researchers and reponers
that their children arc proud of them and
they arc proud of themselves.
T hese mothers have changed the very
reputation of welfare, something that no
amount of rhetoric from policymakers could have achieved.
Unde r the o ld welfare system ,
government simply gave benefits to
the poor, thereby trapping many of
them in a system of learned helplessness.
Under the new system, the poor are
expected, required, or forced to work. And
even in low-income jobs they are much
better off financially than under welfare,
because government generously subsidizes
their income. T hus a job that provides
510,000 a year in earnings is converted by
government, primarily through the EIT C
and food stamps, into a job that provides
S16,000 a year in f."Ul1ily income. In addition,
nearly all these families are eligible for
government health insurance, and many
rece ive the child tax credit, child care
subsidies, school lunch and other in-kind
benefits.
The deadline for reauthorizing the welfare reform legislation is next Octo
ber. Although improvements are pos
sib le and desi rable , especially to help
patents who lose their jobs because of
the slowing economy, Congress would
be wise to preserve the basic featu res of
the new welfare
work. system based on [J
Ron Haskins is a SCI/ior Fdlow of Economic
Studies ami Co- Dirt(/ot" of ItHfare I&fonn &
BC)'Qnd fot" /he Brookings lnuilulion.
Ripon Forllm • Wintt r 2002
Winning West Virginia A Ripon Interview with u.s. Representative Shelley M oore Capito
he 2000 praidtll/iol race will jore"Uer IK "111,,,,,,",d tJJ the (ltC/ion
in which tilt outcome W(lJ 'aided by one Jlalt. j ·/ rr.J.ltwr, jf can
be argued tlm/lhe d«iding SIdle was IIhl I'irginin, 7101 flQrida.
/ lad George IV 8um "01 pul/d off a crucial upset we/Dry in lite
AfOUl/lain SIal(, N Gon tool/ld haw 11M (Mugh ,!t:cloraI1XJltJ /0
win lht pmidency e'IItll tl.!lihoul florida, making 'lit tIIlire I"tCOlftl/ f= 1I11Il«lS.J(/ry. By kroll/illl tile fin! lIon-inrumkm &pllblicflll pruidemial
caH<iida/e /o corry lib/Virginia sillu 1928, 81m, dm;td Cort lhe [roed«/oral
'IXJIlS tlJaI sepamud him from tlJt (J'tl(li offiu as FlO/ida hllllg ill {he balnnet.
After wttits 0/ agO/shillg /ilignl;oll, 811Sl1 offici"lIy /oo/: Flollda and finis/ltd
willi 271 e/WOI"II/ voles /0 Core:r 266. m·1t Virginia's frw '!.lOW had prrmt'l
to be the dijJrrl"/u.
17" GOP} jol1lllllS in Ilbl I'irginia did 1101 t:nd wilh Bwlli surprise
~.Mlory. Sllllley Aloore Capilokcall/e tile first IUpllhlican rircud totllll·101m
siner /980. Tile Ripon rom", Sal down with Rtpmrntaliw Capiro 10 discuss
rlu (hanging priilital dill/au rif llhl Virginia alit! wnal In~ flllllre lzQ/ds for
IllI! statr.
RF: Both you and President Bush shocked the D NP by winning
in \ <\fest Virginia. To what do you attribute the recent GOP suc
cess in the traditionally Democrat state?
R~p. Capiro: I think there were a few factors. First of aU, the mes
sages President Bush and I were both keying on rang true with
most West Virginians. VVe stressed educa[ion and the importance
of leaving no child behind. We also assured the people that we
would keep West Virginia working by protecting the manufac
turing and mining industry, giving people confidence that they
would be able to retain their jobs.
Ripon Forum • Winter 1001
Gmgraswoman Capito talKS with RF Editor ScOi ChrisJe/lJQn.
Another factor was that we both worked hard at the grassroots level. Of course I paid close attention to \-Vest Virginia, but Presi
dent Bush took special care to come talk to West Virginians dur
ing the campaign on several occasions, which was very impornnt
considering the stare is often passed over in presidentiaJ races and
the candidates rarely visit. It made a huge impression. AI Gore
thought he had the state wrapped up and did not visi t until just
prior to the election, and by then it was too late.
But uhimatcly it can down to being a factor of trust. Our
messages wefC sincere and West Virginians came to trust George
W. Bush to be the President, and t.rust me to be their representa
tive in \<\fashington.
Il
RF; A1though the Democrats reclaimed the governor's office from
Republican Cecil Underwood, the GOP can only be encouraged
by the recent elections. When do you believe that therewill be GOP candidates who can realistically challenge the seats held by ScnalOr
Byrd and Senator RockcfcUer, as well as Reps. Mollahan and Rahall,
both of whom ran unopposed in the last election.
Rrp. Capito: We are so far in the minority in West Virginia - in the
state house we only have 25 out of 100 delegates, and in the
state senate only 5 out of 34 are
strong grass roots base by going out and delivering
my message in a personal way.
RF: \¥hat lessons can the GOP take from your upset
victory in WV and apply to other regions of the US?
R~p. Capito: I think the best lesson to rake away from
2000, if you look at my race, is that you can beat the
odds with a weU-managed campaign. You can beat
the money, you can beat the registration numbers,
and you can beat the tradition of electing the same
party if you truly listen to what your constituency is
sayi ng and craft your message to address their con
cems while staying truthful. I also never tried to be
anything more than I am and people realized that I
was a real person with real problems, which helped
)>eople to relate to me. I think this helped instill a sense
of truSt. But again, it must be remembered that nothing is impos
sible and it can be done. no matter the odds.
RF: How would you describe your constituency?
R~p. Capito; I have a very diverse constituency. First of aU, mOSt
people are su rprised to learn that West Virginia has the oldest
average age in the United States, older than Florida, so I have a
lot of mature adults. And then within my twenty counties, I
Republicans - that we don't yet
have the party infrastructure to re
cruit candidates at the local level
and encourage them to run for
higher office. We need to foUow rhe
lead ofVllginia and some of the other
Southern states that were in a simi
lar position, but generated their
strength from the bottom up rather
thcn of the top down. It 's going to
Because I served in the in the West Virginia State Legislature, people knew I had experience, which is very helpful for any candidate. I also try to be as upfront and candid as possible, which people seem to appreciate.
take some time, but we need to find
some people that arc \villing to stick their necks out and maybe have
to run more than once. And then of course we need to make sure
that everyone is weU funded.
RF: \\fhat strategies did you employ to defeat your opponent, Jim
Humphreys, who spent five times as much moneyon his campaign?
R~p. Capito: He did spend a lot of money, SO I tried to put to
gether an effective three-pronged media attack with television,
radio and direct-mail, and coupled that with a good team that
worked hard to deliver the message that West Virginia needed a
seat at the other side of the table to offer diversiry in our del
egation in Washington. I also spent a lot of energy bui lding a
"
have four counties that have some of the lowest unemployment
in West Virginia, and at the same time, ' also have four counties that
have some of the highest unemployment. I have the challenge to
tailor my agenda to meet the needs ofboth ends of the spectrum. So there is real diversity in my district and I think that characterizes
West Virginia. Plus West Virginians in general are very proud, inde
pendent people.
RF: Which of your attributes carried the most weight with them?
R~p. Capito: Because I served in the in the West Virginia State
LegislatuTC, people knew I had experience, which is very helpful
for any candidate. I also try to be as upfront and candid as pos-
Ripon For ... m • Wintt r 1002
sible, which people seem to appreciate. I have talked a lot about
bringing up the next generation, and being a mother with two
children, my sincerity comes through. But once again, it goes back
to trust. I asked them to trust me, and they believed that they
could. I wont disappoint them.
West Virginians in general are very proud, independent people.
RF: The Democrats desperately want your seat back and believe
that a moderate like Martha Walker can defeat you in 2002. What
is it going to take to avoid being a one- term wonder?
R~p. Capito: Conti nuing my hard work at the grass roots b·d, good constituency service, and proving myself to be a good Con
gresswoman. I'll need to be preparc.-d to defend my voting record.
so I very carefully consider every vote that I take. I' ll also have to
be ready to keep my confidence up because everyday someone
will be trying to knock me down, but I'm up fo r the challenge.
RF: West Virgi nia is one of me most beautiful states in the union.
How will you help protect the en\;ronment while not damaging
the coal and steel industry?
R~p. Capito: T hat is something we have struggled with over the
last several years. West Virginia absolutely is the most beautiful
state and its appeal to tOurists has created a very strong travel
industry, so the environment is defini tely tied to our economy on
many different levels. I agree with Christine Todd W hitman who
came to West Virginia and talked a lot :\bout striking a balance
between protecting the environment while supplying the resources
that the nation needs such as coal, natural gas. and timber. It will be
difficult, but I think we can, and will, achieve this balance.
RF: Eventually, th e coal will be mined out and there is already a
strong movement to develop alternative energy. What is the out
look for WV when the coal indust ry has accounted for the liveli
hood of so many fo r so long?
R~p. Capito:T hat's a great question. I think we need to be aggres
sive in our education system and get our youth going in a differ
ent direction Ihan following their families into the coal mines.
We need to advance people into college, improve workforce train
ing, and strengthen skill development. T hat 's why I think Presi
dent Bush's education reform program is going to be so impor
tant because it is going to give us the fl exibility to transi tion our
Ripon Forum • Winter 2002
current economy to a faster-paced, more technologically driven
economy. The problem has alv ... ays been that West Virginia's economy
runs so close to the edge that it is difficult to get a toehold in some
thing new that may take us to the next level. I think education will
be key in helping the state grow from its reliance on the manufilc
turing industry.
I think we need to be aggressive in our education system and
get our youth going in a different direction than follo\ving their
families into the coal mincs. vVe need to advance people into col
lege, improve workforce training, and strengthen skill development.
RF:On to another subject, how do )'ou th.ink the GO P haschangcd
to reflect the increased involvement of women in the party?
Rtp. Cllpito:The GOP has realized that women vote in large num
bers and eare very deeply about many issues beyond the traditional
family issues. The party defi nitely has become better at communi-
cating in the tenns that women are listening, but we still need to do
more to raise the visibility of our women leaders and highlight their
accomplishments. I think women want and need to see that.
RE: As a freshman represen tative, what have you fou nd to be the
greatest challenge in moving to DC ?
Rep. Capito: The logistic of settling into a new town with a new st:\ff
and a nt.'\'\1 lifestyle. It 's just so overwhelming in the beginning. It
has also been a difficult transition because 1 still have children home
in West Virginia, but of course now they're at the age where they
ask "When arc you leaving?~ instead of "\ ,yhen are you coming
home?". But 1 think I have adjusted to the pace of DC and r.'I have become quite comfortable. W
Scot C/l1is/(m(m is flit tdifor ofThr Ripon Nmlln.
15
system,
acre s
presen'es.
signed
Water Act , and <n'«,","" Act into law, and
national marine sanctuaries. And so it
goes on and on. The first Republican
led congress in decades - the 1041h_
passe d fourteen major pieces of
environmental legislation bet\veen 1995 and 1996. That 's more than the previous
four Democrat-led Congresses combined. So why doesn't the
American public know the truth about
the GOP's environmental legacy?
The answer is simpler than we might
want to acknowledge; we have
allowed ourselves to be defined by
our opponents. We are not getting our
message out. I am frequently asked by
reporters and others to name CREA's
Democratic counterpart. It is surprising
for people to learn there isn't one. I
simply point out that it is unnecessary
for Democrats to form an environmental
organization to express their viewpoints
and make recommendations to opinion
leaders, the public, and the press. Two
major national organizat ions already provide that se rvice for Democrats.
Those organizations are the League of Conse rvation Voters (LCV) and the
Sierra C lub.
Unlike the Sierra Club, the League
of Conservat ion Voters (LCV ) ac
knowledges that their agenda is entirely
election focused. The LCV produces an
Unfortunately this claim is not vali
dated by their en
dorsements or dona
tion patterns. For
the past three elec
tion cycles, the LCV
has give n 83% of
their endo rsements
Democrats
(86.5% in '96; 82.4% in '98; and 80.5% in
2000). For their
PAC contributions
IIo/UIIUersjrom Dewn £mrgy Clff/J'Jrafion construct fran 'W()t~r ponds will, mllurio! Mnoud by th~ ,onl{1(1/I), j"dudjllg windmills to pump frah wour, on SUndOWII Island Bird Sanctuary.
in 1994 LCV gave 99.95% of their na
tional PAC money and 100% of their
state PAC funds to Democrats. In 1996 they gave 80% of their national PAC
money and 100% of their state money
to Democrats. Again, in 1998,80% of
the LCV's PAC money and 100% of
their state disbursements went to
Democratic races. By contrast, 90% of
their targeted attacks have been aimed at Republicans (91.7% in '96; 86.4% in
'98; and 91.6% in 2000).
The LCV claims that this slanted
track record is caused by Republican in
difference to the environment. They
point to their own "educational
scorecard" as proof of their un-biased
methodology. But their scorecard
to key vote; The Safe Water D rinking
Act, The National Marine Sanctuaries Prese rvation Act, The African and
Asian Elephant Conservation Acts, The
Tropical Forest Re storation Act, T he
Estuaries and Clean '-Vaters Act, cre
ation of Black Canyon National Park,
the Santa Rosa and San Jacinto Moun
tains National Monument Act, The
NOAA Chesapeake Bay Reauthorization Act, and dozens of others like these.
Instead. in their spring 2002 scorecard, LCV scored votes on such issues as in
ternational family planning, regulatory reform, the nominations of two mem
bers of the Bush administration, and
even campaign finance reform.
So why doesn't the American public know the truth about the GOP's environmental legacy? We have allowed ourselves to be defined by our opponents.
The Sierra Club isn't much better
when it comes to putting the en
vironment before partisan poli
tics. In the 2000 elections, the
Sierra Club gave only 8, or 5% of their endorsements to Repub
licans. That same election cycle
they gave 132 endorsemenrs to
Democrats, or 95%. In an ef
fort to justify this obvious bias,
environmental scorecard that rate s
members of Congress, has a political
action committee, runs political adver
tisements and endorses candidates. The
Sierra Club also engages in everyone of these activities. Both the Sierra Club
an d LCV claim to be non-partisan.
Ripon FOf'um • Winter 1001
doesn't stand up to scrutiny. The LCV actually states in the introduction to
their scorecard that "consensus action"
is excluded. In other words, the LCV
intentionally highlights partisan issues.
H ere are a few of the non-partisan, or
"consensus," actions the LCV chose not
the Sierra Club issued its own scorecard
- with only four votes being selected
to sum up an elected official's entire vot
ing record. And again, major bipartisan
accomplishments were excluded. Of course, RepUblicans and Demo
crats do sometimes disagree about envi-
11
ronmental issues. Then again, Mem~
bers of Congress, Governors, appointees
and other opinion leaders continu ally debate the best resolution for every i s~
sue: education reform, defense spend~
ing, social iss ues, taxes, etc. And djs~
agree ments don't only occu r between
colleagues from differe nt politi cal par~
tics; they occur between members of the
same party. Why is this important?
Because it is the duty of elected leaders
to question, probe, and debate. It is
through this process th at legislation improves and compromises are reached.
By ignoring "consensus" action , and vali
dating only the most partisan results, the
LCV and the Sierra Club are missing
the point. They are serving to dumb
down the debate by declaring one party
victorious over another before the dis
cussion eve n begi ns. By leve ling the
playing field and correcting the misperception that Democrats over
whelmingly care mo re than Republi ca ns about the environment, the de
bate will become more meaningful
and the end result more legitimate.
T here arc some important areas where th e environmen t would benefit
from more meaningful debate. En
ergy po licy, environmental perfor-
,
mance indicators, and private sector
contrib uti ons to the enviro nment are
a few of th ese issues. The Bush ad
ministration has taken on one of the
most neglected issues of the past de-
development (of resources to ot her
countries) is to accept the inevitability
of less rigorous environmental over
sight." 1n other words, we are harming
th e planet as a whole by advocating a
The Sierra Club isn't much better when it comes to putting the environment before partisan politics. In the 2000 elections, the Sierra Club gave only 8 - or 5% - of their endorsements to Republicans.
cade: comprehensive ene rgy policy.
M any took for granted that co nven
tional sources of oil would always be
availab le to us from overseas. In aJuly
2001 interview on HBO, Carl Pope,
executive director of the Sierra C lub,
criticized the administ ration for pro
posing domestic energy exp lora ti on
options and ex pressed the following sent iment: ~ You can get oil [for a rea
so nab le pr ice], it's all sitting under
Saudi Arabia. It 's always goi ng to be there.~ Two short months later we were
forced to acknowledge that domestic en
ergy needs are best secured from domes-
1
tic energy sources.
And if we are
piecemeal approach to meeting our own
energy needs.
This manma& islaM off of Pon O'Connor, UXaI. has m w u: a key Slopping point Jvr migratory birds.
truly to ~think
globaJly and act
lo call y", th e n
think about
this ... the United
States has the
mo st s tringent
environ m e nt al
laws in the world
and no country
on earth has
moved past the need for conve n
tional sources of energy. ~To force
Many environ mentalists also refuse
to acknowledge that eve r y
en vironmenta l challenge does
not require a gove rn men t mandated solution. The role the private secto r
voluntari ly p lays in en vironmental
protection is alm ost completely
overlooked by the media a nd
conservation community. While
compan ies are frequently cited in the
press as bad environmental actors,
they are rarely th anked for their
environmental contributions. These
contributions are not uncommon and
will become increasingly important as
our national focus is pulled to othe r
more pressing endeavors. Unlike the
national trend with regard to
environm ental issues, when individuals
and their em ployers become involved in
conservation projects, the focus tends to
be both lo ca l and results orien ted:
cleaning a beach, raising funds to
purchase and prese rve open sp ace, monitoring the number of wild life
within a habitat and working to increase
that number. There is a definable goal
and the com munity can see tangib le
results. The projects that Devon Energy
Corporation in itiated at Su nd own
18 Ripon Forum • Winter 1001
(
ronmental con
sequences. At
issue is language
that leaves open
to interpretation
exactly when a
company's ac
tio n changes the
legal status un
der w h ich they
operated at the
creation of the
NSR rule. Rather
than deal with
Island are marquee examples afhow the
private sector can play an important role
in the protection of our natural
treasures. However, in order for this
model to wor k on a larger sca le ,
professional environmentalists and their
fundraisers are going to have to
acknowledge that e nvironmental
contributions from corporate America
aren't limited to the role they playas the
"bad guy" in environmental organization's
fund raising letters. The use of volunteers,
and the dedication and resources they
commit, should also be encouraged
whereve r possible in environmental
prorcuion efforts.
t his ca n ten tiou s CQmpJelioll of the pond ami Ik subsequell/ plantillg of tJeg(/alirm provi<k all imporralll issue at the out- siop-U'.,"/orwildlifi·
Another area of d isagreement is
with envi ronmental performance indi
cators an d performance standards in
general. There are those who view any
change in environmental policy or law
as a negative change. Yet, there are rules
and regulations that aren't fulfIlling their
environmental mission. Shou ld those
se t, the Cli nton administration waited
until the second half of their second
term to change the long-standing in
te rpre tation of what it means for a
co mpany to make a "major modi fi ca
tion .~ T he end resu lt of this ambigu
ity is that many co mpanies a re not
maki ng upgrade s to cleaner, newer,
Unlike the national trend with regard to environmental issues, when individuals and their employers become involved in conservation projects, the focus tends to be both local and results oriented.
policies rema in in place and divert re
sources from other potentially benefi
cial proposals? Adherence to a per
formance standard can help weed ou t
func t ional policies from Jaws and
regulations that exist to se rve no en
vi ronmenral benefit . One rule that
would benefit from adherence to such
a performance sta ndard is new so urce
review (NS R). NS R has given way to
numerous lawsuits and has resulted in
detrimental, albeit unintended, envi -
Ri pon Forum' Wintt r 2002
more efficient equipment in an effort
to remain essentially stati c. Byallow
ing a great deal of time to elapse be
fore addressi ng t his issue, the Clinton
administration avoided dealing with
the ramification s of their own flawed
addition to an already challengi ng
ru le. T he Bush admini st ration ha s
two cho ices: ignore the problems that
are inherent in NSR and the nega tive
environmental consequences that ac
company them, or act to make the
necessary d istinctions and encounter
the negative press that is inevitable
where changes in environmental
policy are concerned. The Bush ad
minis t rati on has decided to act to
make the se impo rtant distinct ions
clear and their effo rt s will no doubt
result in both environmental benefits
and fewer lawsuits.
The GO P 's environmental legacy
will co ntinue to be dete rmined by
our actions and, ju s t as
imponan t ly, by ou r ability to
communicate the se actions to others .
We will do a great service by winning
over those who believe that partisanship
plays a role in environmental prmection .
Funding and time are sc arce to any
cau se. T he less time and money spent
playing political ~gotcha~, the more of
both will be available to do the actual work
of conserving the environment for
ourselves and future generations.
ltalia Federici is president of CREA.
CREA's Board of Advisors is comprised 0/ cllrrent and fo rmer chairmen,presidents,
directors and trllHen from America's leading
ellvironmenlai organizations. For more
in/ormafioll about CREA's mission and
Board of Advisors, please v isit www.crea
online.org.
19
Securing the US-Canada Perimeter
By Scot Ch"istenson
20
(>
t has been many years since the United States has felt that a
threat to national security could penetrate its borders. Indeed,
except fo r the War of 1812 and the raiding of Columbus,
New M exico by Pancho Villa in 1916. generations of
Americans have enjoyed the luxury of living without a real
concern of being invaded by enemy forces. Jean Jules Jusscrand,
French Ambassador to the United States in the early Twentieth
Cenrury, once remarked with much envy that America had an
advantage over European nations: "On the nanh, she has a weak
neighbor; on the south, another weak neighbor; on the east, fish;
on the west, fishn,
The evcnts of September 11 have shattered the notion that
the United States is all but impervious to external danger. Sol
diers of O s am a bin Laden managed to enter the country and kill
thousands of Americans while causing billions of dollars in dam
age. America's borders suddenly seemed all too vulnerable. The
U.S. Justice Department maintains that at least a few of the par
ticipants in the terrorist attacks entered the country from Canada,
a charge that does not si t well with Canadians. Prime M inister
Jean C hretien was quick to dismiss any allegations that there was
a Canadian connection. However, it would not be the first time
individuals residing north of the border were involved with acts
of terror against the United States.
Ripon forum • Winter 1001
Ahmed Ressam, a foUO\ver of bin Laden based
in Montreal, was apprehended in 1999 while try
ing to smuggle 130 pounds of aplosives across the
border at Port Angeles, Washington. His inten
tions were to destroy the Los Angeles airport while
Americans were celebrating the new millennium.
Hani Abd Rahim Al-Sayegh, suspected of partici
pating in the bombing of the U.S. military bar
racks in Saudi Arabia, was caught while trying to assimilate with the community in Ottawa. It is
known that dozens of organizations have been op
erating within Canada to promote the jihad and raise funds to finance bin Laden's network.
It is possible that these individuals and their
support organizations have found that Canada
makes a convenient base to wage their war on the
United States. With fairly liberal immigration and political asy
lum laws and an ineffectively protected border ,'Vith the United
States, Canada makes an attractive staging ground for terrorist
groups to relocate. Canada accepts nearly 30,000 foreigners seek
ing refuge status annually; most of who can remain in the coun
try for years while their cases are heard in court. Even after be
ing rejected, many manage to hide within the system. Over the
past 5 years, Canada has issued thousands of deporTation war
rants for people whose whereabouts are unknown. The United
States has a legitimate concern that at least a few ofrhese unac
counted for people are moving within terrorist circles.
Ripon Forum • Winler 2002
Ahhough many of the terrorist groups found in Canada also
exist in the United States, the soft approach towards
combating terrorism that Canada has displayed in recent years has naturally become quite discomforting to Americans. Canada
has admirably held true to its values of isolationism and pacifism,
but it is time fot the Canadian government to become as tough as
it was during the early 19705 when separatist extremists in {hiebec
were conducting a bombing campaign. Then Prime Minister Pierre
Trudeau authorized the tracking, arrest, and detention of all suspected
terrorists. Harsh by Canadian standards, the action was successful
and the movement ,vas thwarted. With an apparently porous US
Canada border, this kind of thoroughness is needed now
because it seems American security is only as good as
Canadian security.
Without fu ll Canadian cooperation in curtailing po
tential enemies from entering the country, the United
States would have to consider substantially increasing se
curity along the border and strictly enforcing screening
procedures at checkpoints. Such a move would be a fi
nancial burden for the US in staffing and implementa
tion costs, but devastating to the Canadian economy. 85%
of Canadian exports flow south to America and a third of
all Canadian jobs depends on this commerce. Any inter
ruption or slow-down in trade would have serious reper
cussions. It is fairly safe to say that Canada's economic
survival depends on the free movement of goods between
the countries. To be fair, Canada has gone Ihrough great lengths to
meet American border concerns since September 11. On
December 12, 2001, Homeland Security Director Tom
Ridge and Canadian Foreign Min ister John Manley
signed an agreement that contains several innovative
11
measures designed to create a balance between security and flow
of trade.
However, any tightening of the shared border cannot help but have some impact on movement between the two countries,
and ultimately the economy.
To avoid a financial nightmare and keep terrorists as far from
the border as possible, an option would be for the US and C2nada
to act jointly in fomt ing a perim
eter that seals the North Ameri
can continent. In an idea that dates
back to the 19'" Century, the agreement would call for the two coun
tries to adapt identical immigration
and refugee policies and visa re
quirements. The military of both nations would also work more
closely in safeguarding the skies
and waters, sharing intelligence
and forming special units to track
all incoming aircraft and vessels. In
doing so, the threat of incursion by
extremists would be greatly re
duced and the border can be
opened further to facilitate the speed
and convenience of trade.
Although a joint command of a continental defense may be ideal,
the US would more than likely have to dictate policy for such a plan
to work. The thought of sacrificing any control to the US might
chafe some Canadians, but the fact of the matter is that Canada has
no outspoken enemies and it is America that is at threat. In retro
spect, the US has actually been calling the shots in the defense of
North America for quite some time. At the outbreak ofWorid War
Two, Canada immediately joined the allies only to be relegated to a
non-leadership role two years later when the US entered the con
ilict. From then on the US took command of continental defense
and all but left Canada out of the strategic planning for the defeat of
the Axis. With the rise of the Cold War, the North American Air
Defense Command (NORAD) was established and American
nuclear weapons were ostensible available to protect Canadian in
terests from the Red Anny, but it was always Americans that had
their fingers on the button.
I n some ways, the US-Canada border has already lost much
of its relevance. The line has been blurred by the frequency of interaction through commerce and mass media. Canadians have
a distinct accent and vocabulary, but their speech and language is
closer to that of America than their Commonwealth mother, G reat
21
Britain. Canadians and Americans breath the same air, drink the
same water, and cheer for professional sports in leagues that have
teams representing cities in both countries.
Of course, Canadian sensitivities about sovereignty have to be respected. Canadians are understandable protective of their culture
and fear losing their identity to America. They also have a fair amount
of disdain for the majority of
Americans who seem to be apa~ thetic and lacking in respect to
wards their northerly neighbors. President Bush referring to Great
Britain as America's "truest friend"
and his assertion that no relation
ship is more important to the
United States that that with
Mexico follO\ving a meeting ,vith
Mexican President Vicente Fox
probably stung Canadians. How
ever, the Eu ropean Union has
demonstrated that independent
nations can open their borders
,vithout sacrificing their identity.
No one has had a problem of con
fusing France \vith Germany.
An open US-Canada border
would also pose a few other prob
lems that would have to be worked
out. US imposed sanctions prevent trave] and trade \vith Cuba, while Canada has a more open relation
ship. Conversely, concerns over the availability of guns in the United
States and the ease of their transportation into tightly regulated Canada would have to be addressed.
Another pitfall of developing an integrated continent would
be within the legal systems. Implementing identical
immigration policies is one thing, but prosecution of violators
would be another. Canada is opposed to capital punishment and
may be reluctant to extradite a suspect wanted by the United States if that person was to face the death penalty.
These obstacles aside, the forming of a North American
perimeter should be strongly considered. Most Americans feel
more secure than they did in the days following 9/ 11 , but few
feel that the US is immune from another attack. If the US
does nOt feel comfortable with Canada's security and immi
gration policies, the US will have to enact their own along
the shared border. It is in Canada's best interest to be m inside the perimeter, not outside of it.
Scot CllriJWlSOIJ ;J tile editor of nit Rip4n Fort/tn.
Ripon Forum • Wintu 2002
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