RETHINKING INFORMALITY

Strategies of Urban Space Co-ProductionJOTA SAMPER + CATALINA ORTIZ + JAVIER SOTO

Medellin - Comuna 8

0 180 36090 Meters

ABOUT THIS BOOK

This work is the product of an international collaboration between the Massachusetts Institute of Technologys School of Architecture + Planning, the Architecture Department, the School of Planning at Universidad Nacional de Colombia and the planning council of Comuna 8. The goal of this project is to envision, plan and design prototypical criteria and design alternatives as relevant proposals for decision makers in the community. The project also aims to make institutions and other stakeholders aware of various alternatives for the growth of informal settlements in the City of Medellin Comuna 8 (District 8).

UNAL studentsCsar Augusto Mazo GonzlezHendys Paola Guzmn TenjoJohan Stiv Garca CardozoJuan Sebastin Galeano VillaLaura Andrea Vahos OsorioAna Mara Palencia RiveraCarolina Tabares UsmaDaniela Idrraga OssaDavid Puerta CarmonaJavier Ricardo Trujillo ParraIvn Daro Castrilln EscobarManuela Aldana SnchezSamuel Barrios Miranda

Published byMIT School of Architecture and Planning

ISBN978-1-942846-41-3

MIT studentsClaudia Bode Kate MyttyAdriana AkersAlison CoffeyCarmela ZakonLuxi Lin Cate MingoyaCallida CenizalEmily Royall

Copyright MIT School of Architecture and Planning and Univesidad Nacional de Colombia.

All rights reserved

FacultyJota Samper, MIT

Catalina Ortiz, UNAL

Javier Soto, UNAL

Karen Johnson, teaching assistant, MIT

CONTENTS

04 Acknowledgements

05 Foreword

06 Introduction

12 REFRAMING PLANNING (UNAL Planning)

16 Conceptualization 32 Coproduction Negotiated of Space 35 Articulate

40 Strengthen

47 Integrate

62 MAPPING, FORECASTING & ACTING (MIT)

64 Public Space

106 Housing

128 Income Generation

138 Risk Management

158 Mobility

178 DESIGN (UNAL Architecture)

182 Middle Hillside Corridor

187 Habitat Enclave

188 Intervenciones Puntuales

229 Conclusion

We are grateful to Rubyselen Ortiz Sanchez and Jairo Maya Planning leaders at the Council and Local Management group of Comuna 8 for joining us throughout the process and their feedback.

To Eran Ben Joseph, Director of the Department of Urban Planning, MIT; and MIT DUSP Practicum Committee for their support for the workshop; To Edgar Arroyo Castro, Dean of the School of Architecture, UNAL; Edgar Meneces, Dean of the Department of Architecture, UNAL; Pedro Torres, Director Area Cirrucular in Architecture and Urbanism, UNAL; To Juan Sebastian Galeano Villa, David Puerta Carmona, Samuel Barrios Miranda, Cesar Augusto Gonzalez Mazo, Jose Abraham David Ramirez, Ryan Catalani, and Bailey Sincox for their help with the translation to Spanish; To Alison Coffey for the compilation and production of the publication in Spanish; To Shaoyi Liang and Maria Sanchez Estefania Castrillon for graphic design; And Marco Aurelio Londoo, Carlos Andres Escobar Gutierrez and Jose Alexander Brown Caicedo for support in providing information.

Acknowledgements

6

7INTRODUCTION

8Introduction

This book summarizes the result of the workshop Rethinking informality: Spatial Strategies for Comuna 8, Medelln This workshop is an international collaboration between MITs School of Architecture + Planning, the Architecture Department, the School of Planning at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia in Medellin and the planning council of Comuna 8 . The goal of this project is to envision, plan and design prototypical criteria and project alternatives as relevant proposals for decision makers in the community. The project also aims to make institutions and other stakeholders aware of various alternatives for the growth of informal settlements in the City of Medellin Comuna 8 (District 8).

The workshop is the result of the work of three methodological independent but link studios two in the Universidad Nacional one with a planning focus and the second with an architectural focus and a third in the Department of Urban Studies and Planning (DUSP) at MIT that mix architects and planners. The goal of this diversity is to enrich the discussions and also the scope of the exercises. The workshop is a pedagogical platform for transnational applied knowledge. With a twofold goal (1) First to produce applied products that engage ethically with the needs of local communities on current urban problems around the issues of informality and (2) second to develop skills in the students that engage in the creation of projects adjusted to the needs of these communities.

In the 1990s, at same time that the United States was bombing Baghdad, Medelln was the most dangerous city in the world. Since 2003, the city has undergone an internationally renowned urban transformation, part of a controversial nationwide peace process. Implemented under three consecutive mayor administrations (03-07, 08-11, 12-

14), the citynow perceived as a totally different place with a homicide rate 10 times loweris seen as an example of how to engage with conflict and violence thru spatial and urban policies. Today the citys spatial practices had become the model to intervene in cities were large concentration of informal settlements and conflict intersect.

9This workshop wants to look at the challenges of growth management of cities in the global south, its goal is twofold: on one side is an interest in the creation of predictive models of city growth, as tools to inform design and planning decision making process; secondly (and more importantly), the project is interested in generating urban development strategies that use the inherent qualities of the informal development in the cities in the south as a way to direct growth in ways that is sustainable an equitable.Given todays preponderance of urban informality across the global south, which accounts for up to one-third of urban development in the world (Davis 2006), a new practice-oriented perspective on how we intervene in this prevalent geography is needed. This workshop tries to contribute to the nascent practice of contemporary spatial interventions on spaces of urban informality (Hernndez 2010). It does so in a way that tries to merge the large bodies of practice of community involvement in spaces of poverty (Perlman 2010; Betancur 2007; AlSayyad 1993; Rojas et al. 2010) with the innovative physical approaches of design urban practice (Brillembourg 2004; Echeverri and Orsini 2011; Castro and Echeverri 2011).

Today the city of Medellin is starting the next generation of urban projects in informal areas that have made the city internationally renowned , a main feature of this new generation of urban projects is the key interest on controlling urban growth into protected areas and into high environmentally sensitive and risk slops of the Andes mountains. The new project called the Metropolitan Green Belt(Cinturn Verde Metropolitano) have mixed responses in Medellin while having support for all state agencies, communities at the urban perimeter have different feelings about the development of the project. The planning council of the Comuna 8 (Consejo de Planeacin y Gestin

de la Comuna 8) is one of those community groups. They have been working with the help of the school of planning at the Universidad Nacional on a new proposal that challenges the vision of the city planning Department (Departamento Administrativo de Planeacin DAP). The goal of this workshop is to combine the recommendations of this advancing work with new field research to propose concrete project spatial strategies that will be implemented by our community partner. The premise of the work was (1) to maintain the community on site and (2) the designed interventions are frame as inclusive and concerted between multiple state and community actors. Finally all actors including the community agreed in that five key issues were the most important to address: risk management, housing, food security, mobility and public space.

This conflict between informal urban communities and the state is not unique to the Medellin case, the entire geography of informality in the global south and of urban regeneration in the global north are filled with such conflicts. What makes this case unique is that happens in the context of a historical favorable record of the city of Medellin of implementing new prototypes and strategies of intervention is such risk environments and with incredible levels of success measured by the number of awards that such projects have achieved.Ultimately this context of creative implementation and critical review offers several possibilities. First, it generates a critical review (using our community partners interest) of such (award winning) projects. Second, it becomes an ideal scenario to introduce new models of urban intervention in informal settlements that can in the future be actually implemented by new partnerships between the city and community. Differently to studio and workshops that see communities as clients the work presented here place our relationship

10

with the community under the notion of interlocutor (Simone 2008, 17; Sletto 2012), in Simones interlocutors are those who open up the possibility of some alternative kind of communication that itself may generate new ways of working (Simone 2008, 2021) Slettos argument that in the context of this kind of academic endeavors the notion of interlocutor permits us to escape simplistic assumptions of rights and privilege to speak, to instead consider more fully the potential of disruptive studio engagements to advance the radical agency of new speakers, including residents, civil society representatives, and also students and city planners, who may emerge to foment what Simone refers to as alternative ways of working. (Sletto 2012, 229).

The workshop was divided in two sections the first (Part I) on site in Medellin during nine days in February 2014 was a collaboration with community partners students and faculty from both institutions in which a hands on workshop environment produced quick ideas and prototypes of possible strategies that were presented to community leaders. The feedback from the community in that session serve as a guidance for the rest of the workshop. The second section at MIT in Cambridge and in the Universidad Nacional in Medellin during the spring semester combined seminar, discussions and studio formats. Short informal talks will introduce concepts, analytical techniques and site planning models. Short exercises as well as a major project will provide practice in various site planning and design techniques. The three groups meet again and present result at the end of the semester in Cambridge. The final product was presented to the community in the form of a book in Spanish along with an exhibition of the projects in the Parque Biblioteca La Ladera in Medellin, Comuna 8 in August of 2014.

This book present specific recommendation for the local government of Medellin and for the community of Comuna 8 to respond to the challenges of the planning process and as a search for more just and concerted proposals. The report is divided in three sections: the (1) first REFRAMING PLANNING is devoted to the conceptual underpinning and the definition of negotiated co-production of space as a strategy for territorial planning. The (2) second MAPPING, FORECASTING & ACTING has the goal of to understand the logics of growth of informal settlements and specifically the ones located in the edges of the city of Medellin (through mapping), to be able to see prospectively how those logics will play in the future (through forecasting) and finally to propose strategies that intervene on those possible futures (acting). This section propose project on the five issues defined by the community (risk management, housing, food security, mobility and public space.) and the (3) third DESIGN propose urban and architectural interventions in the mid hill section of Comuna 8 with three public building projects. We hope, this process will illuminate and contribute to the generation of better interventions and planning practices in the areas of concern to both the affected communities and the city as a whole.

11

Bibliography

AlSayyad, Nezar. 1993. Squatting, Culture, and Development : A Comparative Analysis of Informal Settlements in Latin America and the Middle East. Journal of Developing Societies.

Betancur, John J. 2007. Approaches to the Regularization of Informal Settlements: The Case of PRIMED in Medellin, Colombia. Global Urban Development Magazine, WORLD BANK IPEA INTERNATIONAL URBAN Research Symposium, 3 (1). http://www.globalurban.org/GUDMag07Vol3Iss1/Betancur.htm.

Brillembourg, C. 2004. The New Slum Urbanism of Caracas, Invasions and Settlements, Colonialism, Democracy, Capitalism and Devil Worship. ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN 74: 7781.

Castro, L., and A. Echeverri. 2011. Bogot and Medelln: Architecture and Politics. Architectural Design 81 (3): 96103.

Davis, Mike. 2006. Planet of Slums. London; New York: Verso.

Echeverri, Alejandro, and Francesco Orsini. 2011. Informalidad Y Urbanismo Social En Medelln. Ctedra UNESCO de Sostenibilitat de La UPC 12: 1124.

Hernndez, Felipe. 2010. Beyond Modernist Masters Contemporary Architecture in Latin America. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-0346-0495-6.

Perlman, Janice E. 2010. Favela : Four Decades of Living on the Edge in Rio de Janeiro. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press.

Rojas, Eduardo., Inter-American Development Bank., Cities Alliance., and Taller Programas de mejoramiento de barrios : anlisis comparado de lecciones aprendidas y nuevos enfoques. 2010. Building Cities : Neighbourhood Upgrading and Urban Quality of Life. In . [Washington, D.C.] : Inter-American Development Bank; [Cambridge, Mass.]: Cities Alliance ; David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies : [Distributed by Harvard University Press].

Simone, AbdouMaliq. 2008. Emergency Democracy and the governing Composite. Social Text 26 (2 95): 1333.

Sletto, Bjrn. 2012. Insurgent Planning and Its Interlocutors Studio Pedagogy as Unsanctioned Practice in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 0739456X12467375.

12

13

REFRAMING PLANNING

To understand the territorial relationships and complexities of managing urban growth in metropolitan environments. By recognizing the challenges of planning discipline to address the socio- spatial impacts of urban growth process and the provision of public infrastructure in formal and informal settlements. Here we propose a set of territorial strategies to catalyze and coordinate the transformation processes of the central area and the Comuna 8 based on the interdependencies between the urban dynamics of the study area.

UNAL Master

Objectives

`Negotiated Co-productionof Space

Csar Augusto Mazo GonzlezHendys Paola Guzmn TenjoJohan Stiv Garca CardozoJuan Sebastin Galeano VillaLaura Andrea Vahos Osorio

Tools for collective land management

16

A thought process stemming from binary entities is considered to be an epistemological obstacle to approach the complexity and uncertainty in urban processes. The limitations and insufficiencies of public policy in solving territorial problems are derived from the theoretical and practical assumptions of urban planning and informality. Thus, these need to be challenged and reformulated in the Latin American context in order to generate new narratives about territorial dynamics and their intervention strategies.

This initial analysis requires one to think about territory and its transformational relationships from a renewed perspective of social-spatial dynamics. A classic approach, applied to different contexts, suggests that particular historical urban development that responds to local realities is incomplete, lacking and not adjusted to an ideal. This approach limits the possibility for analysis as a local and coherent process of a particular context. Starting from this idea, the workshop proposes a conceptual framework, through which a contextualized review of urban processes in Latin America will provide a new scope with respect to territorial planning and management and the stakeholders involved.

Planning

The study of cities today has been marked with a paradox; the greatest portion of urban growth in the twenty-first century takes place in developing countries while the greatest portion of theories or approaches

regarding how cities function come from cities in developed countries. In other words, city models belong to the first world and most of the problems related to cities are found in the third world (Roy, 2010). This mismatch produces an array of myths which have become common place in the characterizations of urban planning processes and management, where the judicial systems that regulate informality are produced. This becomes the first reference point in the challenge that this workshop addresses.

Myths and realities of planning

When the city is planned and managed in developing countries, one can generally find differences between the governments and the communities. These differences are characterized by differing positions on priorities for intervention, which visualizes some of the myths regarding planning. Planning myths compose the idea that it is done exclusively by the state through an objective and rational intervention that seeks consensus. It is also thought to include: clear limits between what is legal and illegal and what is public and private, a monopoly of knowledge and of territorial control that functions under a single definition of order. The myth creates the illusion that planning is able to predict, that there is an absolute legitimacy by the state and full trust among the different territorial actors (Roy, 2010).

The reality of planning is different; territorial control is divided and in dispute, interventions are based on political interests and the planning process is actually based on conflicts being starting points for reaching agreements. Additionally, there is a vast array of ideas about what is considered order, a heterogeneous knowledge of the territory and porous borders, for example, between what is legal and illegal or public and private. Due to this, planning must begin with anticipation. Planning must be thought of in a environment of weak governability where the state is not considered to have a strong or

Conceptualization

Transcending the binary framework in urban planning and informality

STRA

TEG

Y

17

legitimate presence in all spaces (a recurring reality in Latin American contexts). Planning must also have the fundamental objective of being a participatory process that is more than a legitimization process, but rather a negotiation among the territorial actors involved. This must be considered parallel to official knowledge and institutional power. Through planning and its legal apparatus, the state has the power to determine what is informal and what is not. In doing so, it determines which types of informality may live on and which ones will disappear. In consequence, planning is also a political struggle, where the power of the state is reproduced through the capacity of building and rebuilding its classifications of legitimacy and illegitimacy which, through the discourse, will ultimately establish the deserving and the non-deserving (Roy, 2010).

Urban Informality

Informal settlements are more than just a contingent form of urban development, as is generally thought. These settlements make up a structural part in the historical development of cities, especially in Latin America, due to the fact that they belong to an urban consolidation process that has historically

tended towards formalization processes (Fernandes, 2011). This preconception induces a series of myths that have a definitive influence in the treatment of urban consolidation processes by approaching them in a pejorative manner, with problems to solve and not as processes that are in an early stage and on the path to consolidation.

Myths and Realities in Urban Informality

The myths that are associated to the concept of informality imply that the process appears where there is absence of the state and that is an exceptionality of urbanization made up of people that are excluded from the market. It is also believed that informality is the equivalent of poverty, a spontaneous chaos and that it is exclusive to the global South as a manifestation of underdevelopment. Closely linked to these myths about informality are the concepts of deficiency, marginality and conflict. In practice, informality is the prevalent mode of urbanization, which functions in a unregulated market and is produced by state action or inaction. Furthermore, one must understand that informality is truly not associated to socioeconomic conditions as it is common in the global North as well as South with some singular organizational patterns that are more a manifestation of the unequal growth of global capitalism (Watson, 2012).

Although the inhabitants of informal settlements can present a wide variety of socioeconomic traits and in some settlements can generate fluid dynamics through their informal economies, the recurrent theme is of deficient economic conditions, informal economy and low sustainability (Fernandes, 2011). In terms of legal characteristics, apart from being the determining aspect of informality, there is a diverse field due to the all of the potential variations since the violation of legality can be done in many ways, for example: through the violation of private, public and communal property laws,

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

18

the violation of urban, environmental and construction codes and regulations, lacking the requirements for formalization and legal dispositions (Fernandes, 2011).Quite differently from settlers or settlements, high-end informality generally enjoys high quality infrastructure and its inhabitants are guaranteed ownership of their properties. Informality, at first sight, seems to be a land use issue, which is what is normally addressed through attempts of restoration of urban and landscape order and through inclusion in formal markets (Roy, 2010).

According to Abramo (2012), the market is the main structuration vector in formal residential land use in big Latin American cities. Contrary to the informal market, the regulating institutions of this market are already inscribed in the official legal-political system of order. Its three main traits being: the territorial immobility of the real estate asset, its high individual value and its long devaluation period. The formal real estate market generates recognition of neighborhood and equality among its neighbors in the same territory, which has generated hierarchies, stratification and in the same way, segmentation. In the end, the generation of new real estate models that are ever more exclusive and innovative (generating higher levels of quality of life) promote a city with a diffuse structure. This movement of residential substitution produces an increase in density, making families consume less urban space due to the higher land costs (Abramo, 2012).

In some cases, informality is given through a silent invasion of the common (Bayat,

2000), by using spaces, that are not apt for urban use according to formal planning, in nonconventional ways and in this way achieving structures that are adapted to the environment and reinforce the social networks of the local inhabitants (Sletto, 2012). Informality exists in spite of planning, not thanks to it. Still, planning mechanisms permeate everyday processes in communities, inducing them to validate interventions that are designed by formal planning, which in many cases opposes the most critical needs of the community.In the face of the horizon of informality, two new phenomena emerge: insurgent planning and interlocutors. The former is the social process through which informal residents are considered subjects that are in the capacity of planning their own territories hand-in-hand with other efforts. The latter concept refers to the actors that allow new and pedagogical relationships and links between the state and residents of informal settlements, as well as academic actors, urban planners, international agencies, etc. (Sletto, 2012).

STRA

TEG

Y

19

The historic urbanization process in the Valley of Aburr shows that a large part of the city has been urbanized informally. This tendency has been consolidated during the last 50 years through accelerated urbanization due to migratory processes from the countryside to cities by people with low economic resources and by a real estate market that has does not supply this influx of demand with accessible options. This tendency in the eastern hills of the city has made urbanization in the mid-slope and high-slope areas of Comuna 8 to be of mostly informal origin.

In this particular context, Comuna 8 has experienced considerable demographic growth due to the coming together of basic variables such as the birth rate, along with others that correspond to the local context of the city, such as forced displacement. According to the DANE (National Administrative Statistics Division), in 1993 the Comuna had 103,034 residents and in 2014, Comuna 8 has a population of 153,156 showing a growth of 50% in the last 20 years. This accelerated growth influences quality of life directly since the appearance and consolidation of informal settlements and their level of quality are directly related to the amount of time the people have lived in the territory. Many of the inhabitants, as was mentioned beforehand, are associated to the forced displacement. According to the official

Context

Source:Jota Samper, Joost de Bont

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

20

Source: Resultado y Balance Politico Consula Popular Comuna 8

STRA

TEG

Y

21

quality of life survey for Medellin in 2011, more than 70% of the inhabitants of Comuna 8 belonged to strati 1 and 2, while 97% of the population could be found among strati 1, 2 and 3. Along with socioeconomic status, another variable that is related to population growth of lower-income residents of the Comuna is home ownership; the last cited source also indicates that more than 40% of the population does not have a legal formalized home. While the majority of this portion of the population rents, about 9% of the total population of the Comuna are settlers that reside through usufruct, antichresis or squatting.

Medellin Model

At the local, national and international levels, a lot has been said about Social Urbanism and how it has evolved to consolidate an image of state interventions of what is known today as the Medellin Model. This concept is known for a series of physical interventions of an iconic and monumental nature, such as the Metro and its integrated system of buses, bicycles, tram and cables, the Integral Urban Projects PUI, the Library Parks, the green belt, the Articulated Life Units UVA and the Medellin River Park, among others. These territorial interventions are oriented towards the concretion of a city model, which responds

increasingly to external variables that are not in line with the will of the territorys own inhabitants and are closer to the demands of the citys internationalization.

Territorial Problems

After performing an exploration of primary and secondary data and a visit to the area of study, which was accompanied by members of the local community, a matrix with the territorial problems was created (p. XX-XX ). Comuna 8s panorama reflects needs in terms of socioeconomic conditions, quality of life and housing situation. The municipal government is inclined towards an intervention of the urban border that prioritizes urban containment through the citys green belt project (Jardn Circunvalar) and that is accompanied by a strategy rooted in strong investment in the Metro and Metrocable transportation system.

These interventons are framed within the Civic Pedagogical Urbanism slogan, where the Metropolitan Green Belt project, mainly the citys component of that larger green belt, is made into the areas main project. Furthermore, the government seeks to establish an intervention fringe in order to contain the urban stain and

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

22

to have territorial balance in the urban-rural transition by including a series of public space projects. At the same time, the mobility and infrastructure interventions are focused around the implementation of three new lines that will be linked to the citys Metro system: a 4.3 kilometer tramway that will connect A Lines San Antonio station in downtown Medellin to the Alejandro Echavarra neighborhood; the first Metrocable, the M Line, will connect the area around the Miraflores Sports Park to the Trece de Noviembre neighborhood; the second Metrocable, the H Line,

will link from the last tramway station up to the Villa Turbay and La Sierra neighborhoods, with an intermediate station in the Las Torres sector of the San Antonio neighborhood. From the community, mainly from the Committees of Public Utilities and the Displaced, the community actors performed a referendum in order to try to define the concrete proposals for the fringe interventions in Comuna 8 and the implications that these had on what was defined in the POT of Medellin. Apart from requiring democratic participatory mechanisms for the concertation of territorial actions, where

STRA

TEG

Y

23

the referendum is proposed as a mechanism that is recognized by the institutions, the demands of the community manifest a need for neighborhood improvement programs, risk mitigation, dignified housing and a guarantee of permanence in the territory by the local communities. The referendum took part in 10 voting booths located around the Comuna: Villa Turbay School, Esfuerzos de Paz 1 Youth House, Villatinas social site, Sol de Oriente home garden, Altos de la Torreo Cedepro School, Golondrinas school, Llanaditas communal site, Julia Agudelo School, Casa de la Cultura, Las Estancias

and the Librar Park La Ladera. In terms of oversight and for vote counting, various institutions from Medelln were present as well, such as the Medellin human rights office, the Medellin Observatory for Human Security, Corporacin Regin, the Popular Training Institute, the Inter-neighborhood Committee of the Disconnected, Corporacin Jurdica Libertad, Moravia Concertation Committee and the peoples defense office.

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

24

1. Guaranteeing permanence of the territorys inhabitants

2. Reclassification of risk zones and development of a risk mitigation and management plan.

a.Conduct a study of risk zones identified in Llanaditas, Golondrinas, El Pacfico, Altos de la Torre, Villatina La Torre, Esfuerzos de Paz 1 and 2 and Union de Cristo

b.Survey affected homes and develop a risk management plan for the homes that are identified in non-recoverable risk areas

3. Improve neighborhoods through participatory planning.Implement the neighborhood improvement projects identified by the authorities. The community considers these improvements a historic debt since this category of urban improvement was developed in 1999 but there has not been a single project in this area to date.

4. Construct dignified housinga.There is housing deficit of 8,000 houses in Comuna 8, the highest of Medellns comu-nas. The development of a Land Trust would benefit the community when constructing new houses. Several potential land parcels have been identified for a Land Trust: the Gi-rardot battalion grounds, the Universidad de Antioquia property between the Alczares de Sucre and the Normal Municipal School soccer field, the parcels next to the Claret homes in the high parts of Villa Turbay and La Sierra.

b.The purchase of land by the city and changing of zoning would also encourage the de-velopment of appropriate housing within Comuna 8.

5. Extension of land parcel ownership and home legalization.a.To encourage home legalization, the team recommends the implementation of the ex-isting Urban Regularization and Legalization Plans (PRLU) within the Comuna. This would include legalizing the following neighborhoods: Llanaditas, Golondrinas, El Faro, Altos de la Torre, El Pacfico, 13 de Noviembre and La Primavera.

b.The three components of regularization include:

Parcel ownership, or in other words, the formalization of a title deed Settlement regularization, which mainly refers to developing and implementing risk management Construction recognition through the adherence of houses to earthquake resistance building codes

The proposal contained the following points:

STRA

TEG

Y

25

6. Extension of public utilities.Public utilities like water should be extended and guaranteed to all precarious settle-ments within the urban perimeter.Other public services and infrastructure, such as phone lines, natural gas and garbage collection should also be extended.

7. Creation of access roadsThe monorail should be rejected; instead, there needs to be a greater emphasis on hu-man and non-vehicular mobility in the high slopes of Comuna 8.

The prioritized projects are: Access road to El Faro Connecting arteries between Golondrinas and Altos de la Torre Connecting arteries between the Las Mirlas road and La Sierra Widening of the road between Pinar del Cerro and Sol de Oriente Connecting arteries between Esfuerzos de Paz and Villa Liliam Second stage of the 8th and 9th boardwalk in Las Estancias Parallel streets for Calle 52 and Enciso Los MangosBridges between Comuna 8 and Comuna 9 over the Santa Elena stream

8. Inclusion of settlements within the perimeter.The urban perimeter should be extended to include El Faro, El Pacfico, Pinares de Ori-ente and Alto Bonito in Villa Turbay as residential land within the urban perimeter; these neighborhoods should be formally recognized as part of Comuna 8.

9. Development of food security zonesThe creation of a food corridor around Pan de Azucar would help generate a regular food source. This could include a mixed garden involving fruit trees planted by the community. When the Green Belt is launched, the trees in the Green Belt would then belong to the community.

10. Launch of consultation mechanisms for approval of the POT and the Metropolitan Green Belt

The consultation committee would be composed of Social Institute of Housing (ISVIMED), EDU, the Administrative Planning Department (DAP) and the Metropolitan Area. In addi-tion, the City Council would sign an agreement that would forbid the possibility of leav-ing the decision of POT and the Green Belt exclusively in hands of EDU.

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

26

After analyzing the most evident problems within the Comuna, the greatest point of tension surges when the visions of both actors are compared. The main actors of this scenario demonstrate that there are different ways of thinking about and producing proposals, solutions and interventions. In a methodological sense, the government and organized communitys proposals become the main resource to trace a path and to identify with greater clarity what this workshops challenges are in establishing issues, negotiations and agreements.

Results of community voting

Results by neighborhood

STRA

TEG

Y

27

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

28

Challenge

Divergent intervention priorities

There is tension between the differences of intervention priorities of the State and those of the Community. This tension manifests itself in four dimensions: biophysical, social, spatial and institutional. Each dimension highlights certain challenges and also opportunities. To address this tension, while also keeping in mind the priorities suggested by the commu-nity -- risk, public space, housing and mobility it is necessary to analyze the characteristics that exist at different heights on the slope of the Comuna.

Within the updated definition of risk zones that will be adopted in the new Medelln master plan (POT), 3,200 homes in Comuna 8 will be classified as located in recoverable risk zones while 1,800 homes will be in non-recov-erable risk zones. These numbers are lower than the numbers indicated in the previous master plan. As a result, the rights and re-sponsibilities by the state and the community in these areas must be adjusted to fit a new reality.

Additionally, 70% of the homes in Comuna 8 are in strati 1 and 2, while 43% of homes are not inhabited by their owner and 84% of

STRA

TEG

Y

29

households do not have a member that is considered formally employed. In terms of community security, Comuna 8 urgently needs a solution; it has the third highest number of homicides in Medellin, and second highest number of disappearances and intraurban displacement.

While the authorities have recognized some of the needs of the community, they have not recognized all of the communitys needs. The divergence in the perspectives of the commu-nity and the authorities means that some of the needs that the community sees as critical are not recognized by the authorities. As

result, the distance between the two actors grows. The underlying opportunity is to devel-op concrete proposals over points of agree-ment and create opportunities for shared understanding of the different perspectives about the territory through a coproduction ap-proach. In a broad sense, coproduction would help to create a relationship between decision makers and stakeholders that is based on trust, respect, equality and a mutual under-standing of each others objectives.

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

30

Divergent priorities of interventionSTRA

TEG

Y

31

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

32

STRATEGY : COPRODUCTION NEGOTIATED OF SPACE

The concept of coproduction rejects the idea of producing something in a transactional business-like manner. Coproduction, as a concept, tries to move away from the obstacles that normally exist between service providers and clients. Ideally, it aims to be a joint process that goes further than the sharing of information in order to generate inclusion and commitment by all parties involved. It is important to identify that the label of coproduction does not apply to any and all efforts of participation, but rather to relationships that imply the provision of resources by all parties to produce a final product or service. In much the same way, the involvement of the user in the evaluation and design of services, representation on committees and panels, referendums or consultations and simple communication are not coproduction exercises.

There are different approaches to coproduction, including one that has been developed by American political scientist Elinor Ostrom which has left a seed in the contextual strategies of countries in the developing world. Even though the concept of coproduction has evolved, especially in contexts related to NGOs, Ostrom makes important contributions that are still valid today. Its approach, from the provision of public services, allowed her to identify how synergies that were generated were complementary; the State provides the resources and the technical experience while the community provides knowledge about their local environment, time and abilities. It is precisely the communitys role as the provider of this local perspective that empowers the community to have control about the detailed information of their territory. Social cartography is a clear example of this resource.

Organizations such as Slum Dwellers International (SDI), apply a coproduction strategy, but with a slightly different interpretation. While the vision that coproduction is a joint production of public services between citizen and state, SDI also recognizes the political capital that this strategy can give entire communities to be able to negotiate with the state. This is increasingly common in contexts where the state has been weak and unable to provide services (Watson, 2012). The needs of public services like potable water and the generation of facilities and public space require large financial investments that communities are unable to provide. This generates the need to negotiate with the state to produce joint solutions stemming from a shared objective. Mitlin highlights some of the benefits of the implementation of coproduction as a strategy in SDIs programs around the world.

It is important to note that coproduction bears a distinct difference from rights-based movements, such as the right to the city movement, by defining itself as a strategy based on needs. In previous related efforts, communities have been relegated as secondary by waiting for the state to implement the rights they demand and for the city to provide development (Mitlin, 2008).

Accordingly, coproduction then becomes an alternative for insurgent movements (Watson, 2012).

STRA

TEG

Y

33

Source: Mitlin 2008

BENEFITS OF THE COPRODUCTION STRATEGY DESIGN BENEFITS.

It is more effective than lobbying the state for improvements in service provision and state intervention in shelter markets because it enables real delivery problems to be considered by those who suffer the consequences of poor quality programmes and policies. There are lots of problems in the professional models and they need to be revised, but the urban poor design through experience not through abstract conceptual models.

RELATIONAL BENEFITS.

A practical engagement with the state avoids the confrontation often associated with the claims of civil society groups that tends to provoke a defensive reaction from the state. A practical engagement builds strong positive social relations and, in many cases, there are further opportunities for collaboration.

INCLUSIVE BENEFITS In terms of local organization. The emphasis on the practical and nonconfrontational encourages low-income women to play a central role in the local process.

This participation secures one objective of the SDI process, to provide a collective entity through which this disadvantaged group can strategize to address their needs.

POLITICAL BENEFITS The scale and nature of a mass movement based around womens

engagement with their practical development needs is a latent political promise and a threat; politicians are drawn into the process in part because they want to secure the electoral support of this group.

EMPOWERMENT AND POVERTY REDUCTION

BENEFITS

Engagement in this process has proved effective in encouraging those involved to feel positive about their work and gain growing confidence in their skills and capacities. In so doing, it addresses the insidious nature of poverty and inequality in which low-income and otherwise disadvantaged citizens are treated as less worthy than others.

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

34

Adapted from Governance International

To achieve the objective of facilitating a ne-gotiated coproduction of space in Comuna 8, a series of tools have been created to foment joint territorial management. The strategy is made up of three components:

The tools that make up these strategic components are actor maps, planning instruments and platforms, the design of a technical academic program that is specialized towards planning and a series of maps that locate physical intervention opportunities to adequately integrate the territory and the physical interventions. Accordingly, some architectural prototype designs are generated that illustrate possible scenarios and opportunities for construction within the territory.

1. Articulate Articulate community and state

planning systems in a binding

manner.

2. Strengthen Strengthen the capacities of the

territorial actors.

3. Integrate Integrate the territory and the

physical interventions performed

STRA

TEG

Y

35

1. Articulate

Being able to recognize and understand diverse territorial actors, with special atten-tion to the relationships among them, is key in facilitating the creation of articulations that will potentially solve structural problems. Additionally, the aim is to provide coproduc-tion strategies and methodologies within the territory through the needs and projections of the people that live within it day to day. As a whole, this creates dialogue with a city model that needs to be more inclusive and coherentIn order to truly understand the territory and its challenges, it is necessary to understand that the state and the community are not wholly homogenous entities; there is a dy-namic of relationships that is intensely diverse. With this in mind, the workshop proposes an analysis of actors, instances and instruments.

Community ActorsThis actor is made up of the social organiza-tions that, through the community, have acted in terms of themes, needs and proposals around day to day realities. Some are repre-sentatives within official processes, such as the Community Action Committees (JAC) and the Local Action Committees (JAL), while others are consolidated around thematic objectives; the Environmental and the Neighborhood Emergency Committees. Another group, with a much stronger dynamic, includes groups that present territorial realities; Thematic Work Committee, Victims and Displaced Popula-tion Committee and the Housing and Public Works Committee. The latter also deals with proposals and solutions, through the assertion of rights, such as the formulation of proposals and possibilities of articulations, dialogue and negotiations with different actors. These com-mittees are also part of a city-wide program, the Inter-neighborhood Committee, which accompanies and strengthens them, through spaces for the consolidation of popular pro-posals.

This allows the identification of the multi-plicity of actors, focal points in alliances and decision-making, and the formal capacities that actually influence the territorial planning process.

The identified actors were grouped as follows:

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

36

Urban Development Enterprise (EDU), Social Housing Institute of Medellin (ISVIMED) and the Emergency and Disaster Risk Management Administrative Department (DAGRED).These institutions act for the state, in terms of presence and interventions, through city plans that are approved and executed partly by the municipal administration, with a marked influence in resettlement due to high risk and urban constructions.

Private ActorsAmong the private actors present in the ter-ritory, the transportation guild is highlighted

Current Map of Actors

Public InstitutionsThis group of state actors, that have con-tacted, negotiated or physically intervened within the territory of study, are identified according to their institutional origin in the face of territorial planning problems. There are decentralized public entities such as the Metro, the Municipal Administrative Planning Department (DAPM) and the Public Works Enterprise of Medellin (EPM) and there are other public actors that are directly linked to different deputy Mayors offices, such as the

STRA

TEG

Y

37

relationships are not binding. Considering that territorial actors have the instruments that would allow the consolidation of planning and development proposals, such as community actors with their Local Development Plans and the city with its Municipal Development Plans and the POT, these are not properly articulated among them, which breaks down and complicates the harmonic and coherent development at the different territorial scales.With a coproduction strategy in mind, new relationships and engagements among territo-rial actors are proposed based on the premise of what actors exist, their interests and power relationships.

The previous actor map shows not only the new potential components of the groups, but the new relationships sought among them, as well as the instances and instruments needed. The groups of territorial actors are still the same ones that were illustrated in

due to the imminent operation of the integrat-ed public transport system. The three groups of actors (private, public and community) have relationships among them due to the dynamics of the territory; mainly those related to mobility and transportation, housing, risks and threats, use of public space and territorial interventions.

In much the same way, each of these is con-nected to planning channels where different points of view, needs and proposals are brought up. For the private actors, the Terri-torial Advisory Council is the channel through which state actors and the POT are articulated. The community actors act within the Local Planning and Management Council, where relationships with state actors are made. In theory, these councils are articulated to the review and adjustment of the POT process in order to consolidate the city model through a participatory process. The reality is that these

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

38

the first map, yet this proposal established a different relationship among them. Funda-mentally the idea is that the instruments relate to each other, keeping in mind that the Local Development Plans should be the ones that influence and are given feedback through the Municipal Development Plans and the POT, so that they may be included in the proposals made from neighborhood realities, community projections and the results of zonal planning processes. This promotes convincing and influential participation that is also qualified and defended by the community planning instances.

Potential Map of Actors

The proposal also includes the strengthen-ing of The Right to the City Committee as a channel for dialogue and interlocution, under-standing it as an emerging planning instance that has the capacity of congregating commu-nity proposals and the support of NGOs, such as Corporacion Juridica Libertad which works with legal issues. International cooperation may also be considered through leveraging and strengthening of community alliances at the zonal level. When this emerging channel is recognized as an interlocutor of the territorial planning process, it would be articulated to

STRA

TEG

Y

39

the other two planning channels; The Territori-al Advisory Council and the Territorial Council. This would allow a dialogue and a coproduc-tion of the vision and interventions to be had in the territory, with the minimal guarantee of providing spaces for encounters, dialogue and negotiation.

AcademicThe academic actors would not only be focused on the accompaniment of territorial interventions or the study of the impacts, but

also on playing the role of qualifier of diverse territorial actors, which would guarantee long term processes that feed territorial planning. The role of academic actors is much greater in the strengthening strategy that is proposed within this document where academia be-comes the focal point.

Strengthening of the private and public actors is also proposed. The public institutions can be assisted by different dependencies which have integral approaches to different prob-lems that are present in the Comuna and that are unrelated to urban interventions, such as social, educational, security and nutritional problems, among others.

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

40

2. Strengthen

The intention of this strategic component of the proposal is to train the local community through the implementation of educational tools in the short, medium and long term. In doing so, continuous analysis of territorial transformations is generated and strengthened, while providing tools to consolidate community-based proposals. As a whole, the community strengthens its planning and management of its own territory while engaging in processes at the city scale.

This instrument is devised in a way that will bring together the formal educational process and collective community training, through three phases:

STRA

TEG

Y

41

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

42

Neighborhood Lectures, Extracurricular Activity

Who? Public schools, community and students

How? The students, teachers and residents of Comuna 8 that are interested in territorial issues meet at the local public schools that agree to participate to participate in lectures led by social organizations, NGOs and the academic sector. Some examples would be local transportation employees that would be affected by the expansion of the city system, or families living in environmental risk zones. Simultaneously, this program would give anyone who has not received their high school diploma to finish their secondary education through the Special Integrated Lecture Cycles (CLEI).

When? Neighborhood Lectures would be monthly for the duration of an academic semester, with the possibility of maintaining this process in the long run.

Why? This first phase intends to examine urgent territorial problems and to create concrete products that will transcend these situations, such as risk and emergency management protocols as well as maps of risk and territorial tensions.

Integrated Curriculum

The second phase seeks to promote a more solid and constant process, within the formality of the public school system, by integrating curricular subjects of certain areas.

Who? Secondary school students of the Comuna 8, teachers, administrative personnel, higher learning institutions, municipal institutions, community organizations and NGOs.

How?This phase seeks the inclusion of territorial issues and territorial planning and management within the official social science and natural science curriculums. Students will develop competences and discussions around the needs of the Comuna, as well as participate in exercises that would feed the Neighborhood Lectures, which during this phase, serve as the community socialization spaces for the students.

When? The Integrated Curriculum would be done in a small time span - shorter than one school year - in order evaluate its pertinence and possible extension to the rest of the school year.

Why? This phase seeks to consolidate a commitment to territorial planning and management of ones own Comuna in the formative processes of children and young persons. As concrete products, this phase will produce a territorial research proposal and micro-intervention proposals for actual territorial problems.

STRA

TEG

Y

43

Vocational Degree

Who? Educational institutions, 10th and 11th grade students, teachers, Local Planning and Management Council, community organizations and NGOs, municipal institutions.

How? This phase is developed through the construction of a curricular grid, which opens up the possibility for high school students of attaining a technical vocational degree in Territorial Planning, as long as they have participated in the Neighborhood Lecture and the Integrated Curriculum and want to delve further into the strengthening of community planning and community coproduction processes with other institutional actors.

When? This phase is designed to last the full two years of other technical degrees, and should begin after completing the previous phases. In order for this to be possible, the high schools must incorporate this proposal as a technical vocational emphasis, allowing the students to be formed in the subject and to give feedback to the participants of the integrated curriculum and thus, the Neighborhood Lecture spaces.

Why? The main purpose of this phase is to build continuous planning processes within the community that, in the long run, will facilitate the construction of increasingly qualified proposals on the part of the community actors. This will in turn promote coproduction processes. As a whole, this phase would be a big step in increasing and strengthening the communitys capacities through the knowledge and proposals that are projected for the Comuna. Within four years, there will be a graduating class of students who, accompanied by academic, technical and professional actors, will be able to propose punctual interventions, reform the School

Environment Regulatory Plan with territorial planning principles and to produce base documents for community instances and social processes in the Comuna (Local Planning and Management Council, The Right to the City Committee and the Inter-neighborhood Committee).

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

44

1. Learning the legal framework of land use planning1.1.1 Legal precedents of land use planning in Colombia1.1.2 Territorial development Law 388 of 19971.1.3 Principles of land use management

2. Getting to know our Land Use Management Plan - POT2.1 Past POTs2.2 Environmental guidelines in land use management2.2.1 Main Ecological Structure2.2.2 Land classification: Protection and Restricted Development2.2.3 Rural planning units2.3 Urban management2.3.1 Real Estate dynamics2.3.2 Territorial management instruments2.4 Municipal, Local and Neighborhood Intervention Projects2.4.1 Practical Exercise and Neighborhood Lectures

3. Interpreting territorial dynamics3.1 Environmental dynamic3.1.1 Climate change and Risk Management3.1.2 Ecological Structure3.2 Sociocultural Dynamic3.2.1 Neighborhood inhabitants to the city3.2.2 Governability, conflict and community organization3.3 Settlement and habitat dynamics3.3.1 Urban growth stages of the Comuna3.3.2 Informal neighborhoods and integral neighborhood improvement3.3.3 Urban borders and limits3.4 Structuring systems dynamics3.4.1 Mobility3.4.2 Public spaces and facilities3.4.3 Public works3.4.4 Food security3.5 Economic dynamic3.5.1 Employment3.5.2 Consumption3.5.3 Investment3.5.4 Management3.5.5 Land uses and economic activities

4. Proposing collective territorial management and construction strategies4.1 Community model of territorial occupation4.2 Community territorial management (Coproduction)4.3 Territorial information, follow-up and monitoring system4.4 Communicative strategy

The formative educational component has the following proposed content:

STRA

TEG

Y

45

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

46

STRA

TEG

Y

47

Integrate

This component of the strategy proposes an integration of GIS as a tool for territorial planning and management.

The possibility of using GIS has allowed territorial planning and management processes to strengthen their interventions through the identification of issues, possibilities and opportunities in the territory using fairly simple technical criteria. To consolidate the coproduction proposal that is developed in this project, the team proposes thematic maps that illustrate the Comunas areas where housing, mobility and public space projects could be implemented; while at the same time improving the quality of life and permanence within the territory. The three maps were made to show opportunities for interventions in housing resettlement, mobility and recovery of public space through linear parks. The purpose of this tool is to highlight, not only important areas, but negotiation criteria. The final synthesis map reveals areas with the greatest importance for interventions and negotiated actions in the territory.

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

48

Housing is one of the most pressing issues for the community and for the municipality in terms of the Comunas physical and social transformation. This issue is approached by the project through resettlement since it is important for the Comuna to visualize its capacity of not only containing the people within its borders, but of being a receptor of groth processes for the city through adequate planning and interventions.

This map was made with the following in mind:

One and two story constructions, according to the cadaster offices data from 2013, are adequate redensification targets as solutions to resettlement processes that are necessary in the Comuna today. One story buildings offer the most opportunity, while two story constructions presented a lesser opportunity for resettlement. Constructions with three stories or more were not considered in order to maintain feasibility within current construction codes.

Tendencies of densification near Metro Cable constructions permit the forecasting of similar phenomena in the Comuna. We have set a 100 meter radius of potential redensification and resettlement nodes around Metro Cable and Tram constructions.

Resettlement OpportunitiesSTRA

TEG

Y

49

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

50

API

CN2

CN3

MI2

MI2

MI

CN3

RU3

MI2

CN2

API

API

MI2CN2

API

CN5

APIMIE

MI

API

API

MI2E

Tratamientos POT 2014

Oportunidad de Redensificacin

Baja

Media

Alta

Resettlement for redensification

After performing spatial analysis with the criteria areas with high, medium and low opportunities for redensification and resettlement were highlighted. Additionally, after careful calculations it was found that light densification of one story constructions that are within the areas that were found to have a high potential for redensification would quantitatively solve the housing deficit within the Comuna.

STRA

TEG

Y

51

API

CN2

CN3

MI2

MI2

MI

CN3

RU3

MI2

CN2

API

API

MI2CN2

API

CN5

APIMIE

MI

API

API

MI2E

Tratamientos POT 2014

Oportunidad de Redensificacin

Baja

Media

Alta

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

52

Opportunities for Inter-neigh-borhood and Integrated Transport System SIT Accessibility

Since mobility issues are a latent preoccupation of communities, municipalities and public and private entities, an approach that considers coproduction is crucial.

A mobility map is constructed as a tool that will highlight the current and the projected situations, where existing bus routes and projected SIT routes are taken into account to create a 50 meter buffer on each side of these. This produced certain gaps in coverage that would come into play once the bus routes that are scheduled to be canceled are gone and the new SIT routes start operating. These areas are great options for alternative proposals in community transportation.With the same logic, areas with accessibility challenges in the high part of the Comuna are highlighted, since this is an issue that affects quality of life. The designation of these areas was confirmed with satellite imagery and site visits.

STRA

TEG

Y

53

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

54

Green Belt

Santa Elena River

Cerro Pan de Azucar

High Risk Areas No recuperable

Priority 1

Priority 2

Proirity 3

Prioritization of Linear Parks for Public Space

Our approach to public space was based on the proposed project that was found to be important and approved in municipal and local plans; Linear Parks. The objective is to provide intervention criteria, in addition to the existing social and environmental criteria that speak of the importance of these areas.

The prioritization of linear parks as public space was performed considering the size and shape of the watershed to which it belongs, whether it provided water for community aqueducts or not and if there were constructions within the buffer zones or not. These criteria allowed identification of the Castro Stream Linear Park as a priority for intervention, due to the fact that if it is not intervened it could become a high-risk factor in the event of torrential rains. Its mismanagement could be responsible for the loss of water as a resource from this stream.

It is important to note that the resettlement urgency for 5600 homes in the Comuna, it is necessary to create a minimum of 28000 square meters of public space that can be satisfied with public space.

STREAM SIZE (HECTARES) CONSTRUCTIONS AQUEDUCTS LA CASTRO 436,417 1079 2 EL ATO 356,444 224 0

CHORRO HONDO 135,642 1384 0 LA LOQUITA 91,751 1046 0 LA ARENERA 32,271 792 0

STRA

TEG

Y

55

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

56

Posible Intervention Criteria

Green Belt

Santa Elena River

Cerro Pan de Azucar

High Risk Areas No recuperable

Priority 1

Priority 2

Proirity 3

Synthesis: Integration of Areas

The synthesis map is the product of the overlap of the areas identified to have the best opportunities for interventions in each of the addressed topics.

STRA

TEG

Y

57

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

58

Sucre

La Ladera

El Pinal

Villatina

Enciso

Los Mangos

San Miguel

LLanaditas

La Libertad

Villa Hermosa

La SierraLas Estancias

La Mansin

Villa Turbay

Batalln Girardot

Villa Lilliam

San Antonio

Trece de Noviembre

Cerro El Pan de Azucar

River

Area of Risk Recuperable

Area of Risk Non Recuperable

Risk

Risk Areas POT 2006

Due to changes in the definition of risk areas from the review and adjustment of the POT in 2014, the number of homes in non-recoverable high risk areas decreased to 1708 from 7682 homes that had this designation since the POT was approved in 2006.

Constructions in

Non-recoverable

Risk Zones

Floors POT 2006 POT 2014

1 5724 1231

2 1672 414

3 273 61

4 12 2

5 1 0

Total 7682 1708

Constructions in

Recoverable

Risk Zones

1 2797 2356

2 1301 842

3 296 172

4 28 8

5 1 1

Total 4423 3379

STRA

TEG

Y

59

Risk River

Moderate Risk Areas landslides

High Risk Landslides

Risk Areas POT 2014

Comuna No Risk

Area of Recuperable Risk

Area of Non Recuperable Risk

Areas POT 2006 Areas POT 2014

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

60

The cartography that resulted from the POT redefinition of 2014 shows a new panorama for negotiation in relation to the interventions in infrastructure that are being executed, in which the main change and the best chance for the reconstruction of relationships between the implicit planning actors is the qualification of risk. In addition to the reclassification of homes into the neighborhood improvement urban treatments from being in areas of non-recoverable risk , there are multiple paths for new intervention policies in terms of risk mitigation, redensification and formalization of irregular settlements.

With the table of needs in mind, the project shows advances in terms of the where stemming from the changes in the POT. This leads to other questions such as the how and the when, while making clear that the city governments argument of having the absolute necessity of resettling the homes within these areas becomes invalid.With risk being the structuring problem among the communitys priorities, the needs in terms of housing can also be approached since these were directly linked to the policies related to the definition of risk areas. Consequently, new zones for investment with new housing subsidies are opened, as well as increasing the demand for expansion in coverage and formalization and tenure security.

Although this and other themes still present divergences in viewpoints, the workshop provides tools that will allow a coproduction scenario. This means that the underlying question is still the possibility of reaching an inclusive and articulated planning system among territorial actors. The principal aim, within the base of the new tools that are being presented, is the strengthening and showcasing of the community actor because the harmonization of his actions along with the possibilities within the institutional framework being to make up the balance of

Conclusions

coproduction.In terms of the materialization of negotiated coproduction of space, the proposal of the workshop is that, apart from the community, academia and private actors get involved; which is why the Right to the City Committee is the instance where this concrete idea is proposed.

STRA

TEG

Y

61

Fernandes, Edesio. Regularization of Informal Settlements in Latin America. Policy Focus Report. Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. 2011.

Roy, Ananya. Urban Informality, Toward an Epistemology of Planning. Journal of the American Planning Association, Spring 2005, Vol. 71, No. 2.

Abramo, Pedro. La ciudad com-fusa: mercado y produccin de la estructura urbana en las grandes metrpolis latinoamericanas. vol 38, No 114. Mayo 2012, pp. 35-69, Artculos, EURE.

Watson, Vanessa. Planning and the 'stubborn realities' of global south-east cities : Some emerging ideas. Planning Theory published online 24, May 2012. http://www.sagepublications.com

Sletto, Bjrn. Insurgent Planning and Its Interlocutors : Studio Pedagogy as Unsanctioned Practice in Santo Domingo. Journal of Planning Education and Research published online 30 November 2012. http://www.sagepublications.com

Mitlin, D. (2008) "With and beyond the state co-production as a route to political influence, power and transformation for grassroots organizations" Environment and Urbanization Vol 20, No 2, Octubre, pag. 339-360

Empresa de Desarrollo Urbanos de Medelln (EDU). PROYECTOS EDU 2012 2015. TRANSFORMANDO INTEGRALMENTE EL HBITAT. CAMACOL OCTUBRE 29 DE 2012

RESULTADOS Y BALANCE POLTICO CONSULTA POPULAR PROPUESTAS COMUNITARIAS BORDES COMUNA 8 AL POT MEDELLN. 18 de mayo de 2014.

Plan de Desarrollo 2012 2015. Medelln un Hogar para la Vida. Alcalda de Medelln, Consejo Territorial de Planeacin de Medelln.

Bibliography

http://www.medellin.gov.co/transito/

http://www.minuto30.com/

https://www.metrodemedellin.gov.co/

http://www.worldhabitatawards.org/

http://rethinking-urban-fringes-in-medellin.blogspot.com/

http://www.bartlett.ucl.ac.uk/dpu/news/dpusummerlab-2013-pamphlet

CO

- PROD

UC

TION

MAPPING, FORECASTING

& ACTING

This section objective is to understand the logics of growth of informal settlements and specifically the ones located in the edges of the city of Medellin (through MAPPING), to be able to see prospectively how those logics will play in the future (through FORECASTING) and finally to propose strategies that intervene on those possible futures (ACTING). Ideally, this process will illuminate and intervene in areas that are of concern to both the affected communities and the city as a whole.

MIT Master

Objectives

Public Space

By Claudia Bode and Kate Mytty

Discovering the drivers that shape Comuna 8 and its physical space.

66

Comuna 8 is defined by its environment and physical context, as well as by how people use the space. Environmentally, it has a wealth of streams and changing topography; the combination of which create an incredible landscape that can also expose residents to environmental risk. Recently, the Medellin planning department updated the risk maps that show environmental risk as categorized into irrecuperable and recuperable risk; from the citys perspective, these areas indicate which houses must be moved or stabilized for safety. These risk areas influence where public space is built and the type of public spaces built.

Medellin is a city famous for its violence, along with its urban planning examples. Violence pervades different areas of Comuna 8. In our mapping process, we wanted to explore what areas are safe and which areas are not safe. Like the risk group, we used the number of homicides as one point of information on insecurity or human-driven risk. It is certainly not the only factor and could be extended to include factors like crime, police calls, and gang activity. How people use space informs the design of public space. Public space becomes where people are exposed to human-driven risk.

Given the environmental and human-driven risk, the City of Medellin has several big plans at the Comuna 8 level and at the city level that will directly and indirectly impact Comuna 8. In our mapping, we sought to understand how each of the city-driven changes would impact Comuna 8s future.

One large change in Comuna 8s future is the citys proposed Green Belt (Cinturon Verde); designed to contain the growth of the city, it has huge implications for Comuna 8 in displacement and growth boundaries. Throughout the public space sections, you will see two of the key aspects of the Green Belt on every diagram; the Sendero Vida (walking path) and the Sendero Bici (bicycle path).

Mapping Public Space

Discovering the drivers that shape Comuna 8 and its physical space

By Claudia Bode and Kate Mytty

Community borders and neighborhoods as drawn by Comuna 8; their drawing is slightly larger and has more neighborhoods than the citys drawing.

MA

PPIN

G

FO

REC

AST

ING

A

CTI

NG

67

Comuna 8 has a wealth of streams. The stream beds are often related to risk and steepness. Here you see where the streams are located, alongisde the city-identified risk in both a plan view and 3D view.

Comuna 8 lives in the tall hills of Medellin. This diverse and changing topography defines the land and its use. The steep topography has historically led to landslides and at times, may also decrease accessibility.

Irrecuperable Risk

Recuperable Risk

Sendero Vida

Sendero Bici

Streams

Topography

Topography lines

Sendero Vida

Sendero Bici

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

68

The location of amenities and transportation point to areas in the community that have more foot traffic -- potential nodes of activity. A gap in amenities and transportation can also point to a lack of activity or potential spaces for intervention.

Risk is driven by environmental context and peoples actions. This map shows the environmental risk mapped by the city and recent homicides; both are one way to understand risk. Public space design must recognize risks associated in a space and respond appropriately.

Buses, Cable Car and Tramline

Police Stations

Homicides (2010 - 2014)

Homicides (2004 - 2009)

Schools

Churches

Libraries

Medical Facilities

Sendero Vida

Sendero Bici

Amenities & Transportation

Risk

Sendero Vida

Sendero Bici

Irrecuperable Risk

Recuperable Risk

MA

PPIN

G

FO

REC

AST

ING

A

CTI

NG

69

Medellins planning department is known for implementing Proyectos Urbanos Integrales (PUIs) in the spaces with the greatest risk (environmental and people-driven). The city has big plans for Comuna 8 and its surroundings. If they are all realized, Comuna 8 will likely see more foot traffic and also the displacement of many houses.

Proyectos Urbanos

Future Tramline and Cable carsSendero Vida

Sendero Bici

Urban Plans Driven by the City

The Green Belt$500 million project74 kilometers = $6.75m per kilometer

A large park centered around a walking and biking path that will surround the entire city on its hillsides. The city aims to control growth and protect the environment.

If the GB continues as planned, it will lead to hundreds of displaced houses within Comuna 8 and greater foot traffic.

River Road Park$1 billion project23 square kilometers = $43m per square kilometer

A large park on each side of the river; one goal of this project is to protect the environment.

Similar to the GB, this project will also display many people in the process of bringing new public space to the city.

Metrocable$25 million projectRoughly 500,000 people currently use metrocables each year

Two cable car lines and one tram line will be built in or around Comuna 8. This will connect residents into the city center faster and likely also attract people to Comuna 8 and the Green Belt.

Image: Rendering by city design firm

Image: Rendering by city design firm

Image: http://www.lecturaalsur.com/2012_08_26_archive.html

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

70

The physical space of Comuna 8 is shaped by many factors: topography, streams, amenities, bus routes, existing public space, risk and the Greenbelt, among others. Mapping these elements provides a window into the hidden workings of this community; however, they are also important in determing the shape of public spaces to come. By layering these forces it is possible to forecast not only growth patterns but to develop a roadmap for the development of future contextually sensitive public space.

The diagram which resulted from these mappings is a conceptual roadmap rather than a prescriptive code. Rather than specifying exact dimensions for urban elements, the diagram allows the citizens of Comuna 8 to categorize future public space interventions in the category of either a node (large of small) a connection (large or small) or a Greenbelt activation. Each intervention can, in turn, respond to one or many of the drivers that were mapped out. Whos to say a market cant simultaneously address landslide risk? Why cant a stream cleanup program address violence due to conflict?

How do Public Space Drivers translate into a conceptual roadmap that aids in the design of future public spaces in Comuna 8?

Both Comuna 8 and Medellin City Govnerment hope to control growth up the hills. However, continuing patterns of violence and displacement all but ensure that growth will continue. An analysis of settlement patterns and topography shows that new settlement is likely to occur where the slopes of the mountains are less steep, in many places crossing the line of the Greenbelt.

The City of Medellins planning department developed the Manual de Diseno y Construccion de los Componentes del Espacio Publico. The guide provides overall public space goals and specific measurements for elements like streets, sidewalks and trees. Yet, when applied to the hillside context of Comuna 8, that guide is unsuitable for the environment.

Diagramming Public Space

MA

PPIN

G

FO

REC

AST

ING

A

CTI

NG

71

Greenbelt: Walking PathGreenbelt: Bike PathLarge NodesSmall NodesConnectors

The public space diagram above consists of large and small

nodes, large and small connectors and activation of the Greenbelt, and is

based on an analysis of the mapping present-ed in the previous section.

The diagram is meant as a conceptual tool that helps to link together the multiple public space strategies suggested

in our Public Space Guide.

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

72

Hom

icid

es

Envi

ronm

enta

l Ris

k

Topo

grap

hy

Soci

al A

men

itie

s

Pla

nned

Cit

y Pr

ojec

ts

Publ

ic S

pace

Dia

gram

Que

brad

asN

on-r

ecup

erab

le R

iskRe

cupe

rabl

e R

isk

Hom

icid

es 2

010-

2013

Hom

icid

es 2

004-

2009

Bus R

oute

sSc

hool

sH

ealth

, Pol

ice,

Foo

d, R

elig

ious

Am

eniti

es

PUI P

roje

cts

Tran

spor

tatio

n Pr

ojec

ts

Gre

enbe

lt: W

alki

ng P

ath

Gre

enbe

lt: B

ike

Path

Larg

e N

odes

Smal

l Nod

esC

onne

ctor

s

MA

PPIN

G

FO

REC

AST

ING

A

CTI

NG

73

Hom

icid

es

Envi

ronm

enta

l Ris

k

Topo

grap

hy

Soci

al A

men

itie

s

Pla

nned

Cit

y Pr

ojec

ts

Publ

ic S

pace

Dia

gram

Que

brad

asN

on-r

ecup

erab

le R

iskRe

cupe

rabl

e R

isk

Hom

icid

es 2

010-

2013

Hom

icid

es 2

004-

2009

Bus R

oute

sSc

hool

sH

ealth

, Pol

ice,

Foo

d, R

elig

ious

Am

eniti

es

PUI P

roje

cts

Tran

spor

tatio

n Pr

ojec

ts

Gre

enbe

lt: W

alki

ng P

ath

Gre

enbe

lt: B

ike

Path

Larg

e N

odes

Smal

l Nod

esC

onne

ctor

s

The final Public Space diagram is shaped by the many public space drivers we identified by mapping Comuna 8. These include topography,

physical risk, conflict risk, streams, amenities, transportation routes, planned city projects and the location of the Greenbelt. For instance, the

metrocable stations are natural locations for large neighborhood hubs, and the smallest streets wind through the areas of the Comuna which

are currently not well serviced by transportation routes.

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

74

The development of a public space diagram is the beginning of a strategy which integrates multiple drivers and multiple goals. However, it is not enough to simply outline a conceptual framework for the design of future public space.

The Public Space Guide to Comuna 8 is the tool which turns mapping and forecasting into action. It is simultaneously a educational tool, an aid for the Comuna when they negotiate with the City, an an inspiration for their own grassroots public space design development, and a roadmap which should allow them to categorize their interventions into broad categories.

In addition to the diagram and its drivers, the Guide contains examples of various kind of possible public spaces which fit into each category, descriptions of the actors and resources needed for various kinds and scales of interventions, inspirational examples of public spaces around the world, and various strategies or tactics for DIY urbanism.

The hope is that the Guide can serve as an example of a different kind of more contextually appropriate design manual.

Given the environmental and human-driven risk, the City of Medellin has several big plans at the Comuna 8 level and at the city level that will directly and indirectly impact Comuna 8. In our mapping, we sought to understand how each of the city-driven changes would impact Comuna 8s future.

Creating Public SpaceHow can the information gathered translate into practical strategies for the development of future public space in Comuna 8?

MA

PPIN

G

FO

REC

AST

ING

A

CTI

NG

75

Diagram of the proposed nodes and connections throughout Comuna 8

Large Nodes

Small Nodes

Connectors

Sendero Vida

Sendero Bici

Cinturon Verde

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

76

Node-Node_Greenbelt ConnectionsLeveraging the future Greenbelt as an opportunity for new Comuna-centric public and income-generation space

Small Plaza/MarketplaceSmall community plazas can be located in high-traffic areas and contain a variety of social spaces for a variety of demographics, as well as places for income generation

Stream Crossing ProgramEncouraging youth to take ownership over small areas of nearby streams; creating small public spaces where these streams cross roads

Metrocable PlazaLeveraging future Metrocable stations as multi-functional social spaces that include various programs identified by the Comuna.

Fringe Mobility and Access to ServicesMobility corridors in the most marginalized areas bring easier access to needed services, as well as connect residents to the rest of the Comuna and Medellin.

Node-Node_Greenbelt ConnectionsThe streets or paths that connect the major neighborhood nodes can be highlighted as safe, welcoming, active corridors that encourage movement within the Comuna

Examples of Nodes and Connectors

01 Mini Node

02 Mini Node

03 Large Node

04 Small-Scale Connector

05 Large-Scale Connector

06 Greenbelt Activator

We developed a series of examples of nodes and connections. The goal was to provide inspiration and a foundation for Comuna 8 to build from. These are a few of the examples that build on our plan.

MA

PPIN

G

FO

REC

AST

ING

A

CTI

NG

77

01 Mini Node

02 Mini Node

03 Large Node

04 Small-Scale Connector

05 Large-Scale Connector

06 Greenbelt Activator

End Product: Public Space Guide

A preview of the end product: a Public Space Guide that serves to start a converstaion on the specific needs and goals of public space in Comuna 8. Included here are the cover and some of the page spreads.

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

78

BO

OK

: PU

BLI

C S

PAC

E G

UID

E T

O C

OM

MU

NA

8

79

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

80

BO

OK

: PU

BLI

C S

PAC

E G

UID

E T

O C

OM

MU

NA

8

81

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

82

BO

OK

: PU

BLI

C S

PAC

E G

UID

E T

O C

OM

MU

NA

8

83

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

84

BO

OK

: PU

BLI

C S

PAC

E G

UID

E T

O C

OM

MU

NA

8

85

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

86

BO

OK

: PU

BLI

C S

PAC

E G

UID

E T

O C

OM

MU

NA

8

87

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

88

BO

OK

: PU

BLI

C S

PAC

E G

UID

E T

O C

OM

MU

NA

8

89

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

90

BO

OK

: PU

BLI

C S

PAC

E G

UID

E T

O C

OM

MU

NA

8

91

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

92

BO

OK

: PU

BLI

C S

PAC

E G

UID

E T

O C

OM

MU

NA

8

93

PUB

LIC SPA

CE

94

BO

OK

: PU

BLI

C S

PAC

E G

UID

E T

O C

OM

MU

NA

8

95

PUB