REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were...

128
REFORT RESUMES ED 012 930 CG 006 156 COOPERATIVE PROGRAM FOR REHABILITATION OF THE DISABLED INDIAN. NAVAJO REHABILITATION PROJECT. FINAL REPORT. BY- HENDERSON, NORMAN B. AND OTHERS NORTHERN ARIZONA UNIV., FLAGSTAFF REPORT NUMBER TR-1 PUB DATE JUN 67 EDRS PRICE ttC- aPP,F. 470 Sao my DESCRIPTORS- *VOCATIONAL REHABILITATION, *DEMONSTRATION PROJECTS, *PHYSICALLY HANDICAPPED, PROGRAM EVALUATION, *AMERICAN INDIANS, INTERAGENCY COORDINATION, FLAGSTAFF THIS PROJECT (1) DEVELOPED AND EVALUATED REHABILITATION TECHNIQUES AND PROCEDURES, (2) DEMONSTRATED PROCEDURES FOR COORDINATING AND INVOLVING AGENCIES, AND (3) RESEARCHED DATA IN VOCATIONALLY REHABILITATING DISABLED NAVAJOS. OF 258 DISABLED NAVAJOS, 118 COMPLETED ENOUGH OF THE PROGRAM TO BE INCLUDED IN THE EVALUATION. THEY WERE HOUSED AND DINED ON THE NORTHERN ARIZONA UNIVERSITY CAMPUS. SOCIAL AND PLACEMENT SERVICES WERE PROVIDED. ENGLISH AS A SECOND LANGUAGE AND A TRADITIONAL CULTURE DIFFERING FROM WESTERN EUROPEAN LIMITED THE VALIDITY OF THE FSYCHULOGICAL TESTS GIVEN. THE PROJECT WAS GENERALLY EFFECTIVE. OF THE 118 EVALUATE; CLIENTS, 92 WERE PLACED IN TRAINING OR ON JOGS. IF DISABLED NAVAJOS ARE TO BE RECRUITED FOR REHABILITATION AND REMAIN IN THE PROGRAM, MUCH INDIVIDUAL CONTACT IS NEEDED WITH THE PROSPECTIVE CLIENT, HIS FAMILY, AND REFERRAL SOURCES. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE CROSS-CULTURAL DEMONSTRATION PROJECTS ARE INCLUDED. (SK)

Transcript of REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were...

Page 1: REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm,

REFORT RESUMESED 012 930 CG 006 156COOPERATIVE PROGRAM FOR REHABILITATION OF THE DISABLEDINDIAN. NAVAJO REHABILITATION PROJECT. FINAL REPORT.BY- HENDERSON, NORMAN B. AND OTHERSNORTHERN ARIZONA UNIV., FLAGSTAFFREPORT NUMBER TR-1 PUB DATE JUN 67EDRS PRICE ttC- aPP,F.

470 Sao myDESCRIPTORS- *VOCATIONAL REHABILITATION, *DEMONSTRATIONPROJECTS, *PHYSICALLY HANDICAPPED, PROGRAM EVALUATION,*AMERICAN INDIANS, INTERAGENCY COORDINATION, FLAGSTAFF

THIS PROJECT (1) DEVELOPED AND EVALUATED REHABILITATIONTECHNIQUES AND PROCEDURES, (2) DEMONSTRATED PROCEDURES FORCOORDINATING AND INVOLVING AGENCIES, AND (3) RESEARCHED DATAIN VOCATIONALLY REHABILITATING DISABLED NAVAJOS. OF 258DISABLED NAVAJOS, 118 COMPLETED ENOUGH OF THE PROGRAM TO BEINCLUDED IN THE EVALUATION. THEY WERE HOUSED AND DINED ON THENORTHERN ARIZONA UNIVERSITY CAMPUS. SOCIAL AND PLACEMENTSERVICES WERE PROVIDED. ENGLISH AS A SECOND LANGUAGE AND ATRADITIONAL CULTURE DIFFERING FROM WESTERN EUROPEAN LIMITEDTHE VALIDITY OF THE FSYCHULOGICAL TESTS GIVEN. THE PROJECTWAS GENERALLY EFFECTIVE. OF THE 118 EVALUATE; CLIENTS, 92WERE PLACED IN TRAINING OR ON JOGS. IF DISABLED NAVAJOS ARETO BE RECRUITED FOR REHABILITATION AND REMAIN IN THE PROGRAM,MUCH INDIVIDUAL CONTACT IS NEEDED WITH THE PROSPECTIVECLIENT, HIS FAMILY, AND REFERRAL SOURCES. RECOMMENDATIONS FORFUTURE CROSS-CULTURAL DEMONSTRATION PROJECTS ARE INCLUDED.(SK)

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U.S. CEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION & WELFARE

OFFICE OF EDUCATION

THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRODUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE

PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATING IT. POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS

STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDUCATION

POSITION OR POLICY.

FINAL REPORT OF THE

COOPERATIVE PROGRAM FOR REHABILITATION

OF THE DISABLED INDIAN

Navajo Rehabilitation Project Technical Report No. 1

Norman B. HendersonProject Director

ContributorsVincent L. AvalloneLawrence T. CastoAlfred W. CookCarole GaspariRoger E. Kelly .

Armando R. Sanchez

Northern Arizona UniversityFlagstaff, Arizona 86001

June, 1967

This investigation was supported, in part, by Researchand Demonstration Grant No. RD-1213-G from the VocationalRehabilitation Administration, Department of Health, Edu-cation, and Welfare, Washington, D. C., 20201.

CG 000 156

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SIGNIFICANT FINDINGS FOR THE REHABILITATION WORKER

The primary purposes of the Project were: (1) to developevaluation techniques and procedures; (2) to demonstrateprocedures for coordinating and involving agencies; and(3) to research the data in vocationally rehabilitatingdisabled Navajos.

The sample of clients was probably representative of thetotal ditabled Navajo population, but not representative ofthe total Navajo population. English as a second languageand a traditional culture were important factors limitingthe validity of psychological tests. While some of thesedifficulties can be overcome by applying effective clinicalrather than purely acturial techniques, tests vary in meaningwith degree of enculturation of the individual. Project ser-vice demands, also, interfered with gathering data.

The intake efforts of the Project indicated that if disabledNavajos were to be recruited for rehabilitation, much indi-

. vidual contact is needed with the prospective client, hisfamily, and referral sources. Therefore, Northern Arizonaneeds a piofessional intake person to devote full time toindiVidual contact, correspondenceand follow-up effortsfor the disabled members of different ethnic groups.

Counselors encountered difficulties in communication becauseEnglish was a second language for most Navajo clients. View-ing the counselor as an authority figure often interferedwith counseling rapport, and positive transference was dif-ficult to establish. However, when cultural and personalitydifferences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm, satisfying counselingrelationships developed.

In selecting, appropriate tests a "shotgun" approach was used.The general ability tests were selected by empirical consid-erations and through a factor analytic construct validityapproach. The general ability battery was reduced to theWechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, the Revised Army Beta andthe Raven. In factor analyzing these three tests, fbur fac-tors were found which contributed 99.99 per cent of the total

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variance. Navajo Rehabilitation clients scored significantlybelow the standardization population on all three tests. Gen-eral ability test scores were related to actual number ofyears in school and school achievement as measured by the IowaTests of Basic Skills. The disabled Navajo client group didnot do as well on these tests as a non-disabled Navajo popu-lation. The Navajo clients performed more slowly on dexteri-ty tests. However, this slowness appears to be more a matterof experience and motivation than a lack of coordination.

As determined by the original purposes, the Navajo Rehabili-tation Project was generally effective. If disabled Navajoclients who were classified as non-feasible are excluded,the vocational rehabilitation success percentage of between65 and 70 compares favorably with the total Arizona and na-tional averages. The WAIS, Performance, the Revised ArmyBeta and the Raven Progressive Matrices effectively identi-fied most disabled Navajos into general ability groups.A factor analytic study indicated that for the disabled Na-vajo population these tests showed some construct validity.

It now appears unrealistic to develop a test composed ofitems derived from the Navajo culture and language. Voca-tional rehabilitation services should be offered to disabledmembers of minority ethnic groups, but it is not the respon-sibility of a vocational rehabilitation counselor to dis-suade traditional people from their chosen way of life.

Navajos are to some degree still victims of segregation,prejudice, unequal education, and job opportunities. Edu-cation and training is necessary to aleviate the generalunder-employment for Navajos and specifically affects theopportunities of disabled Navajos.

."An Antabuse program was found effective for the treatmentof several Navajo vocational rehabilitation clients withdrinking problems and such a program probably could be use-ful with other alcoholic rehabilitation clients.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Significant Findings for the Rehabilitation Worker a

Preface

Chapter I Setting and Background of the Problem 1

Navajo Reservation, People and Culture 1

Prevalence of Disability 14

Rehabilitation Efforts before the Navajo Reha-bilitation Project 15

Development of the Navajo Rehabilitation Project 16

The Purpose and Rationale 16

Relevant Literature 17

The Setting 23

Related Organizations 24

Chapter II The Navajo Rehabilitation Project Program 27

Major Project Functions 27

Development of the Navajo Rehabilitation ProjectProgram 28

Evaluation Services and other Services Provided 28

Coordination of Efforts AmO-ng Agencies 38

Research Goals and Hypotheses 39

The Relationship of the Navajo Rehabilitation Pro-ject to Other Agencies 41

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Chapter III Methodology 45

Methods Used to Determine the Effectiveness ofthe Different Functions of the Navajo Rehabili-tation Project 45

A Quantitative Description of the PopulationServed 46

Methodological Problems 49

Qualifications of Personnel Gathering Data 51

Methods of Data Analysis 52

Selecting Appropriate Tests 53

-Meaningfulness of Data from Different Areas ofStudy 53

Criteria of Project Success 54

Testing Instruments Used 55

Chapter IV Navajo Rehabilitation Project Outcomesand Effectiveness

The Anthropological Study of Navajo Disability

Conclusions Drawn From Intake Services

Counseling Navajo Indians

Results of Validating a *Test Battery for NavajoRehabilitationtlients

Results of the Educational Evaluation

57

57

59

61

63

71

Clients Observed by the Residence GuidanceSupervisor 73

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111

Results of Pre-Vocational Placement 77

The Results of Efforts to Facilitate and Co-ordinate Disabled Navajo Rehabilitation 85

Chapter V Implications of the Navajo RehabilitationProject on Future Rehabilitation Clients 87

Implications on Psychological Testing 87

"Thursting" People into a Foreign Environment 88

The Problem of Prejudice 89

The Lack of Education and Training for JobsAmong the Navajos 90

Implications on Drinking Problems 90

Chapter VI- Summary 93

Historical Background 93

Rehabilitation Efforts Before the NavajoRehabilitation Project 93

Relevant Literature 94

Navajo Rehabilitation Project Program 94

Methodology 95

Representativeness of the Population 95

Methodological Problems 95

Navajo Rehabilitation Project Outcomes andEffectiveness 96

Chapter VII Recommendations 99

Future Cross-Cultural Projects 99

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A Coordinator of Inter-Agency Referrals andServices 99

Further Test Validation 99

Need for Residence Facilities 100

Education Programs 100

Problem Drinker Program 101

Community Relations Program 101

A Study for Better Understanding of VocationalSuccess 102

An Economic Study is NeT7led 102

Facilitate the Employment of Navajos 103

Bibliography 105

Appendix A: Revised Navajo Test Battery 111

Appendix B: Intercorrelation Matrix GeneralAbility Tests 113

Appendix C: Table I 115

Table II 116

Table III 117

Appendix D: Table I 119

Table II 120

Figure I 121

Table III 122

Appendix E: Figure I 123

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V

Table I

Table II

LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES

Figure I - Profile of Mean Score of Navajo Rehabili-tation Project Clients on the WechslerAdult Intelligence Scale

124

125

65

Figure II - A Flow Chart of Service Rendered NavajoRehabilitation Project Clients 76

Table I Success of Clients According to the ArizonaDivision of Vocational Rehabilitation, Aii-zona State Employment Service, and 90-DaysEmployment

Table II Success of Clients According to theCriterion of Per Cent of Time WorkedAfter Completion of Services

78

79

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PREFACE

The Final ReportfthenertiQCpfrehabilitationafie'sleTndian, is an attempt to summarize the sig-nificant phases of the Navajo Rehabilitation Project. TheFinal Report will probably be complete enough to answer ques-tions of those who have general interest in the Project. How-ever, some phases of the Project will have special meaningto some audiences. Thus; to supplement The Final Report Mono-graph Number 1), a number of other monographs have been written,but have been r?pmduced in lesser number than thisJILt.The other monographs are available to this specialized audi-ence. The monographs are:

Monograph Number 1, Final Report of the cooperative Programfor Rehabilitation of the Disabled Indian, N. B. Henderson,Director.

Monograph Number 2, _Disabled Navajo IndiqnsardEphabilitation:An Anthropological Overview, R. E. Kelly.

Monograph Number 3, rg.majDRehLbilitatiollllpject Intake110gadIgaandExphlgrilse V. L. Avalione.

Monograph Number 4, Counseling Navajo Rehabilitation Clients,N. B. Henderson, and 'V. L. Avalione.

Monograph Number 5, Itigaraccefyalidaidne_a Test BatteryisaklamaiQEgilia, L. T. Casto.

Monograph Number 6, Education _g_s_a Process of VocationalEvaluation, Carole Gaspari.

Monograph Number 7, acIcilvalxU.-_aELQn afNa..aviget41DilitationClients, Carole Gaspari.

Monograph Number 8, The Navajo Rehabilitation Project Pre-Vocational Laboratory, A. W. Cook and Carole Gaspari.

Monograph Number 9, loiascgmanIErgLadgrgsA.ndEesults of theNavajo Rehabilitation Project, A. R. Sanchez.

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ii

The Rehabilitation Center of Northern Arizona University willhonor requests for one or several copies of these monographsas long as the supply lasts.

During the four years of Project existence, many people haveserved on the staff. Because of turnover almost every posi-tion has been occupied by at least two different people. Dr.Ronald A. Peterson, the first Director, wrote the originalproposal and held the position of Director until June 1964,when Dr. Lawrence T. Casto became Director. Dr. Casto serveduntil September 1964 when Dr. Peterson again assumed theDirectorship of the Project. On August 15, 1965, Dr. Petersonagain relinquished the position and Dr. Norman B. Hendersondirected the Project until its close and assumed primary re-sponsibility for writing the Final Report.

In addition to the people who were listed as authors of thisreport and authors of the monographs, others made noteworthycontributions to the Navajo Rehabilitation Project. The suc-cessful operation of the Project is attributable to the membersof the Navajo Rehabilitation Project staff and to the referralagencies. Among these agencies, credit goes especially to theNorthern Arizona Diizision of Vocational Rehabilitation, andpersonal special credit goes to Vernon K. Cannon, Senior Coun-selor of that agency. Also, unusual recognition is made ofLawrence E. Powers, who served longer than any other fulltime employee on the Project and who was unusually effectivein the intake process. His work on the Project helped to pre-pare him for his present position as Counselor for the NorthernArizona Office of the Division of Vocational Rehabilitation.

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CHAPTER I

SETTING AND BACKG}OUND OF THE PROBLEM

Navajo Reservation, People and Culture

Introduction

A thorough and interesting description of the Navajo Reser-vation may be read in Young (1961). The historical and socialbackground presented here has relied heavily on this source.

Geography

The Navajo Reservation is slightly larger than the combinedareas of Connecticut, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire. Abouttwo-thirds of it is situated in Northern Arizona; most of theother third is in New Mexico, but a small portion extends in-to Utah. The elevation of the area ranges from three to overten thousand feet. There are wooded mountain areas, somewatered valley floors, much high desert and desert country,much exposed rock and stone.

The summer days are quite warm in most areas; winter nightsare often bitter cold. Most days are extremely clear andsunny. Many areas have a high proportion of windy days andblowing sand. Where snow falls it remains in most placesonly a short time. Thunderstorms lend drama to the summer,but in most areas water is an acute problem. Many Navajoshaul it for miles. Much of the Reservation soil is classifiedas fair or worse and only eleven per cent is excellent forgrazing (Young, 1961, Pp. 358-366). The Reservation "rangehad been over-grazed since the 1880's" (Aberle, 1966, P. 53)and the Federal Government has since the 1930's attempted tocontrol this over-grazing. This control has been a source ofNavajo anti-government sentiment.

The nature of the geography, the general water shortage, rela-tive uselessness of the land without irrigation, and the lackof discovery until recently-of available valuable minerals

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3

created little demand for the land except by the Navajos.Its lack of agricultural and mineral wealth permitted theNavajos to expand over the region and permitted relativeisolation of Navajos (Aberle, 1966, P. 37).

Traditional and "Anglo" Settlements

Navajo population spills over the Reservation boundaries.A number of Navajo communities dangle more than fifty milesfrom the Reservation and Navajo hogans nestle against theoutskirts of Gallup. On the other hand, there are high con-centrations of "Anglo" population in or near some of theGovernment settlements such as Window Rock, Fort Defiance,Tuba City, and Shiprock. The northwestern and northcentralsections of the Reservation are isolated and the sparseNavajo population there is more traditional than the peoplewho live in the Shiprock and southern regions of the Reser-vation. Since 1950, a number of paved roads have spannedthe Reservation and facilitated truck and automobile traf-fic. In fact, some of the large trucking firms from Denveror Salt Lake to Phoenix use the roads across the Reservation.Yet, much of the Reservation is served only by fourwheel-drive vehicle or wagon trails (Young, 1961, Pp. 135-137).

Population Figures

Reservation population has increased faster than the increasein Reservation lands, and the Navajo Tribe is the largestIndian group in the United States (Young, 1961, P. 321).Now, there are over 100 thousand Navajos; and a high per-centage are young. For example, in 1961, over half of theNavajos were under twenty years of age, which is a much highernroportion than for the rest of the United States (Young, 1961,Pp. 325-327) .

Historical Considerations

Anthropologists estimate that the Navajos were a part of theApache invasion of the Southwest between 1400 and 1500 A.D.Navajos and Apaches speak an Athabaskan language also spokenin the interior of Alaska, Western Canada, and spots along

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the North Pacific coast. At the time of their arrival theywere probably hunters and gatherers; but, probably borrowedagriculture from the Pueblo Indians of the Southwest. Afterthe arrival of the Spanish, the Navajos, somewhere between1500 and 1600 A.D., adopted sheep grazing and horsemanship.They became less nomadic and developed a combined agricul-tural, pastural and raiding culture. In 1864, Kit Carsonconquered them, moved them several hundred miles with otherconquered Apache groups, and crowded them all into FortSumner, New Mexico. Here they remained from 1864 to 1868.After much suffering, a Reservation was established for theNavajos in the Four Corners area where they returned in1868. Then, there were an estimated 6,000 Navajos (Underhill,1956, pp. 156-204). The Navajos were able to extend theirReservation by tribal purchase, presidential order, ajudi-cation and other government action. The Reservation expandedespecially westward, and contact with other Americans hasincreased. This increased contact has resulted in manychanges in Navajo cultural, social, political, and economiclife (Hester, 1962, Pp. 87-90; Underhill, 1956, Pp. 260-269;Kluckhohn, 1958, Pp. 111-117).

The Navajo Nuclear Family

The biological or nuclear family, consisting of parents andchildren who occupy a single dwelling, is the basic unit ofsocial and economic cooperation among Navajos. Monogamy isthe general pattern of marriage. Polygyny was a part of thecultural pattern and still exists among a few of the wealthyin stock raising areas. Multiple wives almost always main-tain separate households unless they are related (Shepardson,1963, Pp. 28-29) .

The Extended Family

Most Navajos are a part of an extended family, which alsoacts as an economic and social unit. Traditionally thefamily locus was ideally matrilocal. Matrilocal influenceis still strong. The extended family residence unit, today,usually consists of up to ten households of biological fami-lies, and they are usually located within "shouting" distanceof each other (Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1958, 1:p. 56-58).There is some tendency for younger Navajos today to break

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away from the extended family life and establish independentresidences. This tendency is seen in the more acculturatedareas such as Tuba City, Window Rock, and Shiprock. Someextended families, particularly those relying on grazing forpart of their income, have a winter residence and anothersummer residence (Shepardson, 1963, Pp. 30-32) .

The Outfit

A combination of extended families sometimes join togetherto pool their economic and social resources. The size ofthe outfit depends upon the wealth of its male leader andhis wife or wives and may include one hundred or more per-sons.. The outfit is often the=basic unit for credit whichis extended by traders. Different outfits are joined to-gether by clan affiliation (Kluckhohn, 1944, Pp. 62-63). .

The Clan

The traditional functions of the clan have been destroyed bythe supra-clan central organization fostered by the UnitedStates Government. However, certain sentimental bonds in-volving hospitality and friendship continue among memberaof the same clan. An earlier prohibition of marrying within:the. clan or clusters of related clans is much less obeyedtoday (Shepardson, 1963, Pp. 35-36; Kluckhohn and Leighton,1958, Pp. 63-66). There is a tendency for certain clans topredominate in a given area. This kind of geographic pre--ponderancy may indicate that at one time clans were 1ocalgroups (Shepardson, 1963, Pp. 36; Levy, 1962, Pp. 781-801).

The Navajo Tribp as a Social Unit

Tribal consciousness among Navajos is a rather recent phe-nomenon. In the past what unity existed was based upon suchcultural factors as the possession of a common language,territory, and similar customs and ceremonies. Traditionally,the largest social unit among Navajos was the band, whichoccupied a specific territory and was led by a headman.Navajos were not treated as a single tribal unit until theywere involved in treaty negotiations with the United StatesGovernment (Shepardson, 1963, Pp. 26-53).

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Leadership

Traditionally there was no unified social and politicalorganization, but leadership existed in the form of thenataani or band leader who was considered to have wisdom,good personal character, persuasive oratory, and some su-pernatural power. Today the ability to speak both languageswell and to deal with the federal government authoritieseffectively is often important (Shepardson, 1963, pp. 50-51). The headman holds no coercive powers but must relyupon his personal ability to lead or influence the othersby admonition. "Community" decisions at meetings whichare lengthy with much discussion are usually unanimous.Perhaps the real influence on the outcome of the meetingwill be agreements made "behind the scenes" with an influ-encial or prestigious man (Shepardson, 1963, P. 48).

P.10.itical Organization Today

The Navajo Tribal Council, located at Window Rock, Arizonaconstitutes the full-time executive branch of Navajo govern-ment. The Tribal Council has legislative and executive powers.It makes the major policy decisions of the Tribe. However,such decisions are subject to the approval or veto of theSecretary of the Interior of the United States. Councilmenare elected from Chapter House districts. The Council certi-fies the Chapters, requires them to file regular reports oftheir meetings, and pays per, diem salaries to each Chapterpresident, vice-president, and secretary. Chapters processwelfare applications submitted to the Council, conduct pri-mary elections, and plan and administer public works in theirjurisdiction. The Chapter serves as the principle means ofcommunication between the local area and the Tribal Council.Courts enforce the chapter decisions. Chapter officers areelected by a majority.

Another local organization connected to the Tribal Councilis the Grazing Committee. Grazing Committees handle thedistrict grazing regulations which are adopted by the TribalCouncil. The members of the Committee are chosen in localelections.

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While the groups involved in the Tribal Government are quitedistinct, their areas of authority are not always well de-fined, and jurisdictional disputes occur with considerablefrequency (Shepardson, 1963, Pp. 64-67).

The Tribal judicial system consists of seven judges andseveral courtscriminals civil, and probate. Juri4dictionincludes all cases except those involving federal offenses.

Lousing

The hoailia, a round or octagonal house made of timbers andearth, is the traditional Navajo home, and according totribal studies in selected communities, about five per centof Navajo homes are hogans. Frame structures, often sub-standard, comprise about 30 per cent of the housing, whilethe remaining are combinations of bogan and frameconstruc-tion. To correct substandard housing on the Reservation, theTribe has instituted a low cost construction program. Accord-ing to tribal surveys, an average of 6.1 persons occupy eachroom; but a sizeable number of structures house eight or morepersons. Over three-quarters of the homes are only small,one-room houses. It is common to see various types of struc-tures in residence clusters. Residence clusters typicallycomprise several habitational structures, ramadas or summershades, outhouses, corrals, storage buildings, and a trashdump. Since the traditional bogan retains ceremonial impor-tance, most of these clusters contain at least one hogan.Much Navajo daily life is carried on outside; thus homes areusually crowded only at night and during bad weather. FewNavajo homes have a piped water supply or electricity. Thedistance to domestic water for most Navajo homes is greaterthan one mile. Poor sanitation near houses often precludesa closer proximity to domestic water supplies. Navajo homesoften have dirt floors, a single stove, little furniture,and no windows. (Young, 1961, Pp. 304-307 and 367-368;Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1958, Pp. 44-47).

Housing varies from "shanty towns" on the margins of somemodern towns to quite substantial houses and traditionalhogan clusters in the hinterland. Housing reflects economicstatus and acculturation. Navajos living on the Reservationusually pay no rent or utilities. House payments and thecost of erecting houses are usually low.

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Food

Perhaps one of the aspects of Navajo culture which exempli-fied change as well as retention of traditional patterns isin foodstuffs. Today the "Anglo" influence is seen in cannedfoods of all kinds, coffee, soda pop, and candies. In thepast, fish and meat of certain animals such as bear were taboo.Mutton and fry bread became important staples. Now there arevery few bear left and canned sardines are eaten. To educateNavajos in the importance of proper food, governmental schoolsand agencies have programs extolling balanced diets (Hester,1962, Pp. 27, 59, 73) .

Clothing

Many "traditionally oriented" Navajo women wear fluted calicoskirts which were copied from the dress of the Spanish or ofofficers' wives at Fort Sumner. They wear velveteen blouses,Pendleton blankets or shawls, and often abundant jewelry.

"Traditional" Navajo men wear "Western" dress. Older menoften wear a belt of large conchos, a turquoise necklace andearrings, tall-crowned dark hats, and Navajo style moccasins."Traditional" Navajo men and women wear their hair *tied in along vertical knot on back, called a chongo (Young, 1961, P.5).

Education

The first formal schools started about 1870, and were followedin 1883 by the first boarding school at Fort Defiance. By1958, there were forty-nine on-Reservation schools, seventeenoff-Reservation boarding schools, thirty-seven trailer dayschools and about twenty-five mission schools. In this sameyear, a little over 28,000 children, of all grades, wereenrolled in these schools whereas in 1939 there had beenonly 6,375 enrolled pupils. Over half of the gain made before1958 was made after 1952. Navajo interest in education, par-ticularly in learning English, has increased greatly sinceWorld War II. Since 1933, a num3er of Navajos have beenemployed as either teachers or administrators. Also, sincethis time, a modern "progressive" type of education has be-come the policy in the Navajo schools. This "progressive"education is a radical change from the previous, rather harsh,

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military-like disciplined school environments and TribalCouncil Scholarship Committee funds provide for higher edu-cation for Navajos (Young, 1961, Pp. 7-29).

Communication Media

Presently, communication media on the Reservation is largelyderived from "Western" technology. Telephone lines connectmajor communities and smaller trading post settlements, buttelephones are found in only a few acculturated Navajo homesin larger centers. Navajo language radio broadcasts are trans-mitted from commercial stations in bore.lr towns, and officialTribal Council news is broadcast from a Gallup station. Mostfamilies own at least one portable radio. A weekly Tribalnewspaper, The NavaAgo Times, is printed in English and carriesReservation news. It is sold at many trading posts, cafes,and service stations, but readers must be familiar with writ-ten English. Non-commercial radio communication is used bythe Tribal Police radio network. There are interesting storiesabout the construction of television reception antenmas.. Al-.though there are few airstrips on the Reservation, landingfacilities are located in Window Rock, Monument Valley, TubaCity, Pinon, Kayenta, and the Navajo Mountain area. Mail isdelivered from Flagstaff or Gallup and reaches local tradingposts nearly every day.

Informal word-of-mouth and Chapter meetings and other assem-blies are more traditional channels of communication.

Economics

In about two generations, Navajo economy has changed from aherding and farming to a wage-money economy. The depressionof the 1930's reduced the importance of agriculture and.sheepraising in Navajo economy; thus, by 1936, wages paid. to Navajosrepresented 34 per cent of the total Reservation income (Young,1961, P. 212). Individual income in 1960 for Navajos has beentabulated under three categories: (1) earned cash incomeequalled 68.18 per cent; (2) unearned cash income, 11.8 percent; (3) unearned, non-cash income, 19.3 per cent. Averageincome for a five member family, including all free services,would approximate $2,600 (Young, 1961, P. 228).

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Of the total earned cash income for Navajo individuals in1960, 37.2 per cent originated from Bureau of Indian Affairs,United States Public Health Service, or Tribal payrolls, andS per cent, from private industry, United States Army Depots,and Federal construction projects such as the Glen CanyonDam. Other minor sources of earned cash income includedagriculture and stock raising (7.7 per cent) and off-Reser-vation railroad work (3.8 per cent). But the average percapita income still remained between one-third and one-fourthof the United States national average of $2,166. (Young, 1961,P. 229) .

The Navajo attitude toward work and money differs from the"Protestant Ethic" viewpoint of "Anglos." To most Navajos,work does not have the moral value attached to it by "Anglos."Navajos are largely oriented towards immediacy and acts ofpractical value. (Leighton, 1944, P. 234). Jobs are per-formed for cash which may be used to buy material goods andfood. Indebtedness and unemployment are not particularlyavoided or abhorred by most Navajos. If money can be obtainedby not working, traditional Navajos see no reason to hold jobsbut they "work" nonetheless by herding, shearing or dippingsheep, building hogans, wood cutting, and general householdmaintenance (Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1958, pp. 220-22; Albert,1956, pp. 221-248).

Urban Living

The urbanization of American Indians was a topic of anthro-pological research by a Project staff anthropologist (Kelly,1966) .

An American Indian coming to an "Anglo" city is generallydriven by two forces; economic necessity which may cause himto leave the Reservation, and emotional attachment which may"pull" him back to the Reservation. Navajos often have hadlittle experience with rent and utility payments, traffic,and discrimination practices of some "Anglos." Other charac-teristics of Indians in urban areas are conspicuous alcbholconsumption (much higher than that found in other ethnic min-orities), a confining identification of "Indianness", and adesire to travel back and forth between the Reservation andthe city.

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Northern Arizona communities are not large, but some areclose to parts of the Reservation. Greater "Anglo" famili-arity with Indians in Arizona may or may not result ingreater discrimination. Nevertheless, many Navajos oftenvisit and shop in Flagstaff, Gallup, and othe- towns; andthey are generally-familiar with the appearance of the city,but are not familiar with the mechanics of daily urban living.Fortunately, visits of Navajos from the Reservation to thetowns are not generally difficult, and disabled Navajo clientsoften found in Flagstaff friends who came from the Reservation.

Navajo, Values Related to Work and Economies

Because the values of a culture or sub-culture influenceeconomic behavior, it is important to mention some Navajovalues which affect their responses to work situations, theirtraining for employment, and their rehabilitation.

Major Navajo values which define the concept of "goodness"are productiveness, generosity, dependability, helpfulness,and ability to get along with others. Health, strength,possessions and their care, and practical skills are highlyvalued since these qualities are necessary for a person to be'able to work. However, "work" is not "good" in itself', butonly for where it leads. Industry is prized not only becauseit enabled the acquisition of other basic necessities, butalso because it can lead to the accumulation of possessions,including ceremonial knowledge. Consistent with notions ofintra'-kingroup cooperation, displays of wealth, however, areexpressions of the extended family and even the "outfit"rather than a personal matter. A "rich man" among Navajos,consequently, does not have the same kind of individualfreedom in disposing of his wealth as does his "Anglol' coun-terpart. (Albert, 1956, Pp. 224-225).

Positive personal characteristics that aie admired are af--fectionate duty to relatives, pleasant behavior to everyone,generosity, and self-control; one should cheerfully cooperatewith the people with whom he interacts. Personal excellenceinvolves knowledge, good speaking ability, and a good physiqueand facial appearance. There is always the possibility thata man who accumulates too much may be accused of being a witch.Converse to the positive values are the negative values of

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laziness, stinginess, destructiveness, and cruelty to others(Kluckhohn, and Leighton, 1958, pp. 220-223).

Nature is more powerful than man, and traditional Navajos donot minimize attempts at mastery over nature. However, theycarry out a number of activities, mostly ritual, aimed atcontrolling nature or remedying damage caused by nature. Ineffect, nature will take care of people if the proper behaviorand rules are observed. For the most part, actual practicalinterference with nature (constructing dams, etc.) is consi-dered a waste of time.

The Navajo religious system contains many different cere-monials and is basically a set of techniques for acquiringfood, restoring health, generally enduring survival, andaffording security. While the curing rites are stronglyfocused on individuals, the patient's immediate "kinfolk"contribute by furnishing money and in helping to make prepara-tions. The community participates by observing. Giving aceremonial is a way of gaining social prestige (Young, 1961,P. 522; Kluckhohn and Leighton, 1958, P. 163).

Death and everything connected with it (including ghosts,in the form of humans, animals, birds, fire, and whirlwinds)are greatly feared. Since most dead persons turn into ghosts,any dead person is a potential source of danger (Kluckhohn,and Leighton, 1958, Pp. 126, 142).

Witches are evil people of both sexes, the living counter-parts of ghosts, who violate moral and religious rules. Theyare able to acquke property and to cause the illness and deathof their enemies. Such danger can be avoided by performingthe proper ceremonials which ultimately cause the witch'sdeath. Although most Navajos are highly reluctant to discussit with "Anglos", belief in witchcraft is widespread. As amethod of social control, the fear of being called a witch isa strong deterrent to certain excess activities such as theaccumulation of too much wealth. Furthermore, either becominga witch or attacks upon witches serve as channels for therelease of aggresscions (Kluckhohn, 1944; Kluckhohn and Leighton,1958, Pp. 128-132) .

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Today there are different degrees of adherence to the Navajocultural system depending upon the amount, quality, and in-tensity of contact individual Navajos have had with "Anglos",school attendance, and off-Reservation experience either inwork or iii the armed services. The time in life of this con-tact and the home influence will, also, determine the attach-ment a Navajo has toward either society. The replacement ofone way of life for another often entails considerable confusion regarding which set of culturally derived principlesto follow, "Anglo" or Navajo.

d f Pre e t re P

The United States Government treaty with the Navajos in 1868,did not provide for expansion of area to compensate for thepopulation explosion on the Reservation. However, "the treatyitself granted aid to the members of the Tribe for a period often years in the form of clothing, tools, and other necessities....Provision was also made for the purchase" of cattle, andcorn, "for the relief of the needy" (Young, 1961, P. 287). Laterassistance was given to other Indians in the form of commodi-ties. A report on the problems of Indian administration recom-mended "the need for trained social workers in the Indian ser-vice and the addition of social case worker positions" (Young,1961, P. 289). In 1941, "a branch of community services whichinclude the Division of Welfare" was created and in 1943,"social worker position was established on ":11e Navajo Reser-vation" (Young, 1961, P. 289).

During the depression of the 30's, Arizona, New Mexico, andUtah "established public welfare departments." They offered"old age assistance, aid to dependent children and the blind,but neither Arizona nor New Mexico initially included assis-tance to the Indians under their state welfare programs"(Young, 1961, P. 289). During this time campaigns were begunto include Indians under the state welfare programs. "As aresult, applications for public assistance were accepted bothby Arizona and New Mexico but no payments were made .immediatelyto eligible Navajos by the States" (Young, .1961; P. 290) . Inthe late 1930's both New Mexico and Arizona finally grantedold age assistance, aid to dependent children, and aid to theblind.

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Federal assistance has traditionally been in the form ofrations

to families who were certified as destitute It wasnot until 1945 that general assistance in the form ofchecks was extended to Navajos in lieu of rations. Itwas not until 1948, that the administration of generalassistance was placed in the Navajo Branch of Welfare(Young, 1961, P. 290).

A concerted effort with a special staff of Indian socialworkers in 1948 established case records that would containall necessary information required to establish eligibilityfor public assistance under the various state programs or ofgeneral assistance under the Bureau of Indian Affairs (Young,1961, P. 293). Also in 1948, "Congress a ppropriated...amillion dollars for an emergency relief program for the Na-vajos. Work under this appropriation was started at once onthe construction of roads, soil conservation, irrigation, andschool and hospital repair" (Young: 1961, P. 293). Alsoduring 1948, the Bureau of Indian Affairs established an off-Reservation program to employ more than 13,000 Navajos inrailroad, agriculture, mining, and other types of work. Mostof this off-Reservation work was temporary. The governmentcontinued to help Navajos find work and settle away from theReservation permanently, but the success of these effortthas always been limited because of housing, education, andhealth problems, and the reluctance of most Navajos to leavetheir homeland (Young, 1961, P. 293). The Bureau of IndianAffairs has also sponsored Adult Education programs to com-pensate for the lack of the usual American childhood educa-tion program among the Indians.

Thus, :federal and state government efforts to meet Indianeducational, employment, economic, and social needs is notnew. This brief outline of Navajo background, relying as itdoes heavily on Young, is necessary to understand the contextof the Navajo Rehabilitation Project.

Prevalence of Disability

The prevalence of disability among Navajos is difficult todetermine. No accurate census of disabled persons apparently

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exists in the Bureau of Indian Affairs tribal records; avail-able figures only give a probable order of magnitude. Mostprobably the proportion of disabled persons is greater thanthe general United States population, but this cannot beshown with available data. However, using an incidence of14.6 disabled persons per 1,000 population (Young, 1958), agroup of 1,460 Navajo people needed some assistance in makingan adjustment to their physical disabilities. This rate isonly approximate, because of poor case finding and poor re-porting of data.

In fiscal year 1964, there were a total of 5,440 known andtreated cases of disability--this total is 5.4 per cent ofthe total Navajo population. These figures can be misleadingin an attempt to determine how many Navajos are in need ofvocational rehabilitation because some of these disabling con-ditions were neither serious nor long enduring. Kelly (1967,Monograph Number 2) presented in detail, attitudes toward,techniques for testing, impact of modern medicine on, andhistorical perspective about Navajo illness and disability.

Rehabilitation Efforts Before the NavajoRehabilitation Project

The history of Vocational Rehabilitation Services to the.Navajo Indian population can only be understood when atten-tion is again paid to the vastness of Northern Arizona. Nor-thern Arizona includes half the area, but less than a thirdof the diverse population of Arizona. This vastness alonemakes it impossible for a single Division of Vocational Rehab-ilitation counselor to serve adequately the Navajos, let alonethe other ethnic groups of Northern Arizona. Even though by1955 the Division of Vocational Rehabilitation Counselor andthe Division administrators recognized a rehabilitation needand attempted to provide rehabilitation services to the Navajopopulation, geographic and ethnic obstacles made adequateservice impossible.

During the five-year period from 1957 to 1962, a total ofthirty-three Navajo clients were served by the Northern. ArizonaOffice of the Division of Vocational Rehabilitation. Even forthis limited number, services were hampered by a lack of rehab-ilitation facilities. The majority of these clients were not

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successfully rehabilitated. The small number of Navajo Voca-tional Rehabilitation clients served and the low proportionof Navajo success contributed to the development of a researchand demonstration program, the Navajo Rehabilitation Project.

Development of the Navajo Rehabilitation Project

Instrumental in developing the Navajo Rehabilitation Projectwas the Northern Arizona Rehabilitation Advisory Committee.It was established under the leadership of the Senior Counse-lor from the Northern Arizona Office of the Division of:Noca-tional Rehabilitation. Serving on this committee were repre-sentatives from Boards of County Supervisors from NorthernArizona, the Navajo Tribe, United States Public Health Ser-vice, Arizona Legislature, Department of Welfare, SouthwestSchool of Missions, the Easter Seal Society, Arizona StateCollege, Regional Office of the Vocational Rehabilitation Ad-ministration, and the Division of Vocational Rehabilitation.In 1961, through the efforts of this Advisory Committee thepresident of the college agreed to foster a project whichwould provide rehabilitation services on the college campus.In 1962, the President of Arizona State College invited agraduate of a doctoral rehabilitation and counseling psychologytraining program to become a faculty member of the college.He was assigned by the college to formulate the Navajo Rehab-ilitation Project and he served for the first two years asDirector of the Navajo Rehabilitation Project. He, along withthe other Northern Arizona people interested in developing aprogram for rehabilitating disabled Navajos, and a representa-tive of the San Francisco Regional Office of the VocationalRehabilitation Administration met to plan the development ofthis research and demonstration project. Information from thesesources helped lay the groundwork for the grant proposal pre-pared by the college representative.

The Purpose and Rationale

The general purpose of this project was to demonstrate that astate college, working in cooperation with a group of com-munity agencies and organizations can find methods and techni-ques to overcome cultural and language'barriers in evaluating

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and training disabled Navajo Indians for placement in jobson the Reservation.

The specific purposes were (1) to explore the potentials ofdisabled Navajos for rehabilitation and subsequent adjustmenton the Reservation; (2) to explore the extent to which dis-abilities among Navajos constitute employment and traininghandicaps; (3) to explore which methods, techniques and pro-cedures of evaluation currently in use are appropriate forvocational evaluation of people in the Navajo culture; (4)

to demonstrate what constitutes maximal vocational evaluationof Navajos; (5) to determine the minimal amount of communica-tion skills necessary for effective vocational rehabilitationof Navajos; (6) to explore how local social agencies can bettercoordinate their services for the successful rehabilitationof Navajos; (7) to determine whether any factors can be usedto identify Indians on the Reservation most likely to succeedin the vocational rehabilitation process; (8) to investigatefamily and employer attitudes and reactions to rehabilitationof members, and to determine how best to enlist their coopera-tion in rehabilitation planning; (9) to identify problemspeculiar to rehabilitation of disabled Navajo Indians; (10)to explore appropriate placement techniques on an Indian Res-ervation; (11) to investigate what job potentials exist forthe disabled on a reservation; and (12) to explore how anevaluation and training unit on a college campus can furtherfaculty understanding of a different cultural group.

Some of these purposes were emphasized, some combined withothers, some faded in importance and new purposes were gen-erated by the service and research aspects of the Project.

ison va

Relevant Literature

an A la hian ttitudes and Pr ble t s

Many comparisons can be made of Navajos with the people ofAppalachia. In the hill country of West Virgind.a and Ken-tucky, great economic changes are occuring, making it neces-sary for many of theemployment elsewherecation, and Welfare,

population to leave their hills and seek(United States Department of Health, Edu-1964). These same economic and social-

psychological pressures operate with Navajos. Zintz (1967,

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P. 92) notes that "the Reservation can support no more thana third of the Navajo population if they are to, in any mea-sure, approximate the usually expected standard of living."

Many of the people in Appalachia survive only b the receiptof welfare funds (United States Department of Health, Educa-tion, and Welfare, 1964, P. 6). There are many more peoplethan there are available jobs, and even if a man does findwork, he often earns less money than he could receive fromwelfare payments. On the Navajo Reservation, too, there isa scarcity of jobs; the disabled Navajo receiving regularwelfare checks is a financial benefit to his family (Kelly,1967, P. 16), and there is often little incentive to lookfor a low-paying job off the Reservation.

Heavy drinking and spree drinking is a common behavior pat-tern of both Appalachians and Navajos. Of the Appalachians,the Mental Health Report (United States Department of Health,Education, and Welfare, 1964, P. 10) states that "Drinking isa definite part of the culture of young men...The Appalachianhill people...get the maximum nuisance value out of alcohol."A large proportion of the Navajo people, as well, exhibitdrinking behavior that gets them into trouble. A large per-centage of Navajo men have arrest records that indicate theyhave been jailed for drunk and disorderly conduct. Drinkingoften interferes with employment, since Navajos in jail misswork and often lose their jobs as a result.

Another similarity of Navajos and the people of Appalachia istheir strong family ties. The family is a close unit. Sharingwhat the family has with less fortunate relatives is common toboth these cultural groups (United States Department of Health,Education, and Welfare, 1964; Thompson, 1964).

Projects Related to the Navajo Rehabilitation Project

In the last few years in the United States interest has in-creased in rehabilitation efforts especially with the povertystricken, the unemployed, and the culturally different.

A project entitled "A New Attack Upon Rural Poverty" has beenin progress at Northern Michigan University (Ryan, 1965). Thisproject was established to experiment with ways of solving

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unemployment among rural high school drop-outs. The servicesoffered were basic education, job orientation, counseling,job training, and limited placement. At the end of the firstfive months of operation, the project staff believed that theclients were making good progress. No report was availableas to the current status of this project.

In eastern North Carolina a manpower improvement project hasbeen established to assist the unemployed (McDonald, 1965).The socio-economic characteristics of this area are a longeconomic decline, low levels of education and family income,and severe cultural deprivation. Job opportunities were tobe explored, and some redirection of the rural worker toother areas of the state for employment was to be attempted.On-the-job training possibilities were explored and found tobe plentiful. Basic education was seen as a prerequisite tovocational training because most of the clients had fifthgrade education or less. At the time the progress reportwas written, the project had only been in operation a fewmonths; but the rural population was receiving the projectwith enthusiasm. A specific manpower development experimentaland demonstration project sponsored by the North CarolinaFund is titled "Manpower Improvement Through Community EffortII" (Jones, 1966). This project is attempting to provideadult basic education, on-the-job training programs, and coun-seling services for rural illiterates. Twenty-five per centof their qualified client load is Indian; 72 per cent areNggro; and 37 per cent are Caucasian.

The Jewish Employment and Vocational Service in St. Louis,Missouri, (1965) has sponsored a youth training project.This project combined job training, work adjustment training,and counseling "class" sessions. Placement services areprovided for the clients after their training is completed.In their April, 1965 report, the project had served 79 clients

40 of these had been placed in training, and 36 had beenplaced in jobs. Six of those placed in jobs were unsuccessfuland were terminated.

The goals of the Michigan Catholic Conference Job TrainingCenter in Lansing, Michigan (1965) were to recruit and testthree hundred persons who had had little formal education,

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little ability to converse or write in English, and whorepresented relatively unmarketable skills. One half ofthose tested were selected for skill training developed bythe Center. The clients included Negroes, Mexicans, andother Spanish speaking peoples, and a few American Indians.All the clients selected were in need of basic education,were unemployed, and were culturally and financially deprived.The Job Training provided basic education, counseling andjob training programs for the clients. Of a total clientgroup of 172 clients, 103 were in training or had finishedtraining. Twenty-seven clients in this group had been placedin jobs. Sixty-nine clients were terminated, with thirty-six terminations for positive reasons, such as finding ajob. Some of the tentative conclusions reached by this pro-ject were that (1) it was possible and feasible to train thehard-core unemployed; (2) a full 104 weeks of training (in-cluding basic education) was necessary for some clients,particularly those functioning upon entry below a fourthgrade level; (3) :clients' performances on the General Aptitude Test Battery could be considerably improved after anintensive three months basic education program, allowingsome clients to qualify for Man Power Development TrainingAct job training programs; and (4) a need for more non-verbaland culture-free tests was noted. In the summary of the pro-gress report, it was stated that, "To build an effective pro-gram of re-training and re-orientation of the hard-core un-employed, a program must begin to meet the individual needsof the disadvantaged person on his level. No amount of test-ing, counseling, basic education can or will be significantif needs, desires and the future of the individual are over-looked in deference to th6 structure or the expedience ofthe program itself" (Michigan Catholic Conference, 1965, P.38)

Another demonstration-research training program for the hard-core unemployed was located at Virginia State Colle7, inNorfolk (Cooper, 1964). The project was designed to studyand develop materials and techniques for training hard-coreunemployed workers, and to demonstrate the effectiveness ofvocational-technical education, general education, and coun-seling in training these workers for selected occupations.The project trained one hundred men for a year in electronics,auto mechanics, sheet metal, maintenance technology, and

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masonry. The trainees were paid 25 dollars a week duringthe training period. The experimental group of traineeswill be compared with a control group who did not receivetraining in a follow-up study of job success.

Two Indian rehabilitation projects had a purpose similar tothe Navajo Rehabilitation Project, the Montana Project (John-son, 1966) and the Alaska Project (Project Staff, 1966). Thepurpose of the project at Northern Montana College was "toidentify factors associated with and to improve the effec-tiveness of vocational training in rehabilitating handicappedMontana Indians" (Johnson, 1966, P. 1). When the MontanaProject began, "no published literaturb relative to solvingproblems in rehabilitating Indians was known to exist" (John-son, 1966, P.V.). The Montana Indian Rehabilitation Projectand its staff were a multi-purpose surveillance and evaluationunit attached temporarily to a vocational training institution.The project acted as a liaison between rehabilitation andhigher education. A select group of Indian clients werechosen to begin training programs at Montana State College.Most of these training programs were of a vocation technical'nature. The project staff provided guidance and counseling,remedial education, wild other supportive functions for theirIndian clients. The average grade completed by these projectclients was 10.96, relatively higher than that of the average(9.2) Division of Vocational Rehabilitation Indian referralexcluding Northern Montana College Project clients, and muchhigher than Navajo Rehabilitation Project clients (6.6).

The Montana College Project staff did not actively place anyof their clients, as the placement function was performed byother existing agencies such as the Dizision of VocationalRehabilitation, Montana Employment Service, and the Bureau ofIndian Affairs.

The Rehabilitation Project at the Alaska Native Medical Centerhas as its purpose the utilization of research and demonstra-tion methods to solve rehabilitation problems unique to theAlaskan Native people (Rehabilitation Project Staff, 1966).This Project is very similar in purpose the Navajo Rehabili-tation Project. Both Projects are concerned with the develop-ment of evaluation techniques for the rehabilitation of

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disabled Indian groups. In the 1966 Progress Report, theAlaska Project had evaluated 204 clients, and had providedbasic adult education and referral services to appropriateagencies such as the Alaska Office of Vocational Rehabili-tation, the Manpower Development and Training Program, andthe South Central Alaska Project for Habilitation HouseAssistance.

One of the major problems similar to the Navajo Rehabili-tation Project noted by the Alaska Project was the highincidence of alcoholism among their clients.

Problems in Testing Minority Groups

There is considerable evidence that the culturally differentperson in the United States is handicapped on tests of intel-ligence. Negroes, American Indians, Mexican-Americans, immi-grants, and other minority groups do not, in general, performas well on measures of intelligence as do o'tner children(Klineberg, 1963; Anastasi, 1963, Pp. 563-570; Carlson andHenderson, 1950). Klineberg strongly believes that "there isno scientifically acceptable evidence that ethnic groupsdiffer in innate abilities" (1963, P. 202).

Test performance is influenced by a varity of factors, in-cluding language differences, educational experiences, socialand economic level, and in the facilities for intellectualadvancement that are available (Anastasi, 1963, P. 192;Klineberg, 1935). Klineberg (1935) also stresses that testquestions may convey different meanings to people of a dif-ferent culture than those presupposed. "The experiences ofpeople living in different cultures may vary in such a wayas to lead to basically different perceptual responses, lenda different meaning to their actions" XAnastasi, 1963, P.550)

Within the United States cultural setting,intelligence islargely defined in terms of verbal abiliti@s (Anastasi, 1963).Irdian children are usually language handicapped; they averageconsistently below the white norms on verbal tests; but onnon-verbal tests or tests of performance they score as wellas white children. Thus interpretation of test results withminority groups must be done carefully. The Work Group of

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the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issueslists three areas of difficulty in the use of standardizedtests with minority groups (1964, P. 130):

1) they may not provide reliable differentiation in therange of the minority group's scores;2)- their predictive validity for minority groups may bequite different from that of the standardization andvalidatioh groups;3) the validity of their interpretation is stronglydependent upon an adequate understanding in the socialand cultural background of the group in question.

The Work Group concludes their study by emphasizing that testscores of minority group children may have different meaningsthan similar test scores of non-Minority children, and thattest scores should not be used to indicate fixed levels ofperformande or potential (1964, P. 143).

The Setting

Location

The Navajo Rehabilitation Project was housed on the ArizonaState College campus, Flagstaff, Arizona (population 25,000).At the beginning of the Project, the college enrollment was3,345 students. In May of 1966, Arizona State College had anenrollment of over 5,000 students and it became NorthernArizona University. In 1967, at the close of the Project,over 6,000 regular college students were enrolled. The Cityof Flagstaff-was also rapidly expanding.

DeVeloRmantafNOrthern Arizona Rehabilitation center

Shortly after the Project began the demand for evaluationservices was obvious for others than just the Navajo pppula-tion of Northern Arizona. Thus, the Rehabilitation Centerwas founded. At the close of the Project, the Center offeredvocational and psychological evaluation, physiotherapy, adultremedial education, pre-schooling for the mentally retarded,speech therapy, and other related services.

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Related Organizations

o a Reh 1

Since the overwhelming majority of Navajo RehabilitationProject clients were referred through the Northern ArizonaOffice of the Division of Vocational Rehabilitation, andsince most of the clients also remained clients of the Divi-sion office, other agencies had difficulty separating theNavajo Rehabilitation Project from the Division of VocationalRehabilitation. When the Project was conceived, as mentionedearlier, there was only one counselor, the Senior Counselor,in the Northern Arizona Division of Vocational Rehabilitationoffice. In 1964, another counselor was added to the staff;then a third, in the fall of 1966. Thus, as the Project con-tinued, there was a case load increase in the Division ofVocational Rehabilitation Office; and an increase in per-sonnel to handle this load. Obviously, Navajo RehabilitationProject intake and other activities added to the case loadof the Northern Arizona Division cif Vocational Rehabilitation.The overwhelming majority of referrals was from, and thehighest proportion of communication was with, the Division ofVocational Rehabilitation; but other agencies performed vitalservices in meeting the needs of Navajo Rehabilitation Projectclients, and to facilitate these services much communicationwith them was essential.

Public Health Service

The United States Public Health Service was one of theseagencies. It provides medical services for Indians, and ithas a number of hospitals and clinics strategically placedon and close to the Reservation. However, most of the com-munication of Project personnel with this Federal agency was-with the Tuba City, 80 miles from Flagstaff, and the Winslow,60 miles from Flagstaff, Public Health Service Indian Hos-pitals. These and most other Public Health Service hospitalsin the area employ medical social workers. Most of the Pro-ject communication with the Public Health Service was throughthese social workers. Thus, while they were in Flagstaff aswell as on the Reservation, the Public Health Service providedessential medical attention to Navajo Rehabilitation Projectclients. The clients could, when in need of medical care,go either to the Tuba City Hospital or the Winslow Hospital.

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When emergencies arose,and with prior authorization from aPublic Health Service Unit Director, a client could get carethrough a.Flagstaff physician and the Flagstaff CommunityHospital.

jagreau of Indian Affairs

Each Bureau of Indian Affairs Agency office also employs-asocial worker. As with the Public Health Service social'workers, the Bureau of Indian Affairs Social Workers servedNavajo Rehabilitation Project clients by preparing socialsummaries, counseling clients, referring them, and attendingto follow-up needs and making reports.

Also as with the public Health Service facilities, the. Bureauof Indian Affairs has strategically placed Office of Employment Assistance facilities. Counselors of these facilitiesalso made referrals to the Project and were instrumentalin placing some clients .after they had completed evaluation,

The Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Public Health Service:arethe two largest employers on the Reservation; and_thusrpotential sources of disabled Navajo employment.

County Welfare Offices

Three Northern Arizona County Welfare offices, CoconinoCounty, Navajo County, and Apache County, made referrals tothe Project and provided welfare funds for the dependentmembers of Project clients' families.

AulmnaEmplQy=nitEggatityfanmission

The Arizona Employment Security Commission was an occassionalsource of-job placement.

AdaaNIABlindagraiaga

Arizona Blind Services made referrals of partially blind andblind clients. This agency financed educational and providedother services to their clients who had been referred to theProject. Arizona Blind Services also assumed the primaryresponsibility in some instances for the employment df Pro-ject clients.

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Goodwill Industries

Goodwill Industries Incorporated played a vital referralrole through both their Flagstaff and Phoenix stores. Anumber of Navajo Rehabilitation Project clients receivedextended on-the-job evaluation or were placed on jobs inthe Flagstaff Goodwill Industries store. The pay they earnedwhile on these jobs was often an incentive which clientsmight not have found elsewhere; but wages were low enough tofoster search for better paying jobs.

Private Business

A number of businessmen of Flagstaff and other areas, especiallysmall businessmen, provided training for clients and hiredtrained Project clients or offered them direct employment.However, some businessmen reported previous unsatisfactoryexperiences with Navajo employees and refused directly or in-directly to cooperate in training or employing Navajo Rehabili-tation Project clients. It is impossible to determine towhat degree unsatisfactory experience or prejudice of most ofthese non-cooperating businessmen determined the refusal toparticipate. However, some clients who were placed failed tomeet employment realities and tended to support the employers'arguments. The traits which the failures displayed were some-times apparent during evaluation. However, some employers,who had reported negative experience with Navajo employees,were willing, when the Project staff provided stroiig recom-mendations, to employ Project clients. The employment historyindicates that most of the recommendations were accurate eval-uations of the client employment potential.

Missions

Mission schools and hospitals were sources of referral of someclients for evaluation. Several Project clients, in turn, werereferred to Sage Memorial Hospital at Ganado and SouthwesternSchool of Missions in Flagstaff.

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CHAPTER II

THE NAVAJO REHABILITATION PROJECT PROGRAM

Major Project Functions

The three primary functions of the Project were (1) todevelop vocational rehabilitation evaluation techniquesand procedures for disabled Navajo Indians, (2) to demon-strate procedures for coordinating and involving all agen-cies in Northern Arizona responsible for rehabilitatingdisabled Navajo people, and (3) to gather and researchthe data produced by the service functions of the Project;that is, to study the effectiveness of tests, techniques,and procedures used in the evaluation of disabled Navajos.

When the Navajo Rehabilitation Project began, there wereno studies reported of evaluation programs for Indian dis-abled clients. There was no previous specific applicableexperience on which to develop such a program. Thus, ifresearch were to be made on the effectiveness of a programfor evaluating disabled Navajos, some parts of the programwould have to be originated.

The evaluation program was devised by using techniques andtests frequently used in other vocational rehabilitationevaluation settings; but, in addition, tests not usuallyused in these settings were selected, social and educationalevaluation were introduced, and usual pre-vocational evalua-tion procedures were adapted. Thus, much of the programhad to be developed on an a priori basis; namely, whatappeared appropriate for evaluating Navajo rehabilitationclients was added to the program. At the outset, manymore tests and evaluation procedures were incorporated inthe program than in other evaluation settings, and morethan would be necessary after the relative effectivenessof the tests and procedures had been studied.

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Development of the Navajo RehabilitationProject Program

The grant proposal, a research and demonstration project,was approved and funded by the Vocational RehabilitationAdministration on March 1, 1963, for a period of four years.These federal funds provided mainly for salaries. Almostall other financing of the Project was left to the partici-pating agencies. Efforts were made to obtain inter-agencycooperation throughout all aspects of the Project. Deve-loping a workable financial and service structure for theProject was essential for planning services which couldcontinue after the Navajo Rehabilitation Project was com-pleted. In outline, the service structure of the Projectfollows:

1. Medical aspects of client care were provided throughfacilities of the United States Public Health Service.

2. Client transportation was provided by funds from theState Division of Vocational Rehabilitation, Bureauof Indian Affairs Employment Assistance, or the Pro-ject.

3. Client maintenance was funded through the StateDivision of Vocational Rehabilitation.

4. Dependent family members of the client wereby County Departments of Welfare.

5. Housing and dining facilities were providedcollege campus.

Evaluation Services and Other Services Provided

served

on the

Thus, the Navajo Vocational Evaluation service program wasestablished, but, in order to evaluate clients, other ser-vices had to be provided. For example, preparing a programand offering services for clients does not make clientsavailable for services. Recruiting Navajo rehabilitationclients to evaluate presented very special problems. Thus,as soon as the evaluation program was developed, intake pro-cedures to secure a more or less steady flow of clients wereneeded.

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Intake Services

Ultimately, therefore, the Intake Counselor position wasestablished. Intake service ranged from a letter to theclient asking for identifying information, to an invest-ment of fifteen work days by the Counselor in case pre-paration. Such preparation could include two or more tripsto the Reservation for interviewing and gathering informa-tion, contact with the referral agency, arranging appoint-ments, welfare applications, and transportation for theclient, and, in many cases, handling personal problems dur-ing the evaluation period. The Intake Counselor spentadditional hours working on Reservation placement and casefollow-up after the evaluation period was completed.

Intake functions were to (1) secure medical review andmedical approval for each client to qualify him for reha-bilitation services, (2) gather relevant social, educa-tional, and employment history to give the Navajo Rehabi-litation Project staff a more detailed picture of the in-dividual client and his specific problems, physical limi-tation, and job interests, (3) establish procedures forhandling medical problems of clients enrolled in the NavajoRehabilitation Project, (4) establish procedures for pro,viding supplementary maintenance for clients brought toFlagstaff for evaluation, including housing, meals, trans-portation, and usually welfare assistance, (5) keep re-ferral agencies and clients informed of case developmenton all referrals.

In addition to intake responsibilities the Intake Counselor(1) instituted follow-up studies on clients who had com-pleted evaluation and returned home to the Reservation orwho had dropped out of the program for various reasons, (2)

assisted in the development of audio-visual materials to beshown at Navajo Chapter Houses for better community under-standing of the Navajo Rehabilitation Project services, (3)

during the initial interview with the client on the Reser-vation observed and recorded information and assisted theresearch staff in collecting data on Navajo views of disa-bility and Navajo treatment of disabled family members, (4)

assisted in locating training and job placement opportuni-ties on the Reservation.

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Orientation, Socialization, and Social Evaluation

After client application forms were processed and clientswere accepted for services, they were brought to NorthernArizona University where the Residence Guidance Supervisorassumed the responsibility for orienting them to living inProject facilities. Clients lived for a time in housingofficially on campus, but specially provided for them inan undeveloped part of the campus, and in housing purchasedby the University for expansion. Also used for a periodwas an abandoned college infirmary. After these buildingswere moved off campus, the clients lived as they had atthe beginning of the Project, in a motel.

The purposes of the social adjustment program in the NavajoRehabilitation Project were to facilitate the personal andsocial adjustment of the client and to evaluate the rele-vant social and personal characteristics contributing tovocational success. The majority of the Navajo Rehabili-tation Project clients were limited in off-Reservation ex-periences, and their adjustment process upon entering arehabilitation project was considerably greater than thatexperienced by the average rehabilitation client. Thesocial adjustment program was aimed at familiarizing Navajoclients with aspects of the dominant United States cultureuseful to them for their future progress. The social adjust-ment program provided another Project aim; it provided asetting for evaluation of social and personal characteristicsdetermining vocational success.

The Personal Adjustment Counselor; whose position was laterre-defined and labeled Residence Guidance Supervisor, wasresponsible for the progress of the clients while they werein evaluation. The duties of the Residence Guidance Super-visor included orientation, counseling, recreation, andassistance with miscellaneous client problems. At the com-pletion of each clients vocational evaluation, the Resi-dence Guidance Supervisor wrote a social evaluation reporton the client.

When the client arrived on campus, the Residence GuidanceSupervisor met the client and introduced him to the remain

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ing staff members. The client was settled in the Rehabili-tation dormitory and then given a tour of campus and atour of Flagstaff.

The Residence Guidance Supervisor was also involved incounseling with the client in areas related to social ad-justment. Some of the topics covered were job interests,desired places of employment, attitudes toward employment,and problems that might arise in living in a city, such asrent, utility payments, and food costs, care of personaland public property, courtesy, personal responsibilities,personal hygiene and rules of conduct, homesickness, dis-cipline and drinking problems.

Recreation activities were provided for the clients whilethey were in evaluation. These included sports, crafts,games, excursions, picnics, and movies. Many of the acti-vities were arranged as client-staff get-togethers, whichprovided a means of becoming acquainted with the clientson an informal basis, as well as information useful for asocial evaluation of the client.

There were part time dormitory supervisors who lived in orright next to the dormitories of the clients. They super-vised the physical environment, and provided additional on-the-spot counseling and orientation. They were also respon-sible for informing clients about dormitory regulations,and stimulating social interaction and activities.

During the service phases of the Project an interpreter wasemployed to help in all phases of interpreting Project func-tions, and to aid communication between the client and thecounselor, or client and examiner. The' interpreter fosteredcommunication among the clients.

During the last eighteen months of the Project, after drink-ing was recognized as a problem which interfered with therehabilitation of many clients, an Antabuse control programwas instituted for client problem drinkers.

The social evaluation report was compiled from informationgathered through interviews and informal conversations withthe client, and from observations made of the clients during

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recreational activities, in the dormitory, in the evaluationareas, and on field trips. The report usually contained in-formation on personal appearance of a client, his interests,his behavior and personality, problems connected with hisdisability, and the recommendations of the Residence GuidanceSupervisor about future plans for the client.

One of the primary contributions of the social evaluation re-port to the complete evaluation of the client was an estimateof the client's social skills and personality characteristics.The social report was used to determine what personal charac-teristics the client possessed that would foster or hinderjob success. It was also of value in corroborating test re-sults and observations from the other evaluation areas.

Psychological Evaluation

After orientation, clients commenced the routine of psycholo-gical evaluation which consisted of interviews and tests. ThePsychological Evaluation Area was manned by a psychometristand then, during the more active service stages of the program,supervised by a psychologist. Most of the tests were adminis-tered by the psychometrist, but the psychologist was responsi-ble for writing the psychological report. During the lastyear of the Project, the Project Director supervised the psy-chological report writing; and if projective tests were needed,the Project Director administered and made clinical interpre-tations of them. The battery included standardized intelli-gence and aptitude tests, interest inventories, and personalitytests. (See Casto, 1967, Monograph Number 5,).

The objectives of the psychological testing program weresimilar to those of a typical "Anglo" testing program. Thetests provided information for evaluation, research, predic-tion, observation, and personality traits. Further objectivesof the Navajo Rehabilitation Project testing program includedthe development of a battery of tests which would produce thedesired results, as well as the development of norms or cri-teria which produce accurate, effective evaluation of Navajoclients.

The objectives of evaluation encompassed many areas:,

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1. The assessment of one's general ability level;2. The determining of specific and generalized voca-

tional and educational interests;3. The determination of specific aptitudes and speci-

fic abilities and manipulative skills;4. The discovering of the psychological needs and

personality structure.

Evaluation provided useful information of an individual'sabilities to counselors and employers. It helped to deter-mine what vocational or educational situation the clientwould most enjoy and would find success in.

Another testing objective was to perform research. Thetesting program's purpose was to determine what methods,techniques, and procedures of evaluation in use were appro-priate and effective for vocational evaluation of people inthe Navajo culture.

In research it was important to determine those specificinfluences which effected the overall validity and relia-bility of the instruments used. Notable items in this areawere English language deficiency, lack of comprehension oftest items and tasks to be performed, and the unfamiliartesting situation. It was important that the examiner watchfor the influence of these sources of error and note theirimportance in the interpretation of test results.

The use of a Navajo interpreter in administering the testsintroduced the possibility of coaching, giving away answers,loosening of test directions, and a tendency toward inter-preting answers producing lenient scoring. Interpretationsof test results had to take into account these sources oftest error.

The order and manner of presenting the psychological instru-ments was important. The examiner, during the establishmentof rapport with the client, decided which tests would begiven first and the manner in which they would be presented.A shy individual required a non-threatening, performance typetest with much encouragement and verbal reinforcement. Otherscould start much as any "Anglo" would start, with verbal,group-type tests.

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An overlapping objective of the testing program was that ofprediction. The immediate purpose of testing was diagnosisor evaluation to predict the appropriate training or voca-tional performance of each client.

Often it was of greater importance to observe an individualin testing rather than to rely wholly upon tests scores.Important to observe in the testing situation were the methodor approach to tasks, the plan of response, the degree of per-sistance, anxiety reactions, the economy of motion, logical orsystematic problem solving, eye-hand coordination, learningability, stamina under extensive physical requirements, andapparent interest in the task.

Determining emotional and personality structure became diffi-cult with the Navajo population because of their differentworld view, cultural background and environment.

The instruments used for personality evaluation were stan-dardized on an "Anglo" population. Yet, through enculturation,Navajos have partly shared attitudes and beliefs with "Anglos."It was from more "Anglicized" clients that valid and fairapplication could be made of the personality instruments. Sometests administered were appropriately interpreted for someNavajo clients.

Pre-Vocational Evaluation

Concurrently with the psychological evalliation, Navajo Reha-bilitation clients entered Pre-Vocational Evaluation andEducational Evaluation lasting from two to six weeks. Theywere in each area half a day, and were taken out of eitherarea periodically for psychological evaluation.

One of the primary purposes of the Pre-Vocational Laboratorywas to develop techniques for the vocational evaluation ofdisabled Navajos. The Laboratory used a work sample techni-que based on the TOWER System of the Institute for the Crip-pled and Disabled. Some of the TOWER tests were used intheir original form; others were modified to suit the Navajoclient group. Also, special techniques developed in theLaboratory were tried for effectiveness.

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The objectives of the Pre-Vocational Laboratory were toevaluate as many aspects of each clients' vocational abili-ties as possible, to observe and report on the physical andmental limitations of each client, and to introduce manyvaried samples of vocations and tools to the client.

The Laboratory evaluation included a peronal interview,eye examinations, dexterity tests, practical examinations,and work sample tasks. The major part of the evaluationwas devoted to the work sample tasks including drafting,clerical, woodwork, leatherwork, rock work, machinery,plumbing, and sewing. The abilities, aptitudes, and in-terests of the client were noted by the Evaluator, and in-cluded in a Final Pre-Vocational Evaluation Report.

Educational Evaluation

The purpose of the Navajo Rehabilitation Project EducationalEvaluation was to evaluate the functional achievement leveland learning ability of the client. An evaluation of theclients' functional school achievement level was valuablein the total evaluation process because it offered informa-tion about the types of jobs which the client could performadequately.

Evaluation in the educaticnal process usually consists ofmeasurement with standardized tests to detelmine the educa-tional progress of the individual or class over a period oftime. Navajo Rehabilitation Project Educational Evaluationconsisted of making a preliminary assessment, using a de-tailed achievement test battery, then engaging the clientin remedial instruction, and re-testing him with the achieve-ment test battery.

The preliminary assessment included a personal interview, andtesting on the Wide Range Achievement Test and the GilmoreOral Reading Test. If the clients' reading scores were atleast at the third grade achievement level, they were then

..given the Iowa Tests of Basic Skills, a more complete testof the client's school achievement. After several weeks ofremedial instruction, the clients were re-tested on an alter-nate form of the Iowa Tests; achievement test scores werethen compared for significant gains.

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Clients who made significant gains on the second form ofthe test were considered to have benefitted most from theremedial instruction. If the skills of a client were al-ready fairly adequate or of recent experience, the instruc-tional results had to be studied carefully, because a clientwho had recently been in school or who had received agreater amount of education would be likely to gain lessor nothing over a short period of time. Clients who wereseverely under-educated or who had forgotten a great dealof what they had learned in school would probably be themost likely to gain in achievement level with a brief periodof remedial instruction. Through the observations made andthe work completed in the classroom, the Evaluator obtainedother valuable qualitative information about the attitudesand abilities of the client that could not be ascertainedthrough the use of achievement tests.

The evaluation procedures were modified for clients whocould take only the preliminary achievement tests or whodid not know enough English to take any of the tests. Theevaluations of these clients had to be made primarily fromdata collected from working with the individual in the class-room, and was, thus, more subjective in nature.

Placement Procedures

After evaluation and observation of the client in thevarious vocational evaluation areas, including an interviewof the client by the Placement Counselor, a general staffingof the client was held. In these general staffings, theclient's case was discussed by the entire staff and, whenhe could attend, by the Division of Vocational RehabilitationCounselor. The discussion usually included the client's ownstated interests, his background, social and family history,past work record, other significant information availableabout the client, and the client's performance in the variousareas of evaluation. Also included were any factors believedto have a bearing on the client's chances for vocationalsuccess. Based on all these considerations, the staff madea decision as to whether the client was classified non-feasible or feasible for employment.

The client was classified non-feasible when the evaluation

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indicated that he had little or no chance for vocationalsuccess in any field. If the client was classified non-feasible, he was usually sent home and generally receivedlittle further training or job placement services from theProject. However, attempts were made to follow-up and de-termine the client's progress after services were terminated.

The client was classified feasible for employment when hedemonstrated the ability and motivation to succeed in oneor more vocational fields. If he was classified feasible,the staff would make a recommendation for placement in anappropriate area. Generally, the recommendation was madefor broad vocational areas rather than for any specifickind of job or work. This gave the Placement Counselor lee-way in placing the client. It was then up to the PlacementCounselor to locate and arrange placement for the client.

If there was any question as to whether the client had thephysical capacity to handle the placement, it was generallynecessary to obtain a work tolerance report. This was aform from a physician which stated that the client could orcould not do the work. The physician's decision had to beaffirmative before the Placement Counselor could actuallyplace the client.

After the placement of the client, the Placement Counselorfollowed the client's progress and tried to insure theclient's vocational success. Help was given the client towork out problems which might have an effect on his chancesfor success. The Placement Counselor counseled with the em-ployer or trainer to help work out problems the employer sawas possible stumbling blocks for the client. Attempts weremade by the client, the employer, or the counselor to antici-pate problems. If the placement was in a training setting,once the client completed training, it was the responsibilityof the Placement Counselor to help the client find suitableemployment.

Not all clients were employed in the procedure just described,but the majority of them were. Even with the "usual" clientsthe procedure had to vary from individual to individual. Someclients were able to place themselves with little or no assis-tance from the Project, but even these clients were offered

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follow-up services if they chose them. In any event, althoughthey were not always successful, the Placement Counselor orother staff did try to maintain contact with and follow-up theprogress of all clients.

Coordination of Services

During the most active phases of the Project the responsibilityof the Case Services Coordinator was to supervise all thefunctions in detail and to be sure that all case services werecompleted. He also performed many of the functions of a Voca-tional Counselor. It was his responsibility to summarize thedetailed reports from each evaluation area, and under thesupervision of the Director, to write a coordinated final re-port to the referring agencies.

Coordination of Efforts Among Agencies

The second major function of the Navajo Rehabilitation Projectwas to help coordinate agency efforts and to foster more com-plete involvement of referral agencies in Navajo vocational re-habilitation. Prior to the establishment of the Navajo Rehabi-litation Project, the Federal and State agencies involved inrehabilitation efforts with disabled Navajos attempted toserve cases within their individual framework. In 1963, theseagencies established, with the Project as a catalyst, a coor-dinated program of rehabilitation, with the individual agen-cies assuming appropriate service responsibilities. Coordina-tion of services and involvement of agencies was facilitatedby a workshop and several day-long conferences, through nume-rous individual contacts with participating and referralagencies by the Intake Counselor, the Director, and otherstaff members, through letters written to these agencies, andthrough brochures describing the program and explaining theprocess of referral. One brochure was designed for referralagencies and the Northern Arizona University faculty. Theother was illustrated to attract non-professional and pros-pective client interest.

As mentioned earlier, the Public Health Service assumed re-sponsibility for restorative, health, and social workservices. When the client was eligible, the Bureau of Indian

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Affairs Welfare, Navajo Tribal Welfare, or county welfare per-sonnel agreed to continue financial support to the client dur-ing his rehabilitation process. If the family of the clientwas eligible for aid to dependent children, it received thisfinancial aid from the county welfare office. The Navajo Re-habilitation Project and Division of Vocational Rehabilitationeach assumed responsibilities for evaluation services and pro-gram planning. The Navajo Rehabilitation Project, Division ofVocational Rehabilitation, and Bureau of Indian Affairs Branchof Employment Assistance implemented educational services, pre-vocational and vocational training, and aided in job placement.

Specific referral procedures were established so that the re-ferring agencies would understand what preliminary stepsneeded to be completed before the client could enter evalua-tion, where to send referral forms, and how to arrange trans-portation for the client.

Communication among agencies was a problem during the lifeof the Project, primarily because many agencies in many dif-ferent areas of Northern Arizona were involved, and it wasdifficult to solve specific problems via letter or telephoneconversation. Several meetings of the agencies involvedwere arranged by the Project in order to discuss problemsand clarify the responsibilities of each agency in the reha-bilitation process.

Research Goals and Hypotheses

The Project staff experienced the usual conflict of action -research projects between service aims and research aims. Aslong as services are rendered, immediate human needs must bemet. Thus, from a research point of view the staff becameover-involved with meeting the Project service demands andclient needs. It sometimes was actually distracted from theresearch goals; some pertinent research procedures were ignored,and vital data went unrecorded. It was much easier, when ser-vice functions were completed, and while data was being analyzed,to perceive what procedures should have been followed, whatdata should have been gathered, and what hypotheses should havebeen explored in order to draw experimentally validated conclu-sions.

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Many of the early recognitions of the Project staff werethat certain goals and purposes listed under the "Purposeand Rationale" of the Project Report and purposes and hypo-theses generated during the rendering of services would haveto be answered by tentative, subjective, impressions, some-times as hypothetical as the original hypotheses.

However, from the beginning relatively complete case historymaterial was gathered, particularly through the completionof intake forms. Counseling interview notes were continuous-ly kept. Test data collected during psychological evaluationwas recorded. Records were kept of training and placement,and of on-the-job training. This data, also, will be usefulfor future research.

One of the primary research goals was to determine if, throughrendering rehabilitation evaluation and other vocational reha-bilitation services to disabled Navajos, they could be placedsuccessfully on jobs in greater numbers than before such ser-vices were rendered. Another important research goal was thedevelopment of a psychological evaluation procedure for dis-abled Navajos. Selection of tests appropriate for vocationalevaluation of Navajos was a primary part of this researchgoal. At first the Psychological Evaluation Area chose andcollected data on a large number of standardized tests. Theaim was to reduce the number of tests as information on Nava-jo client performance accumulated. The Educational Evalua-tion and Pre-Vocational Laboratory developed techniques forevaluation, and gathered normative data for the tests givenin these areas.

Another aim was to reduce the entire time required for theevaluation of Navajo clients as more knowledge of Navajo re-habilitation was gained, and as more effective evaluationprocedures were established.

Another aspect of the evaluation aim was the study of counsel-ing techniques with Navajos to evaluate them more effectively,and to understand better the communication process in thecross-cultural setting.

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The Relationship of the Navajo RehabilitationProject to Other Agencies

As mentioned earlier, to the partially informed and occa-sionally involved agency, the Division of Vocational Reha-bilitation was difficult to separate from the Navajo Reha-bilitation Project. The two organizations worked in closecooperation. Of the 118 clients evaluated by the NavajoRehabilitation Project, the overwhelming majority (102)were also clients of the Division of Vocational Rehabili-tation. The Navajo Rehabilitation Project clients remainedDivision of Vocational Rehabilitation clients during theProject evaluation and while they were trained or placedon a job. Naturally, then, Navajo Rehabilitation Projectclients who were evaluated had to meet all of the require-ments for Division of Vocational Rehabilitation services.

As other Division of Vocational Rehabilitation clientsthey had to complete Division of Vocational Rehabilitationforms, medical examinations, and physical restorationtreatment before they became clients of the Navajo Reha-bilitation Project. Thus, the Project Intake Counselorwas in many ways acting as an extension of the Divisionof Vocational Rehabilitation in informing agencies andprospective clients of the Division of Vocational Rehabi-litation services, and helping them complete forms and en-couraging them to meet the other requirements. The IntakeCounselor participated in the conference with the Divisionof Vocational Rehabilitation Counselor and the consultingphysician of the Division of Vocational Rehabilitation whenthey made determination for admission to the roles of theDivision of Vocational Rehabilitation and possible immedi-ate referral to the Navajo Rehabilitation Project forevaluation.

At the conclusion of the evaluation, in determining job orvocational training placement, the Counselor for theDivision of Vocational Rehabilitation was often involvedin the final staff meeting of the Navajo RehabilitationProject. In the meeting he helped determine the final re-commendation, and often assumed primary responsibility incarrying out the recommendation. The Navajo Rehabilitation

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Project Placement Counselor often worked with the Divisionof Vocational Rehabilitation Counselor on the actual pro-blem of follow-up after the person had been placed in train-ing or placed on the job.

Sometimes the three county welfare offices first referredprospective rehabilitation clients to the Division of Voca-tional Rehabilitation, and other times, referred themdirectly to the Navajo Rehabilitation Project which, inturn, referred them to the Division of Vocational Rehabili-tation for processing and re-referral to the Navajo Rehabi-litation Project. As mentioned, when a client had depen--dent family members, the county welfare office continuedto assume dependent family member financial responsibility.

On several occasions staff members believed that the re-ferrals of clients from welfare offices were made in orderto remove temporarily an individual from the welfare rolesin order to place them on the Division of Vocational Reha-bilitation case roles. Several of these referrals appearedcompletely unfeasible for employment, thus offering justifi-cation for this staff suspicion.

Some clients also felt that referral was made by welfareoffices to the Navajo Rehabilitation Project as a punitivedevice in order to remove them from the welfare roles tem-porarily or permanently. It is possible that the motivesof the welfare workers on these few occasions were misjudgedby the staff or by the client.

Also, as mentioned earlier, the University was the centerfor Project activities. There were efforts made by theProject staff to inform the faculty and students of theProject. There was some question by some faculty of theappropriateness of offering rehabilitation services in theUniversity environment. However, the Navajo RehabilitationProject and the Rehabilitation Center have provided a use-ful, instructional setting for psychology, sociology, andeducation students. The Project and Center have also servedas sources of training and research.

The relationship of the Project to the Public Health Service,the Bureau of Indian Affairs and its different offices,

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Arizona Employment Security Commission, Arizona BlindServices, Goodwill Industries, private business, andmissions is, for most readers, probably adequately de-scribed earlier in this Report. However, for more 4s)

details, see Avallone, (1967, Monograph Number 3) andSanchez, 1967, (Monograph Number

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CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

Methods Used to Determine theEffectiveness of the Different Functions of the

Navajo Rehabilitation Project

The question of service effectiveness in an action-researchproject is ever-present. However, a systematic, well-controlled validation study of the effectiveness of allphases of a service and demonstration program appears im-possible to design. Nonetheless, efforts were made to de-termine the effectiveness of many phases of the Navajo Reha-bilitation Project. Even though many variables had to beignored, a comparison of conditions before and after theProject was used to determine Project success. This com-parison of increased services and increased inter-agencycooperation and effort generating more appropriate referralslimited in validity as they are, must act as important andpractical criteria of over-all Navajo Rehabilitation Pro-ject success.

I

The Anthropologist was used not only to interpret ethno-graphic information to the staff, but the Project was usedby the Anthropologist as a source of information on Navajoillness and disability. The anthropologist's sources ofdata were the Project case files, staff observations, andnotes from Navajo clients, communications with anthropologistsand other students of Navajos, and already published studies.No ethnological fieldwork was done by the anthropologist onthe Navajo Reservation. The research functions of the anthro-pologist were to gather data and report on the ethnologicalaspects of disability among Navajos.

Neither was there a quantitative approach to the study ofcounseling Navajos, but direct observations were made bystaff members of counseling relationships, of counseling

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behavior, and of counseling communication. The report ofthese impressions, therefore, relied on empirical and notexperimental methods.

Other functions of the Project, however, were subject tomore objective and quantitative validation procedures. Cer-tainly, enough data was gathered on some psychological teststo partially validate the effectiveness of some evaluativeprocedures for disabled Navajos.

A Quantitative Description of the Population Served

The Representativeness of the Population Sample

Intake services were rendered to 258 disabled Navajos. Ofthese, 118 completed enough of the program to provide someevaluation. Obviously; the conditions determining accep-tance for services, limited as they were by rules and regu-lations of the Division of Vocational Rehabilitation and thepurpose of the Project, indicate that the Navajo populationserved was not representative in all ways of the total Navajopopulation. However, a major problem was maintaining a flowof clients in order to gather enough data for valid research.Therefore, every eligible Navajo applicant was accepted.Thus, the service demands of the Project precluded considera-tion of selecting clients solely on a representative basis.Such factors as transportation difficulties, personalitycharacteristics which would influence the referral sourcesto refer given clients, and the attitudes of the referringpeople exerted controls on who ultimately received services.Despite these considerations, while the Project clients werenot representative of the total Navajo population, there arereasons to believe that they were representative of thetotal disabled Navajo population.

Characteristics of Project Clients

The number of referrals per agency during the Navajo Rehabili-tation Project operation was:

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Division of Vocational Rehabilitation 63Bureau of Indian Affairs, Branch of Welfare 54Navajo Tribal Welfare 2Bureau of Indian Affairs, Branch ofEmployment Assistance 16

United States Public Health Service 36County Welfare Office 23Arizona Blind Service 15Social Security Administration 10Self-Referrals 10Non-Agency Referral (Other than .Client) 6Private Hospital 2Private Service Agency (Non-Hospital) 1Other Sources (Public School, Navajo

Tribe, etc.) 4U/Metermined Source because of incomplete

case information 16

Total NUmber of Referrals 258

The type of disabilities represented by 258 clients thatreceived intake services were:

1. Disability caused by accidents,amputation of limb resulted 16

2. Disability caused by accidents,no amputation 29

3. Post Tuberculosis 294. Epilepsy (Diagnosed or not) 125. Rheumatic Heart 76. Polio 27. Brain Damage 18. Birth Defect 79. Congenital hip dislocation 16

10. Blind or near blind 1511. Deaf 912. Emotional Problem or Mental Retatdation 25

*13. Other Disability 35**14. Unknown or non-existent 54

*Asthma, arthritis, etc., would be included in this cate-gory.

*" *Disability not recorded because referral was inappropriate,client did not respond to contact by Project, or case re-ferred closed because no disability existed.

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Following is a classification of Intake services rendered:

1. 258 Navajos received some form of services;2. 140 received Intake service only;3. of this 140, 102 were referred closed as ineligible

or non-feasible for rehabilitation services;4. the remaining 38 were receiving active Intake ser-

vice in November of 1966;5. 118 Navajos received evaluation services.

Of the 118 clients evaluated by the Project, 95 had more thanone disabling handicap and 86 were referred by two or moreagencies. Disabled Navajo Indians entering the Project wereusually single males, between 20 to 35, with a total range,of 16 to 59 years. Most came from large families with 5 to10 siblings. Of the 118 clients evaluated by the Project,88 were males and 30 were females. While the actual per-centage of disabled men to women on the Reservation is un-known, more disabled men are known to agency personnel, andmore men than women are, by Division of Vocational Rehabili-tation rules, eligible for rehabilitation services. There-fore, men were more frequently referred for rehabilitationservices than women. Many unmarried, disabled clients livedwith their parents, siblings, or other clan relatives, andtheir welfare checks were an important part of the cash in-come for the family unit.

Project intake policies determined some of the character-istics of the clients accepted for evaluation, particularlyage, area of residence and kinds of disabilities. Knownproblem drinking, communication skill, degree of physicalor mental handicap, motivation, attitudes, and previousattempts at rehabilitation were considered prior to accep-tance. One major problem was that, for many clients, thisProject was a last resort after many other services had beentried. The Project received many referrals who were vocation-ally unsuccessful in other programs, and this lack of successwas reflected in the referral statistics. One hundred eighty-one clients were referred by two or more agencies. Thesedouble referrals came from Tribal Welfare and Bureau of In-dian Affairs Employment Assistance, Welfare and Public HealthService, County Welfare, and County Public Health. Thispattern of repeated failure was often reflected in client

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motivation, personal commitment, dependency, a self-negatingframe of reference, and other negative client attitudes.

Other frequent client characteristics included lack of com-munication skills, homesickness, shyness, cultural outlookon lenghh of eit:ployment, the necessity of frequent trips tothe Reservation, excessive consumption of alcohol, lack ofpersonal cleanliness, non-hygienic habits, and according tothe "Anglo" value system, an inability to use leisure timeeffectively and constructively. Most were active and slowto display anger.

Methodological Problems

Factors Limiting the Validity of Tests

The administration of tests and the interpreting of testresults for any population, highly different from the stan-dardization population, presents difficulties. Navajos,with the exception of perhaps the Alaskan natives, are themost distinctly different large ethnic group inhabiting.alarge geographic area in the United States. Navajos areabout as culturally and linguistically different from"Ameri-can" test norm groups as a group can be. For a great pro-portion of Navajos, English is a second language, and alsoEnglish is as unrelated to the traditional Navajo languageas any language can be. Traditional Navajo culture, also,is about as different from the culture of the vast majorityof American people as a culture can be. Thus, the techni-ques used in administration and interpretation of tests cannot be derived simply from techniques used in interpretingtest results of other disadvantaged groups.

However, in stressing the differences of Navajos, any method-ology must also look for similarities between populations.Certainly, the Navajos have many linguistic and culturalsimilarities to other Apache groups. They certainly havemuch in common in background with other American Indian groups,and they also have some similarities to other disadvantagedpeople, for example, the Appalachian poor, the Lapps, certainMexican groups, and the Greenland Eskimos (Weller, 1965; Lewis,1961; Hogstedt, 1967, Pp. 49-51; HySjiund, 1967, Pp. 52-53).Many Navajos have daily contact with "Anglos" and most Navajochildren now attend "American" schools.

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The difficulties presented in interpreting psychologicaltests may be overcome partially through a clinical ratherthan a purely actuarial approach to test interpretation.From interview and case history data, one can make an esti-mate of an individual's enculturation. If the psychologistcan make a fairly accurate estimate of the enculturation ofa Navajo, he can often interpret test results with somevalidity. If a Navajo who has lived in a town surroundingthe Reservation or in one of the populated administrativecenters, and if he has completed a number of years of school-ing, test interpretation for him is quite different frominterpretation for another Navajo who had lived in a remotearea of the Reservation, speaks English limitedly, and hashad very little education. A given test could be a validmeasure for one Navajo and not for another. A clinical in-terpretation demands judgement of when and to what degree atest score has meaning.

The Ouestion of Control Groups

Because of the immediate service demands, the Navajo Reha-bilitation Project was not in tot() a "scientific" experi-ment.

There were no over-all control or experimental groups perikz. But there were some attempts to compare the NavajoRehabilitation Project clients with Preparatory TrainingProject clients who were also Navajo, and who were alsoserved by the Northern Arizona Rehabilitation Center, butwere not disabled. There were some attempts to compareNavajo Rehabilitation Project clients with the Navajo GallupCommunity Problem Drinker Project population. However, theGallup Project staff was unable to acquire a large enoughsample of non-alcoholic Navajos because the history of thepeople in the hospital where they attempted to get this sam-ple was so greatly composed of people with drinking problemsthat too few met the control criteria. Thus, they abandonedthe attempt to acquire a non-alcoholic, normal, Navajo, con-trol population.

In some studies, the standardizing population in developingtest norms functions as a control group. However, for rea-sons described above, when dealing with a Navajo population,such a procedure is often fraught with error.

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Staff Attitudes and Service Demand Sources of Error

Certain methodological problems arise in trying to compareLa' two groups. For instance, an attempt was made to determine,

if through correspondence, clients could be selected as ef-fectively as through personal contact. The Reservation wasdivided into two sections--the Western part of the Reserva-tion which would be individually contacted; and the Eastern,which would be contacted only by telephone and by writtencorrespondence. However, the inflow from the Eastern partof the Reservation appeared to drop off so rapidly that eventhis kind of controlled procedure was abandoned. Perhaps itwas abandoned before it was given trial; or perhaps, expectedfailure of the correspondence program led the staff to neglectthose aspects of it which would make it effective.

4

Some Evaluation Areas Collected Data More Reliably than Others

As simple as the recording of data on developed forms wouldseem, there were some significant lapses in data collection.During the entire Project, nonetheless, test data was recordeddiligently and completely. There was almost no deviation inrecording Intake data on the Intake forms for the last yearand one-half. During the last two years, the Social Evalua-tion and the Education Evaluation data collection was dili-gently recorded. However, because of frequent turn-over ofpersonnel in the Pre-Vocational Laboratory, much of the per-tinent data was not recorded. Often in the Pre-VocationalLaboratory, when objective scoresEhould have been recorded,subjective impressions were given. Actually, recording formsand/or procedures were outlined for the recording of data inevery area; but, experience with the forms led to revisions,and thus, some changes with time in the kind of data collected.Thus, the data recorded depended upon the area, and the eval-uation of recording forms, the training and diligence of thestaff in following specification, and the amount of servicedistraction from the research tasks.

Qualifications of Personnel Gathering Data

The qualifi'ations of personnel gathering and recording datain many of the positions varied with the turn-over in per-sonnel and the demands of the position. During the last three

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years of the Project all of the psychometrists had completedcourses in group testing, in individual intelligence testing,and all held Masters degrees in Counseling and Guidance oftenwith an emphasis on testing.

During the last two years of the Project, the Pre-VocationalLaboratory had the greatest turn-over of personnel and theleast formally educated personnel of any evaluation area.For the last year of the Project, a college senior majoringin vocational education was in charge of Navajo RehabilitationProject clients in the Laboratory. The year before a gradu-ate student in vocational education was in charge. Prior tothat there was a range of training from graduate to seniorsin vocational education, and even a counseling major servedas a Pre-Vocational Evaluator for a period in the Laboratory.

The Educational Evaluation Area during the last year wasmanned by a psychology graduate. She was proceeded by a manholding a Masters degree and he was an experienced teacher.

The Research Specialist held a Doctorate in Education. Hehad experience in teaching mathematics and statistics; hewas trained in research; and he was a qualified computer dataprogrammer and processor.

Methods of Data Analysis

Most of the pertinent data were recorded on forms which, inturn, were placed on IBM data processing cards. Many hoursof programming and computer time were used.

In comparing different test populations, means, extremes andstandard deviations were used and significance tests wereapplied to these differences. When comparing the resultsof individuals' on one test with their relative performanceon others and comparing relative test scores with ratingscores, rank-order correlations were used. The rank-ordercorrelation was used in order to obviate objections to thepossible non-linearity of the data. Several tests were itemanalyzed to determine the relative usefulness of all theitems in those tests. Some tests were submitted to a factoranalysis. Casto, in Monograph Number 5, describes the pro-cedures for the construct validation of some tests. Duringthe last two years, after tests had been factor analyzed, a

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number of tests which overlapped in function with otherswere eliminated. The chi-square technique was used as atest of significance to compare rate of wages and degreeof job skill with duration of employment.

Discriminate analysis, as described by T. W. Anderson (1958)was used to study the predictability of general ability testscores for three separate conditions of the work situation.(See Casto, Monograph Number 5.) The three conditions, fullydescribed later in this Chapter, were length of time on thejob, level of skill needed on the job, and hourly wage.

Selecting Appropriate Tests

Initially, in a partial "shotgun" approach to test selection,a great number of tests were studied, and apparent appropriateones were administered. The original list and the proceduresused to select the effective tests are described in Casto (1967,Monograph Number 5). Then some tests were eliminated becausemere attempts to administer them were frustrated. The attemptto administer them proved the obvious inappropriateness ofthese tests for the Navajo population. One reason for testinappropriateness was that some Navajo subjects could not under-stand the English directions. Furthermore, to administer someof these tests with an interpreter obviously invalidated them.Other tests were eliminated after they proved to add littleor nothing to the factors measured. The statistical analysisof the tests involved factor-analytic techniques in order toestablish construct validity of the test for the Project clientpopulation. In general, tests with the highest factor loadingswere retained in the Project evaluation battery. A furthertentative test validation study of the predictive validity ofthe tests was made by use of the previously mentioned discrim-inate analysis technique. The procedures and results of thesestudies are reported in more detail in Casto (1967, MonographNumber 5 of this series).

Meaningfulness of Data from DifferentAreas of Study

There was hope that all evaluation techniques couldby either construct validity or predictive validityHowever, in many areas, the data which was gathered

be analyzedmethods.limited

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a meaningful analysis. As mentioned before in this Chapter,the anthropological information was non-quantitative in natureand, therefore, could not be statistically analyzed. Par-ticularly the Pre-Vocational Laboratory and the Social Eval-uation Areas presented data analysis problems. The SocialAdjustment Evaluation was mostly subjective and non-quanti-tative. However, the Educational Evaluation and the Pre-Vocational Evaluation Areas presented some quantitative datafor validation. The objectivity, the amount of data, andthoroughness of recording in the Psychological Area made itthe most effective quantitative research area. Test vali-dation studies with this data were possible. Thus, the verytechniques of measuring and of recording in the PsychologicalArea made it possible for validation studies in this area tohave more meaning than the other areas,

Criteria of Project Success

falltmlaLlplcdLesitQmerzallSuccess

An indisputable criterion for the success of the total NavajoRehabilitation Project cannot be established because manyuncontrolled factors were probably operating during the Pro-ject in the country and in Northern Arizona which would haveincreased the number of disabled Navajos vocationally reha-bilitated. The preparation of the Project itself reflectedone environmental change which was an indication of the in-creased need for services to disabled Navajos. Therefore,to claim that the increase in disabled Navajos placed on jobswas a sole function of the Project would be a gross exaggera-tion. However, beyond the added number trained and placedon jobs, more disabled Navajos were evaluated during theoperation of the Project than during any previous period.Without the services rendered by the Project, it is extremelydoubtful whether these services would have been rendered.If they were, some other organization would have to haveestablished to render them. In this sense, then, the nextChapter is here anticipated by the judgement that the NavajoRehabilitation Project was a "success."

Criteria for Client Success

The criteria for rehabilitation success of clients was basedon the number at days worked, and the Dercentaag DI days

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worked after completion of evaluation. The criterion ofnumber of days worked was categorized into (1) worked 90days; (2) worked 30 days; (3) worked one day; and (4) workednot at all. The percentage of time worked was categorized(1) worked 75 per cent of the available time; (2) worked 50per cent of the available time; (3) worked less than 50 percent of available time; and (4) worked not at all.

Testing Instruments Used

The staff attempted to administer at least one appropriatetest in each of the following areas: intelligence, vocationalinterest, aptitude, achievement, personality, and specialability. In the intelligence or general ability area, mostclients completed at least two tests. During the last yearand a half of services, the battery was divided into groupsof tests to be used with readers, and another group of teststo be used primarily with non-readers.

Appendix A shows the revised Navajo Rehabilitation Projectbattery used in the last phases of the Project. Studies madeby Casto (1966 and 1967, Monograph 5) demonstrated that manyof the general ability tests overlapped so greatly that itwas of little value to keep them in the battery. As a resultof this study, the Wechsler Adult Intelligeice Scale was re-tained. Even though there was factoral overlap in the use ofthe three tests retained, the Raven Progressive Matrices andthe Revised Army Beta tests were kept in the battery for re-search purposes. Some of the eliminated tests had littlemore overlap than some retained, and with another populationor with a repeat of the same population, these rejected testsmight have functioned as well as some of the tests not elim-inated.

The General Aptitude Test Battey, because it is so widelyused in job placement and because it was made available tothe Project freely. was the aptitude test chosen. In thelast months of service practically no other general aptitudetest was administered.

Among the interest inventories, if the person could read ade-quately, both the ,Kuder Personal Preference Schedule and the

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atLfaaiVi21LLidlil,ltabtradk were used; if they were non-readers, the California Picture Interest Inventory and theGeist Picture Interest Inventory were used. As the titlesof these last two tests indicate, vocational interest of theperson is purportedly measured from pictures which depictpeople engaged in certain activities. Ordinarily, the mannerof response is to choose a picture from a group of three.

Again, if the person on achievement tests proved capable ofreading at the appropriate grade level, the Minnesota Multi-phasic Personality Inventory was administered to him. Undersimilar conditions, the Edwards Personal Preference Schedulewas sometimes used. The list in Appendix A indicates thatthe Bender Gestalt and the IES Test, a clinical research tool,purportedly designed to measure the relative strength of im-pulses, ego, and superego forces, were used. However, withother research and service demands, the last Director of theProject discontinued their use as research instruments. How-ever, when the Wechsler subtest arrangements suggested pos-sible central-neural involvement, the Bender continued to beused to further explore the organic hypothesis.

As the description of the population indicates, especiallyfor the non-enculturated or slightly enculturated Navajo,many of the testing instruments were not applicable. Forsome clients the test scores were probably non-predictive offuture performance because of the difficulty many Navajoclients had with the English language ar ::ause of theirdifference from the standardization population in culturalconcepts. Invalidity for one ethnic group does not mean thatthese instruments with other populations would be invalid.Furthermore, although a test may not be valid in measuringdifferences between ethnic groups, some tests can be effectivein comparing individuals within a group. However, interpre-tation of comparative test results within a population notcharacteristic of the norm group must be made with great cau-tion. Nonetheless, there was an attempt to accumulate dataand to validate certain tests and subtests for comparisonswithin the Navajo Rehabilitation Project population.

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CHAPTER IV

NAVAJO REHABILITATION PROJECT OUTCOMESAND EFFECTIVENESS

In order to determine the effectiveness of the Navajo Rehabi-litation Project, each area will be discussed in order, andthen the general purpose and specific purposes will be re-viewed to determine the effectiveness in light of these pur-poses. For more detail in analyzing the effectiveness ofthe different phases of functions of the Project see theMonographs Which specifically deal with these topics.

The Anthropological Study of Navajo Disability

Since there was no anthropologist during the last year ofthe Project, his conclusions were based on data that wasaccumulated up to March of 1966, and thus, did not includeall Navajo Rehabilitation Project clients. From a surveyof the literature, through study of case files of Projectclients, through observing and notes of the staff, throughcommunicating with anthropologists and other students ofNavajo life, and through study of the published literatureon the Navajos, the Project anthropologist concluded thatetiologies and treatment for what in "Anglo" society areusually defined disabilities do not always have the sameconnotation among Navajos.

Some disabled Navajos may partially provide economic func-tions for the family without restoration or special train-ing. Some illnesses have supernatural connotations whichmay be foreign to modern medical treatment procedures.Some disabilities have negative supernatural connotations;others, such as hip dislocations which may be a result ofcradle-board swaddling, have little connotation of dis-figurement. injuries resulting from automobile accidentsprobably have little differences in cultural connotationsbetween Navajo and "Anglo" societies. It would thus be

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generally accurate to state that certain disabling conditionsare heavily laden with culturally pre-determined connotationsand patterns of behavior, while others are relatively not;and, therefore, procedures of rehabilitation treatment shouldbe modified accordingly.

The reactions of the individual or his family members to thedisability depends upon a disabled individual's physical ap-pearance, his economic role in the group, and the length oftime he has been disabled. Health image seems to be lessaffected by an arrested or "cured" ailment such as tuberculo-sis than by congenital limb deformities or multiple condi-tions. Today perhaps an attitude of ambivalence best de-scribes the general Navajo attitude toward disabled persons.Traditional negative attitudes have not been discarded, butwith the change in economic role of handicapped individuals,a more positive attitude may simultaneously exist. Olderconceptualization of the disabled individual may have been"softened" because of changes in economic status of thesepeople, western medical technology, directed cultural changeprograms such as eradication or vaccination projects, mis-sionizing efforts, and governmental work programs. It appearsthat younger persons, especially those with mental retardation,multiple or communication disabilities, are protected byfamilies.

Among factors which affect client and family reaction todisabilities and rehabilitation efforts, it seems thatmarital status, age, job history, and severity of disabilityare inter-related. Other aspects such as level of accultura-tion, super-natural connotations, or home location, seem notto be as important singularly as the cluster listed above.The client who is of a mature age, with a family and adequatejob experience, but without an obvious, visible disability,seems more likely to possess an accepting or accommodatingattitude toward his disabilities and toward rehabilitationthan the younger, single client. While this may seem obvious,economic and other factors which influenced individual re-actions have turned some psychologically positive clientcharacteristics into negative characteristics in terms of re-habilitation success. Single clients in all disabilitygroups present a less homogeneous generalized pattern thanmarried clients; but nearly all exhibited shallow motivation,

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had only limited work experience, and held neutral or nega-tive attitudes toward their disabilities and rehabilitationpossibilities. There seems to be little participation bythe single clients in modern Navajo courtship patterns, andnearly all married clients were married before the onset ofa disabling condition.

Important in changing the economic role of the disabled isthe system of welfare payments. With disability paymentsor other income sources present, Navajos may not fear a dis-abled person or his supposed malevolent efforts, but maystill view the person as "incomplete", the opposite of apositively valued personal image. Thus created are ambigui-ties and ambivalences.

The new positive economic role of the disabled individualis not often conducive to rehabilitation since he may feelhis welfare income is sufficient, and may not want to leavehis Reservation home for rehabilitation evaluation andtraining.

Level of enculturation as reflected by English skills,work habits, and education is an important factor, of course,but perhaps it is more important on an individual basisrather than being a characteristic of any one group ofclients. It has been noted that similar attitudes are oftenshared by clients in low, intermediate, and high accultura-tion levels. The acculturation differences between a ma-jority of the clients is most probably small, and the sampleof these differences is, therefore, undoubtedly biased.

Conclusions Drawn From Intake Services

Experience in the Intake Area showed that personal contactby a counselor could effectively handle the problems of in-take, interview, transportation, welfare assistance, andinformation gathering necessary to prepare and present acase for determination of e_Ligibility.

The question, when intake requirements had been met, of in-,dividual, staggered client entry versus group entry atscheduled periods arose. Both methods were tied. When

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scheduling group entry, experience proved that it was ad-visable to prepare a group of ten to twelve cases in orderto assure a workable group of five or six for the allottedtime period. This method represented many hours of workby the Intake Counselor, and proved only partially effec-tive since clients who did not enter at the scheduled timehad to be handled on an individual basis anyway. Individualversus group entry resolved itself by staff acquiescence toclient behavior it could not control. Entry occurred whenthe client was ready and free to come.

Individual intake, when each individual case was ready,offered a much more efficient use of the counselor's time,allowed closer contact with the client, and supplied a moresteady, regulated flow of clients to the Project.

_

The counselor had to keep in mind cultural practices, whichdetermined the availability of the client for evaluation.Spring planting, lambing, shearing, harvest time, fair orrodeo time, Pow Wow time, or the availability of ten-dayTribal Work Projects, were often deciding factors in theclients availability for rehabilitation services.

Experience also showed that entry date for clients shouldbe set well in advance, and follow-up letters sent to boththe client and the referral agency as reminders of theapproaching date.

The additional responsibilities of the counselor-- gather-ing information for anthropological research, getting directinformation on client's home environment and family attitudestoward the client-- were fulfilled when the Intake Counselormade Reservation trips for interviewing the client, and con-tacting referral agencies. The counselor was the only staffmember who had the opportunity to gather such informationwithout another staff member making a special trip. Also,the Intake Counselor often served as the Placement Counselorwhile making these long Reservation'ITips.

Experience also proved that the Intake Counselor must be ableto present in precise detail the total picture of rehabilita-tion, its process and goals, to the client and his family.He must also function as an information dispenser to the Re-

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servation agencies. Difficulties in performing this func-tion are compounded by personnel turnover at the variousagencies. Therefore, information dispensing is a continu-ing process of revisiting the agencies, and repeated pre-sentation of this information to the new personnel.

Counseling Navajo Indians

Effective Counselor functioning demands an acquaintancewith the varied and different concepts of Navajo cultureand customs. An ability to understand and work withinthis framework will enhance his effectiveness in case pre-paration. Navajos, as with the close-knit mountain peopleof Appalachia, (National Institute of Mental Health COn-ference Report, 1964, Pp. 6-7) are often suspicious ofoutsiders who say they want to help them. If they findsoneone conversant with their language and customs, theyare more willing to listen to and accept the service.

Poverty and other social inequities create in Navajo's cul-tural and personality characteristics that are similar toother disadvantaged groups. Yet, Navajos have unique cul-tural, social, linguistic, and thinking patterns. Somewho are genetically "pure" Navajos are-typical middle-class Americans in language, education, and 'culture. None-theless, Navajo. is the first language for most Navajos.Some do not understand or speak English, some have no for-mal education, and few-have completed college. There aregreat differences then, in the amount of enculturation.The more enculturated the Navajo client, the more likelyis the relationship similar to any other counseling situa-tion.

Some common conditions of the counseling ralationshipWithNavajos are as follows:

1. Broken appointments are more common with Navajoclients than with others. When the Navajo clientdoes return to see the counselor, it will usuallybe for help with an immediate problem. It willalmost certainly be a request for something otherthan help in gaining psychological insight.

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2. The Navajo client will usually view the counseloras an agent for solving immediate practical pro-blems-- medical, social, or economic-- rather thanas an agent of personality or psychological change.

3. The counselor may be perceived as the authority whooffers rewards or metes out punishivtInts, or grantsor withholds welfare requests. For the Navajoclient, the expectation of the counselor role isthat of an authority similar to other "white man"authorities in his past. This "white man" may beseen as supportive or authorative; he may be seenas the conqueror and enemy of the Navajo people,ox as the dispenser of government "debts" to Indians.

4. For the non-Navajo counselor of Navajos, languageis a nearly insurmountable barrier except with en-culturated Navajos. Few Navajos leFirn to speakEnglish as well as non-Navajos of equal intelli-gence and formal education. The Navajo languageitself carries many verbal and cultural connota-tions which are impossible to translate into Eng-lish. When an interpreter is used, it is highlydifficult to attain true counseling rapport.

J. It takes longer to establish rapport with Navajosthan with usual clients. Navajos generally with-draw psychologically when they are anxious, ratherthan to cover up the anxiety by talking. They aregenerally more withdrawn in the early contacts.The Navajo counselee may be seen at this time asthe sterotyped passive Indian. In later counsel-ing sessions, when rapport is finally achieved,there is more apparent personality change in termsof friendliness and joking than with most non-Indian counselees.

6. Because of the already mentioned attitudes, andbecause of other culturally determined personalitycharacteristics, positive transference is diffi-cult to inspire, and the verbalized psycho-dynamiccontent is often superficial. Few Navajos revealtheir innermost thoughts or describe their behaviorih psycho-dynamic terms.

7. Social, economic, and educational obstacles to posi-tive counseling outcomes are frustrating to both theNavajo client and his counselor.

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These comments may sound as if counseling Navajos is in-effective and unrewarding, but it is the difficultiesfound in the counseling relationship that are stressedhere. If the cultural-personality differences are antici-pated and accepted, and if stereotyping is avoided, con-structive, warm; satisfying counseling relationships deve-lop.

Results of Validating a Test Battery forNavajo Rehabilitation Clients

Ability Test Results

As mentioned in Chapter III, during the first two yearsof the Navajo Rehabilitation Project, a "shotgun" approachwas used to obtain test data on the disabled Navajo clientgroup. Many different measures of general ability wereused, including the Wechsler_Adult Intelligence Scale, theRevised Army Beta, the Arthur Point, the Kent E.G:T the_Ctaumbia, the Leiter International, the Raven ProgressiveMatrices, the awdgmufshDLayiLFILEgraph and the Healy II.Using the results obtained up to early 1966, after factoranalysis, the test battery was greatly reduced. Thisstudy indicated that many of the intelligence tests weremeasuring the same abilities. Several tests with theleast factor loading were eliminated from the battery,and the tests with the highest factor loadings were re-tained. This intercorrelation matrix is in Appendix B.

The general ability tests which remained in the batterywere the WAW, the Revised Army Beta, and the Raven. InAppendix C is a correlation matrix for these remainingtests. Also, the use of the erajualaptiatdeaegtaatitgxx.was added for reasons explained in Chapter III.

At the conclusion of the Project, the Wechsler, the lg.-vised Army Beta, and the Raven tests were submitted toa factor analytic study. Four factors were found to con-tribute to 99.999+ per cent of the total variance foundon these test matrices.

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Of the total variance of the matrix for the thx._e tests, 32.2per cent was accounted for by the first factor. This factoris non-verbal and correlates highly with the following tests:

1. Raven Total Score (r= .86).2. WAIS Pcrformance (r= .81).3. 'pets "What Is Wrong" subtest (r= .79).4. zeta "Maze" subtest (r= .72).5. Beta "Similarities" subtest (r= .61).

The second factor accounted for 25.4 per cent of the totalvariance of the tests and is correlated with these tests:

1. Beta "Digit Symbol" subtest (r= .81).2. Beta Total (r= .81).3. WAIS "Picture Completion" subtest (r= .57).4. WAIS "Object Assembly" subtest (r= .56).5. WAIS "Vocabulary" subtest (r= .54).

The third factor accounted for 23.1 per cent of the totalvariance and correlated negatively with the followingtests:

1. WAIS "Information" subtest (r= .78).2.. Beta "Picture Completion" subtest (r= -.71).3. WAIS "Arithmetic" subtest (r= .70).4. WAIS "Comprehension" subtest (r= -.69).5. WAIS "Digit Symbol" subtest (r= -.57).

The fourth factor contributed to 19.3 per cent of thetotal variance and correlated with these tests:

1. WAIS "Picture Arrangement" (r= .83).2. WAIS Total (r= .69).3. Beta "Spatial Relations" (r= .67).4. WAIS "Information" (r= .54).5. WAIS "Picture Completion" (r= .46).

There appeared to be serveral interesting combinationsin the above factor analysis. One is the high negativeloading on factor three of the WAIS Information sub-test, and a moderate positive loading of this same sub-test on factor four. Another is that on factortwo the measures with the four highest

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FIGURE I

PROFILE OF MEAN SCORE OF

NAVAJO REHABILITATION PROJECT CLIENTS

ON THE WECHSLER ADULT INTELLIGENCE SCALE

TABLE OF SCALED SCORE EQUIVALENTS*

RAW SCORE

C0

OC

C0c

-a

aE

(.3

C-

0

19

171615-14

131211

10

7

6543

2

292827

26

2523-24

21-22

19-20

17-18

45-1413.14

11-12

9-10

7-8

27-28

26

25

24

23

22

18

17

16

15

21 14

20 13

19 12

I-7-18 11-15-16 10

14 9

12-13 7-8

10-11

26

252423

22

21

19-20

17-18

15-16

1.3-14

11.12

9 -10

7-8

5-6

0

0E

v,a

Ca

0 0Ea.0

0 co=

:_-

m <

17 78-80

76-77

74-75

16 71-73

15 67-70

14 63-66

59-62

13 54-58

12 47-53

-41- 40-46

10 32-39

26-31

22-25

6-7

5

4

3

0-2

43

2

1

3

2

1

0

18-21

11-13

10

6 94-5 8

0-3 0-7

87-90

83-86

79-82

76-78

72-75

69-71

66-68

62-65

58-61

21

20

19

18

17

15-16

52.57 1447-51 12-13

41-46 10-

3

9-3423-28

18-22

15-17

13-14

12

0-11

8-9

6-7

543

2

1

.13E

0

3648 3547 3446 33

44-45 32

42-43 30-3139-41 28-2935-38 26-2731-34 3-25

2 0 20-225-2 8-19

21-24 1

17-20 12-14

13-16 9-11

10-12 8

6-9 73-5 62 5

0-1 0-4

4443

42

41

40

38-3936-3734-35

3-1-33-

2 05-27

22-24

19.21

15-18

U -14

8-105-7

3.40.2

191817161514

131211

10

7

654321

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loadings are non-verbal, while the test with the fifthhighest loading was the Vocabulary subtest of the WAIS.To really follow through with these relationships, andto assign verbal labels to these factors, requires com-puter facilities beyond the capabilities of those avail-able to the Project staff during the grant period. There-fore, at present it is unproductive to speculate.

Tables and graphs have been included to summerize theresults of all clients who took the different tests.On the Wechsler; the Navajo Rehabilitation Project clientgroup scored significantly below the standardization popu-lation at the .01 confidence level. Their mean VerbalI.Q. was .74, their Performance I.Q. was .88, and theirFull Scale I.Q. was .78. On the 13gyi.ses:Likrmy_aeta, theNavajo Rehabilitation Project clients made a mean I.Q.score of .88, similar to their Performance score on theWechslex. This score was again significantly below (.01confidence level) that of the standardization population.The Navajo Rehabilitation clients scored at the 22nd per-centile on the Raven.

Forty-six subjects were available for the discriminateanalysis. By using this statistical analysis, it wasfound that in predicting percentage of client time worked,the use of general ability tests (WZIS, Revised Army Beta,and the l'ouren) scores was totally ineffective. Thirty-one of the forty-six were misclassified by the discrimin-ate function. It is reasonable to conclude that thereare too many factors other than general ability which con-tributed significantly to length of time on the job.

This type of analysis proved much more effective whenapplied to the level of skill needed by Navajo Rehabili-tation clients on the job. Six of the seven clients whowere in skilled jobs were correctly identified by thegeneral ability tests, twelve of thirteen of those insemi-skilled positions were placed in appropriate cate-gories, and thirteen of twenty-two in unskilled jobs werecorrectly classified. It should be noted that these re-sults are spuriously high because the test results wereused by the Project staff in deciding into what job theclient should be placed.

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The third area of investigation was that of hourly wage.As mentioned in Chapter III, there were four categories:(1) less than one dollar, (2) at least $1.00, but lessthan $1.50, (3) at least $1.50, but less than $2.00, and(4) $2.00 to $3.00. As would be expected from the endingcomment in the paragraph above, the results for predict-ing these categories were very good. Thirty of the forty-six subjects were correctly categorized and only threeindividuals were classified as much as two categories awayfrom their true classifications.

In developing predictors in any situation, one must beconservative in interpretation. The prediction equationsare based on a posteriori information. The equations mustbe validated with new subjects before they can be consideredgenerally useful. A further condition would be that thetest results of the validating sample should not be usedby the staff for determining the job level skill of theperson being placed.

In comparing mean scores of the Navajo Rehabilitation Pro-ject clients with those of the Navajo men in the Prepara-tory Training Project at Northern Arizona University, thePreparatory Training Project clients were significantlysuperior. A comparison was first made in 1965, at theclose of the Preparatory Training Project. The means, thestandard deviation, and the significance of the differencesin means are reported in the following table:

P.T.P. S.D. 11.E.P. S.D. Signi. Differ.WAIS Verbal 81.00 10.42 71.26 15.05 .01WA =S, Performance 99.68 12.22 88.30 13.52 .01Webs Full Scale 88.28 9.93 78.00 12.87 .01Peta 105.53 9.49 90.70 14.85 .01

Furthermore, the mean WAIS Verbal I.Q. for the total NavajoRehabilitation group tested increased insignificantly from71 in 1965, to 74 in 1966; whereas the mean Performance I.Q.remained at 88, and the mean WAIS Total I.Q. remained at 78.Thus, the differences between these two groups remained con-stant.

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A further comparison of data for these groups indicatedthat the Navajo Preparatory Training Project group scoredsignificantly higher and their standard deviation wassmaller than the disabled Navajo group. In this way thePreparatory Training Project clients were more homogeneous.They were also more homogeneous in that they were approxi-mately the same age, and had completed at least the ninthgrade, as already indicated. Navajo Rehabilitation Pro-ject clients were a disabled group, and varied widely inage, educational level, and degree of enculturation.Though their scores were lower than the norm groups inthe verbal area and higher on the Beta Test, the meanscores for the Preparatory Training Project clients moreclosely resembled those of the average population. Testresults for the Navajo Rehabilitation Project and Prepara-tory Training Project clients indicated that both Navajogroups performed more adequately on performance than ver-bal tests. They scored highest on the Block Design sub-test of the Weschsler. These results are consistant withthe Kluckhohn & Leighton (1947, Pp. 148-155) report. Theyfound that Navajo children who had been to school averagedan I.Q. of 102.5 on the Grace Arthur Point PerformanceScale, and those who had not been to school had an averageI.Q. of 79.8. Their results indicated that schooling hadan effect in improving scores on this performance test.On verbal tests, differences in culture, educational attain-ment, and English language ability are a handicap to aNavajo group. These tests may not be measuring the samethings for Navajos as for the standardization population,and have limited meaning with Navajo clients.

A conclusion drawn from testing Navajos is that theyshould be compared with members of their own culturalgroup. In order to follow this injunction, and in orderto respond to Project experience, a Test StandardizationProject is being conducted at the Northern Arizona Uni-versity Rehabilitation Center. The aim of this Projectis to develop test norms for the general Navajo population,and for other Northern Arizona cultural groups.

Results of the General Aptitude Test Battery administeredto Navajo Rehabilitation Project clients indicated, on theaverage, they scored significantly below the standardiza-

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tion population. On spatial abilities they performedbest (36th percentile), but still significantly below(.05 level of confidence) the average population. ATable comparing the standard scores for Navajos withthose of the stancliz;rdization population is in Appendix D.

Interest Inventories

Several interest inventories were given to the Navajoclient group, including the folii=iaEiglugInigIggtInventory, the Geist Picture Interest Inventory, and theKudek Preference Record. Profile sheets indicating theaverage Navajo interest patterns on the California can be

found in the Appendix. On this test the clients indicatedthe greatest interest in the business area. They alsoscored highly in the aesthetic and verbal interest areas.In interpreting profiles based on mean scores, the dif-ferences exhibited on the profile are conservative sincethe standard error of the mean is inversely proportionalto the sample size and is, therefore, much smaller forthe group than for the individual. Profiles for theKuder and the Geist were not included because the NavajoRehabilitation Project vocational interest and personalitydata was not divided into male female groups, but thepublished individual profiles were.

Correlation coefficients were computed for the relation-ships between the three interest inventories. The Cali-is2giii.gatlire1,.LEatlori,teenveny Interpersonal interestscore correlated -.55 with the Geist Mechanidal interest

score. The CPII Verbal interest correlated -.73 withthe Geist Mechanical interest. The CPII Natural interestcorrelated .59 with the Geist Out70f-Doors interest scale.The Mechanical interest scales on both tests correlated .58with each other. These correlations appear to be consis-tent with the titles of the interest categories; however,the correlations are so low that while they are measuringsome of the same factors therare obviously also measuringdifferent factors. A correlation matrix for the Lalligx-

mdAjolcueIntgLgat_zwgataLy Geist relationships isin Appendix D.

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Some significant correlations were found between theKuder and the fralifniaPisitylterestnvent,but the number of clients taking both tests was too smallto make any conclusions regarding these relationships.One significant correlation was found between the Kuderand the Geist. This was a -.45 correlation betweenscientific interests on ache Geist and clerical interestson the ruder

Personality Tests

The two most frequently used personality tests in theNavajo Rehabilitation Project were the Minnesota Multi-phasic Personality Inventory and the Edwards Personal,Preference Schedule. Scores on these tests may be invalidbecause of the reading difficulty level required by thetests. Oil Personalitythe Navajo clients scored high on the Schizophrenia Scaleand on the Depression Scale, However, these results maybe invalid since the male female averages were groupedtogether, and the average F scale score for the Navajoswas quite high. This high score indicates that theclients did not adequately understand the test questions.

On the Edwards Personal Preference Schedule, the Navajosscored exceptionally high (between 75th and 80th percen-tile) on the Succorance Scale. This scale purportedlymeasures a need to be cared for by others. They scoredabove the 60th percentile on deference, order, and change,and below the 40th percentile on need for achievement, ex-hibition, autonomy, dominance, heterosexuality, and aggres-sion. A profile sheet for the average Navajo disabledclient group is in Appendix E.

A correlation matrix for the relationships between thetultiphasic Inventory and the

wards was computed and can be found in Appendix E; anintercorrelation matrix for *tlie MMPI is also in theAppendix. On the 4MPI, the Psychasthenia Scale correlated.87 with the Schizophrenia Scale, and .70 with the Psycho-pathic Deviant Scale. Schizophrenia and Psychopathic De-

. viant were also correlated .70. Also; the SchizophreniaScale correlated .72 with the F Scale. This correlation

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71

raises the possibility that there is a spurious functionwhich contributes to Navajo Rehabilitation Project clientscores on both of these scales. Thus, for Navajo disabledclients, the high scores on the Schizophrenia Scale maynot indicate the actual prevalance of schizophrenic charac-teristics.

Results of the Educational Evaluation

One of the purposes of the Educational Evaluation was toinvestigate some of the relationships between achievementtest results and other relevant factors. This investiga-tion used rank-order correlation coefficients. All thecorrelations mentioned in this part of the Report weresignificant at least at the .05 level of confidence.

1. All of the verbal tests on the Wechsler Adultintelligence Scale correlated .36 to .73 withactual years of formal education completed bythe clients. Two performance measures, DigitSymbol and Block Design, also correlated posi-tively with years of- school completed.

2. A correlation of .76, significant at the .01level, was found between years of formal educa-tion and achievement scores on the Iowa TestsOf Basic Skills. Even though this and otherpositive correlations were found, it was notedthat a considerable discrepancy existed betweenactual grade completed in school and grade,placement of the achievement tests. One of the'general characteristics of Navajo clients wasthat grade placement scores calculated from theachievement tests were significantly (at .01 con-fidence level) below actual grade completed, in_school. For the clients who completed Achieve-ment tests, the average grade they completedwas 8.0, while their achievement grade on testswas 5.0.

3. A number of significant (at .05 level of confi-dence), positive correlations were found betweenboth verbal, and performance intelligence scoresand grade placement on the Iowa Tests of Basic,

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72

Skills. It appeared that the intelligence testswere, to a large degree, measuring learning.

4. Of the twenty-two people who completed the Iowatests sixteen, or seventy-three per cent, made acomposite score gain. Of these sixteen,eleven,or sixty-nine percent made significant compositescore gains. The average composite score gainfor the total group was 0.3 of a year; the averagecomposite score gain for those who made signifi-cant gains was 0.6 of a year. Most of the clients(ninety per cent) made significant gains on atleast two of the subtests. Apparently most ofthe clients did benefit from the remedial instruc-tion.

5. There were several significant correlations (.05level of confidence) relating some of the intelli-gence measures with gains in achievement. Gainsin the total language achievement area correlatelggatively with some of the intelligence measures.These correlations indicated that students whoperformed poorly on the intelligence measures made,in general, the most significant gains in languageachievement.

6. No significant relationships were found betweenyears in scnool and gains on the Iowa Tests ofBasic Skills.

In the Educational Evaluation most Navajo RehabilitationProject clients operated scholastically several gradelevels below their actual completed grade in school. Theaverage grdde completed by the total Navajo RehabilitationProject group was 6.6, and-some of the clients had no for-mal education. As a group, by formal standards, theclients were severely under-educated, and they were inneed of adult basic education. The fact that most of theclients made achievement gains at the end of their evalua-tion period indicated that they could benefit from remedialinstruction. Thus, the Project was instrumental in indi-cating the need for an adult basic education program. The

Department of Rehabilitation has since established the Pre-Vocational Educational Program to provide instruction inacademic and social skills.

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73

Clients Observed by the ResidenceGuidance Supervisor

As observed by the Residence Guidance Supervisor, some ofthe more frequent problems Navajo clients exhibited weremisunderstanding the evaluation process, homesickness, in-temperate alcohol consumption, and English language handi-caps.

Many of the clients were unfamiliar with the concept ofevaluation, and did not understand the reason for thepsychological tests. They had difficulty understandingwhy they needed to perform job tasks in the Pre-VocationalLaboratory which they did not like or which were difficult.Frequently, the clients entered the Project with the ideathat they would immediately be placed on a job; they couldnot understand the need for the intervening evaluation pro-cess.

Homesickness appeared to be related to Navajo close familyties whir,-h, especially in an unfamiliar and demanding environ-ment, make it difficult for them to be away from home.

Clients who could speak and understand little English oftenhad the most trouble adjusting to the evaluation environ-ment. Though a Navajo interpreter was used to give in-structions and to explain the purpose of the evaluationactivities, clients with a formidable language barrier wereusually the most psychologically-isolated clients.

One of the Project's most serious problems was the drinkingproblems of Navajo clients. Frequently, a client went toone of the local bars and was jailed for drunk and disorder-ly conduct. Though consumption of alcohol on the collegecampus was forbidden, drinking parties at the dormitorynonetheless occurred. Because of considerable permissive-ness, only six clients were dismissed from the Project fordrinking. However, many clients who finished evaluationdid have a problem with alcohol, and later had troublekeeping jobs because of this problem.

During the last two years of the Project, an Antabuse treat-ment program was encouraged for clients considered to have

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74

an alcohol problem. This program proved effective withseveral clients who committed themselves to it.

Results of Pre-Vocational Evaluation Methods

The results of administering several widely used tests,indicated that in the Pre-Vocational Laboratory, NavajoRehabilitation Project clients performed more slowly thanthe standardization population. However, results on theO'Connor Finger Dexterity Test, (O'Connor, 1926) indicatedthat Navajo clients were faster on this test than thestandardization population. The mean score for the aver-age population was 262 seconds compared to the Navajo of248 seconds. This score placed disabled Navajos at the 68thpercentile on these norms. A statistical analysis of thesignificance of this difference could not be performed be-cause of insufficient standardization data supplied byO'Connor.

On the Minnesota Rate of Manipulation Test (EducationalTest Bureau, 1957) Navajos scored at the first percentileon national norms, which was significantly below (at .01level of confidence) the average population. The meanscore for Navajos on the Placing subtest was 188 seconds;for the standardization group the mean was 123 seconds.For the Turning subtest the Navajo mean score was 165 sec-onds, as compared to the mean for the standardization popu-lation of 98 seconds.

The results on these last two dexterity tests indicated thatthe disabled Navajos had good finger dexterity, but poorgross body dexterity. However, since there is no normativedata available for a disabled population, no conclusions ofcomparative performance with other disabled ethnic groupsshould be drawn

On the Personnel Test for Industry (Langmuir, 1954) theNavajo clients scored significantly (at the .01 level ofconfidence) below the standardization population. Theaverage score for Navajos was 14.41 (21st percentile),while for the standardization population it was 21.1. Theseresults were not surprising, since this test was pre-recordedon tape and penalized those who were English language handi-capped.

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75

Pre-Vocational Laboratory observations indicate that disabledNavajo clients usually required a longer evaluation periodthan other rehabilitation clients. More time was requiredbecause of client attitudes and cultural differences. TheNavajo clients were unfamiliar with industrial settings andjob requirements. Since there is limited industry on theReservation and most clients had worked in unskilled jobs,little of the knowledge gained from the work experiences ofmost Navajo clients could be transferred and applied in theLaboratory. This lack of vocational experience and knowledgemade it difficult for many Navajo clients to know what kindof job they wanted.

The most usual areas of interest for Navajo clients were theartistic fields and hand manipulation tasks. While this ob-servation is consistent with prevelant stereotypes, it isalso consistent with their relative success on aptitude tests.For example, the majority of Navajo clients scored highest onthe Block Design subtest of the Wechsler Adult IntelligenceScale even though their mean score on this subtest was stillslightly below the mean of the average population. Most Nava-jos appeared to have better than average ability in drawing,sketching, and flat-plane and space perception. They workedcompetently in such areas as drafting, leatherwork, or jewel-ry making, and were quite creative in the artistic areas. Inthe mechanical tasks, disabled Navajo clients scored belowaverage, usually because they had little knowledge -If basicmechanical principles.

One of the major cultural differences noted with Navajo clientswas a difference in value orientation. Navajosplaced morevalue on a piece of leather or turquoise than on an equallypriced piece of wood or metal used in the Laboratory.

Observations in the Pre-Vocational Laboratory led to theconclusion that if interpretations of abilities were madecautiously and if a staff has some knowledge of Navajo cul-ture, many tasks used successfully with other rehabilitationclients could also be used with Navajos. Since there is nostandardization data on most of the currently used Laboratorytasks, much of the Laboratory Evaluation was subjective innature. Standardization data is needed to make the evaluationsin the Laboratory more objective and accurate, and more long-term follow-up is needed to satisfactorily validate the Pre-Vocational Evaluation tasks and procedures.

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FIGURE II

A FLOW CHART OF SERVICES

RENDERED NAVAJO

REHABILITATION CLIENTS

Deceased (1)

Not Placed (11)

lind Services (3)

wai

urther sere.

(?,;wait

Train. or Jobal

Await

Med. Serv. (3)

Eval. Feas.

(100)

,Clients ( 118)

Placed on Job

or in Train.

(89)

NDirect on Job(15)

ow Working (11)'

ot Working (4)

n Training_ (74)

Eval.

Non-Feas. ,t18)

orkin_ (

ot Workin_ (14

eceased (1

Now Train. (16)

Train. (4)

Trained (41)

Worked 90

Days (11

EQ

xkul12=thari.20D

ayl(31

Still Work. (26)

Job (36)NotWork. (10)

Wkd. 90 Da s(6

Yikld

less 90 (3

eceased (11

Placed on

Await Placment (3)

t

Placed(5f3losed (2)

ot Comp.

rain.(13)b'eas.

4Workin

(1

ot Workin

3)orking (3)

Reclass. iion-Feas. (9

'

of Working

(6)

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77

Results of Vocational Placement

After completing evaluation by the Navajo RehabilitationProject staff, 92 of the 118 clients were placed in trainingor on jobs. Some of these 92 were both placed in trainingand then later placed on jobs. Figure I.I, a flow chart ofservices rendered Navajo Rehabilitation Project clients,graphically presents the disposition of clients who completedevaluation. (For a detailed account of the disposition ofthese clients, see Monograph No. 9, Sanchez, 1967.) However,the Flow Chart, here, needs some explanation. It indicatesthat 29 clients were not placed in training and as far as isknown have not worked since leaving the Project. Eighteenof these 29 were evaluated as non-feasible, and thus for mostof them, no placements were attempted. Furthermore, threeof these non-feasible clients were blind, and the primaryresponsibility for placing them was retained by Blind Ser-vices. One client died before placement. Of the non-placedclients, seven were found feasible, but three were waitingfor further medical services before they could be placed,suitable placement could not be found for the remaining four.Of the 92 clients placed, 18 were direct on-the-job place-ments, that is, these clients were placed on a job withoutthe benefit of any Project sponsored vocational training.On the other hand, 74 of the clients placed by the Projectwere located in some kind of training situation to preparethem for job placement. Of these 74, 41 had completed train-ing at the end of the Project, 4 had completed one phase ofthe training, 13 started training and dropped-out beforecompletion, and 16 were still in training. Of the 41 whocompleted training, 36 were placed on lobs after completionof training. Of these 36 who had completed training andwere placed on jobs, 26 were still working at the close ofthe Project. Of the 13 who dropped-out of training beforecompleting it, 9 of these were re-classified as non-feasibleafter dropping-out because of problems encountered while intraining. The other 4 were still considered feasible.

Of the 92 clients placed during the lifetime of the Project,in-training or in jobs, 13 received no placement assistancefrom the Project. The other 79 received placement servicesfrom the Project staff. Of those receiving placement ser-vices, 59 were placed on 'lobs, 44 of these were working at the

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TABLE I

SUCCESS OF CLIENTS ACCORDING'TO.THE ARIZONA DIVISIONOF VOCATIONAL REHABILITATION,

ARIZONA STATE EMPLOYMENT SERVICE AND 90-DAYS

EMPLOYMENT*

Category

of Clients

.

N

Worked

._

Worked

.9 .

Worked

.9

D.

Closed Cases

kieA

s.

esAwait Fur.

- ***In0

e

N% **

%**

N%**

N%**

NVc**

ALL

118

59

57.8

56

54.9

54

52.9

29

28.4

14

13.8

.16

NON-FEASIBLE

.27

622.2

622.2

622.2

21

77.8

00.0

0

FEASIBLE

91

53

70.7

50

66.E

48

64.0

810.7

14

18.6

16

RECEIVED

TRAINING

65

38

77.5

37

75.5

35

71.4

510.2

612.2

16

RECEIVED NO

TRAINING

i1

26

L5

57.7

13

50.0

13

50.0

311.6

830.8

0

*These figures

are based on client status

as of April, 15, 1967.

**

Percentage figures are calculated without

counting those in training April 15, 1967.

***Includes those

awaiting further medical services

as well as services from the Division

of Vocational Rehabilitationwhose cases are still

open.

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TABLE II

SUCCESS OF CLIENTS ACCORDING TO THE CRITERIONOF PER CENT

'

OF TIME WORKED AFTER COMPLETION OF SERVICES*

I

Category

-,

Worked 75%

of Time

Worked 50%

of

Less Than

50%. of Time

Closed Case'

Not :Working

***

Await Fur.

Seryiceq_

In

Training

,,N

ok. * *,tim

eN

1. **

N. **

N-., **

N. **

ALL

118

41

40.2

11

10.8

76.9

29

28.4

14

13.7

.16

NON-FEASIBLE

27

311.1

311.1

00.0

21

77.8

00.0

0

FEASIBLE

91

38

50.7

810.7

79.3

810.7

14

18.5

16

RECEIVED

TRAINING

65

28

57.2

612.2

48.2

519.7

612.2

16

RECEIVED NO

TRAINING

26

10

38.5

29.7

311.5

311.5

830.7

0

*These figures

are based on client

status as of April 15, 1967.

**Percentage figures

are calculated without

counting those in training

April 15, 1967.

***Includes those

awaiting further medical

services 'as well

as services from the

Division of Vocational

Rehabilitation whose

cases are still

open.

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80

close of the Project. Some of these 44 had changed jobs andwere working at jobs they had found on their own. Of the 59who were placed on jobs, 7 were placed in jobs classified asskilled, 19 as semi-skilled, and 29 as unskilled. Of the 59clients placed on jobs, the wage scales ranged from $ .75 to$3.00 per hour.

Judging the success of the Navajo Rehabilitation Projectclients is extremely difficult because first, it is difficultto propose a single criterion for successful rehabilitation,second, Navajo and middle-class American values and culturesdiffer. The Navajo could be successful vocationally in termsof his culture and not successful in terms of general Americanstandards. Table I indicates the success of clients accordingto the number of days worked. Table II indicates the successof clients according to per cent of time worked after comple-tion of services. The success indicated by the figures inthese two tables is similar enough to comment on as a whole.The over-all per cent success was between 50 and 60 (thisfigure excludes those who were still in training). If clientswho were evaluated by the Project staff as non-feasible, andclients who entered training but dropped-out and who werelater re-classified as non-feasible are deleted, the successpercentage raises to between 65 and 70. The Navajo Rehabili-tation Project success ratio compares with Arizona and nationalaverages of about 66 and 69 respectively (The Department ofHealth, Education, and Welfare Annual Report, 1965). However,the criterion of number of days worked when it is limited to30 or 90 days is not a measure of job maintenance for a longenough period of time to claim unqualified job success. Itwould be better to judge a person's success over a period ofyears. However, because of the limited time of Project op-eration and because long-term job maintenance was an impos-sible criteria, client services and follow-up varied fromclient to client. Therefore, the percentage of time workedby clients after:.they completed Project placement serviceswas calculated. Table II classifies people according tothis percentage of available time criterion. According tothis criterion, Table II indicates that excluding thoseclients still in training at the close of the Project, 40per cent were high employment successes, 11 moderate employ-ment success, 7 low employment success and 28 failures. How-ever, if clients in the non-feasible categories are deleted,

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51 per cent were in the high success category, 11 in themoderate success, 9 per cent in the low, and 11 in the fail-ure category. These figures are especially impressive if itis realized that only 16 out of the 41 clients in the highsuccess category had ever had steady work records previousto sustaining their disability; seven had previously neverworked at all; and 18 had only occassional jobs. The rela-tionship between the percentage of available time workedwith the amount of pay and the relationship between percen-tage of available time with the degree of skill demanded bythe job were submitted to a chi-square significance test.While there is an apparent tendency for both wages and skillto correlate with length of employment, this study did notshow a statiscally significant relationship. Perhaps otherstudies with longer follow-up periods and with more subjectsor wider extremes in pay and skill would show more definitetendencies.

In comparing relative success of disabled Navajo men to dis-abled Navajo women, note that 89 of the 118 clients were menand 29 were women. Using the percentage of time worked asa criterion for success, women were more successful than men.Excluding those still in training, the percentage of womenin the over-all high success category was almost 75. Thepercentage of men in this high success category was 33. Inthe no success category, the percentage of women was approxi-mately 17; for men it was 30. A chi-square test was com?letedfor this relationship between sex of client and job success.Women were significantly (at the .01 level of confidence) moresuccessful than the men.

e e s th- t in hiePurposes

As set out in Chapter I, the general purpose of the Project,was to demonstrate that a state college working in coopera-tion with community agencies and organizations can find methodsand techniques to overcome cultural and language barriers inevaluating and training disabled Navajo Indians for placementin jobs on the Reservation. The reporting of results in theReport indicates that while there are still rehabilitationbarriers and there were client failures, the Project generallywas highly successful. About all of the specific purposes

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82

unqualified assertions cannot be made. Therefore, a statementabout each one of the specific purposes mentioned in ChapterI follows.

(a) The potentials of disabled Navajos for rehabilitationand for their subsequent adjustment on and off the Reservationhave already been adequately described in the Report. Here,however, the generalization from Project experience can bemade that the overwhelming majority of the Navajos evaluatedhad the potentiality for rehabilitation and proved the poten-tiality by some measure of vocational success.

(b) There was no attempt to determine to what extent dis-abilities among Navajos constituted more or fewer employmenttraining handicaps than for disabled non-Navajo pepple, butthe number of disabled Navajos evaluated and placed indicatedthat their disabilities in general appear not to be more dis-abling than similar disabilities for non-Navajo people. How-evet, under-employment on the Reservation makes many kinds ofjobs unavailable, and some criteria of success in comparingNavajos with others may have to be modified because of thedifference in culture and the poor economic conditions on theReservation.

(c) The Navajo Rehabilitation Project results indicated thatalready developed tests and subtests were appropriate forevaluating disabled Navajo people. All evaluation phasesproved effective. It is improbable that anyone has yet dem-onstrated maximal vocational evaluation for any group. How-ever, the Project did demonstrate that disabled Navajos canbo rehabilitated and were rehabilitated at about the samerate as non-Navajo vocational rehabilitation clients.

(d) The purpose of maximal vocational evaluation is an ideal.However, adequate evaluation techniques and procedures weredemonstrated.

(e) The purpose of determining the minimal amount of communi-cation skills necessary for effective vocational rehabilitationof Navajos was accomplished because several Navajos who spokevery little English were successfully vocationally rehabili-tated. However, some other clients spoke so little English,became so isolated from the other group, and alienated from the

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83

evaluation tasks that they had to be sent home as unfeasible.However, lack of English language skill alone need not makeevaluation or placement impossible. Yet, the Project resultsindicated that the more English skills a Navajo has, the widerare his choices of vocation and the more opportunity he hasfor rewarding vocational placement.

(f) The purpose of exploring how service agencies can bettercoordinate their services for the successful rehabilitationof Navajos was accomplished in several ways. The results ofthe Project indicated that individual personal contact, corres-pondence, and periodic conferences are all useful in effectiveinter-agency communication and some person or organization musttake the primary responsibility for instigating and coordinatingagency efforts to rehabilitate disabled Navajos. At the closeof the Project, it appeared that the Northern Arizona Rehabili-tation Center was looked to by the referring agencies as theresponsible agent for fulfilling the communication and coor-dinating functions. However, if the Northern Arizona Officeof the Arizona Division of Vocational Rehabilitation hiredthe person, and if he were alloted the time to fulfill coor-dination functions, the Division might best fulfill the coor-dination function.

(g) The problem of identifying factors which can be used toselect Indians on the Reservation most likely to succeed invocational rehabilitation has been studied by the Navajo Reha-bilitation Project. At least some clients who performed wellon certain tests and were rated high in other evaluationcharacteristics could be placed on jobs commensurate with theirrelative skill and could receive wages consistent with theskill. However, the general ability factors did not seem tobe related to length of time on the job. Thus, the problem ofidentifying these factors has only been partially fulfilled bythe Project.

(h) The purpose of investigating family and employer attitudesand reactions to rehabilitation of disabled Navajos and howbest to enlist the help of these people in rehabilitationplanning can not be answered in any kind of quantitative fash-ion. However, the Project demonstrated that individual contactof family members and of employers is often necessary for thesuccessful rehabilitation of disabled Navajos.

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84

(i) This Report identified some of the social adjustmentproblems peculiar to Navajo clients which must be overcomeif they are to be rehabilitated. These problems were pre-vious.7,y presented in this Chapter and need not be repeatedhere. However, it is appropriate to assert that the socialadjustment problem-identification purpose of the Project wasaccomplished.

(j) Another purpose of the Project was to explore appro-priate placement of disabled Navajos on the Indian Reservation.The Project achieved some success in writing contracts withemployers on the Reservation to train and, then, to place theclients if they were successful in training. Here, again,individual contacts of prospective employers by a counselorproved important.

(k) The purpose of investigating job potentials existing forthe disabled on the Reservation was to a degree achieved.While there is gross under-employment on the Reservation,while under present circumstances there are not enough posi-tions to absorb the potential Navajo labor market, and whilethere are many jobs held by non-Navajos because of the lackof preparation of most Navajos for these positions, there isa great demand for Navajos with skills, particularly secre-tarial, teaching, social service, and administrative. Manyof these positions could be filled as wall by disabled asnon-disabled Navajos.

(1) The last specific purpose, exploring how an evaluationand training unit on a college campus can further facilitateunderstanding of a different cultural group, was probablyonly minimally achieved. However, written brochures weresent to the entire faculty, the faculty was invited to cometo the Rehabilitation Center and to see in action the func-tions of the Center. That Northern Arizona University hascontinued to support an expanding Rehabilitation Center, onefunction of which is to continue serving disabled Navajos,is testimony to the Project accomplishment of fostering fa-culty understanding of disabled Navajo needs.

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85

The Results of Efforts to Facilitate and CoordinateDisabled Navajo Rehabilitation

Measuring the success of the Project in facilitating andcoordinating agency efforts to rehabilitate disabled Navajosis difficult. Success of the coordinating efforts can bejudged, as explained in Chapter III, at least partially by thegreat increase in disabled Navajos who were ultimately trainedand placed on jobs. The numbers of clients served before andafter can be used with some confidence as a criterion. Theincrease of numbers has already been reported, there is noneed to repeat them here. While the Project can not be totallycredited for this increase, it was responsible for some. Thus,in terms of the best available criterion, the facilitating andcoordinating functions of the Project were fulfilled.

The results of the coordination and the facilitation effortscan also be judged by the numbers of people who attended atwo-day workshop and three conferences involving these agencies.One was a half-day conference and held in Tuba City; two wereday-long and held in Flagstaff. In these last two conferencesheld at Flagstaff, almost every directly involved and tan-gentally involved agency was represented. Participants wererepresentatives of the Public Health Service, Navajo Tribe,County Departments of Welfare, Bureau of Indian AffairsEmployment Assistance, the Arizona Division of VocationalRehabilitation, Bureau of Indian Affairs Schools and publicschools and other agencies. At the last conference a ques-tionaire was distributed among the, participants. Respondentsto the questionaire numbered twenty-nine. Of the twenty-nine,all but one indicated that he wanted meetings in the futureto coordinate and facilitate communication among the agenciesserving the rehabilitation of Navajo Indians. All but onealso wanted the Rehabilitation Center of Northern ArizonaUniversity to call the meetings. Most of the respondents be-lieved that there should be two or more meetings a year. Theseresponses are testimony from these agencies that the Projectfulfilled satisfactorily the facilitation and coordinationfunctions.

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CHAPTER V

IMPLICATIONS OF THE NAVAJO REHABILITATION PROJECTON FUTURE REHABILITATION CLIENTS

Implications on Future Intake Problems

The vast area, sparse population, and multiple ethnic groupsin Northern Arizona proved to be a barrier, in_ the renderingof rehabilitation services, only partially surmounted. Thedegree to which it was surmounted can be ascribed to theassigning of a staff member to fulfill intake functions. Theexperience of the Project indicates that there is a need fora full time vocational rehabilitation counselor to coordinatethe social service agency functions and to perform intakecounseling services with Navajos and other Indian groups ofNorthern Arizona. A personal contact needs to be made withthe agencies and with the prospective client if effectiverehabilitation services are to be rendered.

Implications on Psychological Testing

The Project demonstrated that discriminations could be madeamong the disabled Navajo population to classify clients ona number of tests. It was found that the Wechsler Adult In-telligence Scale Performance, the EgirigeLlArmyBeIa, and theRaven Progressive Matrigea effectively identified most disabledNavajos into general ability groups, and with the use of thesetests four distinct factors were extracted. In other words,for the disabled Navajo population these tests showed someconstruct validity. However, the answer to the question ofpredictive validity is not nearly as clear. It must also bepointed out that a few clients understood English so poorlyand reacted to the evaluation so "inappropriately" that theycould not be tested. Even though there were only a few suchpeople, they must be considered in generalizing about theapplicability of the tests.

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88

The question is raised: Should a test be devised for Navajosmade up of items originally derived from their culture andshould attempts be made to measure Naval° verbal ability intheir first language? It is improbable that such a test willbe devised until there are Navajos trained at the doctorallevel and experienced in psychological test development andvalidation. With compulsory universal education among theNavajos, enculturation appears to be continuing at such a

pace that before Navajo psychologists are produced to deviseNavajo tests, their function will be lost; that is, beforelong the younger generation of Navajos will be so familiarwith "Anglo" society and with English that the test standard-ized on a cross-section of Americans will be appropriate forthe Navajt, population. In the meantime, it must not be con-cluded that because an ethnic groups does better on a perform-ance than on a verbal test in a foreign language and becauseit can not demonstrate verbal abilities in a second language,it is inferior in certain psychological functions such asgeneralizing and reasoning.

"Thrusting" People into a Foreign Environment

A question common during action programs with traditionalcultures arose in the context of vocationally rehabilitatingNavajos: Is the Navajo Rehabilitation Project jerking Nava-jos out of an environment where they have made adequate ad-justment and thrusting them into an environment where dis-quieting changes are demanded of them, and, thus, robbingthem of their rights as people?

In a sense this question touches reality. It is possible thatto some extent the aims of the Project were antithetical tothe interests and the desires of some clients. The Projectstaff may have participates in influencing some people toleave an environment where they had relative security, wereemotionally attached to the family and to the land, gainedsome recognition, and were treated as equals. The new envi-ronment was often distant from home, a foreign and sometimeshostile place. They sometimes felt the sting of prejudice;they were illequipped to deal with many of the day to day pro-blems of living. Some found little opportunity for success(if there is such a term in their traditional social environ-ment). When some of the clients rented homes little was added

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in the way of physical comforts; if they were, they had to bepaid for on the presentation of a bill. Perhaps, the new en-vironment gave little opportunity for or even detracted fromusual ways of spending pleasurable time.

On the other hand, there is another side to this reality.Before the Navajo Rehabilitation Project came into being,many disabled Navajos had contact with "Anglo" society. Theyhad attended public and Bureau of Indian Affairs schools; afew graduated from college. This "new way of life" may havemet some of their needs. Because many of the traditional waysof attaining gratification are gone, even some traditionalNavajos are dissatisfied with Reservation life. To success-fully pursue traditional ways of life, the Reservation hasbecome overcrowded. Hunting in most places is futile. It wasreplaced by a grazing economy centuries ago, and now, the Res-ervation is over-grazed. For the Navajos served, the Projectmay have been an avenue of personal, social, and economic es-cape.

Apropos, these issues, there are implications to be drawnfrom the Project experience. While differences of opinionarose among Project and staff and referral personnel as towhether the Project fulfilled the general "basic needs" ofdisabled Navajo people, one solid implication can be drawnfrom Project experience; namely, Navajos, even disabled Nava-jos, can not be stereotyped; they are not a homogeneous unitwith universal, identical needs and desires. There is noquestion that when an individual desires rehabilitation ser-vices, the services should be offered. Such services canonly be offered in ways consistent with the traditions, at-titudes, and culture of a rehabilitation staff. Nonetheless,if a person does not wish these services, if he sees them asinterferring with his traditional way of life, it is not theresponsibility of vocational rehabilitation counselors todissuade him from his "chosen" way of life.

The Problem of Prejudice

The Navajo Rehabilitation Project staff has seen prejudiceexpressed by residents of the region against Indians, but thestaff has also seen as bitter prejudice expressed by the Nava-jos against non-Navajos. Destroying the vestiges of discrim-ination and prejudice, and granting equal educational and

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equal job opportunities are as important for success of dis-abled Navajos as they are for success of non-disabled Navajosand other underprivileged ethnic groups.

The Lack of Education and Training for JobsAmong the Navajos

The average education of Navajo Rehabilitation Project clientswas far below the national average. More striking than yearscompleted in school, however, is the actual achievement levelof the client group. It is generally far below the nationalaverage. Thus, Navajos are more poorly prepared for vocationsthan others. They need more training for job placement andvocational success than the actual number of grades in schoolindicate. Part of the educational disadvantage among Navajosis an incompatible cultural, social and linguistic backgroundat school entry, and these incompatible forces continue toinfluence Navajo youth as they progress in school. Many attendschools which for a number of reasons do not meet their lifeneeds. Thus, Navajo youth lack education and training for theAmerican job market; at the same time, most communities pro-vide no adult education. This is true of one of the largestschool districts on the border of the Reservation, Flagstaff.

Implications oh Drinking Problems

Drinking was disproportionally a social problem in the housing,evaluative, training, placement, and employment phases of theNavajo Rehabilitation Project. Some Navajo RehabilitationProject and Preparatory Training Project clients could notfunction effectively following drinking bouts. A number werearrested. For the Navajo Rehabilitation Project clients whohad an identifiable drinking problem, an Antabuse programwas provided. In fact, for several clients, accepting theAntabuse program was made a condition for continuing to re-ceive vocational rehabilitation services. For several casehistories of clients with drinking problems see Gaspari (1967,Monograph Number 7, Appendix A), Avallone (1967, MonographNumber 3, Appendix A), and Kelly (1967, Monograph Number 2,Chapter Three). Procedures used in the drinking treatmentprogram were taken from the Gallup Community Indian ProblemDrinker Project which has, also, in many of its facets been

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a model for the Office of Navajo Economic Opportunity TribalProgram for Problem Drinkers. The Winslow and T'iba CityPublic Health Service Hospitals personnel cooperated effec-tively in the medical aspects of the development of such aprogram. A survey of Indian tribes in the United States in-dicates that problem drinking among them is prevalent. AnAntabuse treatment program may effectively be used with theseand other groups where drinking interferes with vocationalrehabilitation.

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CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY

Historical Background

The Navajo Reservation is the largest Reservation in theUnited States and the topography and climate have had animpact on Navajo history and culture. There are over onehundred thousand Navajos, many times the number a centuryago. This rapid population increase has, along with ves-tigages of traditional economic organization, created ashortage of land making pastoral agricultural livelihoodimpossible for the majority of Navajos; but, many maintaintheir "traditional" way of life. In meeting Navajo econ-omic, education, and social needs, one needs an understand-ing of the extended family, the outfit, the clan, and therecent organization of the Navajo Tribe as a social andpolitical Tzibal government actions are still sub-ject to Bureau of Indian Affairs veto.

The economy is more wage than herding and farming. Geo-graphic, economic, and social conditions, Navajo work-attitudes and economic values contribute to great under-employment. Some religious attitudes (as perceived by"Anglos") interfere with the development of concepts of ec-onomic and social reliability.

Determining the accurate number of disabled persons is dif-ficult, but the proportion of disabled persons is probablygreater on the Reservation than in the general populationof the United States.

Rehabilitation Efforts Before theNavajo Rehabilitation Project

Over a five-year period, 1957-1962, a total of thirty-threeNavajo clients were served and the majority of these were

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not successfully rehabilitated. Therefore, the local NorthernArizona Office of the Division of Vocational Rehabilitationand the Northern Arizona Vocational Rehabilitation AdvisoryCommittee laid the groundwork for the Navajo RehabilitationProject. The Project was funded and housed in 1963 on whatwas then the Arizona State College campus.

Relevant. Literature

The literature indicates that Navajos in some ways may becompared to the people of Appalachia. A number of projectsin the United States are attacking the problems of the cul-turally different and the economically and educationally de-prived. One project in Montana recently completed and an-other current project in Alaska were designed to vocationallyrehabilitate members of native populations in these states.The testing of minority groups, briefly reviewed, revealsthat there are no ready-made tests that can be automaticallyapplied and uncritically applied to disabled Navajos.

Navajo Rehabilitation Project Program

There were three primary functions of the Project, (1) todevelop evaluation techniques and procedures; (2) to demon-strate procedures for coordinating and involving agenciesin Northern Arizona; and (3) to research the data in voca-tionally rehabilitating disabled Navajos. Medical aspectsof client care were provided by the United States PublicHealth Service. Client transportation was provided by theState Division of Vocational Rehabilitation, Bureau of IndianAffairs, and by the Navajo Rehabilitation Project. Mainten-ance was funded through the state Division of Vocational Reha-bilitation, and family members of the client were served bythe county welfare departments. Housing and dining werearranged on the Northern Arizona University campus. In or-der to evaluate, intake, orientation, and social serviceshad to be provided. The evaluation areas included psycho-logical, pre-vocational, and educational. The increase innumbers of vocational rehabilitation clients created thedemand for placement services. The Project staff workedclosely with the Northern Arizona Office of the Arizona Di-vision of Vocational Rehabilitation and often helped clientsarrange through county welfare offices for aid to the de-pendent children of clients.

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Methodology

In an action-research project, service effectiveness isdifficult to determine. While there were other factorsoperating during the period of the Project to increase thenumber of vocationally placed disabled Navajos, it is doubt-ful that this increase could have occurred without theNavajo Rehabilitation Project or some other organizationperforming similar services.

Representativeness of the Population

Intake services were rendered to 258 disabled Navajos and118 completed enough of the program to provide some eval-uation. The sample was probably representative of thetotal disabled Navajo population but not representative ofthe total Navajo population,

The disabled Navajo clients were usually single males be-tween ages 20 and 25 with a total range of 16 to 59. Mostcame from families with five to ten siblings. Eighty-eight"of those evaluated were males and 30 were females. Manytypes of disability were represented in the population. Formany of the clients the Project represented the end of aseries of attempts at rehabilitation.

Methodological Problems

English as a second language and a traditional culture Muchdifferent from Western European were two important faCtorslimiting the validity of the psychological tests.- Whilesome of the difficulties presented in measurement can beovercome by applying effective clinical rather than purelyactuarial techniques, tests vary in meaning with degree ofenculturation of the individual. There was no control group,but there were attempts to compare the disabled Navajos withtwo other projects serving Navajos. Limitations in researchtraining of some staff members and the service detands ofthe Project sometimes interferred with objective data gather-ing.

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Navajo Rehabilitation Project Outcomesand Effectiveness

Some of the outcomes of the Project efforts can not bequantitatively appraised. The anthrc-pcdcgist performed theservice function of advising the staff on Navajo culture andsocial life. However, Project data was used by him to studyNavajo attitudes and reactions to the disabled. The resultsof this study are reported in Kelly (1967, Monograph 2).

The experience in the Intake service areas of the Projectindicates that if disabled Navajos are to be recruited forrehabilitation, much individual contact is needed with theprospective client, his family, and referral sources. Tooffer in Northern Arizona effective intake service, a pro-fessional person must devote full time to individual contact,correspondence, and follow-up efforts. It was almost im-possible to recruit a group of Navajos so that they couldall commence on the same day and go through the intake ser-vices as a group.

Non-quantitative observations were made in counseling Navajos.English as a second language and other cultural differencestended to cause great difficulty in communicating with Navajos.The counselor experienced many broken appointments. He wasoften viewed as an agent for solving immediate practicalproblems and as an authority offering rewards and meting outpunishments. It took longer to establish rapport_ A positivetransference was difficult to establish. The verbalizedpsychodynamic content of the counseling interview was oftensuperficial. Both counselor and counselee became frustratedby social, economic, and educational obstacles to positiveoutcomes. However, when cultural and personality differenceswere anticipated and accepted and when stereotyping wasavoided, constructive, warm, satisfying counseling rela-tionships developed.

In selecting appropriate subtests and whole tests, a "shot-gun" approach was used. The general ability tests were se-lected through direct empirical considerations and througha construct validity approach using factor analysis. Thegeneral ability battery was reduced to the Wechsler AdulInIgiliggnagagaig, the EgMig.0-244W_Beta, and the Raven.

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Because of its broad use in the labor market, the GeneralAptitude Test Battery was added. In factor analyzing theWechsler, the evilecAin__A_avtteta and the Raven test, fourfactors were found which contributed 99.99 per cent of thetotal variance. The Navajo Rehabilitation Project clientsscored significantly below the Wechsler standardizationpopulation. Their mean Verbal I.Q. was 74, Performance, 88,and Full Scale 78. The discriminate analysis techniquewas used to determine whether the three finally selectedtests could be used effectively in predicting services out-come. The tests were ineffective in predicting the per-centage of time worked, but were highly predictive for theskill of job and hourly wage. However, the highly predic-tive characteristics of the tests were spurious. NavajoRehabilitation Project clients did more poorly than anothergroup of non-disabled Navajos who were participating in aproject at Northern Arizona University. Tests given toNavajos but standardized on other populations should becautiously interpreted.

The educational evaluation results showed a Wechsler AdultIntelligence Scale correlation of .36 to .73 with actualyears of formal education and the Digit Symbol and theBlock Design also correlated positively with years in school.A correlation of .76 was found between years of formal edu-cation and achievement scores on the Iowa Tests of BasicSkills. A number of positive correlations were found betweenboth verbal and performance intelligence scores and gradeplacement on the Iowa Tests of Basic Skills. Thus it appearsthat the intelligence tests to a large degree are measuringlearning. There were significant correlations between intel-ligence measures and gains in achievement while in the edu-cational evaluation process. However, gains in the totallanguage achievement area correlated negatively with someof the intelligence measures. Most clients operated schol-astically several grade levels below their actual grade com-pleted in school.

Some of the more frequent problems of Navajo clients servedby the Residence Guidance Supervisor were their misunder-standing of the evaluation process, homesickness, intem-perate use of alcohol, and English language handicap.

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The results of Pre-Vocational Evaluation Laboratory adminis-tration of several widely used tests indicated that theNavajo Rehabilitation Project clients performed more slowlythan the standardization population. Despite this generali-zation, on the O'Connor Finger Dexterity Test Navajo clientswere faster than the standardization population, Pre-Voca-tional Laboratory observation also indicated that disabledNavajo clients usually required a longer evaluation periodthan other rehabilitation clients. More time was requiredbecause of client attitudes and cultural differences. Mostusual interests displayed in the Laboratory were artisticand manipulative tasks. While this observation is consistentwith prevalent stereotypes, it is also consistent with thehighest average subtest score made by Navajos on the WechslerAdult Intaligence Scale. They performed better on the BlockDesign subtest than any other. If interpretations of abili-ties were made cautiously and if the staff were knowledgeableof Navajo culture, many tasks used successfully in the Pre-Vocational Laboratory with other rehabilitation clients could,also, be used with Navajos.

After completing evaluation, 92 of the 118 evaluated clientswere placed in training or on jobs. If clients who'wereclassified non-feasible are excluded, the vocational reha-bilitation success percentage was between 65 and 70. Thus,the Navajo Rehabilitation Project success ratio comparesfavorably with the Arizona and national averages. Whilethere is an apparent tendency for both wages and skills tocorrelate with length of employment, the chi square signi-ficance tests of these relationships did not prove to bestatistically significant. The success ratio of women cli-ents was much higher than that of men clients.

In summary, as determined by the original purposes, theNavajo Rehabilitation Project was generally effective.

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CHAPTER VII

RECOMMENDATIONS

Future Cross-Cultural Projects

Future demonstration projectsserving different ethnic groupsprovide a useful setting for cross-cultural research. Ifthe observer is also a server of the people studied, he willprobably learn much about their lives otherwise unavailable.He knows his informant in ways that usual ethnological datagathering does not permit. Therefore, in the future, whendemonstration projects provide the opportunity, more socio-logical, psychological, and ethnological research functionsshould be included in the proposal (Henderson, 1967).

A Coordinator of Inter-Agency Referrals and Services

The conditions of the Reservation area have beeil explainedclearly enough to demonstrate need for the employment of afull time person to coordinate all inter-agency vocationalrehabilitation services in Northern Arizona. He should con-centrate on the vocational rehabilitation problems of minoritygroup members. The referral of and service to rehabilitationclients will never be effective in this vast ethnically dif-ferentiated community unless this coordination function is afull time professional responsibility.

Further Test Validation

The statistical validation of the tests given the disabledNavajo Rehabilitation Project clients provides evidence thata battery of tests can prove effective in identifying abili-ties and predicting success in a number of vocations. How-ever, the tentative findings of the Project should be,cross-validated on Navajos and other Indians, and perhaps, otherethnic groups. Until such cross-validation, caution shouldbe used in applying the finally selected battery of tests.Project validation studies suggest the final battery of

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general ability tests, at least with Navajos, have someelement of cultural fairness. The effective tests stressnon-language ability. There is some possibility that thesetests could be useful in evaluating other Indians and otherethnic groups. It is strongly recommended that a follow-upstudy be made to determine the effectiveness of this testbattery with non-Navajo groups along with a cross-validatingstudy of the battery with other disabled and non-disabledNavajos.

In addition to cross-validation, further test standardizationis needed. The former Director of the Navajo RehabilitationProject is now directing another project funded by the HigherEducation Act to standardize a number of widely used tests ondifferent ethnic groups of the Southwest.

Need for Residence Facilities

The extensive area demands that an adequate residence facilityor facilities be provided for people who are in need of voca-tional rehabilitation evaluation and other related services.Such a facility is needed to serve adequately Navajos andother groups living at some distance from the RehabilitationCenter: Had not residential facilities been provided, theNavajo Rehabilitation Project could have served few clientseffectively. This need became so apparent in the formulativestages of the Navajo Rehabilitation Project that the recommen-dations made here have been partially accomplished by theRehabilitation Center. The Center is now providing residen-tial facilities to clients who reside out of the Flagstaffarea, but the facilities are temporary and in some ways unre-liable and inadequate. There is an urgent need for some per-manent realistically financed residential facility in Flag-staff.

Education Programs

An education program offering information and techniquesnecessary for adapting to an urban work situation needs tobe developed for Indians. Many Navajos need basic education,pre-vocational education and job training in order to preparethem adequately for any kind of work. Indians need an edu-cation which prepares them for varied vocational pursuits and

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for technical and professional occupations. Indians teed tocreate a greater demand their services in the non-Indianas well as Indian communities. Their education must includeeffective instruction in Englisli so that Navajos become asproficient as non-Indians in speaking and writing English.

This recommendation has been partially carried out by theRehabilitation Center in the development of a Pre-VocationalEducation Program in which culturally and educationally dis-advantaged people are offered education which will make upfor what they have failed to achieve in the usual school.This program needs extending and Flagstaff and other communi-ties on and off the Reservation need to develop similar pro-grams. In addition, most Northern Arizona communities needto expand present adult education curricula. Furthermore,the curricula needs and follow-up information gaps demanddemonstration and research projects on the education of mi-nority ethnic groups.

Problem Drinker Program

The Antabuse program for the treatment of problem drinkerswas effective enough with a number of Navajo RehabilitationProject clients to recommend continuation. The program ascommenced by the Project can continue with the cooperationof the Rehabilitation Center and the Winslow and Tuba CityPublic Health Service Hospitals. Because in many instancesthe major obstacle to regular Indian employment is alcohol-ism, a realistic program for the treatment of problem drinkerswhile they are in evaluation, while they are in training, andwhile they are on the job could be an effective part of anyvocational rehabilitation project serving problem drinkers.

Community Relations Program

Community educational and organizational programs need tobe developed in Northern Arizona to counteract the stereo-types prevelant in the non-Indian aad Indian communities.This program needs to penetrate the educational institu=tions, the business institutions and the general public. TheNavajo Tribal Council could help form an inter-ethnic organi-zation to foster better understanding by Navajos of the

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surrounding people and communities; and on the other hand,foster a better understanding by non-Navajos of the Navajopeople, Reservation, and society.

Some of the lack of present understanding will be overcomein the already 'established formal education channels throughmore complete education of an increasing number of Indiansand a more advanced, enlightened educational environment forthe non-Indian community. However, this enlightened under-standing can be consciously fostered by organization effortsof the political, social, and economic leaders of all of thecommunities. In fact, the development of community and inter-community organizations and centers for fostering such under-standing should be a worthwhile federally financed researchand demonstration Project. Unlike the segregated GallupIndian Community Center, the community centers recommendedhere should be integrated. They should facilitate inter-ethnic communication, rather than to further isolate thealready segregated communities.

A Study for Better Understandingof Vocational Success

Little is understood about the vocational goals of Navajosand other Indian groups. A study needs to be made of theattitudes of different ethnic groups towards vocations andsuccess. The study should look for the relationship of theseattitudes and success as defined by the different ethnicgroups. Such a project should provide concepts and data fordeveloping an educational program which would provide thesegroups the education to achieve selected life aims.

An Economic Study is Needed

A study needs to be made of the level of living of Navajoson the Reservation and in the areas surrounding the Reser-vation. The employment problems which Navajos face in thecommunities surrounding the Reservation, also, need study.Project personnel have seen clients affected by these problems.While the Urbanization Study which grew out of the NavajoRehabilitation Project offered some information about Indians,in Arizona towns, a wider all-inclusive project needs to bedevised and funded.

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RAcilitate the EmDloyment of Navajo

Attempts need to be made to facilitate the employment ofNavajos and other Indians. Indians must command wages whenthey leave the Reservation which make it possible for themto survive off the Reservation. To be effective a stateminimum, as high as the federal minimum, wage needs enact-ment.

With unskilled wages, adequate low-cost urban housing is aparticularly crucial need in the rehabilitation of disabledNavajos. While living conditions are in general extremelyrigorous on the Reservation, housing is often free. It maytake effort to cut wood for heat and haul water, but on theReservation housing is a very small proportion of the totalcost of living. Therefore, readily available and adequatelow-cost housing is essential in the towns bordering theReservation.

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APPENDIX A:

REVISED NAVAJO TEST BATTERY

I. GENERAL ABILITY( ) Kent E.G.Y.( ) Raven Progressive

Matrices( ) Arthur Point Scale of

Performance( ) Columbia Mental Maturity

Scale( ) Ammons Full Range

Picture Vocabulary

II. INTERESTGroup I (Readers)

) Strong VerbalIntelligence Blank

( ) Kuder Personal PreferenceRecord

III. APTITUDEGroup I (Readers)

( ) D.A.T.( ) GATB

IV. ACHIEVEMENT( ) Gates Reading Survey( ) Wide Range Achievement

Test

V. SPECIAL ABILITY( ) Crawford Small Parts( ) Bennett Hand Tool( ) Stromberg Dexterity

( ) Revised Army Beta( ) Goodenough Draw-a-Man( ) Wechsler (WAIS)( ) Ammons Quick Test( ) Kahn Experimental Test

of Intelligence

Group II (non-readers)(,) California Picture Interest

Inventory( ) Geist Picture Interest

Inventory( ) Thurstone Interest

Group II (non-readers)( ) Primary Mental Abilities( ) Verbal Meaning( ) Space( ) Reasoning( ) Number( ) Word Fluency

VI. PERSONALITYGroup I (Readers)

( ) Minnesota MultiphasicPersonality Inventory

( ) Edwards Personal PreferenceSchedule

Group ,II (non-readers)( ) I.E.S.( ) Bender Gestalt

Page 118: REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm,

rr4

APPENDIX B:

Intercorrelation Matrix

- General Ability Tests

Navajo Rehabilitation

Project

Test

23

45

67

89

10

11

1.

2.

3.

4.5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

Kent E.G.Y.

Army Beta

Raven Progressive

Matrices

Draw-a-Person

Columbia

Leiter

International

WATS Verbal

WAIS Performance

WAIS Full Scale

Arthur Point Scale

without Healy

Healy II

.54

.65

.67

.38

.45

.28

.64

.69

.65

.43

:56

.78

.57

.54

.83

.74

.57

.69

.29

.52

.56

.50

.84

.67

.51

.67

.80

.51

.70

.82

.75

.43

.67

.78

.83

.90

.46

.61

.53

.46

.45

.50

.46

.40

.54

.50

.54

.49

.52

.62

.70

.51

.58

.63

.46

N = Varies:

approximately 45

Page 119: REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm,

APPENDIX C:TABLE I

INTERCOORELATION MATRIX - WAISREVISED ARMY BETA

RAVEN- PROGRESSIVE MATRIX

N.-= 90

2 3 4 5

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

WAIS - Verbal

WAIS - Performance

WAIS - Full Scale

Beta - Total

Raven

.55 .90

.82-

.61

.79

.73

.63

.67

.70

.58

Page 120: REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm,

,,,wrunr,117171rm

m

APPENDIX C:

TABLE II

INTERCORRELATION MATRIX - WAIS SUBTESTS

NAVAJO REHABILITATION PROJECT

N = po

Siabtest

23

45.

67

89

10

11

12

13

14

1.

2.3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

Information

Comprehension

Arithmetic

Similarities

Digit Span

Vocabulary

Digit Symbol

Picturmrompladdema

Block Design

Picture Arrangement

Object Assembly

Verbal Scale

Performance Scale

Full Scale

.68

.66

.61

.66

.4.7

.45

.61

.46

.48

.36

.80

.63

.57

.58

.66

.40

.28

.26

.29

.54

.48

.50

.43

.42

.39

.53

.40

.57

.38

.34

.46

.38

.40

.32

.48

.56

.56

.43

.42

.44

.52

.48

.58

.61

.55

.26

.26

.29

.22

.41

.17

..47

.51

.6,8

.40

.92

.77

.76

.74

.71

.88

.42

.54

.46

:56

.31

.50

.43

.45

.42

.58

.43

.75

.78

.85

.76

.80

.55

.81

.69

.70

.67

.74

.75

.62

.69

.70

.72

.58

.90

.82

Page 121: REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm,

13_7

APPENDIX C:TABLE III

INTERCORRELATION MATRIX ARM' BETA SUBTESTSNAVAg0 REHABILITATION PROJECT

N=90

Subtests 2 3 4 5 6 7

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

Maze .47

Symbol-Digit Subst.

What is Wrong? Pictures

Spatial Relations

Picture Completion

Checking Similaritiesbetween Pairs

Total

.55

.55

.43

.27

.47

.50

.49

.63

.49

.61

.72

.66

.50

.61

.70

.75

.84

.65

.75

.86

Page 122: REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm,

Test

w

APPENDIX D:

TABLE I

MEAN SCORES AND STANDARD

DEVIATIONS ON THE GENERAL

APTITUDE TEST BATTERY

NMean

scores

k ZP

Stand.

Dev.

Extremes

Mean

P..

kaP

t P.

Pcif eren e

Significance

Level

General Abil.

48

69.46

100

13.35

20

38-99

30.5

(15.2)

.01

Verbal

48

73.5

100

8.57

20

61-100

26.5

(20.7)

.01

Numerical

48

60.85

100

19.82

20

27-95

39.15

(13.5)

.01

Spatial

48

93.10

100

22.23

20

51-156

6.90

(2.2)

.05

Form Percep.

48

78.19

100

3.98

20

11-144

21.81

(5.16)

.01Clerical

48

84.19

100

17.66

20

51-126

15,81

(6.12)

.01Motor

49

70.73

100

28.49

20

2-120

29.27

(7.13)

.01

Finger Dexter.

42

69.79

100

23.41

20

12-108

30.21

(8.16

.03.

Manual Dexter.

46

68.22

100

29.94

20

1-146

31.78

(7.14)

.01

Page 123: REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm,

120

APPENDIX D:TABLE II

MEAN SCORES AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS ON THE ARMY BETA

TESTBETA

N Mean Scores**

Standard Extremes Difference Signif.Deviations

MAZE

DIGITSYMBOL

WHAT ISWRONG

SPATIALRELATIONS

PICTURECOMPLET.

SIMILAR7ITIES

TOTAL

RAVENTOTAL

94 6.8 7

93 17.9 18-20

94 10.1 11

94 8.3 10

94 12.2 14

94 14.4 17-18

94 IQ=88 Icp10054.3

94 31.5 40-44

1.7

7.4

3.6

3.2

3.9

4.6

13.9

11.9

**

15

0-10

0-36

1-18

1-17

1-20

0-24

14-85

4-57

12(t=8.6)

(t=9.0)

.01

.01

*Navajo Rehabilitation Project Population**Standardization Population

Page 124: REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm,

121

APPENDIX D:FIGURE I

AVERAGE SCORES FOR NAVAJO REHABILITATION PROJECT CLIENTSON THE PICTURE INTEREST INVENTORY

w

0 W -Hw - -p0 4.) 0O 0a) CD

r4H Pi 4/ /-

oI g

-ri ;-I zO H U CD IDu u co Jai

1. Interpersonal 19.4 70

2. Natural 26.1 50

3. Mechanical 23.2 40

4. Business 33.0 80

5. Esthetic 21.3 70.

6. Scientific 16.2 30

Verbal 11.8 70

Computational 13.6 50

Time Perspective 8.2 50

30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70

Page 125: REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm,

122

APPENDIX D: TABLE III

Correlation Matrix for California Picture Interest InventoryVersus the Geist Picture Interest Inventory

CPII

EIST

m H1 0 mN4 0 N4

CD W 0-P )-I v0 a) mH 0,1 Z

I

0M

.. ,--1C./ nia) r.)

-IA

wwZ

-HW

M

HM

XI;-1

a)

>

-P0 M04 ZE oo-1-10 -I-)

echanicalxx- 5

26

X xx.43 V.58

26 .., 26

xx-.73

26

sciencex

36

out of Door'sxx.59

26

xx

26

xx-.5

26

xx.55

26

iterary

1

xx.50

x.49

26

omputational

xx26

26.

Lrama

,

.

. A411111

.4

26 Adi111111111111111

1.55 = Rho

26 .1)x = .05 significance level

xx = .01 significance level

Page 126: REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm,

f---Raw Scores

ACHIEVEMENT 13.9

DEFERENCE 15.2

ORDER 16.5

EXHIBITION 11.7

AUTONOMY 12.3

AFFILIATION 15.0

INTRACEPTI ON 14.4

SLTCCORANCE 11.8

DOMINANCE 12.4

ABASEMENT 15.3

NURTURANCE 14.6

CHANGE 15.6

ENDURANCE 18.3

HETEROSEXUALITY 7

AGGRESS ION 11.0

cM7--"L

0 0

£Z T

(.0 0

o

rn

0

0

Page 127: REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm,

124

APPENDIX E: TABLE I

SIGNIFICANT CORRELATIONSBETWEEN MMPI AND EDWARDS SCALES

MMPI EDWARDS

Hypochondriasis - Achievement- Order- Succorance

11 - Endurance- Heterosexuality

Depression - Succorance11 - Heterosexuality

Psychop. Dev. - HeterosexualityM.F. - AffiliationII II - ChangeParanoia - Succorance

11 - HeterosexualityPsychasthenia - Achievement

11 - Succorance11 - Heterosexuality

Schizophrenia - Succorance11 - Heterosexuality

Manic - HeterosexualitySoc. Intro. - Achievement

11 - Succorance- Order- Exhibition- Intraception

11 - DominanceAgression

L - HeterosexualityF - Dominance

rho

-.29-.29.37

-.33.42

.36

.30

.40

.30

.31

.29

.40

-.31.56

.34

.48

.39

.30-.34.44

.45

.46

.35

.63

.34

.32

.30

N

444444444444444444444444444444444444404033

33

33

33

33

4444

Sig

.05

.05

.05

.05

.01

.05

.05

.01

.05

.05

.05

.01

.05

.0I

.05

.01

.01

.05

.05

.01

.01

.01

.05

.01

.05

.05

.05

Page 128: REFORT RESUMES - ERICficult to establish. However, when cultural and personality differences were anticipated and accepted, and when stereo-typing was avoided, constructive, warm,

12.5

APPENDIX E: TABLE I=

INTERCORRELATION MATRIX FOR TEE 14.:_liNESOTA MULTIPHASICPERSONALITY INVENTORY

D Pd Mf Pa Pt Sc Ma 1111s

Lx

.3446

F ,

Hsxx xx.6 .6'

46. 46 46

ns x xx.2: .6

46 46

xx x.67 .28

46 4-

x.3.

4.

x.354.

Dxx xx.70 .54

46 46

ns x xx.35 .63

46,, 46

xx ns

.68

46 4

s ns xx.41

4.

ns

Hyxx.546

ns x xx.31 .52

46 46

xx ns.51

46

ns s

.37

46

xx.4846

ns

Pdns xx xx

.5: .70

46 46

xx xx.70 .38

46 46

ns s ns xx.4446

ns

Mfns ns ns ns ns ns

i

ns ns

Pa

xx....;0.65

I

xx xx.45

4.

xx xx.87 .4

46 4

ns

x.40

s

s

ns;

ns,

xx.6

4

ns

Ptxx.4'

4.

ns

Scxx..56

4.

x.46

4-

.s ns xx.72

ns

Mans s ns 'xx

.53

46

ns

Si .

ns ns.37

42

Qns ns ns

.68

6

IIII IIIIIns

x = .05 significance level rho

Ira 7=r,asaaitgaificom_ceagysl.___________ Aid