Recommendations for the Local Self-Government Electoral System

download Recommendations for the Local Self-Government Electoral System

of 6

description

Recommendations for the Local Self-Government Electoral System

Transcript of Recommendations for the Local Self-Government Electoral System

  • 1

    Georgian Young Lawyers Association

    International Society for Fair Elections and Democracy

    Transparency International Georgia

    Recommendations for the Local Self-Government Electoral System

    An important part of successful self-government reform is choosing the type of electoral system for

    local self-government that will promote fair elections and ensure that votes are proportionately

    translated into seats.

    The following self-government elections are scheduled to be held in the period of May-June 2014.

    Therefore, we believe that at this stage the election reform should focus on changing of the electoral

    system. Notably, the existing electoral system has long been criticized by non-governmental

    organizations and political parties due to its inability to translate votes into seat numbers

    proportionately, due to high risk of losing votes and the lack of protection of equality of votes. Further,

    European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission) and OSCE Office for

    Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) recommend that the electoral system for both

    parliamentary and local self-government elections be reviewed in order to ensure the equality of

    suffrage. 1

    Even though the necessity of modifying the election system has long been discussed (we raised the

    issue before the inter-factional group for immediate discussion as early as in 2013), the inter-factional

    group failed to address the issue and postponed it. Regrettably, inter-factional group on elections could

    only be assembled in January 2014 to openly discuss the issue for the first time.

    We support the election system that will be successful in solving todays systemic problems and in improving reflection of constituents will. Consequently, in the process of elaboration of the present recommendations it was our aim to propose the municipal elections systems that would successfully

    address todays challenges.

    We believe that if the government makes the political decision in a timely manner and introduces the

    amendments to the Election Code by mid-February, it will be possible to make important steps

    forwards in improving the election system; however, if the process will be delayed, considering that in

    1 EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) AND OSCE OFFICE

    FOR DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND HUMAN RIGHTS (OSCE/ODIHR) JOINT OPINION ON THE DRAFT

    ELECTION CODE OF GEORGIA, 2011, Page 8.para 22

  • 2

    addition to training of election administration personnel and addressing other technical and

    administrative issues, modification of the election system is also requires a large-scale campaign to

    raise public awareness, the authorities may or may not be able to make any comprehensive changes in

    the system.

    We remain hopeful that the decision to change the electoral system will be made in a timely manner, in

    view of best interests of Georgian citizens.

    In choosing the electoral system for local self-government, we considered priorities that the new

    system should focus on, including:

    Proportionality votes are proportionately translated into mandates;

    Wasted votes reduced to minimum

    Promote representation of small parties and independent candidates;

    Representation of different groups the society (minorities) and gender equality;

    Increased public trust in elections;

    Candidates centered system

    Less likelihood of repeat elections

    Simplicity

    NGOs believe that Single Transfer Vote (SVT) system is best suited for the local self-government

    elections. Because of the complexity of administration of the SVT system and the lack of time

    before the upcoming elections, adoption of the SVT system is not feasible. However, we support it

    for future consideration.

    At this stage, in view of the foregoing criteria, we propose the following election systems for IATFs consideration:

    Elections for local councils (Sakrebulos)

    a) Proportional elections Party List proportional representation system (List PR) for proportional elections; majoritarian elections block voting for multi-mandate constituencies and alternative vote for single-mandate constituencies;

    b) Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system as an alternative option

    For the election of Gamgebeli (Mayor) we support the 50% barrier, which is envisaged by the election

    system put forward by us. We think that the barrier will reflect will of the majority of voters and will

    ensure high degree of legitimacy of the elected candidate.

    Gamgebeli/Mayoral Elections the system of Alternative Vote

    Below is a detailed description of the electoral systems proposed, including their advantages and

    disadvantages.

  • 3

    Proportional Representation Voting System

    For proportional elections of Sakrebulo we suggest use of Party List Proportional Representation

    voting system (List PR).

    List PR belongs to the family of proportional voting systems and is used for multi-mandate voting

    districts. Ballot structure is party-centered, while each voter has a single vote.

    Through the List PR system voters vote for candidate, while mandates are allocated in proportion to

    votes obtained by a political party. Number of votes received by a party determines how many

    candidates from the party list are actually elected2. However, open lists allow voters to indicate

    individual candidate preferences and vote not only for political parties but for independent candidates

    as well. In particular, after giving a vote to a political party, the voter is also able to give his/her vote to

    any candidate on the list (number of candidates can be limited e.g. a voter may be able to give his/her vote to 5 or 10 candidates), who s/he wants to see in the representative body. This allows striking a

    balance between interests of voters and political parties in the process of creating party lists.

    A voter may simply give his/her vote to a particular candidate on a ballot or candidates are chosen

    through a preference vote (a voter marks his/her first choice, then his second choice, etc.). To simplify

    vote counting procedures, we suggest to use a simple vote (as opposed to preference vote). If several

    candidates receive equal number of votes, winner will be identified based on his/her place on the party

    list. If a party receives more mandates than number of candidates elected, remaining winners will be

    identified based on their place on the party list.

    We believe that compared to close lists, open lists are far more democratic as voters have more

    influence on the order in which a partys candidates are elected. This helps grow the connection between voters and candidates and increases responsibility of voters in election of candidates and their

    participation in shared decision-making. It also increases accountability of candidates before voters.

    Candidates become directly dependent on voters will as opposed to that of party leaders, which should bring candidates closer to the electorate and promote strong candidates.

    By virtue of Article 162 of the Civil Code of Georgia, an electoral subject should obtain at least 4% of

    votes to receive a seat in Tbilisi Sakrebulo, while Article 148 of the Code provides for a 5% threshold

    for receiving seats in Sakrebulos of other municipalities.

    We believe that the foregoing rule puts some electoral subjects to a disadvantage and is therefore

    unreasonable. In light of this, we believe that all municipalities should be subject to equal electoral

    threshold set at 4%. This will increase chances of small parties to obtain seats in local representative bodies.

    Majoritarian Elections of Sakrebulo

    For multi-mandate majoritarian districts, we suggest that the government use block voting.

    Block voting belongs to the family of majoritarian-pluralist systems; it is used for multi-mandate

    districts and voters have as many votes as there are mandates to be allocated. Ballot structure

    2 Electoral Systems Design, The New International IDEA Handbook, 2005, p.60

  • 4

    candidate-centered. Voters may vote for candidates, despite their party affiliation3. The candidates with

    the highest number of votes win.

    The system is preferable because it allows voter to simultaneously vote for candidates from different

    parties, as well as for independent candidates and it doesnt require a second round of elections. In addition, the system is simple for voters to perceive and promotes organizational development of

    parties. 4

    If the government opts for maintaining single-member districts of majoritarian elections of Sakrebulo,

    we recommend it to consider the system of alternative vote, similar to Mayoral/Gamgebeli elections. 5

    Sakrebulo elections Option B Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system

    First we would like to clarify that for election of local self-government body Sakrebulo through majoritarian system, we support the use of block voting in multi-member districts. However, if the

    government decides against turning electoral districts into multi-mandate districts and opts for

    maintaining the existing single-member districts, we recommend using alternative voting system or

    MMP system for single-member districts. This will be more effective in ensuring equal distribution of

    mandates.

    The MMP system belongs to the family of mixed systems and is comprised of the following two

    systems: proportional and majoritarian-plurality. It is known for compensating the disproportion

    created as a result of majoritarian system; in particular, if a party garnered some support through

    proportional system but failed to obtain any seats through majoritarian system, based on proportional

    system it will receive the number of seats equal to the size of the support.6

    MMP is used in countries like Albania, Bolivia, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Lesotho, Mexico, New

    Zealand, Venezuela. Majoritarian elections mostly use the system of simple majority in which the

    candidates with the highest number of votes win. Proportional elections mostly use list proportional

    system.

    A voter has two votes one for the party list and another for a majoritarian candidate. The system is preferable because it ensures proportional results and geographic representation of voters. It also

    ensures equal distribution of mandates and an opportunity for small parties to receive a mandate.

    Gamgebeli (Mayoral) Elections Alternative Voting System

    We propose alternative voting system for Gamgebeli (Mayoral) Elections. The system belongs to the

    family of majoritarian-plurality systems and is used in single-member electoral districts. Ballot

    structure is candidate-centered.

    As noted before, we support the alternative voting for majoritarian elections of Sakrebulo as well if the

    government decides to maintain single-member districts. In alternative voting voters ranks candidates

    in order of preference (each voter has one vote, but rather than an X, they put a '1' by their first choice

    3 Electoral Systems Design, The New International IDEA Handbook, 2005, p.44 4 http://www.electoral-reform.org.uk/?PageID=479 5 See the section above about Gamgebely/Mayoral elections for more information about alternative vote 6 Electoral Systems Design, The New International IDEA Handbook (IDEA), 2005

  • 5

    a '2' by their second choice, and so on7). This way, the system enables voters to express their

    preferences between candidates rather than simply their first choice. For this reason, it is often known

    as preferential voting. 8

    A candidate who has won an absolute majority of votes (50%+1) is elected. If no candidate has an

    absolute majority after preferences are counted, candidates with the lowest number of first preferences

    are eliminated from the count and his/her ballots are examined for their second preferences. Each

    ballot is then transferred to whichever remaining candidates has the highest preference in the order as

    marked on the ballot paper. The process is repeated until winning candidate is identified.

    We believe that marking preferences should not be mandatory. A voter should be able to mark as many

    preferences as s/he wishes to.

    The system is preferred because it allows election of candidates through absolute majority of votes,

    which allows a broad spectrum of voters to influence on the process of identification of winners. Their

    influence also increased at the expense of preferences, because second or third preferred candidates

    may become winners. This minimizes the number of wasted votes. In addition, the system requires

    voters to familiarize with election program of candidates, their ideology and make informed decision

    in ranking of candidates.

    Candidates elected through alternative vote have more legitimacy because high electoral threshold

    requires high voter support, including from different social groups. In addition, candidates will need to

    have further-reaching campaigns that target not only their supporters but also supporters of their

    opposing candidates in order to receive second and third preferences. This will promote positive

    campaigning and help the development of political culture. It will also reduce the need of second round

    of elections.

    We are ready to participate in discussions about the proposals outlined in the present document as well

    as proposals put forward by other interested parties, and to provide more detailed recommendations.

    Motion of no confidence against elected Mayors and Gamgebelis

    Because the parliament of Georgia is currently reviewing the Draft Code of Local Self-Government,

    we deem it fitting to reiterate our position about motion of no confidence against elected Mayors and

    Gamgebelis.

    The draft Code submitted to the Parliament of Georgia introduces an important initiative of direct

    elections for offices of Gamgebelis (Mayors), which we have been advocating for a long time.

    Regrettably, the proposed draft also contains a provision that weakens the importance of the institute of

    elected Gamgebelis and Mayors.

    In particular, Article 48 of the Code envisages a motion of no confidence against elected Gamgebelis

    (Mayors). The motion can be raised by more than half of member of Sakrebulo on current nominal list

    or 20% of registered voters in the municipality.

    Contrary to the principle of representative democracy, the foregoing provision allows Sakrebulo to

    raise a motion of no confidence against Gamgebelis (Mayors) elected by majority of voters with as few

    7 http://www.electoral-reform.org.uk/alternative-vote/ 8 Electoral Systems Design, The New International IDEA Handbook (IDEA), 2005, p.47

  • 6

    as 15-20 votes maximum. Further, the draft does not envisage grounds for initiating a motion of no

    confidence, thus allowing Sakrebulo to resort to the measure in an event of a confrontation between

    majority members and Gamgebeli (Mayor) on grounds of party affiliation or on any other grounds.

    In addition to the fact that dismissal of Gamgebeli (Mayor) by a motion of no confidence conflicts with

    the choice of voters and expression of their will, it may also promote politically unstable environment.

    Para.4, Article 48 of the draft authorizes Sakrebulo to initiate the motion of no-confidence several

    times during Gamgebelis (Mayors) term of office, which will further increase the influence of Sakrebulo members (political parties) on his/her work and affect his/her decisions.

    The purpose of direct election of self-government officials is to ensure citizen involvement in

    formation of self-government authorities, stability and independence of elected official/agency, while

    delegating Sakrebulo with any such power will not lead to any meaningful changes in the existing

    reality where Sakrebulo Chairperson is authorized to dismiss Gamgebeli with the consent of

    Sakrebulo, as illustrated on a number of occasions throughout 2013. Therefore, such stipulation

    diminishes the essence and importance of direct election of these officials.

    In light of these, we believe that the motion of no confidence should be removed from the Draft.