Quantity Insensitive Stress
description
Transcript of Quantity Insensitive Stress
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 1/63
Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Natural Language & Linguistic Theory.
http://www.jstor.org
A Factorial Typology of Quantity-Insensitive StressAuthor(s): Matthew GordonSource: Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, Vol. 20, No. 3 (Aug., 2002), pp. 491-552
Published by: SpringerStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4048055Accessed: 27-09-2015 12:05 UTC
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of contentin a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 2/63
MATITHEW
ORDON
A
FACTORIAL
TYPOLOGY
OF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
STRESS
*
ABSTRACT.
This
paper
presents
an
Optimality-theoretic
Prince
and
Smolensky 1993)
analysis
of
quantity-insensitive
tress.
A
set
of
grid-based
onstraintss shown
by
means
of
a
computer-generated
actorial
ypology
to
provide
a
relativelytight
fit to the full
range
of
stress
systems
attested
n
an extensive
survey
of
quantity-insensitive
tress
patterns,
many
of which have not
been
previously
discussed
in the theoretical
iterature.
1.
INTRODUCTION
One of
the
major
endeavors
n
theoretical
phonology
over
the
past
quarter
century has been
to
develop
a
metrical stress
theory
which
offers ad-
equate empirical coverage of
attested stress
systems
with a
minimal
amountof overgeneration f unattestedpatterns.As ourdatabaseon stress
has enlarged
during
this time, the
challenge of
constructing
a
restrict-
ive yet
sufficiently
rich
metrical
theory
has
increased.
Several theories
have
emergedin
response
to this growing
challenge, both
in
rule-based
frameworks
e.g.,
Liberman
and Prince
1977; Prince
1983; Hayes 1980,
1995;
Halle
and
Vergnaud
1987, etc.) and, more
recently,
n
a constraint-
based
paradigm
(Crowhurstand Hewitt
1994;
Kager 1999; Kenstowicz
1997;
Walker
1996;
Alber
1997;Eisner
1997;
Bakovic
1996,
1998;
Elen-
baas 1999; Elenbaas and Kager 1999). OptimalityTheory (Prince and
Smolensky 1993),
with
its
hierarchically
ranked
constraints
goveming
phonological
well-formedness,has provided
fertilegroundfor
evaluating
metrical
tress
theories.
By
permuting he
constraint
ankings, t is
possible
to
constructa
factorial
ypology of
stress
whoseempirical
coverage
can be
compared
against
cross-linguistic
stress
data.
This
paper
belongs to the
research
program
employing
factorialtypo-
logies as a means
of
assessing the
predictive
powerof
metrical
constraints
(cf. Eisner 1997; Elenbaasand Kager 1999). The proposedaccount tests
the
stress
patterns
generatedby a
set of
constraints
against those
found
*
The
author
gratefully
acknowledges he
insightful
discussion and
technicalassistance
of Bruce
Hayes,
as
well as
comments from
Michael
Kenstowicz
and two anonymous
reviewers, which
have
greatly
improved
the paper.Thanks
also to
Donca Steriade and
audiences
at
UCSB and the
2001
SWOT
meeting for their
feedback on
thisresearch.
A
Natural
Language &
Linguistic
Theory 20:
491-552, 2002.
?
)
2002
Kluwer
Academic
Publishers.
Printed
n
the
Netherlands.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 3/63
492
MATTHEW
ORDON
in what
is intended
to
be
a
fairly
exhaustive
survey
of
quantity-insensitive
stresssystems, i.e.,
those
in which
syllable weight
does not influencestress
placement.
This
survey
revealsseveralstress
patterns hat,
to the best of
my
knowledge,
have not been
previously reported
n the theoretical
iterature
and
turnout to be
of interest
or
metrical
stress
typology.
An
area
in which the
present
work differs from other works
on
stress
within Optimality Theory
is
in
terms
of
its
representations
of
stress.
A
theory
of stress is
developed
that
does not
appeal
to the metrical
foot;
rather, he proposed
constraints
refer
directly
to the well-formedness of
different
stress
configurations, ollowing
earlier work
by
Prince
(1983)
and Selkirk (1984) within a derivational ramework,and more recently
by
Walker
1996)
in a
constraint-based
aradigm.
While
many
of the
ad-
opted
constraints
are familiar from
the
literature,
ome are novel either
in their method of evaluation
or their
formulation, ncluding
an
expanded
set
of
anti-lapseconstraints
and a constraint
which
requires
hat
stress be
aligned
with
both
edges
of
a word.
Although
the
goal
of the
present
work
is not to consider the entire body of evidence
for
metrical
constituency
(cf.
Kenstowicz
1994
and
Hayes
1995
for discussion of such
evidence,
e.g., segmentalrules,minimalwordrequirements, rosodicmorphology),
it
is
shown that constraints
referringdirectly
to stress without the inter-
mediary
of
foot structure
are sufficient to account for the full
range
of
quantity-insensitive
tress
systems,
while
suffering
from
a modicum of
overgeneration
f a
typically non-pathologic
nature.
1.1. Representations f Stress
Althoughtheproposedtheoryshareswith muchcurrentwork its adoption
of a
constraint-based
aradigm,
t differs
from
most
contemporarywork
in
its
grid-basedratherthan foot-based representations f stress, follow-
ing
Prince
(1983) and Selkirk (1984). Following this work, the
present
analysis
assumes that the
level of stress associated with a syllable is a
function
of
the number of
levels
of
grid
marks above
a given
syllable.
Thus,
an
unstressedsyllable has a single grid mark above it (abstracting
away
from
weight-sensitivestress),
a
secondarystressed syllable has two,
anda syllable withprimarystress has threelevels of grid marks above it.
Adopting these representations, binarystress system with primary
tress
on
the initial
syllable and secondary tress on odd-numbered yllablesafter
the first
would
display
the
following associationsbetween grid marksand
syllables
for
words with
five and six syllables (1).
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 4/63
A FACTORIAL
TYPOLOGYOF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
493
Primary
tress
x
x
Secondarystress x x x x x x
Syllable
xxxxx xxxxxx
ccrCYacaxu
aa
uocxxa
Similar representations
re assumed
throughout
he rest of the
paper
with unstressed,primary,
and secondary
stressed
syllables differing
from
each other
in the
number
of
dominatinggrid
marks.
However,
o conserve
space, full representations f metricalgrids will be often be omitted;in-
stead, following
convention,secondary
stress
will
be
markedwith a
grave
accent
and
primary
tress with
an acute accent.
1.2.
A
Typologyof Quantity-insensitive
tress
As
a
startingpoint
in the
investigation,
an extensive
survey
of
quantity-
insensitive stress was conducted using
a combination
of
grammars
and
existing typologies
of
quantity-insensitive
tress, including
those
in works
by Hyman (1977), Hayes(1980, 1995), andHalleandVergnaud 1987). A
total
of
262 languages,
all
languages
with
predictable
quantity-insensitive
stress
patterns i.e., predominantly
non-phonemic
with a
clearly
dominant
pattern)
or
which I
could find data, were
included n the
presentsurvey.'
In
analyzingthe
results of the survey, t is useful to sort stress patterns
into three basic groups:
anguages
with
fixed stress
(either a single stress
or two
stresses), languages
with binary alternating tress, and those
with
ternaryalternating tress.
The presentation
n
this paper
will center around
these
threecore stress types.
For each class of stresssystems, results of the
cross-linguisticsurvey
will
be presented, ollowed
by the constraints elev-
ant for
yielding
the attestedpatterns,and thefactorial ypology of patterns
arising throughpermutation
of
the
rankings
of the proposed constraints.
The
coarse
taxonomyof
quantity-insensitive tress
systems is summarized
in
TableI, along with the section
in
which each system
is covered.
2.
FIXED STRESS
The most
straightforward
ystem of phonologically
predictablestress is
one
in
which
there is a
single stress per word falling
a fixed distance from
the
word
edge. Interestingly,
as pointed out by Hyman
(1977), of the set
1
Many
of the stress
systems
in
the survey are sensitive to
morphology o some degree,
a
factor that is not
treated n
the presentpaper.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 5/63
494
MATTHEWGORDON
TABLE
I
Coarsetaxonomy of stress
systems
Stresssystem Section
Fixed 2
Binary
3
Ternary 4
of
logically
possible docking
sites
for
stress in
quantity-insensitiveingle
stress
systems, only
five are attested:
nitial
stress,peninitial
stress
(second
from
the
left),
final
stress, penultimate
tress
(second
from the
right),
and
antepenultimate
tress
(third
rom
the
right).
Both
Hyman's
extensive
survey
of
stress
systems
and
the
present
one
indicate
asymmetries
in
the relative
frequency
with
which each
of
these stress sites
is attested.2
Languages
with initial
stress are
abundant
in both
surveys
and
include, among
many others,
Arabela
(Rich 1963),
Chitimacha
Swadesh
1946),
and
Nenets
(Decsy
1966).
Similarly,many
languages
have final
stress, e.g., Atayal
(Egerod
1966), Moghol (Weiers
1972), Mazatec (Pike and
Pike
1947).
Also
very
common are
languages
with
penultimate
stress, e.g.,
Mohawk
(Chafe
1977),
Albanian
(Hetzer
1978),
and
Jaqaru(Hardman-de-Bautista
966).
Considerably
rarer
are
the
peninitial
pattern,
e.g.,
Lakota
(Boas
and Deloria
1933, 1941),
Koryak
(Zhukova1972), and the antepenultimate attern,e.g., Macedonian Lunt
1952),
Wappo (Radin 1929).
The numberof
languages
in
Hyman's
sur-
vey and the
current
one
displaying initial,
peninitial,
antepenultimate,
penultimate,
and final
stress
are
summarized
n
Table II. A
list
of lan-
guages (and
their
genetic
affiliation)
instantiating
hese
patterns
appears
in
Appendix
1.
References for the
languages
are
available
at
the author's
website:
http://www.linguistics.ucsb.edu/faculty/gordon/pubs.
he
relative
rarityof peninitial and
antepenultimate tress
will
be
discussed
further n
the context of the factorial ypologyin section 2.2.
2
Hyman's survey differs from
the present one in
its inclusion of
languages with
quantity-sensitive
tress
systems. Thefigures rom
Hyman's
survey
n
Table
II
also include
languages
with
binary stress.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 6/63
A
FACTORLAL YPOLOGYOF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE TRESS 495
TABLE
II
Number
of
single stress
languages
Hyman(1977) Presentsurvey
Numberof
Igs.
%3
Numberof
Igs.
%4
Initial
114
37.3 57
30.2
Penultimate 77
25.2
53.55 28.8
Final
97
31.7
59.5 32.0
Antepenultimate
6
2.0
7
3.7
Peninitial 12
3.9 10
5.3
Total 306 187
TABLEIII
Dual
stress
systems
Primary
______
Initial Peninitial
Antepenultimnate
Penultimate
Final
Initial
-
1
67
36
Peninitia-
-
Antpenultimate_
Penultimate
3
-
- _
-
Final
_ -
___,.
3
Note
that
percentagesdo
not
addup
to
100,
as
figures
are
rounded.
4
Percentage
reflects
percentage
of
single
stress
languages n
the
survey.
5
The
.5
languages
with
penultimate
and
final stress
are
attributed o
Gurage
(Polotsky
1951;
Leslau
1992), which
displays
penultimate
tress in
nouns and final
stress in
verbs.
6
Georgian
(Zhgenti
1964;
Aronson
1991).
7
Anyula
(Kirton
1967),
Awtuw
(Feldman
1986),
Chimalapa
Zoque
(Knudson
1975),
Sibutu
Sama
(Allison
1979;
Elenbaas
and
Kager
1999),
Sanuma
(Borgman
1989), Murut
(Prentice
1971).
8 CanadianFrench (Gendron1966), Udihe (Kormushin1998), and most varieties of
Armenian,
unless
the
initial
syllable
contains a
high
vowel,
whichdoes
not
carry
secondary
stress
(Vaux
1998).
9
Walmatjari
Hudson
1978).
An
additional
complication n
Walmatjari
s
that
the
sec-
ondary
stress
falls
on the
penult in
words
with
four
syllables
(see
section
2.1.5),
where
antepenultimate
tress
would entail
a
stress
clash,
and
optionally
on the
penultrather
han
the
antepenult
n
words
with
greater
han
four
syllables:
thus,
dada
but
drad'aa
r
6onaaa.
10
Lower
Sorbian
Janas
1984),
Watjarri
Douglas
1981),
Gugu
Yalanji
Oates
andOates
1964).
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 7/63
496
MATTHEW ORDON
Another type of fixed stress
system
involves
two fixed stresses
per
word.
The present
survey
ncludes
14 such 'dual
stress'
languages,
a
small
number n
comparison
o the 167
single
stress
languages.
Table III
sum-
marizes
the numberof
languages
(language
names
given
in
footnotes)
in
the
survey
displaying
each
subtype
of stress
system
involving
two
fixed
stresses
(the
location of
primary
stress
falls on the
x-axis
and
secondary
stresson the
y-axis;
unattested
patterns
are indicated
by
a
dash;
logically
impossible patterns
are
shaded).
Interestingly,
of the 20
possible
combinations
(factoring
in
patterns
which
differ
only
in
which of the stresses
is
primary
and
which is sec-
ondary),only five areexploited.The numerousgaps in the set of attested
fixed
stresssystems with two stresses are
explored
urther n
the discussion
of the factorial
typology analysis
in section 2.2. All of
the
attested dual
stress
patterns,
with
the
exception
of two
of
the three
initial
plus
final
patterns,
Canadian
French and
Armenian,
do not allow stress
clashes;
in
clash
contexts,
for
example,
in
trisyllabic
words
in
languages
with
initial
and
penultimate
stress,
the
syllable
carrying
primary
stress in
non-clash
contexts takes the
only
stress.
2.1. A
ConstraintSet
for
Fixed
Stress
and
Resulting
Patterns
The set of
fixed stress
patterns
s accounted or
in
straightforwardashion
by
a
relatively
standard et of
Optimality-theoretic
onstraints,
certain of
which are formulated
n
slightly
novel
ways.
These
constraints
will
be
in-
troduced
as
we
consider he variousstress
systems
which
provideevidence
for them.
2.1.1. The
ALiGN
ConstraintFamily
Followingprevious
work
n
OT,
the
attraction f
stress
by edges is
modeled
by
constraints
equiring
stress to be
aligned
with
wordedges.
Two of
the
ALIGN
constraintswhich
play an important ole
in the
theory developed
here
serve
the
same function
as
constraintsalready amiliar
rom the
theor-
etical
literature,
.g., McCarthy
and
Prince
(1993),
Crowhurst nd
Hewitt
(1994), among
others. One of
these constraints
requires hat
stressedsyl-
lables be
aligned
with
the left
edge of a prosodic word, while the other
demandsthat
stressed
syllables
be
aligned with the
right
edge. Given the
grid-based
representationsassumed
here, the ALIGN
constraintscan
be
formalized
n
terms of
alignment
of
grid marksto
the metrical grid.
The
relevant
constraints ake the
form in
(2) andrequire hat
every grid
mark
be
aligned
with
either the left
or right
edge of the
immediately ower
level
of
grid
marks.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 8/63
A FACTORIALYPOLOGY
F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
497
(2) ALIGN
(Xjevein+j,
tR/L},
level
n,
PrWd):Every grid
mark
of
level
n
+ 1
is
aligned
with the
I
right,
left
I
edge
of level n of
grid marks n a prosodic word.
The generalstress constraints
not
specific
to
primary
stress
emerge
if n
is
0,
in
which case the constraint
s violated
for
every grid
mark on level
1
which
does not
align
with the relevant
edge
of level
0
of
grid
marks.
ALIGN
(Xlevel
,
L, level 0, PrWd)requires hat evel
1
grid
marks
align
with the left
edge
of
level
0,
while ALIGN
(Xlevel
,
R,
level
0, PrWd) requires
that level
1
grid marksalign with the rightedge of level 0. Followingearlierwork,it is
assumedhere thatALIGN onstraintviolationsaregradient, uch thatthey
are calculatedfor each stress and
summed
together.
For
example,
a word
with
stress
on
both
the second and the third
syllables
incurs three total
violations of ALIGN
(xieveii,
L, level 0, PrWd), two for
the stress on the
third
syllable
and one for the stress
on the
second
syllable (see (5)
below
for an example tableau).
Another ALIGN
constraintwhich is not familiarfrom the
literature s
a broad constraint ALIGN
(EDGES,
level
0, PrWd, xlevel
),
which
requires
that the edges of level 0 of a prosodic word, i.e., both the initial and
the final
syllable,
be
aligned
with a
level
1
grid
mark. Violations are
calculated
n a
simple
fashion: one violation is incurred
f
eitherthe initial
or the final
syllable
does not
carry
a
level
1
grid mark,
and two
violations
are incurred
f
both the initial and
the
final
syllables
do not have a level
1
grid mark. ALIGN (EDGES, level 0, PrWd, xlevel
)
is thus in some sense an
apodic conglomeration
of the
constraints ALIGN-LEFT
and ALIGN-RIGHT
(Kager 1999; Elenbaas and Kager 1999), which require hat words begin
and end, respectively, with a foot. ALIGN (EDGES, level 0, PrWd, Xlevel)
will
be shownto play an important ole in languages with both initial and
final stress; these include CanadianFrench (Gendron 1966), Armenian
(Vaux 1998), and Udihe (Kormushin1998), which are discussed below,
and
Tauya (MacDonald 1990), which is consideredin section 3.3. This
adoptionof ALIGN (EDGES,level 0, PRWD,
X1evel
1)
is adoptedrather han
an atomistic
alternativenvolving separateconstraints or each edge, e.g.,
grid-basedversions of ALIGN-LEFTandALIGN-RIGHT,since the atom-
istic approach esultsin increasedovergenerationn the factorial ypology
discussed
in
sections
2.2, 3.3,
4.1.
The atomistic approachresults in 16
additionalunattested
patterns multipliedby two if one factors n variation
in
which of the stresses is primary)not generatedgiven the formulation
adopted
here:
four
additional dual stress patterns,three binary patterns,
and
nine
ternarypatterns see sections 2.2 and 3.3 for furtherdiscussion).
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 9/63
498
MATTHEW
ORDON
The three
ALIGN onstraints
are formalized n
(3) 1
(3)
Constraints
modeling
the attraction f stress to
edges
a. ALIGN
(Xievel1,
L,
level
0, PrWd): Every grid
mark of level
1
is
aligned
with the left
edge
of level
0
of
grid
marks n a
prosodic
word.
b. ALIGN
(xlevel ,
R,
level
0, PrWd):Every grid
markof level
1
is
aligned
with the
rightedge
of level
0
of
grid
marks n a
prosodic
word.
c.
ALIGN
(EDGES,
level
0, PrWd, xlevel
1):
The
edges
of level
0
of
grid
marks n a
prosodic
word are
aligned
with level
1
grid
marks.
There are
also ALIGNconstraints
which
require
that level
2
grid
marks
align
with the
edge
of level 1
of
grid
marks. These
constraints,
ALIGN
(Xlevel2,L,
level
1, PrWd)
and ALIGN
(Xlevel2,R,
level
1, PrWd),
thus refer
specifically
to
primary
tress.
They
are formulated n
(4).
(4)
Constraints
modeling
the attraction f
primary
tress to
edges
a.
ALIGN
xlevel2,
,
level
1, PrWd):Every grid
markof level 2 is
aligned
with the left
edge
of level
1
of
grid
marks n a
prosodic
word.
b.
ALIGN
x1,ve12,
,
level
1, PrWd):Every grid
mark
of level
2
is
alignedwith therightedge of level 1of gridmarks n aprosodic
word.
Violationsof
ALIGN
(Xievel
,
L,
level
1, PrWd)
and
ALIGN(Xlevel , R, level
1,
PrWd)
are calculated
by -counting
he
number
of
secondary stressed
syllables separating
he
primary
stressed
syllable
from
the relevantedge.
Thus,
for
example,
the seven
syllable
form
uacra'aoancurs two viola-
tions of ALIGN
(Xievel
,
L,
level
1, PrWd),
since two
secondary stressed
syllables intervenebetween the left edge of the word and the primary
stressed
syllable,
and one violation of
ALIGN
(Xlevel
,
R, level 1, PrWd),
since one
secondary
stressed
syllable separates
he
primary tress from the
right edge. A tableau llustrating he evaluationof all the proposedALIGN
constraints or a schematic
six-syllablewordappearsas (5). Where there
11
The
ALIGN
constraints
are often abbreviated hroughout he paper by eliminating
the final
two
arguments, .e.,
'level
x'
and
'PrWd',and the subscripted level' in the first
argument.
ALIGN
(EDGES,
level
0, PrWd,
xievel
1)
is abbreviated
s ALIGN
EDGES.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 10/63
A
FACTORIALYPOLOGY
F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVETRESS
499
are
several
violations
of a constraintcommitted
by
a
form,
the number
of
violations appears
n
parentheses.
Adoptingthe ALIGN x2, X, 1, PrWd)constraintsas opposedto con-
straints
which count absolute distance of the
primary
stress
from an
edge
(cf.
McCarthy
andPrince
1993)
has the
empirical
advantage
of
creating
a more constrained actorial
typology
of
stress
systems12
as well
as
the
formal
advantage in
a
grid-based
heory
of
representation)
f
being
more
principled,assuming
that all
grid
marks above
level
0 must dominate
a
lower level
grid mark
(Prince's(1983) ContinuousColumn
Constraint).
(5) Evaluationof the ALIGN onstraints
CaCaCaaa
AUGN
AUGN ALIGN
ALIGN
AUGN
EDGEs
(xl,
L)
(x1, R)
(X2, L) (X2, R)
2
x
**
*****(5)
****(5) *
o
xx xx
xx
Cy a6 a
F___Cy
2 X ******
(6)
*********
(9)
**
1 X
x
o
xxx
x
xx
2
x
* *********
(9) ******
(6)
**
I x x x
Oxx
xx x x
2
X ** ****
(4)
******
(6)
*
Ilx
'x
o
xx x
x
xx
ad
C6
aCy C
2
X *
******
(6)
*********
(9)
**
Ilx
x x
O
xx
x
xx
x
2
X *
******(6) *********
(9)
lx
x x
ox
x x
xx x
2
x
******
(6) ********* (9) .
-
lx
x
x
Oxx
xx
x
x
d
a
da da
.__
_ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _
_
_-__
_ _ _ _
Before
proceeding with
analyses
employing the
ALIGN
constraints, it
should
be
noted
that, although
the ALIGN
constraints
discussed in this
paper
will
make
reference o the
word as the
stressdomain, it is
assumed
that
other
members
of
the ALIGN
constraint amily
sensitive to
different
stress domains, such as the root and different phrasallevels, also exist.
These
ALIGN
constraintsplay an
important
role in
characterizingmor-
phologically
sensitivestress (see
Alderete
1999 for
morphologicalstress
12
The ALIGN
X2,
{R/L),
1, PrWd)
constraints
adoptedheregenerate only
79 distinct
stress
systems
as
opposed to
93 generated
by theirhypothetical
counterparts
which count
absolute
distance of the
main
stress from an edge.
The extra
patterns,none of which are
attested,
all
under he
class of fixed stress
systems
displaying wo stressesper
domain (see
section 2.2
for
the factorial
ypology of fixed stress).
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 11/63
500
MATTHEW
GORDON
within Optimality
Theory)
as
well as
phrase-level
stress
(see
Gordon
in
preparation
or discussion
of
phrase-level
ALIGN constraints).
2.1.2.
Initial Stress
and
Final
Stress
Given the
ALIGN
constraints,
we are
in a
position
to
generate
three of the
fixed stress patterns.
The
general
ranking
schema
which
generates
single
fixed stress
systems
involves
one
general
ALIGN
constraintdominating
other
ALIGN constraints
and
*LAPSE.
Following
standard
procedure
n
OptimalityTheory,
variation
n the
edge
referred o
by
the
highly
ranked
ALIGN constraintyields
differences
between
languages
in
the
edge
or
edges towardwhich stressis attracted.Stresssystems with a single stress
on the initial syllable reflect
an
undominated
ALIGN
(x1, L)
ranked
above
ALIGN
(x1,
R), and
ALIGN
EDGES.
In
stress
systems displaying
a
single
stress
on the final
syllable,
ALIGN
(x1,
R)
is inviolable and rankedabove
ALIGN (x1, L)
and
ALIGN
EDGES.
Finally,
ALIGN
EDGES
plays
a crucial
role
in
the
CanadianFrenchpatternreported
by Gendron (1966),
which
involves primary
tress on
the final syllable
and
secondarystress
on the
ini-
tial
syllable,
even
in
clash
contexts.13
Vaux
(1998)
reports
a similar
pattern
involving primarystresson the ultima andsecondary stress on the initial
syllable
in most varieties
of
Armenian;
he
secondary
stress on an initial
syllable containing
a
high
vowel
is
suppressed.
Certainvarietiesof Udihe
also
place primary
tress on the
ultimaand
secondary
on the
initial
syllable
(Kormushin
1998),
with Nikolaeva
and
Tolskaya (2001) suggesting
that
the secondary
stresson the
initial
syllable is
either completely suppressed
or
very
weak
in
disyllables.14
To capture hese
initial
plus
final
stress
patterns,
ALIGN EDGES ensures
thatsyllablesatboth edges of the word are stressed.The promotionof the
final stress to primarystatus
in CanadianFrench,
Armenian, and Udihe
reflects the rankingof
ALIGN (X2,R) over
ALIGN (X2,L). The schematic
example
in
(6) provides
a closer look at the rankings yielding primary
stress
on
the final syllable and
secondarystresson the initial syllable.
13 In his studyof CanadianFrench,Gendron 1966,
p.
150) contrastsvarietiesof
French
spoken
in
Canada,which place secondarystress
on
the initial
syllable,
even in
disyllables,
with
ParisianFrench,
which lacks this secondarystress. He
observes that
vowels in initial
and final
syllables are
longer
and articulatedmore
strongly
than
vowels in
word-medial
syllables, which, in the case of
the high
vowels lil
and
lul, may devoice
or delete word-
medially. Other
accountsof Canadian
French
I
have located
only mention the
primary
stress on the
final syllable.
14
Nikolaevaand Tolskaya
(2001)
also
discuss
a
varietyof Udihe
with
quantity-sensitive
stress.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 12/63
A
FACTORIAL
TYPOLOGYOF QUANTITY-INSENSITIVETRESS
501
(6) Initial and
finalstress
UUT tALIGN A,GN
ALIGN ALIGN ALIGN
EDxFs
(x2R)
(xl)
(x1,
R)
I(X,
L
~oa
The third
and fourth candidates
both fail
because each lacks a stress
on one of the edge syllables
in
violation
of
ALIGN EDGES. The second
candidate fatally
violates
ALIGN
(X2, R)
because the
rightmost
stressed
syllable
does not
bear
primary
tress.
If
one
assumes
thatthe
initial
syllable
in
Udihe
is not stressed
n
the
clash context arising
n
disyllables,
*CLASH
must outrank
ALIGN EDGES
which
in
turn
s rankedabove
ALIGN
(x1, R).
ALIGN
(xl,
R) is rankedhigher
than
ALIGN
(x1, L) therebyaccounting
or
the
survivalof the stress
on the finalsyllable
in
disyllables.
2.1.3.
NONFINALITY
nd Penultimate
Stress
Repulsion of stress from the right edge is captured n OptimalityThe-
ory by
NONFINALITY
e.g.,
Prince and
Smolensky
1993;
Walker
1996).
For
purposes
of
the
present
grid-basedanalysis,
NONFINALITY
simply
prohibitsa
level
1
grid mark
on the final syllable(7).
(7)
NONFINALITY:
tress
does not
fall on the final syllable. (A final
syllable
does not have a level
1
grid mark.)15
NONFINALITY
laysa roleincapturinganguageswith a singlefixed stress
on the
penult.
In
such
languages,
NONFINALITYs
ranked
above
ALIGN
(x1, R).16
This rankingproducesthe 'rightmost
without being
final' stress
patterncharacterizing anguages
with penultimate
tress.17
2.2. The*L4PSE
Constraints
and Peninitialand Antepenultimate
tress
The *LAPSE
constraints Prince
1983; Selkirk 1984; Green
and Kenstow-
icz 1996;
Elenbaas 1999;
Elenbaas and Kager 1999) ban
sequences of
unstressed
syllables. Two non-position-specific
*LAPSE constraintsand
15
It is
assumed that the
ContinuousColumn Constraint
Prince 1983) rules out a final
syllable carrying
a level
2
grid mark
without a level
1
grid
mark
also.
16
In
languages with penultimate
stress in
disyllabic and longer
words but which
have stressed
monosyllabic
words,
NONFINALITY
is
violated in
order to ensure that
monosyllables are
stressed.
17
Thanksto a reviewerfor
pointing
out that
NONFINALITYallows for an
alternativeet
of
rankings
or
generating
nitial
stress:
NONFINALITY
>>
ALIGN EDGES.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 13/63
502
MATTHEW
ORDON
three sensitive
to
lapses
at word
edges
are assumed here.
The two
gen-
eral
LAPSE constraintswill
play
a critical role in the
binary
and
ternary
stress
pattems
to be discussed in sections 3 and
4, respectively.
The
first
of these
constraints,
*LAPSE,
bans
adjacent
stressless
syllables
and is
im-
portant
in
binary
stress
systems (section 3).
Violations of
*LAPSE
are
assessed
gradiently;thus,
a
string
of three
adjacent
stressless
syllables
incurs two violations of
*LAPSE,
while a
string
of four
adjacent
stress-
less syllables
incurs three violations of
*LAPSE.
Similarly,
a word
with
two
non-contiguous sequences
of two unstressed
syllables
suffers two
violations
of
*LAPSE.
Thesecondconstraint,
EXTENDEDLAPSE,
is decisivein ternary tress
systems (section
4);
it bans a
sequence
of morethantwo
adjacent
tressless
syllables.
Violationsof
*EXTENDEDLAPSEare
also
gradient; hus,
a
string
of four
adjacent
stressless
syllables
incurs two violations
of
*EXTENDED
LAPSE
(and also threeviolationsof
*LAPSE),
as do two
non-contiguous e-
quences
of three unstressed
yllables.
The
two
general
*LAPSE
constraints
are formalized
n
(8).
(8)
*LAPSE
constraints
a. *LAPSE:
A
string
of more than one
consecutive
stressless
syl-
lable may not
occur.(A
sequence
of
more than one
consecutive
syllable
lacking
a level
1
grid
mark
s
banned.)
b.
*EXTENDEDLAPSE:
A
string
of more
than two
consecutive
stressless
syllables
may
not occur.
(A sequence of
more than
two consecutive
syllables
lacking
a level
1
gridmark
s banned.)
It
should be noted that the
formulationof
*LAPSE
is
different
from other
anti-lapse
constraints n
the
literature,
ncludingversions
referring o met-
rical feet,
e.g., Kager's (1994)
PARSE-2and
Green and Kenstowicz's
(1996)
*LAPSE,
as
well as versions
referring
to the
metrical
grid, e.g.,
Elenbaas
(1999)
and
Elenbaasand
Kager (1999).18
The members of
the *LAPSE
constraint
family crucial for
capturing
the remainingfixed stress patterns are specific to stress lapses at do-
main
edges, following work
by Alderete (1999).
Avoidance
of stress
lapses
at
word
edges is
perhaps
most obvious in
quantity-sensitive lan-
guages
with
stress
windows, e.g.,
Piraha
(Everett
and Everett
1984; Everett
1986, 1988),
Kobon
(Davies
1980
in
Kenstowicz 1997),
Chukchi (Skorik
18
Elenbaas
and
Kager's *LAPSE
allows
sequences of two
consecutive
stressless
syl-
lables
at a
wordedge,
unlikethe
*LAPSE
onstraint
adoptedhere
(see
Elenbaas
and
Kager
1999 for
comparisonof
their
grid-based
anti-lapseconstraint
with
foot-basedones).
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 14/63
A FACTORIAL
YPOLOGYFQUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS 503
1961), though
apse
avoidance
at
edges
also
figures
prominently
n
certain
quantity-insensitiveatterns,
as we will see.
The constraints esponsible
or
creating
stress
windows are members
of
the
*LAPSEEDGE
sub-family
of constraints.
A
two-syllable
stress window
at the
right
edge, e.g., Kobon,
is the result of a
highly
ranked
*LAPSE
RIGHT
constraint
which bans
more than one stressless
syllable
separating
the rightmost
stress from
the
right
edge
of a word. A
two-syllable
stress
window at
the left
edge, e.g.,
Chukchi,
is attributed o a
highly
ranked
*LAPSE
LEFT banning
more
than one
stressless
syllable
separating
he
leftmost
stress
from the
left
edge.
A
three-syllable
window at the
right
edge, e.g., Piraha,is attributed o a highly ranked
*EXTENDEDLAPSE
RIGHT
constraintbanning
more than two
stressless
syllables
separating
the
rightmost
tress from the
right edge.
The
*LAPSE EDGE
constraints
are assumed
here
to be
categorical;
the forms
acrou and aocscyac
hus both
incur a
single
violation
of
*LAPSE
RIGHT. The latter form also violates
*EXTENDED
LAPSE RIGHT.
The
*LAPSE
EDGE
constraints
are
defined
n
(9).
(9)
*LAPSEEDGE constraints
a.
*LAPSE
RIGHT:
A maximum of one unstressed
syllable
separ-
ates
the
rightmost
stress
from the right edge
of a stress domain.
(No
more than one
syllable
separates
the rightmost syllable
with a level
1
grid markfrom the right
edge.)
b.
*LAPSELEFT:
A
maximumof one unstressed
yllable separates
the
leftmost stress from
the left edge
of a stress domain. (No
more than
one syllable
separates
the leftmost syllable
with a
level
1
grid
markfrom the left edge.)
C.
*EXTENDED
LAPSE RIGHT:
A
maximumof two
unstressed
syllables
separates the
rightmost stress from the
right edge
of a stress
domain. (No
more
than
two syllables
separate the
rightmost yllablewith a
level 1 grid mark rom the
rightedge.)
We
are now
in
a
position
to analyze
two additionalfixed stress
patterns:
peninitial
stress
and antepenultimate tress. Both
of these stress
patterns
are the
result
of an ALIGN constraintpulling stress
toward one
edge and
an
overriding
*LAPSE EDGE
constraint
pulling stresstoward he
opposite
edge.
The result of
this
struggle is
demonstrated n (10) which
illustrates
the
antepenultimate
tress patternresulting
from the ranking
*EXTENDED
LAPSE RIGHT
>>
ALIGN
(X1, L)
>>
ALIGN (X1, R). This ranking
ensures
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 15/63
504
MATTHEW
GORDON
that stress
falls
as far to the
left as
possible
without
falling
to the left
of
the
antepenult.19
(10) Antepenultimate
tress
caaCa3 *ExT
LAPSE
ALIGN X1, L)
ALIGN
x
I
R)
RIGHT
edaaa
aaaad
..-.
t.
.
Fixed peninitial stress is attributed to an analogous ranking except for
switching the
reference
edge
of
the
ALIGN
and *LAPSEEDGE constraints.
In
peninitial
systems,
*LAPSELEFT
is
ranked
above ALIGN
(X1, R) which
in turn akes precedence
over
ALIGN
X1, L).
The effect of this
ranking
s
to force
stress as far
to the rightas possible
without falling to the rightof
the
peninitial
syllable,
as shown
in
(11).
(I 1) Peninitial
stress
Goaaa *L"SE
LLF
ALIGN
x1, R) ALIGN
(Xi,
L)
Interestingly,
I am not aware of any
stress system
with a three syllable
win-
dow at the left
edge
which would
necessitateadoptionof
the hypothetical
left edge counterparto
*EXTENDEDLAPSERIGHT.20
19
Note
that penultimate stress also
follows from
essentially
identical
rankings
to
those
driving
antepenultimate
stress
except
for
replacing
*EXTENDED
APSE
RIGHT
with
*LAPSE RIGHT.
Thus,
fixed
penultimate stress reflects two
possible
rankings:
NONFINALITY
>
ALIGN
X1, R)
>>
ALIGN
X1,
L)
or *LAPSERIGHT
?>
ALIGN
X1,
L)
>>
ALIGN
X1, R).
Despite
this functional
overlap,
both
NONFINALITYnd
*LAPSE
RIGHTmust be
maintained
as
separate
onstraints,
ince
they serveindependent
unctions
in
many cases. For
example, NONFINALITY
lays
a
crucial role
in
binarystress
patterns
withfinal stress
avoidance
(section3.2.1), whereas
*LAPSE
RIGHT
aptures tress window
effectsandplays a decisiverole in dual stresssystems(section2.1.5), andin certainbinary
plus
clash (section 3.3) and
binarypluslapse stress
systems (section
3.2.2).
20
Thanks o an anonymous
reviewer or pointing out
the stress
patternof Terena,
which
potentially provides evidence
for
a
*LAPSEEDGEconstraint
prohibiting
more
thantwo
consecutive stressless
syllables at the left
edge
of a
word.
According to Harden(1946),
stress
n
Terena s
phonemic andmayfall on
any one
of
the
first
three
syllables of
the
word,
provided he
stressed syllableis non-final. n
his
detaileddescriptionof Terena
tress,how-
ever,Bendor-Samuel
1963) shows
thatstress is phonemic within
a two-syllable window
at
the left
edge,
with
third syllable stress
arisingundercertain
phrase-level
morphological
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 16/63
A
FACTORIAL
TYPOLOGYOF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE TRESS
505
2.2.1.
Dual
StressSystems
Thusfar, we have accountedfor
all of the
single
fixed stress
patterns:
ni-
tial
stress, peninitialstress, antepenultimatetress, penultimate tress,and
final
stress.
In
addition,we
have
analyzed
the initial
plus
final
dual
stress
pattern.This leaves
only
two
types
of dual fixed stress
systems
to
account
for:
ones with both initial
and
penultimate
tress
(e.g.,
Sibutu
Sama,
Lower
Sorbian)
and
those
with
initial and
antepenultimate
tress
(e.g., Georgian).
Since both of
these stress
patterns
result from
very
similar
rankings,
we
will
only analyze one
subtype of the
more common
pattern
n
detail,
the
initialplus
penultimate
pattern.Differences
between the
rankings
underly-
ing this patternandthose behindclosely relatedones will be pointedout
later.
Our
exemplar
of the
initial
plus
penultimate
pattern
s Sibutu
Sama
(Allison
1979; Elenbaas
and
Kager
1999),
in
which
primary
tress
falls on
the
penultimate
yllable and
secondary
stress
on the initial
syllable,2'
with
the added
provision
thatonly the
penult s
stressed
n
trisyllabic
words;
his
pattern s
exemplified n
(12)
(examples from
Elenbaasand
Kager
1999).
(12) SibutuSamastress
a.
bissala
'talk'
b.
bissalahan
'persuading'
c.
bissalahainna
'he
is
persuading'
d.
bissalahankaimi
'we
are
persuading'
Before
developingan
analysis
of Sibutu
Sama
stress,one
additionalcon-
straintmust
be
introducedto
account for
the
fact that
adjacent
stresses
are
prohibited n
trisyllabic
words in
Sibutu
Sama.This ban
on
clashes is
indicativeof
the
high ranking
of a
constraint
banning
stress
clashes.
This
constraint,
which
was
introducedby
Prince
(1983) as a
rhythmic
principle
prohibiting
adjacent
tresses(cf.
Kager
1994;Alber
1997;
Elenbaas1999;
Elenbaasand
Kager
1999for
*CLASH
in
Optimality
Theory), s
formulated
in
(13).
and
syntactic
conditions
which
would
fall
under the
rubric
of
intonational
phenomena
in
other
languages,
e.g.,
marking
contrastive
focus,
negative
imperatives,
nominal non-
specificity.
Thus,
although
there
may be
a
window
effect in
Terena,
t
seems
unlikelythat
third
syllable
prominence n
Terena
results
from
the
same
class of
*LAPSE
EDGE
stress
constraints
elevant
or
cases
discussed in
the text.
21
This
penultimate
plus
initial
stress
pattern
s
reported or
unprefixed
words
(see
Kager
1997
for
discussionand
analysis
of
prefixed
orms
which
display
additional
complexities).
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 17/63
506 MATTHEW
ORDON
(13)
*CLASH:
A stress domain does not contain
adjacent
stressed
syllables. (Adjacent syllables
carrying
a
level 1 grid
mark are
banned.)
A
string
of
two
adjacent
stresses
incurs one violation of *CLASH.An
ad-
ditional
violation
is
incurredfor each additional
stressed
syllable
in
the
sequence.
A
sequence
of three consecutivestresses thus
violates *CLASH
twice,
as does
a word
containing
two
stress clashes
separatedby
one
or
more unstressed yllables.
We now consider
one set of
rankings
which
generate
he Sibutu Sama
stress facts. As the forms in (12) indicate, in orderfor both stresses to
be
realized,
a word
must have at least
four
syllables;
this indicates that
*CLASH
s undominated.
t
is
crucially
rankedabove
ALIGNEDGESas
trisyllabicwords have
a
single
stress on the
penult
in
violation of ALIGN
EDGES: bissala,
not *bissala.
*LAPSE RIGHT
s also
undominated and is
instrumental
n
accounting
for the stress on
the
penult;
t is
rankedabove
ALIGNEDGES,
as evidenced
by
the stress on
the
penult
ratherthan the
initial syllable
in
trisyllabic
words:
bissala,
not
*bissdla.
*LAPSERIGHT
s
also ranked above both ALIGN (X1, R) and ALIGN(X1, L), since words of
at least four
syllables
stress the
penult,
even
though
this entails additional
violations of
ALIGN constraints:
bissalahanna,
not
*bssalahanna. ALIGN
EDGES s
ranked
above ALIGN X1, R),
as
all
words with at least
four
syllables
have a second stress on the initial
syllable
in
addition
to the
one on the
penult: bissalihan,
not
*bissldhan. NONFINALITYs
ranked
above ALIGN
EDGES,
as the final
syllable
is
never
stressed: bissaldhan,
not *bissalahdn.
Finally,
ALIGN
(X2, R)
is ranked above
ALIGN (X2, L)
thereby ensuringthat the penulttakesprimarystressin forms containing
two stress:
bissalhhan,
not
*bissalcihan.
The
rankings
or
Sibutu Sama are
summarized
n
(14).22
A tableau
demonstrating
he
rankings for Sibutu
Sama
appears
n
(15).
22
Note that the
rankings
n
(14) are not the
only ones which generatethe Sibutu Sama
stress
system.
If
ALIGN
(X1, L)
is ranked above
ALIGN (X1, R), but below
*LAPSE
RIGHT,
NONFINALITY
eases to
play
a
decisive role
in yielding the stresson the penult.This altern-
ate set
of
rankings
s
nearly identical to the rankingswhich generate the
antepenultimate
plus
initial stress
pattern ound in Georgian(see
below).
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 18/63
A FACTORIALTYPOLOGYOFQUANTITY-INSENSITIVE TRESS 507
(14) Constraint
ankings
or SibutuSama
*CLASH,
NONFINALITY,
*LAPSE
RIGHT,
ALIGN
(X2, R)
ALIGN EDGES
4
ALIGN
(X1, R),
ALIGN
(X2, L),
ALIGN
(X1,
L)
(15)
bissala
*CLSH ON-
*LAPsE ALIGN
ALIGN ALIGN
ALIGN
ALIGN
FINAL Ritr'r
(x,.
R,
1)
Eixim
(x1, R)
(x
2
(XL
I)
gE
bissla
_
l5ssasla
_ _ _ _ _ _
bissala
l.
jE_E__
bissaldi
_m
b'{ssalE
bissalahan *CLSH NON- *LAPSE ALICN ALIGN ALIGN ALIGN ALIGN
FINAL
RIGHT
(x2.
R,
1)
EDGES
(XI,
R)
(X2.
L?
(X1
)
bw
ssalahan
,.
;:
'b'sssal ihan
bissalahan
-
**
_
*
bissalahani
_ -
I _
"
1
'
blssalahanl
-
-
---------
btssslahan
_ _ E
bi-ssalahin .
_____
The
Lower Sorbianpattern Janas
1984),
in
which the initial stress rather
than
the
penult
is
preserved
n
trisyllabic
words, e.g.
w5sitsojska
'father-
land', psiijasiel
'friend',
and the
primary
stress is on the initial
syllable
rather han the
penult
in
wordsin which
both the penult
and the initial syl-
lable are stressed
see section 2.2.2 for
discussion of the
link between clash
resolution and primary stress placement), results from some minor re-
rankings
relative to those
observed n
SibutuSama.
First,
FLAPSERIGHT
is
rankedbelow ALIGN
EDGES,
thereby accountingfor
the stress on the
initial
syllable rather
he penult in trisyllabicwords.*LAPSE RIGHT
must
nevertheless still
be ranked
above ALIGN (X1, L) as
the penult
carries
stress
in
all
words over
three
syllables. Finally,ALIGN
(X2,
L) is ranked
above
ALIGN
(X2, R), reflecting the
fact that the stress
on the initial syl-
lable rather
han the
stress on the
penult is promoted o
primary
stress in
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 19/63
508 MATTHEW
ORDON
words with two stresses.
The
rankings
for
Lower Sorbian are summarized
in (16).
(16) Constraint rankings
for Lower Sorbian
*CLASH,
NONFINALITY,
ALIGN
(X2, L)
4
ALIGN
EDGES
4
*LAPSE RIGHT
4
ALIGN (X1, L), ALIGN(X2, R), ALIGN(X1, R)
Georgian (Zhgenti 1964;
Aronson
1991) displays
a
slight
variation on the
Sibutu Sama
pattern.
In
Georgian,
stress falls on both the initial
and
the
antepenultimate syllables
in
words over four
syllables long
and
only
on
the
antepenult
in
tetrasyllabic
words.23
The stress on
the
antepenult
re-
flects an undominated
*EXTENDEDLAPSE RIGHT
(rather
than
*LAPSE
RIGHT) crucially
ranked
above
ALIGN
(X1, L).
The
secondary stress on
the initial syllable
in words of at least five
syllables reflects the ranking
of *LAPSE LEFT
>>
ALIGN
(X1, R).
The fact that
the initial
syllable
rather than the
peninitial syllable
is selected for stress within
the window
defined
by
*LAPSE
LEFT
is ascribed to the
ranking
of ALIGN
(X2, L) over
ALIGN
(X2, R). Finally,
ALIGN
(X2, R)
is ranked
above ALIGN (X2, L),
thereby accounting
for the
promotion
of the stress on
the antepenult to
primary stress in words with two stresses. The rankings for Georgian are
summarized in
(17).
(17) Constraint rankings for Georgian
*CLASH,
NONFINALITY, *LAPSE LEFT, *EXT LAPSE RIGHT,
ALIGN (X2, R)
ALIGN (X1, L)
4
ALIGN
(Xl,
R),
ALIGN
EDGES,
ALIGN
(X2, L)
23
The two sources
consultedon
Georgianstress do not
describethe
same
facts,
although
the data in
each are
mutuallycompatiblewith
the other
source.
According to
Zhgenti's
(1964)
phonetic study
of Georgian
prominence,Georgian
words are
stressed
on the
ante-
penultimate yllable.
Aronson's
(1991) grammarmentionsan
additional
tress on
the
initial
syllable
in
words of
at
least five syllables.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 20/63
A
FACTORIALYPOLOGY F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
509
Walmatjari
Hudson
1978)
displays
a variantof the
Georgian
pattern,
but with
primary
stress on the initial
syllable
and
secondary
stress
on
the
antepenult,
xcept
in
tetrasyllabic
words which
have
secondary
stress
on the
penult
rather
he
antepenult.
This
pattern
ollows from
essentially
the
same
rankings
as
Georgian,
save
for
the
promotion
of
ALIGN
EDGES
above
the
other
ALIGN
constraints
and
above
*EXT
LAPSE
RIGHT, ensur-
ing stress on
the
initial syllable
rather han the
antepenult
n
words
with
four
syllables.
The
option
of
stressing
the
penult
rather
hanthe
antepenult
in
words
longer
than four
syllables follows from
the
optional
ranking
of
*LAPSERIGHT
above
ALIGN
(X1, L) (but below
*CLASH
nd ALIGN
EDGES, s trisyllabicwords lack a stressfallingwithinthewindow defined
by *LAPSE
RIGHT.)
The
promotion of the
initial stress to main
stress
in
words with
two
stressesreflects
the
ranking
ALIGN
X2, L)
>>
ALIGN
X2,
R).
2.3. A
Factorial
Typology
of Fixed
Stress
We
now
consider the
factorial
typology
of
fixed stress
systemsgenerated
by the
constraints.The
factorial
typology
consisted of
determining
all
the
sets of stresspatternsgenerated
by
permuting he
constraint
ankings
n
all
logically
possible
orders.
All
logically
possible
stress
patterns
or
words
containing
between one
and
eight
syllables were
considered as
candid-
ates. The
only potential
candidate
stress
patterns
not
consideredwere
ones
which
violated
Prince's
(1983)
CULMINATIVITY
ondition,
.e., it was
as-
sumed
that all
words
have
one
syllable
that
is more
prominentthan
all
others.24
The
candidate
forms
consisting of
two
and three
syllables in
(18)
provide a
relatively
small
example of
the set
of
potential
outputforms
being evaluated.
1
is
a
primary
tressed
syllable,
2
is a
secondary
stressed
syllable, and
0 is a
stressless
syllable.)
(18)
Candidate
orms
containing
two and
three
syllables
2
syllables
3
syllables
[01] [100] [102] [120] [122]
[10]
[010]
[012]
[210]
[212]
[12]
[001]
[021]
[201]
[221]
[21]
24
I leave the
issue open
as to
whether
Culminativity s a
(likely
inviolable)
constraint
or
a
universal
property
of Gen
which
limits the
pool of
candidates
available
or
evaluationby
the
constraint
et.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 21/63
510 MATTHEW
GORDON
The
number of
possible
stress
patterns
increases
commensurately
with
word length
according
to the formula
n
*
2(n-l),
where n =
number of
syllables:
4 in
disyllabic
words,
12
in
trisyllables,
32 in words with
4
syllables,
80 in words with 5
syllables,
192
in words with
6
syllables,
448
in
words with 7
syllables,
1024
in
words with 8
syllables.
The twelve constraints
n the factorial
ypology
are
repeated
as
(19).
(19) Constraints
n
the factorial
ypology
1. ALIGN
(X1, L)
5.
ALIGN
(X2, R)
9.
*LAPSE
RIGHT
2.
ALIGN
(X1, R)
6.
*CLASH
10.
*EXTENDED
LAPSE RIGHT
3. ALIGN EDGES 7. *LAPSE 11. *LAPSE LEFT
4.
ALIGN (X2, L)
8. *EXTENDED
LAPSE
12.
NONFINALITY
The
only
fixed
ranking
assumed involved
constraints
referring
to
primary stress.
It was assumed that either
ALIGN
(X2,
L)
or ALIGN
(X2,
R)
was rankedbelow
all
other stress constraints.This
ranking
reflects the
cross-linguistic
parameterization
f
primary
tress
placement
n
languages
withmultiplestressesin a single word: anguagesareinternallyconsistent
in
either
promoting
he
rightmost
or the
leftmost stress
to
primary
tress,
a
consistency
reflected
n
the
parameterized
pplication
of
either End
Rule
Right
or End Rule Left
in
derivational rameworks
Prince 1983).25
In
terms of
constraints,
t
is thus
hypothesized
hat there
are no
languages
n
which bothALIGN
(X2,
L)
andALIGN
(X2, R)
are
ranked
highly
enough
to be
active,
an
observation
which
is
captured
by
demoting
one of
them
below all otherconstraints.26
25
As
a reviewer
points
out,
the fact that
only
one of the ALIGN
onstraints
eferring
o
main stress
is
highly
ranked
enough
to
influence
the
grammar
n
any given languagecould
be takenas
evidence that here s a
single
ALIGN
X2, X)
constraint
which is
parameterized
on a
language-specific
basis
according
o
which
edge
is relevant.
26
As an
exercise,
the
factorial
typology
was also
computed
without
fixing
the
ranking
of either ALIGN
X2, L)
or ALIGN
X2, R)
below other stress
constraints.This
resulted
in a
proliferation
of
generated
stress
systems
(includingbinary
and
ternary
systems, as
well
as fixed stress
systems): 302,
as
opposed to 152 with the
a priori
rankingassumed,
includingboth those with an
undominated
ALIGN
X2, L)
and
those with an
undominated
ALIGN X2, R). The extrageneratedpatternsarise whenbothALIGN
onstraints eferring
to
primary
tress are ranked
above one or both
of the
general *LAPSE
onstraints,*LAPSE
and *EXTENDED
APSE,
which
themselves are
ranked above
the ALIGN
constraintsre-
ferring
to
secondary
stress. This set of
rankings
has two
effects.
First, it limits
the
number
of
stresses,
since
increasing
the number of
stresses
necessarily increases
violations of
at
least one
of the ALIGN
constraintsfor main
stress.
Second,
it
positions those
stresses
in
such a
way
as to minimize
violations of
the highly
ranked *LAPSE
onstraint(s).The
overall
effect is to shift the
location of the
stress(es)
as a
function of numberof
syllables in
the
word,
a
mechanism which
appears o
be absent
in
attested
anguages. Although
space
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 22/63
A FACTORIALTYPOLOGYOF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE TRESS
511
The task of
calculating
a factorial
typology
for a set of twelve
con-
straints
s
appreciable.
Permuting
he
ranking
of twelve
constraintsn
all
possible ways yields an a prioritotal
of 12 or
479,001,600 logically pos-
sible rankings.
Given the tremendous
analytic complexity
of
calculating
the
output sets generated
for all these
rankings,
the task was
deleg-
ated to
Hayes
et al.
(2000)
OTSoft software
package,
which
computes
factorial ypologies
for a set
of
constraints
and candidates
using
Tesar
and
Smolensky's
(1993)
Constraint
Demotion
algorithm.
The
input
iles for
the
OT softwareconsist of
a set of
constraints
and a
set of candidate orms
and
theirconstraintviolations.Toexpeditethe
process,
the
candidatesand
their
violations were also generatedby computer.27
Each
output
set
generatedby
the
typology
consists of a series
of
eight
forms,
each one
corresponding
o
a word with a differentnumber
of
syl-
lables. The set of
forms in (20) is one
sample outputset,
corresponding
to
the
stress
pattern
found
in
Sibutu Sama, generated
by
the
typology:
primary stress
on
the penultimate syllable and
secondary
stress on the
initial syllable in
words of at least four
syllables.
(20) Sample outputset (SibutuSama)
[1], [10], [010],
[2010], [20010],
[200010], [2000010],
[20000010]
Overall
results of the
factorial
typology indicated
a
strikingly good
fit
between
the
survey
of
attested stress
patterns
and the
proposed
con-
straint set. Of the
479,001,600
logically possible rankings and the
10,823,318,000,000 logically possible output sets given a set of candid-
ates
consisting
of
between one and
eight syllables,28a
mere 152 of these
limitationsprohibit
detailedexaminationof these patterns,we
may considerone such
case,
involving
final
stress in
di- and trisyllabic
words but
penultimatestress in longer words.
This
system results from the ranking
ALIGN (X2, L), ALIGN
(X2, R), *LAPSE RIGHT
>>
*EXT LAPSE
>>
ALIGN
(X1, R)
?>
ALIGN (X1, L), ALIGN
EDGES. The inviolable
status
of both ALIGN
onstraints
eferring
o main stress
ensures only
one stressper word,
which
must fall on
one
of
the final
two syllables due to highly ranked
*LAPSERIGHT.
Because
*EXT
LAPSE
cannot be
violated
in
disyllables and trisyllables,
the stress is free to fall on
the finalsyllable,thereby satisfying the highest rankedALIGN onstraint,ALIGN X1, R).
However,
n
longer
words, where*EXTLAPSE iolations
become an issue, the stress
shifts
to
the
penult
in
orderto
minimize violations
of
*EXT
LAPSE.
27
Thanksto Bruce
Hayes for providing nvaluableassistance
n this endeavor.
28
This
figure
of
10,823,318,000,000
reflects the
cross-classificationof the number of
stress
patterns
or words
ranging rom one to eight syllables.
It
is
arrivedat by
multiplying
the
numberof
possible stresspatterns or a
word with n
syllables by the numberof stress
patterns
or
a
word with n+l
syllables by thenumberof stress
patterns or a word
with n+2
syllables, etc.,
where the
numberof
syllables ranges from one to
eight.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 23/63
TABLE
IV
Single
stress languages generatedby
factorialtypolo
1.
Initial:Chitimacha
AL(X1 L)
>>
AL(XI
,R),
2. Peninitial:Lakota
*LAPSELEFT
>>
AL(X1,
3.
Peninitial
plus
nonfinality:
No
q.i.,
Hopi (q.s.)
*LAPSE
LEFT,
NONFINA
4. Antepenultimate:
Macedonian
*EXT
LAPSERIGHT
>
5. Penultimate:
Nahuatl
NONFINALITY
>
AL(X
6.
Final:
Atayal
AL(X1,R)
>>
AL(X1,L),
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 24/63
A
FACTORIAL
TYPOLOGY
OF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
513
possible
output
sets
were
generated
by
the
proposed
constraints.29
Of
the
152 generated
tress systems,
only
79 were
distinct
stress
patterns
with
dif-
feringlocationsof stress;the other73 of the 152 hadcounterparts mong
the 79
differingonly
in which
of the stressesis the primary
stress.
In
fact,
all stress patterns
nvolving
more than
a
single
stress
per
word have
a
counterpart
ifferingonly
in which
of the stresses
is the
primary
one;
this
symmetry
is attributed
o differences
in which of the
ALIGN
constraints
referring o
main stress
is highly
ranked.
All of the stress
patterns
n the survey
of stress
systems
were gener-
ated,
demonstrating
hat empirical
coveragewas
sufficient.
While
certain
unattestedpatternswere generated, hese unattestedpatternsappear o re-
flect for
the most part
non-pathologic
deviations
from attested patterns.
This point
will
become
clearer
as
we consider
the results
in
greater
de-
tail,
considering
stress patterns
in
turn
by
their taxonomic
description.
While
the focus
in examining
the
coverage
of proposed
constraints
s
on
quantity-insensitive
tress
systems,
stress
patterns
n
words
consisting
of
only light
syllables
in
quantity-sensitive
anguages
were also
considered.
The
justification
for
inclusion
of such
patterns
s
the assumption
hatthe
same constraintsare operativein both quantity-sensitiveand quantity-
insensitive
systems
with quantity-sensitivity
resulting
from
additional
weight-sensitive
constraints
which are
highly
ranked n
quantity-sensitive
but not
in
quantity-insensitive
ystems.30
2.3.1. Factorial
Typology
of
SingleStress
Systems
The single
fixed
stress
systems
generated
by
the
typology
are considered
in
Table
IV, which
contains
a
verbaldescription
of each
stress
pattern,
one
set of rankingswhich generateseach pattern,and a quantity-insensitive
language
(q.i.)
instantiating
he pattern.
n case a
pattern
s not found
in a
quantity-insensitive
ystem
but does
occur
in words
containing
only
light
syllables
in
a
quantity-sensitive
tress system
(q.s.), this
is also
indicated.
Six
single
stress
patterns
were generated
by the factorial
typology,
all
of
which are
attested,
including
all five of
the
attested
quantity-insensitive
29
A complete list of stress pattems and stratifiedconstraintrankingsbehind
these
pat-
tems are availableat the author'swebsite:
http://www.linguistics.ucsb.edu/faculty/gordon/pubs.
30
It should be noted that certainhighlyrankedconstraints n quantity-sensitive ystems
have the effect of banningstress on light syllables. For this reason, some quantity-sensitive
systemshave stresspattems
n
wordsconsistingof only light syllablesthat are notcaptured
by the constraintsdiscussed in this paper, but are capturedby other constraints,such as
ones which repel stress from peripheralsyllables not sonorous enough to supportboth
stress and otherprosodicpropertiesassociatedwith peripheral yllables (see Gordon2001,
in preparation or discussion).
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 25/63
514
MATTHEW
GORDON
single
stress
patterns
initial, peninitial,
antepenultimate, enultimate,
and
final stress),plus
a sixth
pattern,
n whichthe
peninitialsyllable
is
stressed
unless
it is final.
This
pattern
s not attestedin
any quantity-insensitive
systems
I have
found,
but is
found n
Hopi (Jeanne
1982)
in words n
which
the
firsttwo
syllables
are light.
2.3.2. Dual Stress
Systems
Generated
by
Factorial
Typology
Dual stress
results from
the low
ranking
of
the
general
*LAPSE
constraints,
coupled
with the
relativelyhigh ranking
of one or more constraints
which
requirestresses
at
or
near
edges:
ALIGN EDGES
and/or
a
*LAPSE
EDGE
constraint(s). briefly
summarize
he
general
ranking
schemas
generating
the
core
types
of
dual stress
systems
in terms of their stress locations
(see
Table
V for the
rankings
which
generate
the
subpatterns).
As
we saw
in
section
2.1.2,
a
highly
ranked
ALIGN
EDGES
s
responsible
for dual stress
patterns
with initial and
final stress. If
a *LAPSEEDGEconstraint
oriented
toward
the
right edge
is ranked
highly
in
conjunction
with
the
ranking
NONFINALITY
>>
ALIGN
EDGES,
dual
stress
systems involving
stress
on
the
initial
syllable
plus
either the
penult (high
ranked
*LAPSE
RIGHT)
or
the antepenult highranked
*EXTENDEDLAPSERIGHT)
result.Peninitial
plus final stress
reflects
a
highly
ranked
*LAPSE
LEFT
and either a highly
ranked *LAPSERIGHT
or
*EXTENDEDLAPSE RIGHT
n
conjunction
with
the ranking
of ALIGN
(X1, R)
above bothNONFINALITY
nd
ALIGN(X1,
L).
In
such systems,
the stress on the final syllable is
in
response
to a
*LAPSE EDGE
constraint
pulling
stress toward the
right edge.
Because
ALIGN
(X1, R)
is rankedabove
NONFINALITY
and ALIGN
(X1,
L),
the
rightmost tress
falls
on
the final
syllable
within
the window definedby the
LAPSE EDGE
constraint.Peninitial plus penultimatestress follows from
the
ranking
*LAPSE
LEFT,
NONFINALITY
?>
ALIGN
(X1, R)
>>
ALIGN
(X1, L).
The
stress
on the
peninitial syllable
follows from
the
rankingof
LAPSE LEFT above ALIGN
(X1, R),
while the
penultimatestress
results
from the
ranking
of
NONFINALITY bove
ALIGN
(X1, R).
Because
all the
peninitial plus penultimatepatterns
nvolve
an
inviolableNONFINALITY,
all have
penultimate
tress rather
han
peninitial
stress in disyllables.
Hypothetical systems
involving peninitial
plus antepenultimate tress
are not generated,as both peninitialand antepenultimate tress are the
result of highly ranked
*LAPSE EDGE
constraints
acting antagonistically
toward an ALIGN constraint
pulling
toward the opposite edge. Because
one
of
the
constraintsALIGN (X1, L)
or
ALIGN (X1, R) must be ranked
above its sister
constraint pulling
in
the opposite direction,
rankings
will never
give
rise to the
bi-directionalpull
requiredfor peninitial plus
antepenultimate
tress.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 26/63
A FACTORIAL
TYPOLOGY
OF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVETRESS
515
All
of the
dual stress
systems
come
in
variants
differing
n
which of
the
stresses is the main
one,
according
to whether
ALIGN
X2,
L)
or
ALIGN
(X2, R) is
highly ranked,
and
differing
in
whether stress clashes are
al-
lowed
or
not,
depending
on the
ranking
of *CLASH.n
case clashes are
not
allowed,
there
are different
strategies
for
resolving
the
clash,
depending
on the
relative
ranking
of the
constraints
producing
the stresses
oriented
toward
each
edge
of
the
word.
Table
V
summarizesthe dual
fixed stress
systems
generated
by
the
typology.
The
shaded stress
patterns
are discussed
later.
'1'
represents
both
primary
stressed and
secondary
stressed
syllables
in
Table
V
and
subsequent ables,wheredifferences n whichof the stresses s theprimary
one are
considered a
separate dimension from
the distinction
between
stressed
and
unstressed
yllables. Stress
patterns
which
are not
predictable
from
the verbal
descriptionare indicated in
bracketswhere '1'
indicates
a
stressed
syllable and
'0'
indicates
a
stressless
syllable.
For
example,
[10]
following a
stress
patterndescribedas initial
and final
means
that
the
stress on the
initial
syllable
survives in
the
potentialclash
context
arising
in
disyllabic
words.
Seventeendistinctpatternswere generated,each of which occurs in
two variants
differing
n
which.of the
stresses is
the
primary
one, depend-
ing
on the
relative
ranking of
ALIGN
(X2, L)
and
ALIGN
(X2,
R).
All
of
the dual
stress
patterns
ound
in
the
survey
were
generated.
Other novel
generated
patterns
nvolved
combinationsof
elements
attested n
isolation
but
not
in
all
combinations.
Thus,
unattestedpatterns
deviate
from oth-
ers
in
their
treatment
of stress
clashes,
their
combinationof
stress
sites,
and
their
location
of
primarystress. For
example,
pattern2
differs from
pattern3 only in resolving stress clashes in disyllables in favor of the
initial
rather
hanthe
final
syllable.
Pattern
6 is
analogousto the
attested
initial
plus
penultimate
patterns
4
(Lower
Sorbian)and 5
(Sanuma)
except
for
its
tolerance
of
stress
clashes in
trisyllabic
words. Two
of
the more
interesting
patterns
are 7
and 11.
Pattern7
displays
initialplus
penultimate
stress
wherever
this will
not trigger
a
stressclash,
but
surprisingly
acks
the stress
on
the
initial
syllable in
four
syllable
words
where
there is
no
potential for a
stress clash
with
the
penultimate
syllable.
This
system has
the interesting property of having *EXTENDEDLAPSE be highly ranked
enough
to
influence the
stress
system, but
yet
not highly
enough to be
inviolable, as it
is in
binaryand
ternary
ystems.
The
asymmetry
between
words
with
four
syllables
which lack
stress
on the
initial
syllable
and
longer words
which stress
the
initial
syllable
is
attributed
o
differences
in
the
possibility
of
satisfying
*EXTENDED
LAPSE. For
every
word over
four
syllables,
positioninga
stress
on the
initial
syllable
results
in fewer
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 27/63
516
MATTHEW
ORDON
TABLE
V
Dual
stresssystems
generated
by
the factorial
ypology
.1.
Initia-
&
final,
clash OK
]AL EDGr s >> *CLASI.
Pmaryon initial:
Nonie
Prinman
n
final.
Caadian
Fiench
2. Initial
&
final,
no
clash,
[10]
*CL,Asii
>> AL,
EDGL
`> AL 1x
L)
or
NONFINALITY
t
>>XAl,
Rt
Primar;
n initial:
No.-ne
3 Ilntial&
final,
no
clash,
[0 ])
*CLASH
>
ALIEI
R)1
R
>
A.t,(x
_L)
'ta~ ~~~~~
~
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~OR
~
-nmron
finalUie
4. Initial &
penult,
n1oclash,
[100]
*C'LASt
NONtINALIT
>>
AL
EDwN
S
>>
*LAISE RIGIIr
>>
AL(X1
L)
AL
(XI,
R)
Primair
on inittal Lower
Sorbiai
i
N
5. IntAal&
pentult,
no
clash,
[0101
*CLASH1,
ONFI\ALrry
>> *LA E1.IiGIT
AL EDGE
>>
AI
k(x1,L),
Ai
ttx,
R)
s
~~~~~~~~~Pnnmary
n
penuilt.
Sanuma
6. Initial&
peniul.t. laVsh
OK.
No\taS,i\T-Y, *LAPSERiI:T
>>
Ai.,E.Gol S >>
AL(X
L)
AL,
(Xi,
R)
.................................
................
..............
...... .....................................................
.......
..........................................................
Primarv
n initial:
None
I
Primary
n
penilt:
Nonie
7.
Initial &
penult,
no
clash,
[010],
[0001
. *CL
ASH,
*LAXPSiE
iti'r>>
Ai.tx
L,(
>>
*EXT
LTYS.I
-->AL R)>-
AL EDGES
3_
P
rim r,
on
pnul
None
8. Initia &
antepentit,
lash
OK
NONFINALITY,
EXTL.APSRIIT
>>
AL
EDGE
S,
A(X1,L
>)
AL
X
,
R)
Primar
on
iniitial:
Nonie
.Primal,
on
antepenult:
None
9. Initial
&
antepenutlt
no
clash,
[0100]
*CLASH,
No,NFINA.LD.LnY,
EXTLASE
RIGH(1T,
ULAPs
LUF
T>
>
A
.(x
1,L.)
>>
Ai. EDGES
Al 1
R)
____________________________________
Pnimar
on
antepenlt:
Gieorgian
10. Initial&
antepenult, o
clash, 1
0
1
0]
*CLAs1,.
NoN
NzA
ITY,
*EXT
L.PSE
RI(GiT
Al;>
i,
EDGE S
>>
.AiL)?
>>
AL
x R)
Primary
n
initial.
Wqlmahjari
[10010]
posiblel
. .
Ii.
Initial&
antepenult,
io
Ilash,
1010,]
[00100]
*CiLASH,
Exs
LAPSE iGITr
A
I(x1,L)
>>
.LvsE
>>
ALh?.
R?
>
Ai
EDGE
S
P2mr
o
nepnult:
None
12.
Peninitial
& penult,clsh
OK,
[I01
NaNTFINALITYGirTAPSERGI
,
*LAPSE
LEFT
AL
(XI,
RI
>
i>
A.,(x
1,L
>A>
t.
Eixiws
_ _
i;
-~~~~~~~~~~Pni
ryonpenultimate:
None
13. Peninitial& penult,
no clash,
[10], [1010]
*CLASH,
ONFINALITY,
L.AisE
RioIT,
*LAIp,s EFT>>
AL
(X1,
R)>>
L(X1,L),
ALEDGE
:
_s~isiW
:.
Primary
n
penultiniate:
None
14. PeninitiaI
&
penult,
no clatsh,
10],
[0100]
.
*CIA.SE
*LAPSE
LEFT
NONINA.SX.
TY,
EXTLAPSFE
R
iau
>>
AL
X1,
R
>>
AL'(x1,L),
LEDGE
..........
...........
..............
..................................
..........................
...........................
............. ... ......... . ........ ....... ........ - -.................. . ....
Pnmary
on
veninitial:
None
Primr
on
penultitnate:
None
I1S.
Peninitial &
fin
al,
cash OK
*LA. iL
LEFT,
*LAPSE
RGHT
->
A,
(XI,
Ri).>-
AlIX
,L)
N
FeiiINAL iY
Primiarv
n
peniinitial:
N'one
Pn
mary
o
n
finmalN
-n
16. Peninitial
& final
no
cilash,
[0o1] [0O10]
*CLASII
*LAPSL
LEFT,
*EXTLAPSERicHT
>>
AL
(XI,
._
__
RR
>?>
Ai.,(x
L)
AI
Ec;TE;s
rim
on
peniniitial:
None
y.
17. Penii tial
&
final,
nio
lsh
[010]
*C
AsH
*L
APSERGHT,
*LAPSF EFT
>
Ai
(X1.
R)
>>
aryonAt
4,
NONFINALITY
Prmayonpniiia:NoneN
violations
of *EXTENDED
LAPSE
than
another candidate
without
stress
on the first
syllable;
thus, the candidate
five syllable
form
[00010]
fails
because it
violates *EXTENDED
LAPSE
while the
winner [10010]
does
not.
31
Udihe instantiates
pattern1,
however,
f the initial
syllable actuallycarries
secondary
stress in
disyllables; Nikolaeva and
Tolskaya(2001) express
uncertainly
about
whether t
is completely
stressless or carriesweak stress.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 28/63
A FACTORIALYPOLOGY
F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVETRESS
517
Crucially,
he winner
incurs
no moreviolations
of
higher
ranked
ALIGN
(X1,
L) than
the failed
candidate
which outranks
EXTENDED
LAPSE.
The
winning
candidate ncurs
more
violations of ALIGN
(X1,
R)
than
the
win-
ner,
but this
is
irrelevant,
as
ALIGN
(X1, R)
is rankedbelow
*EXTENDED
LAPSE.
Similarly,
candidates for
words
longer
than five
syllables
incur
fewer
violations of *EXTENDED LAPSE if
they
stress the initial
syllable
than
if
they
do
not;
hence,
the stress on
the initial
syllable
in
words
longer
than five
syllables.
In
four-
syllable
(and
shorter)
words,
in
contrast,
here
is
no need to
position
a stress
on
the
initial
syllable,
since
doing
so does
not result in
any
improvement
n
the
satisfactionof
*EXTENDED
LAPSE;
thus the winner[0010] satisfies
*EXTENDED LAPSE
as well as the failed
candidate
1010]
but has the
advantage
of
better
honoring
ALIGN
(X1, R).
Pattern
11
is
nearly identical
to pattern7
except
that
*EXTENDED LAPSE
RIGHT
is
ranked
highly
rather han
*LAPSE RIGHT.
Patterns
7 and 11 are
unusual n
lacking an expected
stress
in
non-clashcontexts
and
appear
not
to
have
analogsin real
languages.32
A
relevant
observation s
that the
proposed
constraints
only generate
dual
stress
systems
involving combinations
of
stresses
which
are attested
in isolation. This observation is not trivial, since the set of logically
possible two stress
systems
is
quite
substantial;
hese
include
systems
with
combinations of
stresses not
found
in
isolation,
e.g., initial
plus
preantepenultimate,
ostpeninitial
plus
antepenultimate,
tc., as
well as
combinations
differingas a
function
of number
of
syllables in
non-clash
contexts,
e.g.,
initial
plus
final stress in
three
syllable
words and
initial
plus
penultimate
stressin
four-syllable
words. It is
also a
desirable
prop-
erty
of
the
proposed
constraints,
hough
the
possibility
of
accidental
gaps
precludesestablishingthis with confidence,thatthey fail to generateun-
attested
wo
stress
systems
in
which
both
stresses
fall
nearthe
same
edge,
e.g., initial
plus
peninitial
stress,
antepenultimate lus
penultimate
stress,
penultimate
plus final stress.
Turning
o
the
matterof
overgeneration,
hesmall
numberof dual
stress
languages
(14
in
the
survey)
makes it
difficult to
assess
whether the
un-
attested
dual
stress
systems
generatedby the
constraints
eflect
accidental
gaps
in
the set of
attesteddual
stress
systems
or
whether hey
are
genuinely
pathologicaland thusdestinednever to occurregardlessof the size of the
sample. The
situation with
two
stress
systems
thus
differs from
the
case
of
single stress
systems, where
the
relatively
arge
number
of
single stress
systems makes it
easier
to
distinguish
between
accidental
gaps
and ill-
formed
patterns.
There
are a
few
points,
however, n
favorof
the
accidental
gap
interpretation
or
the
absence
in thereal
world of many
logicallypos-
32
Pattern
7
is
generated
by
foot-based
constraintsas
well
(see
Gordon
n
preparation).
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 29/63
518
MATTHEW
GORDON
sible
dual
stress
patterns.
The
first of these
is that dual stress
languages
as a
whole
are
relatively
rare relative
to
single
stress
languages.
While
we
cannot
be sure
of the
reasons
for the
rarity
of dual
stress in
general,
we may speculate
that
their
rarity
s related to the fact
that a stress
at
or
near
a single
edge
is sufficient
to serve
the demarcative unction
of
stress
suggested
by Hyman
(1977).
Pursuing
this line of reasoning,
adding
an
additional
tress
at the
opposite
end of the wordwouldprovide
little if any
benefit
from
a
parsing
standpoint,
perhaps
even
complicating
the
online
parse by
introducing
a second stress
for
the listenerto
track.
The second
argument
n favor of
the accidental
gap
interpretation
s
thatmost of the unattesteddual stresspatterns,with the exceptionof the
unattested
nitial
plus
final
system
(pattern
2),
involve elements
which
are
independently
rare.
The first
of these
rare
properties
are stress
clashes,
which are
avoidedby
most
quantity-insensitive
anguages
regardless
of
theirtype of
stress
system.
Thus,
all but
two
of the dual stress
languages
(12
of 14) found
in the survey,
he
exceptional
ones
being
Canadian
French
and Armenian,
do not
tolerate
stress
clashes. This
observation s
particu-
larly
obvious
in
the case
of initial
plus penultimate
tress,
the most
widely
attested ypeof dual stresssystem.All ninelanguageswith initialpluspen-
ultimate
stress either
position
stress
on the
penult
or the initial
syllable,
but
not both,
in
trisyllabic
words.
Avoidanceof
stress clash is also apparent
n
binarysystems (section
3)
and
ternary
tress
systems(section
4).33
Given
the
rarity
of stress
clashes
in
general,
it is
plausible
that the unattested
but
generatedpatterns
nvolving
stress
clashes
fail
to
emerge
becausethey
violate an
anti-clash constraint.
The
fact that clash avoidance
is more
widely
attested
han
apse
avoidancesuggests
that t is more than ust sheer
rhythmicprincipleswhichmilitateagainstclashes. Onemayspeculatethat
clash
avoidance effects
are
particularly
trong
because
adjacent
stressed
syllables
detract
rom the relativeprominence
enjoyed
by syllables
in non-
clash
contexts.
Nevertheless,
although
clash avoidance appears
to be an
important
actor
in
creatingmany
of the
gaps
in
the factorial
ypology
of
dual stress, there are two unattested
but generated
patterns
which
stand
out from others
in
lacking
an
expected
stress even
in
non-clash contexts:
patterns
7 and 11. These would appear o
be the most
likely candidates
or
unnatural tatusamongthe dual stress systemsgenerated,although here s
a
possibility
thattheir absence
is an accidentattributed
o the
overall
rarity
of dual stress
systems.
33
It is interestingto note
that clash
avoidance is
another
area in which quantity-
insensitiveand quantity-sensitive
tresssystems
appear o
differ fromeach
other, as
stress
clashes
involving
at least one
heavy syllable
are
commonin quantity-sensitive
anguages.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 30/63
A FACTORIALYPOLOGYF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
519
Another
rarely
attested
property
shared
by many
of the
unattested
systems
is
their
positioning
of stress on
syllables
which tend to not
be
stress-attractingn single stresssystems. Severalof the generatedbutun-
attested
patterns
nvolve
peninitial
or
antepenultimate
tress
in
addition
to
anotherstress
at or near the
opposite edge.
Peninitialand
antepenultimate
stress are
independently
rare even
in
single
stress
languages (see Hyman
1977 for possible explanations
or
the
rarity
of these stress
systems).
Given
the
independentrarity
of
peninitial
and
antepenultimate
tress
in
single
stress
systems,
it
is not
surprising
that
systems
displaying
one
of
these
stress locations
in
combination
with anotherstress do
not show
up
in
any
language.
In
summary, here
are
three
factors which
plausibly conspire
to create
many
if
not
all of
the
gaps
in the
match
between
generated
and attested
patterns: he
rarity
of dual stress
systems
in
general,
he avoidance
of
stress
clash, and the
rarity
of
peninitial
and
antepenultimate
tress. Because
all
of the unattested
patternsgenerated
by
the
factorial
ypology
share
at
least
one of these
properties,
and most
display
more than
one,
it is reasonable o
assume
that
their likelihood of
surfacing
s
substantially
reduced relative
to otherstresssystems displayingmore favorable haracteristics.
In
discussing overgeneration,t may be noted thatan
atomisticalternat-
ive to
ALIGN EDGES
involving
separateconstraints,
ach
requiringstress
at a different
edge
of
the
word,
has the
undesirableeffect
of
generating
an
additional our unattested
dual stress
patternsnot generatedby ALIGN
EDGES.
One of these patterns
nvolves stress on only the final syllable
in
words of two
and three
syllables, but both initial and final stress in
longer
words, .e., [01], [001], [1001], [10001],
[100001], etc. This pattern
reflects an undominated onstraint equiringa stress at the right edge. The
stress on the initial
syllable in
words of at least four syllables is due to the
rankingALIGN (X1, L)
>>
*EXTENDEDLAPSE
>>
ALIGN (X1, R).
The
initial stress
in
tetrasyllabicand longer words results
in better satisfaction
of
*EXTENDED APSE
without any additional
violations of ALIGN X1,
L).
An
additional
unattestedpattern generatedby an
undominatedcon-
straint
requiring tress
at
the right edge involves final
stress in disyllables,
initial and finalstress n
trisyllables,andpeninitialand
final stress in longer
words, e.g., [01], [101], [0101], [01001], [010001], etc. The unexpected
stress on the
initial
ratherthan the peninitial
syllable in trisyllables re-
flects the work
of an
undominated CLASHcombined
with an undominated
*LAPSELEFT
and*LAPSERIGHT.
The thirdunattesteddual stress pattern
involves
initial stress in disyllabic and trisyllabic
words, and initial and
final
stress
in
longer words:
[10], [100], [1001], [10001], [100001], etc.
In
this
case,
a
constraintrequiring stress on the
leftmost syllable is un-
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 31/63
520
MATTHEW
ORDON
dominated as is *EXTENDEDLAPSE
RIGHT,
which comes
into
play only
in
words of at least four
syllables.
The
ranking
ALIGN
X1,
L)
>>
ALIGN
(X1, R)
ensures that the
final
syllable
within the
three
syllable
window
at the
right edge
is
stressed,
while ALIGN
X1,
L)
is
ranked
above
the
constraint
requiring
stress on the
rightmost
syllable.
The final
unattested
dual stress
pattern
generated
by
the atomistic
versions of
ALIGN
EDGES
involves initial and
penultimate
stress in
words of at
least four
syllables,
and initialand final
stress
n
trisyllabic
words:
[10], [101],
[1010],
[10010],
[100010],
etc.
The constraint
requiring
hat stress fall
on
the
leftmost
syl-
lable is
undominated,
as are *LAPSERIGHTand
*CLASH,
which
together
yield stress on the final rather hanthepenultimate yllablein trisyllables.
Within he two
syllable
windows at the left and
right
edges
the
location of
stress is determined
by the
ranking
ALIGN
X1, L)
?>
ALIGN
X1, R).
2.3.3.
Uniformity
f
PrimaryStress
Placement
Turning
briefly
to the shaded
sub-patterns
n
Table
V,
all
of which
are
unattested,
here
is
a
property
hat
differentiates hem
from
those
which
are unshaded. n
the shaded
patterns,
primary
tress
fails to fall
a
consistent
distancefrom a wordedge across words of different engths.Forexample,
in
the
unattested
ubtype
of
pattern
5
(primary
tress on
the
initial
syllable
and
secondary
stress
on the
penult
in
words with
two
stresses),
primary
stress falls
on the
penult
in
words with two or
three
syllables,
whereas
primary tress falls on the
initial
syllable
in
wordsof at
least
four
syllables.
Thus,
the location
of the
primarystress relative to
the
word
edge
in
the
unattestedvariant
of
pattern
5
differs as a function of
numberof
syllables
in
the
word. This
contrasts
minimally
with the
attested
variantof
5,
in
whichprimarystressconsistentlyfalls on the penultin wordsof varying
lengths.Only
in
words that are not
long enoughto
provide
a
docking site
for
primary
tress which is
consistentwith
thatfound in
longer
words,e.g.,
in
monosyllabic
words, is the
preference or
uniformityof
primarystress
placement
relativeto an
edge
violated.
The absence
of
stress
systems
such
as the
unattested
variantof 5
reflects a
strong
cross-linguistic
endencyfor
stress
systems
to
be consistent in
their
location of
primary
stress
across
different
words
lengths,
as observed
by
van der
Hulst
(1984)
and Ham-
mond (1985). As Hammondpoints out, this has consequences for stress
clash resolution n
shorterwords.
The
survivingstress in
clash
contexts is
characteristically
he
one
carrying
primarystress in
longer
words where
multiple stresses are
present.
Thus,
in
the attested
variantof
pattern
5, the
stress on the
penult rather
han the
stress on
the
initial
syllable
is
preserved
in
trisyllabic words
where
stressing both the
initial and
the
penultimate
syllables would
entail a
stress
clash.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 32/63
A
FACTORIAL
TYPOLOGYOF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
521
While
we
cannot be sure
of
the motivations
behind the
preference
or
uniformity
of
primary
tress
placement,
one
might speculate
hat
position-
ing primarystress the same distance from a wordedge across words of
different
engths
is
functionally
motivated
n
that it
provides
a
consistent
and reliable means for
determining
word
boundaries.34Given
a
string
of
speech
consisting
of several
words,
it is
thus
possible
to use the
primary
stress,
the
perceptually
most
prominent
tress,
to
parse
the
string
nto indi-
vidual
words,
therebyaidingin lexical
access.
Hyman(1977)
has made
a
similar
suggestion
regarding
he
demarcative unctionof
positioning
stress
near word
boundaries;hence the
popularity
of
languageswith stress at or
near wordedges.
Whatever he
ultimate
reason(s)
for
the cross-linguistic
preference or
uniformity
of
primary
stress
placement,
we
can attribute he absence of
the
shaded stress
patterns,which
comprise a
largepercentage
of
the unat-
tested fixed
stress patterns
generated
by the typology, to
their nconsistent
positioning
of
primary tress
across
words of different
engths.
Ultimately,
the
principle
that
excludes
the shaded
candidatesshould be
codified as a
formal
constraint
blocking
their
generation.
However,
heformulationand
implementationof such a constraintgoes beyond the scope of the present
paper, since it would
appearto
require complex
formal
mechanisms not
currentlyavailable
n
Optimality
Theory, n particular,
utput-output or-
respondenceconstraints
evaluated
across forms
differing in
number of
syllables
rather han
forms
which are
paradigmatically
elated o
the same
root.35
3. BINARY
STRESS
Another
widely attested
ype of
stresspatternplaces
stress on every
second
syllable.
These
'binary' stress
patterns are
rhythmicin the
sense that
stresses
are
separatedby a
single
unstressed yllable.
Binarystress
patterns
34
The
preference for
positioning
primary
stress a
uniform
distance
from a word
edge
is
stronger n
quantity-insensitive tress
systems
than in
quantity-sensitive
ystems,
where
it is
routinelyviolated
(see the
discussion
of
binary
stress
in
section
3).
The
issue of
why
quantity-insensitive
and
quantity-sensitive
tress
systems
should
behave
differently
with
respect
to
primary tress
placement s an
interesting
one
that
must
await
further
esearch.
35
See
Myers
(1999) for discussion
of
output-output
orrespondence
onstraints
equir-
ing
identity
between
forms which
are
not
related
o
the same
rootbut
which
are
similar
with
respect
to
one or
more
phonological
properties.
Myers's
constraints
account
or
analogical
extension of
phonological
altemationsfrom
one
paradigm
to
other
paradigms
contain-
ing
forms
bearing
similar
properties,e.g.,
extension
of
velar
softening
altemationsand
irregular
verb
paradigms
n
English.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 33/63
522
MATTHEWGORDON
TABLE VI
Binary
stress
patterns
Pattern
Schematic forms
Example Lgs. #
of
igs.
1. Odd-numbered
yllables 6a6a&, 6acr&a6a
Czech
(Kucera1961),
from L to R
MaranungkuTryon 1970)
2.
Even-numbered yllables
oo&oo,
o6&cyo&
Araucanian
Echeverra
nd
3
from
L
to
R Contreras
1965),
Sirenikski
(Menovshchikov1975)
3. Even-numbered yllables
oraor6,
&aor6r Cavinefia
Key 1968),
1237
from R
to L
Warao
Osbom 1966)
4. Odd-numbered
yllables
Ka&a6,
&u&a6
Chulupi Stell 1972),
5
fromR to L UrubuiKaapor Kakumasu1986)
differ as a function
of whether the
alternatingpatternorigins
at
the
right
or
the left edge
of the word
and whether he
patternbegins
with
a stressed
or an unstressed
syllable
(Hayes 1980;
Prince
1983).
There are thus
four
logically possible pure binary
stress
patterns.
The
simple binary
stress
pat-
tems are summarized
n Table
VI, along
with
the number
of
languages
in
the survey nstantiating achpattern.A list of languageswithbinarystress
is found
in
Appendix
1.
One of the more
nteresting
observationsaboutTableVI
is the existence
of three
languages
with stress on even-numbered
yllables counting
from
the left
(pattern )
and
five with
stress
on
odd-numbered
yllables
counting
from the right(pattern ). These patternsare nteresting, ince they
involve,
in
foot-based
terms, iambs;
thus,
(ad)(ad)(ad).
The
existence
of
such
pat-
terns,thoughthey
are
relatively
rare
compared
o
patterns
1
and
3, is rather
unexpectedgiven
the
hypothesized
confinementof
iambic-type
stress
pat-
terns to
quantity-sensitive ystems
(Hayes 1985, 1995).
This
hypothesis
has spurreda body of literature
attempting
o
explain the apparent
asym-
metrical occurrenceof patterns
2
and
4
in
Table VI in
quantity-sensitive
but not
quantity-insensitive
ystems (e.g., Kager 1993;
Eisner
1997).
An
important eature of such analyses is theirexclusion of patterns2
and 4
in
quantity-insensitive
ystems. The attestationof all logically
possible
binarystresspatterns n the present survey, however, suggests a greater
degree
of
symmetry
n
binary
stress
systems than such theoriesallow for.
36
Threeof these
languages
display optionalfinal
stress
avoidance
n
odd
parity words:
Burum,
Selepet and Northern
Sami (see Appendix
1).
This
pattern s
observed in
roots
in
Waorani
(countedamong
the 18
pattern
1
systems
in
Table
VI); suffixes
stress
even
numbered yllables
counting
from the right.
37
An
additional
anguage,
Waorani Auca]
(Pike
1964),
stresses
even
numbered uffixal
syllablescounting
from the
right.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 34/63
A FACTORIAL
YPOLOGY F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
523
One favorable
feature
of the
proposed
analysis,
shared with stresstheor-
ies positing symmetrical
oot inventories
e.g.,
Hayes 1980;
Prince
1983;
Halle and Vergnaud 1987; Elenbaas and Kager 1999), is its admittance
of all logically possible binary patterns,
as will become
apparent
n
the
discussion
that follows.
3.1. Pure Binary Stress
A
feature
of all
binary systems
is the undominated
tatus of both *LAPSE
and
*CLASH,
which
together produce
the
alternating
tressed-unstressed
pattern.The differentsubtypesof purebinarystresssystems emergefrom
differences
in
the ranking
of
ALIGN EDGES
and
the
ALIGN
(X1,
IL/RI,
0),
constraints.
As a detailed
analysis
of a
language
with a
simple binary
stress system,
consider
a
language
which
stresses
odd-numbered
yllables
beginning
from
the
left
edge
of
a
word,
a
pattern
which is instantiated
by
the forms
in
(21)
from
Maranungku Tryon1970).
(21) Maranungku tress
a. tiralk 'saliva'
b.
mxraxpaet
'beard'
c.
m
utl1iikin 'salt-water urtle'
d.
jaeijarm
ta
the Pleiades'
e.
Da
ltiritiri
'tongue'
In
Maranungku, he highest ranked
ALIGN
constraint s
ALIGN EDGES
which, nevertheless, s crucially rankedbelow
both*LAPSEand*CLASH.
If ALIGN
EDGES
were ranked above
*LAPSE,
we would get both initial
and final stress in even parity words:
*jdyarrnata
nstead of
jdaVarmaita.
f
ALIGN
EDGES
were ranked
above
*CLASH,
we would get stress clashes
in
even parity words:
*jdJacrmatc
nsteadof
jadrarnauta.
LAPSE
is also
crucially
ranked
above
NONFINALITY,
as the
final syllable is stressed in
words with an odd numberof syllables:mdrwepdvtather han*merwpwt.
ALIGN EDGESis
rankedabove
ALIGN (X1,
L),
as evidenced by the stress
pattern
n
odd parity words:mcerwpd?tather
han *mwr4wut.
ALIGN
(X1,
L) is
in
turnrankedhigherthan
ALIGN
(X1,
R); otherwise,stresswould fall
on
even
numberedsyllables counting from
the left in even parity words:
*jajafrmatta
ather han
the attested
adVarmacta.
inally,
ALIGN
(X2, L) is
rankedabove
ALIGN
(X2, R), therebyaccounting
or the promotionof the
first stress to primary tatus:
mWera?pdt
ather
han
*mircep(ft.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 35/63
524
MATTHEW
ORDON
The rankings
for
Maranungku
are summarized
in
(22).
A
tableau
illustrating
he
rankings
appears
n
(23).
(22)
Constraint
ankings
or
Maranungku
*CLASH,
*LAPSE,
ALIGN
(X2, L)
ALIGN EDGES
ALIGN (X1, L)
4,1
NONFINALITY,
ALIGN
(X1, R),
ALIGN
(X2, R)
(23) mLerspet
*CLASH
ALITN
*LAPSr ALIGN
ALIGN NoNFINAL
AL
IGN
ALIGN
(X;2,
L)
l
.;XfS
(XI,
> w
(X2,
w I
(XI,
R)
iw
nMrrpt
-
___Emm
E...
,
,( L )22 E
m : epa-L
-
-
ja
'(rn1ata *CLks:A LIGNt}tT*LAPSE ALIGnN
A
I(.N NUN.L}INATALIGN
3ALIG,N
w?
j4
arma~ta___
iL'1armbLtA
1___
~j
jaiy
rmatAXI
j4qlannatil
____
____
Other
simple binary
stress
patterns
differ
minimally
from
Maranungku
n
their
ranking
of
the
ALIGN
constraints, ollowing
the
spirit
of foot-based
analysesof binarity e.g., Crowhurst nd Hewitt 1994).TheUrubuKaapor
(Kakumasu1986) pattern pattern
4 in Table
VI),
involving
stress
falling
on odd-numbered
yllables
counting
from the
right
ratherthan the
left,
resultsfromALIGN
(X1, R)
being
ranked
above
ALIGN
(X1,
L).
The
effects
of this
reranking
re seen in even
parity
words:
ocra
in
Urubu
Kaapor,
but
6ucua
n
Maranungku.
The location
of
primary
stress
on
the last
stressed
syllable
in
Urubu
Kaapor
is
the
result
of
ALIGN
(X2,
R)
being
ranked
above
ALIGN
(X2, L).
The Sirenikski (Menovshchikov1975) stress pattern (pattern2), in
which stress falls on even-numbered
yllables counting
from the
left,
res-
ults from
the
ranking
of ALIGN
(X1, R)
above
both
ALIGN
(X1,
L)
and
ALIGN EDGES.
Ranking
ALIGN
(X1, R)
above ALIGN
(X1,
L)
ensures
that
stress
skips
over
the initial
syllable
in
even
parity
words:
u6oo
rather
than
*6a&a.The
ranking
of ALIGN
(X1, R)
overALIGN
EDGES is
decisive
in
avoiding both
initial
and
final
stress
in
odd
parity
words:a6o
and not
*
ciu
,
CF
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 36/63
A
FACTORIAL
YPOLOGY F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
525
The
Cavinenia
Key
1968) pattern
pattern
3),
involving
stress on
even-
numbered yllables
counting
from the
right,
differs
minimally (beside
the
reranking
of the ALIGN
constraints
referring
o
primarystress) from the
Sirenikski
pattern
due to
ALIGN
X1, L)
being
ranked
above ALIGN
X1,
R). Owing to
this
ranking,
stress
skips
over the ultima
and falls on
the
penultinstead n
even
parity
words:
ououc
and
not
*ucsu6.
3.2.
Binary Plus
Lapse
Systems
3.2.1.
Binary Plus
External
Lapse
Many
languages
display
a
basic
binary pattern
with
stress
lapses
arising
undercertainconditions.Onesubtypeof these 'binaryplus lapse' systems
is
found in
languages
n
which stress
falls on
odd-numbered
yllables
from
left to
right
except
for
final
syllables,
e.g.,
6a'aaa,
6aocxyxcxc.
inal
stress
avoidance results in
a
stress
lapse
at the
right
edge
of
a word
containing
an odd
number
of
syllables.
Languages
displaying
this
type
of stress
lapse
at the
right
periphery
nclude
Pintupi(Hansen
and
Hansen
1969,
1978)
and
Karelian
Leskinen
1984).
I
have
located
14
languages
(listed
in
Ap-
pendix
1) with
this
pattern.
This
pattern s the
result
of
nearlythe
same
constraint ankingswhichgenerate he strictbinarypatternnvolvingstress
on
odd-numbered
syllables
from
left
to
right,
the
important
difference
being
that
NONFHNALITY
s
undominated
or
nearly
so,
subordinate
only
to
CULMINATIVITY
n
languages with
monosyllabic
words)
in
the
binary
plus
lapse
system.
This
ranking
produces
an
external
apse in
odd
parity
words,as
the
lapse
occurs at a
word
edge.
Crucially,
because
there is no
counterpart o
NONFINALITY
t
the left
edge,
there is
no
mirror
mage to
the
Pintupi
pattern
displayinga
lapse at the
left
edge
of a
word.In
fact, such
patterns
appear o
be
unattested,
a
point to
whichwe
returnn
section3.4.
We
now
look
more
closely at
the
constraint-based
nalysisof
the
binary
plus external
apse
system
found in
Pintupi:
stress on
odd-numbered
on-
final
syllables
counting
from the
left
(Hansen
and
Hansen
1969,
1978).
Examples of
stress in
Pintupi
appear n
(24).
(24)
Pintupi
stress
a.
tJutaja
'many'
b.
puiijkalatJu
'we
(sat)
on the
hill'
c.
tkamulimpatiujku
'our
relation'
d.
tftii
uulampatiu
'the
fire
for our
benefit
flaredup'
e.
kiranJiulullmpatJuqa
'the
first
one
(who is)
our
relation'
The
crucial
constraint
reranking
which
differentiates
Pintupi
from
Maranungku
s
NONFINALITY
above
*LAPSE.
This
ranking
yields
final
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 37/63
526
MATTHEWORDON
stress avoidance
n odd
parity
words,
even
though
his creates
a
stress
apse
in final
position:
in
Pintupi,
t1utaja
instead of
*tjtap.
NONFINALITY
is also ranked above
ALIGN
EDGES,
as
indicated
by
the
lack
of
stress
on final
syllables.
ALIGN EDGES
takes
precedence
over
*LAPSE,
as
odd
parity words stress
the initial
syllable
even
though
this
entails
a
stress
lapse later in the word:
tJu'taja
ot
*tJutaja.
*LAPSE
is
still ranked
above
ALIGN
(xl,
L),
since stress
apses
are avoided
n
non-final
contexts even if
this costs
additionalviolations
of ALIGN
(xl,
L):
t1admuli'mpat'
rjku
not
*tJamulimpjaitJ'uku.
inally,
the
ranking
of
ALIGN
(X2, L)
over ALIGN
(x2, R)
correctlypromotes
the first stress to
primary
status
in
words
with
multiplestresses:tdamulimpatJi.ykuot
*ti
iamulimpatJ'4ku.Therankings
of
the
stress
constraintsfor
Pintupi
are summarized
n
(25).
A
tableau
demonstrating
hese
rankings
appears
n
(26).
(25) Constraint
ankings
or
Pintupi
NONFHNALITY,
*CLASH,
ALIGN
(X2, L)
ALIGN
EDGES
*LAPSE
ALIGN
(xl,
L)
ALIGN
(xl,
R),
ALIGN
(X2, R)
(26)
puti3kalatiu
No'QFINAIA
L
AL(N
*CLASIH
ALIGN *LAPSE
ALIGN
ALIGN
ALIGN
(X2}
L)
EDGES
(X1,
L)
(XI,
R)
(X2.
R)
pii~ik~iau _____ ____:__~
P'iLjkaiilatiio
________ _______
p
u li3k
1&
ti
------_-----_----_--------
p4tiIklatju
.. . '.***
tiamuulimpatiuqku
ONFINAL
ALIGN *CLASH ALIGN
*LAPSE
AUGN
ALIGN
ALIGN
(x2L) EDGES
(X1,
L)
(X1,
R)
(X2,
R)
tiJmuflmipatjuqku
I _
________
__l
-
----X--*k
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 38/63
A FACTORIALYPOLOGY F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
527
3.2.2. BinaryPlus Internal
Lapse
Another
type
of
binary
plus lapse
stress
system
involves an
internal
rather
than
an
externallapse.
A
general
feature of these
systems (termed"bi-
directional"
by Elenbaas and Kager
1999)
is their
positioning
of
a
fixed
stress at
one
edge
and a
binary pattern
nitiating
at the other
edge.
The
fixed
stress at one edge is
the
result of a
highly
rankedconstraint
equiring
stress to
fall
at or near an
edge;
constraints
which
have this effect
are
the
*LAPSE
EDGE constraints and ALIGN EDGES.
The
origination point
of
the
basic
binarypattern
ound in
binary
plus lapse systems
is a functionof
the
ranking
of the ALIGN
(x1, {L/R},
0)
constraints and ALIGN EDGES.
An example of a binary plus internallapse system is provided by
Garawa
(Furby 1974),
in
which stress falls on even-numbered
yllables
counting
from
right
to
left but
skips
over
an
even-numbered
peninitial
syllable
in favor of
stressing
the initial
syllable.
The result
is a
stress
lapse
following
the initial
syllable
(which
carriesmain
stress)
in words with
an
odd
number
of
syllables.38
Examples
of Garawa
tress
appear
n
(27).
(27) Garawa
tress
a. jami 'eye'
b.
puinJ
la
'white'
c.
watJimpaIJu
'armpit'
d.
naTneinmufkunJinamira
at
your
own
many'
The
proposed
analysis
of
the
differencebetween
GarawaandPintupifol-
lows the
basic
insight of
McCarthyand
Prince's (1993) work within a
foot-based ramework nd nvolvesa differencebetween the two languages
in
the relative
rankingof
ALIGN
X1, L) and ALIGN X1, R).
In Garawa,
unlike in
Pintupi,
ALIGN
X1, R) is
rankedabove ALIGN X1,
L), thereby
accounting
for
the
fact that
the stress
lapse
in
odd parity
words occurs
immediatelyafter the
initial stress
rather han immediately
before the fi-
nal
stress;
thus, nadriginmukun
namira, not
narivlnmukin'
namira. The
Garawa
rankings
are
summarized
n
(28),
followed by a
representative
tableau n
(29).
38
Stresses on
syllablesotherthan
he
initial one and thepenultare
reported o be weaker
than those
on the
initial and
penultimate
syllable in
Garawa, a fact not captured n the
presentanalysis, which
assumes two levels
of stress.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 39/63
528
MATTHEW
GORDON
(28)
Constraint ankings
or
Garawa
*CLASH,
NONFINALITY,
ALIGN (X2, L)
ALIGN
EDGES
*LAPSE
ALIGN (X1, R)
ALIGN (X1, L),
ALIGN
(X2, R)
(29)
punJala
NOFIN
ALIGN
*CLSH
ALIGN
*LPSE
ALICGN
ALIGN
ALIGN
' (X2, L)
EDGES (X1, R)
(X1,L)
(X22
R)
pdiinala
___
puniala
nariqiinmukunhnamira
NONFIN
ALIGN *CLS11 ALIGN *LPsE ALIGN ALIGN ALIGN
_
(x
2L) EDGES
(X,
)
x
,Lx
,
(x2
R)
ndri.nmaW=manimira
_
'__8_
nArixjinmuiikun1inkimira
__"_ _1__*"*
I3rlin
niniamira
___
***
* I~
1
ndriginirukniinamira
___
- -- 19
*
Garawa
s
not
the
only
binaryplus
lapse
stress
system
withinternalstress
lapses, though such systems appear o be fairlyrare.A virtually dentical
system exists
as
an
option
to strict
binarity
n
Polish
(Hayes
and Puppel
1985), as well
as
in
Spanish
(Harris1983)
and Indonesian(Cohn
1989),
with
Spanish
and Indonesiandiffering
from Polish
and
Garawa
n
being
sensitive to weight
in
locating primary
stress.
Piro
(Matteson
1965) also
displays
a binary plus
lapse stress
system,
in which
stress
falls on the
penult,
on the initial
syllable,
and on odd-numbered
yllables
following the
initial
syllable;
Piro thusdiffers from
Garawa
n
commencingthe
alternat-
ing stress pattern
at the
left edge rather han
the right
edge.
The
Spanish,
Indonesian, Polish,
and
Piro patternsare all
generated
by the proposed
constraints,
as
we will
see
in section 3.4.3.
3.3. Binary Plus Clash
Systems
Another
variantof the binary
stress
pattern s found in
languages
n which
stress follows a basic
binarypattern
but falls on adjacent
syllables
under
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 40/63
A FACTORIAL
YPOLOGY FQUANTITY-INSENSITIVETRESS
529
certain
circumstances.These
'binaryplus
clash'
systems
are the result
of
nearly
dentical
rankings o those relevant n
binaryplus lapse
systems,
ex-
cept
for the low
ranking
of
*CLASH nd the
undominated tatus
of
*LAPSE
in
binaryplus
clash
systems.
Like
binaryplus lapse
systems, binaryplus
clash systems involve a
fixed
stress
at
or
near one
edge,
due to the
high
rankingof one of the *LAPSE EDGE
constraints
or
ALIGN
EDGES,
and
a
binarycount
originatingat the
opposite
edge
of the word.
Binaryplus
clash
patternsappear o be
rare
n
quantity-insensitive
ystems,
but
are
found
in
Tauya
(MacDonald
1990), Biangai
(Dubert
and Dubert
1973),
Southern
Paiute
(Sapir
1930,
Harms
1966),
and
Gosiute Shoshone
(Miller
1996).39
Toillustrate he rankingswhichgeneratebinaryplus clash systems,let
us consider n
detail the
analysisof the
binaryplus
clash
system
in
Tauya,
a Trans
New Guinean
anguagespoken
n
Papua
New
Guinea
(MacDonald
1990).
In
Tauya,
primarystress
falls
on
the final syllable, and
secondary
stress
falls on
the initial
syllable
and
on
alternatingyllables
counting
back
fromthe
final one. The
requirement
hat
the initial syllable
be stressed
n
Tauya
creates
a stress clash
between the
first two
syllables
in
words with
an even
numberof
syllables;
forms
illustrating
stress in
Tauya appear
n
(30).
(30) Tauya
stress
a.
nono
'child'
b.
Tuneta'
'mat'
c.
momunepa
'X
sat and
X...'
d. japatijWf6 'myhand'40
The
constraint
rankings
at work in Tauya
closely
resemble those
operat-
ive in
Maranungku.
One
important
differencebetween the
two
languages,
however,
lies
in
the
relative
rankingof ALIGN
EDGES and
*CLASH. The
presence of stress
on both the
initial and
the final
syllables is
indicative
of
ALIGN EDGES
being rankedabove
*CLASH
in Tauya,as a stressclash
regularly
arises in
words with an
even number
of
syllables. The Tauya
39
It
shouldbe
noted
thatthe
Southern
Paiuteand
Gosiute
Shoshonestress
patterns ould
be
treatedas
displaying
a
binary
pattern
at the
level of
the
mora,
and
not
necessarily
at
the
level
of
the
syllable
(see
Sapir
1930;
Harms
1966;
Hayes
1995 for
description
and
discussion).
40
Note
that
unstressed
vowels
optionally
reduce to
schwa.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 41/63
530
MATTHEW
GORDON
constraint
rankings
are summarized
n
(31),
followed
by
a tableau n
(32)
illustrating
he relevant
rankings.
(31) Constraint
ankings
or
Tauya
ALIGN
EDGES,
*LAPSE,
ALIGN
(X2, R)
4
ALIGN (X1,
L)
4
NONFINALITY,
*CLASH,
ALIGN
(X1, R),
ALIGN
(X2,
L)
(32)
?uneta
ALIGN ALIGN
*tLPSE
ALIGN
NONFINIAL'
CLASH
ALIGN
1
ALIGN
EDGES
(x14L)(XL)X1R
momunepa
ALIGN
;ALIGN
*LPSE ALIGN
NONFINAL, 4CLAS1H
ALIGN
IALIGN
EDGES
(X24R)
tX(X2,) t(X-,
(XI
R)
momnunepa
A-IGN
ALIGN
*LPsE
ALIGN
NONFINAL
*CLSH
'
A
LIG
ALIGN
mfOnulp
4 '' '6
1
:
*
4*E
momrunepa
__ __ ~;
4
in6rnZ~p,
,______ ***** 4
_4*
4*
3.4.
A
Factorial
Typologyof
Binary
Stress
The
binary
stress
patterns
generatedby
the factorial
typology appear
n
Table
VII,along
with the
rankings
generating
ach
pattern
and an
example
of a
language,
if
any
exist, displaying
each
pattern.
Each
system
includes
a schematic
pattern
for an
even and
odd
parity
word
(1
=
stressed
syl-
lable,
0
=
stressless
syllable),
as well as one for shorter
words
whose
stress
patterns
are not
recoverable rom the
description,
e.g.,
in
potential
stress
clash
contexts
in
systems
not
tolerating
clashes.
Shaded
systems
fail
to
positionprimary tress a uniformdistancefrom an edge, followingearlier
discussion
in
the context of
dual stress
systems
in
section
2.2.3.
3.4.1.
Pure
Binary Systems
Generated
by
the
Factorial
Typology
A
total of
23
distinct
binary
stress
systems
were
generated
by
the
factorial
typology,
including simple
binary,binaryplus
lapse,
and
binaryplus
clash
systems.
All
23
patterns
were
generated
n
pairs
differing
in
which
of the
stresses is
primary
and which is
secondary.
Looking
at the
subclasses
of
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 42/63
A
FACTORIAL
TYPOLOGYOF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVETRESS
531
TABLE VII
Dual
stress systems
Simple BinarT
1.Even-numberedromL:
11010 [01010101J
(issl
-.
Ar
\
RI'
*i,li
most
is
prima:Arau ian
bri oat o
r
:
Odd-nLiumberedrom
R:
[CLOASIIA
[0E1)0101
(IAH
Ls>>
ALEr
rs's
AL(x1,Ry>,-
0.4
0,1
hspim'No1
"Resm
1
s
prima:
UtrubuKaapo-
3.
.ven-numb'drom
R
[9J,
01010101]
*CIAMS
*LAPSi'
A
LI
-A
_
Leflm
_ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _
_ _ __R__h_
__C_vi_ef_
prima
.
lalalo
1 o
iPso
(
a,)
Rig------h_mot
s
primain
sv
4
Odd-numb5dfromL:
1
01010],
[1
,
I010
"(I Ii
*LAPSi
.
wAIE
"rs>>
AL.(XL)
>I>
Lefmostis
p)rimary:
aramm'ku
.
O
noi
s
r i
~ ~
r(;
Binary plus
clash
5.
Even-numb'd
rom
L
&
final,
clash
O1K:
*LAPSE
>'
AL.(.x
R)
>AL
EXL$Gs"-ALSX
,L),
*CLAsii
.........
t
(....l0-.....O-IO--01
.................
Lefimost S
primary:
Noite
Rightmost
S
primaiy:
No
qi1.
Central
A
l1
an
Yupik
___tterance-nSeliaal
hI.L)
6.
Eve-numb'dfroinL
&
peitult,
lash OK:
I.NASs
*L.Ant
RwAcr
l (
R)N1issli3A
1
R<)>>
I9LPJIQIO19)1g A
rS.1^L, * All$ 1L1 Cssi
1-
El
.
Ltmost
is
primary:
otitlem Paiute
_
RigInmost
s
prnmary
Non
7,
Odd-numb'drom L
&
final,
clashOK
f
s
ii,4
Extu's
A
ix
O
>>
A
.:xix1L),
*CLsiil
Lefimost
s
prismary:
osiute
Shoshone
Rig1100
is
prim
None
8.
Odd-nuib'd froit
I
&
penolt,
clash
OK:
LAS
,nt'
N\sINA.ITY
*LAeSt
RiGHT
>>, Eww
s>
[10101 101,
IOIOIOIOL
At
Lx
RI
g,x
Ii
*CiASi
Left
ost
is
.rimarv:
None
RiLsltmost
s
prinmaryNone.
9.
Eves-numb'd
ont
R
&
iniitial,
lash
OK:
NT.INH, US Al
1>:
LI,
AL
EDGE.ss"
[1)10ll19
[[l].[l01.1AU.X RI
5
AtSIlSA
, ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, ,,v,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,CLA,
.......................... ... .
,............f+?,
Lefimosi s
primaar:
one
Rightmosr
s
primar
at:
'ii
I
0.
Odd-numb'd from R & initial,
clash OK: Lsis Al
0
is.
AI
L)
>Ax1iRI,
GAISI
Lefimst
is
primary:
None
Rigitmnsot
s
primary
Tanya
BinAri
ohis lapse
I
1.
Odd-niwhb'drom
L
&
penult
no
claslit
[010]
.CLs,,tsH. oNos
NALITY1LAPE
RiGHirn>>
L
Eis""S'
[10100101i,
[10101019
j,
, L PSEis
>
.....................-.
i..x
I.......
R
1
12.
Odd-nunib'd rost L &
penult,nto laslir 1
001 *CLArS
NeNrisso\tNIzT
>
5,' ElYi-5s>>L5
LPSI
[19]09 M101010101.I*Oplj'
vLsRiltrir Ar
.............
(R 1> ) >""A
A1(X
Lfimost
s
primar.
None_____________________
13.
Odd-numb'd
from
L.
minus
final:
.
CLAS;ii,
No.NF'1A1X5
1>
At
.c,rs
""
AP,
>
[1010tO
2.1.9]9.91
.3
A
(t~L"
(A>jtk
RI
;
-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~t
ftntnst
s
primary':
intopi
' ois'
a''N
14.
Odd-nunb'd from
L &
[fina1:
I0
*CLAsH,
*LAPSERI'HTs>>"AL EDS
>"
..[l..)91)1.1010 i0031]
..
*Ls'.s...
>>AS(N
L-
..
i
..
h
.
Lentmst inprima':
. .'m
i
15.
Odd-nuntb'd front
L
&
penult,
clash
in
trisyllables:
NONIFtNAlIStY
LAPsts RGTOiT
>
AL
IXSts
*CLASiI
_[Tt
[P)199
............
""s ( L)"
mo,st
Lis
rimary:
None
Rig'tmtost
ti
primar
None
16.
Odrd-numb'd
fromL
& final,
clash s
disyllales: Ai,EDGES
'
>
AIt- >
LAPSE
>>
Al,(XL):
[101010)1,
[10101001].~~~AL(X1j,R3
,[,,,1.
.,,
,,,.....
e.i
-,o
.
........
.. .
........
........... ..... .......
...
Lt4mast
s
primar:
None
Rightmost
sprimary:
'one
17,
Even-numb'd from R & initial,
no
clash:
[010]
'CrLASi
NON-FINLiYi AL
EDGEs>>
*LAP'S'
i>
[It) ]0i0].[i
101010]
,
.
.
'
sa~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.........h...."...
..........L...
=Le
s
=isprim
'iN
n
,
'
Rightmo
is
primary.
ndonesian
18,
Eves-oiumh'diont R &
iiiitial,clash
ii
trisyllable
.
NNCFs1INAtirs
>Al
T
f
0s>
>
Cl,ASH>>
*LA
PS.>>
Letimost
sprintary:
None
Ri
h
ntmo
i
prinmary
oie
19.
Even-numib'd
roisO
&
initial, Io tasb:
1 CLSIH
o.'?NALITY
>>
,iEi or
" L
s'L> 5*Ltsrs
>>
[101010], [10101010]1
4W
xg RI. [.(A1,L)
Lftmios
s
primas':
Garawa
a
imryN
20.
Evren-noins'd
from
Rplus peitinitial:
[1010]
*C.LA'Hi Nos'TirNA LTYsL.
LEs'E
?
AL1,OhRI"";-
[Q(919 PL[9.(99]9[9]
.
~is
A
LI 5L.elsFrAl
DOt'.
==00IgjiolilA:
8
Left a
Lprimary:No.
..
,
g~~~~hnmost
s
simar_t
one
21
.
Odd-nuntb"d
from
R
&
initial no clash:
[01 ]
CiJAs
>H"Ai,
EIF
'
LAsi'S
"-"
AL
1,Ri
>>
22. O
id-n lunsb
l'om
Oh
& initial,
e4shitn
dilyllables
.At.
' -
,s
..L....
........
...........
o~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~s
_
'
pfs ar
Leftnmost
s
prmary
None
Rightintsitss
ritnarsv:
one
23. Odd-numbered
rom
R
&
initial:
[10]
*C.LASl
>"
AlE..
.ws
>>, *LAPSg
NoNFiNALirry">>
.[ t).19191LL9
..........tO.'..RI:.........L.
Leftmoat
s,
prima
Nose
OsIms
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 43/63
532 MATTHEW
ORDON
binary
stress
systems
in
detail,
all four of the
simplebinarypatterns
pat-
terns
1-4)
are attested:
even-numbered
rom left to
right,
even-numbered
from
right
o
left,
odd-numbered
rom eft to
right,
andodd-numbered
rom
rightto left. These
are
differentiated
romeach other
by
the relative
ranking
of the ALIGN
onstraints,
ollowing
discussion
in section
3.1.
.
3.4.2. BinaryPlus
Clash
Systems
Generated
by
the Factorial
Typology
Of the six
binary plus
clash
systems,
five are attested:
patterns
5,
6,
7,
9,
10, with one of the
patterns
5),
however,
ound
only
in
all-light
words
in
a
quantity-sensitive
ystem.
The unattested
pattern 8)
differs from
Southern
Paiute (pattern6) in stressingodd-numbered ather haneven-numbered
syllables;
the
directionality
of the stress count
is
the same
in
both
pattern
6
and
pattern
8. The difference between
patterns
6
and 8 is attributed
to
differences
in
the
ranking
of
the ALIGNconstraintsrelative to
each
other. In
pattern
6,
ALIGN
X1, R),
is rankedabove
both ALIGN
X1, L),
and
ALIGN
EDGES,
whereas
in
pattern 8,
ALIGN
(X1,
R),
is
sandwiched
between
higher
ranked ALIGN
EDGES,
and lower
ranked
ALIGN
(X1, L).
An
important
eature of the
binaryplus
clash
systems
is
that the fixed
stressoppositetheoriginationpointof thebinarypatterns always situated
at or near
the
periphery:
n the initial
syllable,
the
penultimate
yllable,
or
the final
syllable.
A
fixed stress on
either the initial or
final
syllable is
attributedo a
highly
ranked
though
not
necessarily
undominated)
ALIGN
EDGESranked
above the ALIGN
(X1, {L,
RI)
constraint
pulling stress
toward the
opposite
edge,
as
in
patterns5,
7, 9,
and
10. The
result is
an
additional stress at the
opposite
periphery
rom the
origination
point
of
the
binary
pattern.
A
fixed stress
on
the penult
(patterns6 and 8) is
attributedo an undominated*LAPSERIGHTn conjunctionwithundom-
inated
NONFINALITY.
his ranking
orces stress on the
penult, even
if the
antepenult
s stressed.
A
key feature of the
proposed
constraints
s
that they only
generate
binary plus
clash
systems
with
a fixed stress on
the
initial syllable, the
final
syllable,
or
the
penult.
This
confinement
of clashes to the
periphery
captures
he
confinement,
n
foot-based
terms,
of
degenerate eet to peri-
pheral
positions
(see Kager 1989;
Hayes 1995
for discussion of
degenerate
feet). Theonly threeclashcontextsgeneratedn thepresent heoryinvolve
the
initial and
peninitial syllables,
the
antepenultimate nd
penultimate
syllables,
and the
penultimateand final
syllables; n fact,
these are
the only
three clash
environments
attested n
actual
quantity-insensitive
ystems.
At first
glance,
it
might appear
hatthe
proposedconstraints
would pre-
dict
additional
clash contexts, such
as
peninitialplus postpeninitial
stress
or
preantepenultimate
lus
antepenultimate
tress, given
the existence of
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 44/63
A
FACTORIAL
YPOLOGY F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
533
*LAPSE LEFT and *EXTENDED
LAPSE
RIGHT constraints.
The
rankings,
however, ail to
generate
hese
hypothetical
clash
types,
as,
for
every
con-
straint, here is at least one other candidate ackingthese types of clashes
that commits fewer violations.
Candidates
with
peninitial
stress
and
right-
ward terationof
stress
starting
with the
postpenitial
yllable,
i.e.
'6du6cr6,
requirethe
ranking
of ALIGN
(X1, L)
above
ALIGN
(X1, R).
Under
this
ranking,
however,
here s
another
candidate,
6ac6uFa6,
which
better
satis-
fies
ALIGN
(X1, L)
and
fares
no
worse
with
respect
o
constraints
other
han
lowly rankedALIGN
(X1, R).
Candidateswith
antepenultimate
tress
and
leftward
terationof
stress
starting
with the
preantepenult,.e.,
oduuauu,
requirethe rankingof
ALIGN
(X1, R) above
ALIGN
(X1, L). Under this
ranking,
though, there is another
candidate,
a6csc6cca6,
hich
better
satis-
fies ALIGN
(X1, R)
and fares no
worse with
respect
to constraints
other
than
lowly rankedALIGN
(X1, L).
3.4.3.
Binary
Plus
Lapse
SystemsGenerated
by
the Factorial
Yypology
Turning
to the
binary plus
lapse
systems,
of
the
13
generated
patterns,
four are
attested.
Pattern
11, odd-numbered rom
left to
right
plus
penult,
is found in Piro (Matteson1965). Pattern13, odd-numbered rom left to
right
except
final
syllables,
is
widely
attested,as, for
example,
in
Pintupi
(Hansen and
Hansen
1969,
1978). It is
worth
noting that the
proposed
constraints ail
to
generate the mirror
mage
counterpart
f
Pintupi,
odd-
numbered
from right
to left
except the
initial
syllable.
This
patternis
not
generated
because there is
no
left-edge
counterpart
o
NONFINALITY
which
bans
stress on
the
initial
syllable.
The
failureto
generate he
mirror
image
counterpart
o the
Pintupi
pattern
s a
virtue of
the
constraint et,
as
it is unattestedo the best of my knowledge.
Pattern17,
even-numbered
rom right
to
left plus
initial, occurs
in
languages
with
the
'initial-
dactyl'
effect
(see
Prince
1983;
Hayes
1995
for
discussion),
e.g.,
Indonesian,
Spanish.
This
pattern
differs
minimally
from
pattern
19,
which
is
also
attested
(e.g.,
in
Garawa), n
preserving
the
stress
on the
penult rather
than the
initial
syllable in
clash
contexts
in
three-syllable
words.
Most of the
unattested
patterns
closely
resemble
attested
patterns,
differing
minimally
along
a small
set of
dimensions:
he
directionality f stressassignment, heanchoring ite forthestressfixedat
the
opposite
edge from
the
originationpoint
of
the
alternating
tress
count,
and
the
resolution
of
stress
clashes.
It
is
interesting to
note
that some
binary plus
lapse
systems
display
stress
clashes in
relatively
short
words.For
example,
stress
patterns16
and
22
have
stress
clashes in
disyllabic
words
and
patterns
15 and 18
display
clashes
in
trisyllabic
words.The
clash
in
disyllabic
words in
patterns16
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 45/63
534
MATTHEWORDON
and22 arisewhen
ALIGN EDGES is ranked above *CLASH
which in
turn
is rankedabove *LAPSE.
This
rankinggives
rise to
stress clashes but
only
in
disyllabic words where ALIGN EDGES
can otherwise not be
satisfied.
A similar situation can arise
in
trisyllabic
words in a
language (patterns
15
and 18)
in which *LAPSE
RIGHT
andNONFINALITY are
undominated
and crucially
rankedabove
ALIGN
EDGES
which in
turn
s
ranked
above
*CLASH. Under
this
scenario,
the initial
syllable
and the
penult
will
al-
ways be stressed
even
if
this
entails a stress
clash,
as
arises
in
trisyllabic
words. This subset of
binary plus lapse systems
involving
stress clashes
in
either disyllabic or
trisyllabic
words
might
be
regarded
as
pathologic,
sincethey represent n unattestedypeof hybridsystemwitheitherclashes
and lapses depending
on the
length
of
the word. Similar
ternarysystems
are also
generated
by
the
proposed
constraints
see
section
4.1).
There
is,
however, at least
a
possibility
that
this
gap
is an
accidental one
related
to the
independentrarity
of
quantity-insensitive
tress
systems
which
are
tolerant of
clashes,
following
discussion
in
section 2.2.2.
I leave this an
open matter
or futureresearch.
In all of the
binaryplus lapse
systems featuring
an
internal
apse,
the
fixed stress situated at the oppositeedge of originationpoint of the bin-
ary
count
falls on one
of
four
syllables:
the initial
syllable,
the
peninitial
syllable,
the final
syllable,
and
the
penult.
Of these
four
docking
sites
gen-
erated
in
binary plus lapse
systems,
two are
attested:the initial
syllable
(patterns17, 19)
and the
penultimate
syllable (1 1).
Whether he
absence
of
binary plus lapse
systems
with
a
fixed stress on the final
or
peninitial
syllable
reflects an accidental
gap
or
not is
unclear,
hough
the
accidental
gap interpretation
eems reasonable
given
the small
number
of
binary
plus
lapse systems observedcross-linguistically.
If the
atomistic alternative
o ALIGN
EDGES
were
adopted,
an
addi-
tional three unattested
binaryplus
lapse patterns
would
be
generated.
One
of
these
patterns
s
nearly
identical to
pattern 14, differing only in
the
preservation
f the
stress
on
the final
syllable
rather han
the
initialsyllable
in
disyllables:
[01], [101], [1001],
[10101], [101001], [1010101].
This
pattern
results from
a
combinationof an
undominated
constraint
requir-
ing
stress at the
right
edge
in
conjunction
with an
undominated CLASH.
The ranking
ALIGN
(X1, L) >>
ALIGN
(X1, R) produces a stress lapse
immediatelypreceding
the final
stress
in
even
parity words. This pattern
is
not
generatedby
the
unitary
ALIGN
EDGES
constraint,
which
neces-
sarily
conflicts
with
*CLASH
in
disyllables. If ALIGN EDGES
outranks
*CLASH,
both
syllables
are stressed
in
disyllabic
words, yielding
pattern
16 in
Table VII.
If
*CLASH
outranks
ALIGN
EDGES (assuming
ALIGN
(X1,
L)
?>
ALIGN
(X1, R),
pattern
14
results.
Two
additional
unattested
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 46/63
A
FACTORIALYPOLOGY
F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
535
binaryplus lapse
systems
generated
by
separating
STRESS
EDGES
nto
in-
dividualconstraints
eferring
o different
edges
display
stress
on the
initial
andpenultimatesyllablewith a binary patternoriginating rom eitherthe
initial or
penultimate
yllable,
depending
on the
relative
ranking
of
ALIGN
(XI,
R) and ALIGN
Xl,
L).
These
patterns
differ from
patterns
12
and
19
(attested in
Garawa), generated
by
STRESS
EDGES,
in
having initial
and
final
stress
in
trisyllabic
words rather
han
only
initial
stress,
i.e.
[101]
rather han
[100]. The two novel
systems involve
an
undominated CLASH
and
*LAPSE
RIGHT,
in
addition to an
undominated
decomposed version
of ALIGN
EDGES
requiring
stress
on the
leftmost
syllable.
NONFINALITY
is also highlyrankedbut is violated in trisyllabicwords in order o satisfy
both
*CLASH and
*LAPSERIGHT.
3.4.4.
Primary
Stress
Placement in
Binary
Systems
Before
concludingdiscussion
of
binary
stress, there
are a
couple
of
in-
terestingpoints
about
primary
stress
which are
apparent n
Table VII.
First,
parallel to
dual
stress
systems,
in
virtually all
binary
stress lan-
guages,primary tressfalls a
consistent
distance
romthe
wordedge
across
wordsdifferingin numberof syllables.41A second observationgermane
to
primary
stress is that
there exist
several
patterns n
which the
loca-
tion of
primary
stress in
words
with
heavy
syllables is
inconsistent with
the location of
primary
stress
in
words
containingonly
light
syllables.
It
may
be noted
that
many subtypes of
purely
quantity-sensitive
tress
are
inherently
ncapableof
positioning
primary tress
a
uniform
distance
from
a
word
edge
while
simultaneously
stressing
heavy
syllables
regardless
of
their
position.
Thus, the
quantity-sensitive
analog
to the
Araucanian
patternattested in Creek (Haas 1977; Tyhurst1987), but with the final
stress
as
primary,
positions
its leftmost
stress
on the
initial
syllable if it
is
heavy,
otherwiseon
the
peninitial
syllable.
Thus,
promoting
the
leftmost
stress
to
primary stress
would
not ensure
consistency in the
location of
primary
stress across
different words,
since
words
with an initial
heavy
syllable
would have
primary
tress on
the initial
syllable
while
those with
an
initial
light
would place
primarystress
on the
second
syllable:
io...
41
Malakmalak
Birk
1976)
appears to
be
an
atypical
quantity-insensitive
anguage
in
which
primary
stress
does
not
fall a
consistent
distance
from a
word
edge
across
words
differing n
length.
Stress is
reported
o fall on
even
numbered
yllables
counting
from the
right,
with the
leftmost
stress
being
the
main
one, e.g.,
[102020],
[0102020].
Given
the
preference
for
uniformity
n
stress
placement,one
would
expect the
rightmost
stress,
the
one
falling
closest
to
the
edge at
which
the
binary
pattern
originates
(i.e.,
the one
on the
penult)
to be
the
primary
stress.
Malakmalak
appears o be
the
only
quantity-insensitive
stress
system
which
violates
the
preference
for
positioning
primary
stress
in
the
same
positionacross
the
entire
vocabulary
of
words with
phonologically
predictable
tress.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 47/63
536
MATTHEW
GORDON
but .6...
A
similar
situationobtains in
quantity-sensitive
ystems
which
stress
heavy syllables
and even-numbered
yllables
going
from
right-to-
left.
It is only
in
quantity-sensitive
ystems
which stress
odd-numbered
syllables
from
either
left-to-right
or
right-to-left, .e.,
'peak
first'
systems
in
Prince's
(1983) grid-
based
framework,
r those
with an
additional ixed
stress at
a
word
edge,
that it is
possible
to
position
primary
stress a
uni-
form
distancefrom
a
word
edge
across
the
entire
vocabulary.
nterestingly,
peak-first
quantity-sensitive ystems
which do not
position
primary
tress
a uniform distance from a word
edge appear
to be
rare; possible
cases
include
Egyptian
Radio Arabic
(Harrell
1960)
and
PalestinianArabic
(see
Hayes 1995andreferencescitedtherein).Giventhepaucityof suchcases it
is difficult o
state at
the
present
whether
quantity-insensitive
nd
quantity-
sensitive
systems truly
differ
in their
strength
of
preference
for
placing
primarystress a
consistent
distance from the word
edge
across
words of
varying
lengths.Hopefully,furtherresearch
will
shed
more
light
on
this
issue.
4. TERNARY STRESS
There
are a
very
small number of
languages
with
ternarystress
patterns,
in
which stress
falls
on
every
third
syllable.
Probably
he
clearest
example
of a
quantity-insensitive
ernary
ystem
comes
from
Cayuvava
Key
1961,
1967),
in which
primary
tress
falls on
the
antepenult
and
secondary
stress
falls
on
every third
syllable
before the
antepenult.Examplesof
Cayuvava
stress
appear
n
(33). (Note
that
sequences
of
vowels, including identical
vowels, areheterosyllabic.)
(33) Cayuvava tress
a.
e.pje
'tail'
b.
fi.ka.he
'stomach'
c.
ki.hi.be.re 'I ran'
d.
a.ri.ui.u.tfa
'he came
already'
e.
d3L.hi.ra.ri.a.ma 'I must
do'
f.
ma.ra.ha.ha.e.i.ki 'their
blankets'
g.
i.ki.ta.pa.re.re.pe.ha
'the
water s clean'
h.
tiA.a.di.r6.bo.3u.ru'.tfe
'ninety-nine
firstdigit)'
i.
me.d'a.ru.tfe.tfe.i.ro.hi.i.jie
fifteen
each (second
digit)'
The
analysis of
the Cayuvava
pattern, and
more generally,
the analysis
of
ternaritypursued
here
follows
the basic
insight of
Elenbaasand Kager
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 48/63
A FACTORIAL
YPOLOGY
F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
537
(1999), who
attribute
ernary
intervals to the
ranking
of an
anti-lapse
constraint
requiring
that
every
stressless
syllable
be
adjacent
to
either
a
stressed
syllable or
a
word
edge
above
a
foot-based
alignmentcon-
straint,
which in
turn
s
rankedabove a constraint
requiring
hat
syllables
be
parsed into
feet.
In
the
present
work,
ternary
stress
results
from
a
lowly
ranked
*LAPSE
but an
undominated*EXTENDEDLAPSE. The
low
rankingof *LAPSE
ensures that
stress
lapses
entailing
two
consecutive
stressless
syllables
are
freely
tolerated, yet
the
undominated
status of
*EXTENDED
LAPSE
guarantees hat
stress
lapses do not exceed
two
syl-
lables.
*EXTENDED
LAPSE is
ranked
above all the
ALIGN
constraints
referring o level 1 gridmarks,as anypressure o push stressestowardan
edge
is
superseded
by
the
prohibition
against stress
lapses
of
greater
han
two
syllables. Variation n
the
ranking
of
the ALIGN
constraints
accounts
for
different
sub-types
of
ternary
stress.
In
Cayuvava,
n
which
the tern-
ary pattern
nitiates with
the
antepenult,
we
have
the
ranking
ALIGN
(X1,
L)
>>
ALIGN
(X1,
R)
>>
ALIGN
EDGES.
The
rankingof
ALIGN
(X1, R)
aboveALIGN
EDGES
is
decisive in
words in
which the
initial
syllable
goes
unstressed;
hus,
ariuutfa,
rather
than
*ariuiutfa.
The
ranking
of
ALIGN
(X1,L) above
ALIGN
(X1,R) plays a crucialrole in determininghe loca-
tion
of the
stress in
candidates
ncurring
qual
violations of
*LAPSE;
thus,
kihi'bere, ather
than
*kihibere.The
promotion
of
the
rightmost
stress to
primary
stress is
the
result
of ALIGN
(X2, R)
being
rankedabove
ALIGN
(X2, L).
Summary
rankingsfor
Cayuvava
appear n
(34),
followed
by a
representative
ableau n
(35).
(34)
Constraint
ankings
or
Cayuvava
*EXTENDED LAPSE, *CLASH, NONFINALITY, ALIGN (X2, R)
4
ALIGN
(X1,
L)
4
ALIGN
(Xi,
R)
4
ALIGN
EDGES,
*LAPSE,
ALIGN
(X2, L)
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 49/63
538
MATTHE-W
ORDON
(35)
_ _ _ _
_ _
kihibere
ET
NON-:
ALIGN *CLSH ALIGN
ALIGN
ALIGN *LpsE:
ALIGN
Lpsr-
FINAL:
(X2,
R)
(x1,L)
(x1
I,
)
EDGEs:
:
X2,
L)
sw
kihibere
____
*
*
kihibe're
*
*
0WIhbere
__ __
**
kihibere
**
*
kThiber6
.
keihi-be
.....N....**.**.
ariuutfa
*ETM-ALiGN
*CLSH~
ALIGN
ALIGN ALIGN
*LPSEI
ALIGN
LPSE
FINAL:
(X2
)
(X1,44
(xl,
R)
EIxEs
(x,4
a.ri.d.u.tfa__
___
__
marahahaeiki
*EXT: NON-:
ALIGN
*CLSH
ALIGN
ALIGN.
ALIGN *LPSE
ALIGN
LFSE
:FINAL:
X2,R):
(X1,L)
(x
1,R)
EDGES
(X2,
L4
ow
marAhaha.61iki
___ _ __ _ _
7__
mnakahaha.6.i.ki
4 _________
8
mnarAhaha.,.i.ki
*
7
*
4M,
The
description
of
Joway-Oto
n Whitman
(1947)
also
suggests
a tern
ary stress system following the primarystress, though the author does
not
provide examples
illustrating
he
pattern.
There are
a
few
quantity-
sensitive stress
systems
which also
display ternarity
under
certain
weight
and/or
morphological
conditions,
e.g.,
Pacific
Yupik
(Leer
1985;
Rice
1992),
Sentani
Elenbaas
1999;
Elenbaas
and
Kager
1999),42
Finnish
(Sadeniemi
1949;
Hansonand
Kiparsky
1996),
the
variety
of
Estoniande-
scribed
by
Hint
(1973),43
and
Winnebago
(see
Hayes
1995 and references
cited therein or
discussion).
4.
1. A Factorial
Typology f Ternary
Stress
We now turn o the
ternary ystems generatedby
the
factorial
ypology.
Be-
cause of the
rarity
of
ternary
tress,
the
systems generated
by
the
proposed
constraints
will
be
only briefly
summarized
here.
42
Sentani
is
sensitive
to a
three-way
weight
distinction
with
closed
syllables
and
syl-
lables
containingdiphthongs
being
heaviest,
schwa in
open
syllables
being
lightest,
and
non-schwa vowels in open syllables being intermediate n weight
(see Elenbaas
1999
for discussion
and
analysis).
The
Sentani
stress
patternfound
in
words not
containing
heavy
syllables
(i.e.
words
lacking
diphthongs
and
closed
syllables)
is
not
generated
by
the
quantity-insensitiveonstraintsdiscussed
in
this
paper;
rather
t
requiresan
additional
context-sensitive
weight constraint
banning
stress on
light
(i.e.
insufficiently
sonorous)
initial
syllables
due to
tonal
crowding avoidance
(see Gordon
2001,
in
preparation
or
weightconstraints
operativeat
theperiphery).
43
It should also be
noted thatthe
Estonianstress
pattern
described
by
Hint
is the subject
of
controversy;
Eek
(1982) reports
a
different
pattern
not
involvingternarity.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 50/63
A FACTORIALTYPOLOGY
OF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
539
A total of 33 ternary ystemsweregenerated,all
of which are
generated
in
pairs differing
in
the
location
of
primary
stress.44
Given the
extreme
rarity of ternarystress
in
general,
it
is
not
surprising
hat
only
a
small
minority
of the
generated
patternsactually
exists.
The
only
clear
quantity-
insensitive ternarypattern,
the
Cayuvava system,
was
generated.
The
Ioway-Otopattern
nferred rom
descriptions
was
also
generated,
as
were
three quantity-sensitive
tress
patterns
observed
in words
consisting
of
only light syllables:
Estonian,
Pacific
Yupik,
and
Winnebago.
This leaves
a total of 28
generated
but
unattested
patterns (31
if
quantity-sensitive
patterns
are
excluded).
Fourpure ternarysystems were generated: ernaryfrom left starting
with the third
syllable, ternary
from left
starting
with
the
peninitial syl-
lable, ternary romright
starting
with the
antepenult,
nd
ternary
rom
right
starting
with the
penult.45
A
total of nine
ternaryplus
clash
systems
were
also generated.These
systems
are the
ternaryanalogs
of the
binary plus
clash
patterns: ernary
stress iterates
n one
direction
and there is a fixed
stress at or near the
opposite edge
of the word. In certainword
shapes,
the
combinationof
ternary
stress
and the
fixed stress
trigger
a
stress
clash.
While I am not aware of any ternaryplus clash systems in actual lan-
guages,
this mismatchbetween
generated
and attested
patterns
s
plausibly
an
accidentalgap attributed o the confluence of two independentlyrare
phenomena: tresssystems with clashes andternary tressin general.
The
final type of
ternary
stress
system generatedby
the factorial
ty-
pology entails
ternarity
mixed
with
binary
stress intervals
n
certainword
shapes.
All of
these
systems
have the
property
of
displaying
more thanone
ternary nterval
n
at least one wordtype of sufficientlengthto diagnose
iterativeternarity.These systems thus differ from the binary plus lapse
systems
which have
a
maximumof
one ternary nterval
n
any one word.
The mixed
ternarysystems are similar to the ternaryplus clash systems
in
displaying ternarity
n conjunctionwith a fixed stress at the opposite
44
The
number
of
generatedpatterns ncreases to
42 if
ALIGN EDGES
is broken into
separate
constraints ach
referring
o
a different
edge.
Of the nine
additionalpatterns,
wo
involve pureternarity
tarting
rom a
peripheral yllable (left-to-right ernarity tartingwith
the initial
syllable andright-to-left ternarity
tarting
with the final syllable) and 7 involve
ternaritymixed withbinary stress intervals n certaincontexts.
45
Pure
ternarypatterns
differing
from
those
generated
n
initiating
a
ternarycount from
an
edge syllable, e.g., a hypotheticalpattern nvolving ternary tress terating rom the right
edge
and
beginning
with
the final
syllable, are not generated, ince, in certainword shapes,
pure ternary
andidateswith
stresses distanced romthe peripheryhave fewer stresses and
thus
better
satisfy
ALIGN
(X1, L)
andALIGN
(X1, R); for example,
aaeacda'
incurs fewer
violations of both
ALIGN (X1, L) and ALIGN (X1, R) thana'cravcr6. Crucially,because
ALIGN
EDGES is
lowly ranked
n
pure ternary ystems,
it
is unable to ensure that an edge
syllable is stressed.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 51/63
540
MATTHEW
ORDON
edge
of the word
from the
origination
point
of the
ternary
count.
Three
of these
patterns
are the
ternary
analogs
to similar
binary plus
lapse
pat-
terns nvolvingclashesin shortwords(see section3.4.3). Inaddition, hree
left-to-right
ernarypatterns
originate
their
stress counts
closer
to
the left
edge
of
the word
in
relatively
short words
in
order to
avoid
violations
of
undominated
NONFINALITY. Such
patterns
are
analogous
to
patterns
een
in
single stress
languages
(e.g.,
Hopi
=
pattern
3 in
Table
IV)
and
binary
stress
languages
(e.g.,
SouthernPaiute
=
pattern
6
in
Table
VII).
A
total of
20 mixed
ternarysystems
were
generated,
including
the
systems found in Pacific
Yupik
(ternary
rom
left
starting
with
peninitial
syllableplus a binary ntervalat therightedge), Winnebago ternaryrom
left
startingwith
thirdsyllable
plus
a
binary
nterval
at the
right
edge),
and
Estonian
(ternary rom left
plus
penultimate
tress in
non-clash
contexts).
5.
FACTORIAL
TYPOLOGY:
A
SUMMARY
In summary, he factorialtypology generatedby the proposedconstraint
set offers
sufficient
empirical
coverage
of the
quantity-insensitive
ingle
stress,
dual
stress,
binary
and
ternary
tress
systems
found in
an
extensive
survey.While the
thoroughnessof the
empirical
coverage
of
the
proposed
theorycomes at the
price
of
a certain
degree
of
overgeneration, he
amount
of
overgeneration s
relatively
small,
at
least
relative to
the
logically pos-
sible set
of
stress
systems.
Furthermore,
he
overgeneration
ommitted
by
the
present
analysis,
with
some
possible
exceptions
(e.g.,
mixed
clash
and
lapse systems; see discussionin section 3.4.3), is plausibly attributedo
accidental
gaps
resultingfrom
the overall
rarityof
certain
types of
stress
systems.
This
is
particularly pparent
n
the
case of
ternary
ystems
which
are a
vanishingly
rare
breed
cross-linguistically.
Thus,
virtually
any
ternary
stress
system
generated
by
the
theory
is certain
not
to
occur
just
given
the
paucity
of
ternary
stress in
general. Similar
cases of
overgeneration
which
could
plausiblybe
attributed
o
accidental
gapsare
observed n
dual
stress and
binary stress
systems,
where
most of
the
unattestedbut
gener-
atedpatterns nvolvedelementswhichareattested n isolationor in certain
combinations
but
happen
not to exist in
all
of the
combinations
generated
by
the
factorial
typology.
Although
the
present
work
can
neitherbe
re-
gardedas a
complete
metrical
stress
theory,as
such
a
theory
would
require
constraints
designed to
also
handle
quantity-sensitive
tress
(see
Gordon
to
appear,
n
preparation
or
analysis
of
quantity-sensitive
tress), it
never-
theless
suggests that
Optimality
Theory
offers a
promising
framework
or
expression
of
grid-based
metrical
heories.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 52/63
A
FACTORIALYPOLOGY
F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
541
APPENDIX:
LIST OF LANGUAGES
WITH
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
STRESS
Stress
pattern
Language
Family46
Initial
Afrikaans
Indo-European
Initial
Arabana-Wangkanguru
ustralian
Initial
Arabela
Zaparoan
Initial
Arawak
Arawakan
Initial
Chepang
Sino-Tibetan
Initial
Chitimacha
Gulf
Initial
Chutiya
Sino-Tibetan
Initial Comox Salish
Initial
Danish
Indo-European
Initial
Diola
Niger-Congo
Initial
Dizi
Afro-Asiatic
Initial
DjapuYolngu Australian
Initial
Enets
Uralic
Initial
Even
(Lamut)
Altaic
Initial
Gilyak
Isolate
Initial
Gondi
Dravidian
Initial GosiuteShoshone Uto-Aztecan
Initial
Gurung
Sino-Tibetan
Initial
Hanty
Uralic
Initial
Hewa
Sepik-Ramu
Initial
Hualapai
Hokan
Initial
Huitoto
Witotoan
Initial
Irish
Indo-European
Initial
Jemez
Kiowa-Tanoan
Initial
Kalkatungu
Australian
Initial
Kambera
Austronesian
Initial
Kanauri
Sino-Tibetan
Initial
Ket
Yenesei
Ostyak
Initial
Kolami
Dravidian
Initial
Korafe
Tran-New
Guinea
Initial
Kota
Dravidian
Initial
Latvian
Indo-European
Initial
Naga
Creole
Initial
Nenets
Uralic
Initial
Olo
Austronesian
Initial(of root) Papago Uto-Aztecan
Initial
ParintintinTenharim
Tupi
Initial
Pomo,Eastern
Hokan
Initial
Sami,
Eastern
Uralic
Initial
Sango
Creole
Initial
Santali
Austro-Asiatic
46
Genetic
affiliations are
according
to
the 14th
edition
(2001) of
the
SIL Ethnologue
(CD
version)
edited
by
Barbara
F.
Grimes.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 53/63
542
MATTHEWORDON
Stress pattern
Language
Family
Initial
Senoufo
Niger-Congo
Initial Siona Tucanoan
Initial
Sumbanese Austronesian
Initial
Swedish
Indo-European
Initial
Tigak
Austronesian
Initial
Tinrin
Austronesian
Initial
Tunica Gulf
Initial
Wembawemba
Australian
Initial Yurok
Algic
Initial (mora)
Nama
Khoisan
Initial (nouns), final of root
(verbs),
Dumi Sino-Tibetan
Initial
(nouns),
verbs-??
Pawnee Caddoan
Initial (root)
Coreguaje
Tucanoan
Initial
(root)
Kung(Zu1'Haasi)
Khoisan
Initial (root)
Mixe,
Totontepec
Mixe-Zoque
Initial
(root)
Tewa
Kiowa-Tanoan
Peninitial Assiniboine Siouan
Peninitial
Basque
Isolate
Peninitial
Ignaciano Arawakan
Peninitial
Koryak
Chukotko-Kamchatkan
Peninitial Lakota Siouan
Peninitial
Lezgian North
Caucasian
Peninitial
Paraujano
Arawakan
Peninitial Zan South
Caucasian
Peninitial
of
root)
Siroi
Trans-New
Guinea
Peninitial Tolai
Austronesian
Antepenult
Cayubaba
Isolate
Antepenult Cora
Uto-Aztecan
Antepenult Kela
Austronesian
Antepenult Macedonian Indo-European
Antepenult Mae
Austronesian
Antepenult Parnkalla
Australian
Antepenult
Wappo Yuki
Penult
Alawa
Australian
Penult
Albanian
Indo-European
Penult
Amara
Austronesian
Penult
Andamanese
Andamanese
Penult
Anem
East Papuan
Penult Arapesh Torricelli
Penult
Atchin
Austronesian
Penult
Bukiyip
Torricelli
Penult
Chamorro
Austronesian
Penult
Chickaranga
Niger-Congo
Penult
Chumash,
Hokan
Barbareno
Penult
Cocama
Tupi
Penult
Cofan
Chibchan
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 54/63
A FACTORIAL
TYPOLOGYOF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE TRESS
543
Stress
pattern
Language
Family
Penult
Dayak
Austronesian
Penult Djingili Australian
Penult
Jaqaru
Aymara
Penult
Kaliai-Kove Austronesian
Penult
Kola
Austronesian
Penult
Kutenai Isolate
Penult
Kwaio
Austronesian
Penult
Labu
Austronesian
Penult
Lamba
Niger-Congo
Penult
Laz
South Caucasian
Penult
Lingala
Niger-Congo
Penult
Lusi
Austronesian
Penult
Mohawk
Iroquoian
Penult
Monumba
Niger-Congo
Penult
Movima
Unclassified
Penult
Mussau
Austronesian
Penult
Nahuatl
Uto-Aztecan
Penult
Onondaga
Iroquoian
Penult
Paez
Paezan
Penult
Pagu
West
Papuan
Penult(of phrase) Paiwan Austronesian
Penult
Quicha
Quechan
Penult
Quileute
Chimakuan
Penult
Rapanui
Austronesian
Penult
Shona
Niger-Congo
Penult
Siriono
Tupi
Penult
Solor
Austronesian
Penult
Southern
Sotho
Niger-Congo
Penult
Tacana
Tacanan
Penult Temate WestPapuan
Penult
Tetun
Austronesian
Penult
Tiwi
Australian
Penult
Tolo
Austronesian
Penult
Tolojolabal
Mayan
Penult
Tonkawa
Coahuiltecan
Penult
Tswana
Niger-Congo
Penult
Tuscarora
Iroquoian
Penult
Usan
TransNew
Guinea
Penult Wardaman Australian
Penult
Wikchamni
Penutian
Penult
(nouns), final
(verbs)
Gurage
Afro-Asiatic
Final
Abun
WestPapuan
Final
Alabama
Muskogean
Final
Apinaye
Macro-Ge
Final
Aramaic
Afro-Asiatic
Final
Atayal
Austronesian
Final
Azerbaijani
Altaic
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 55/63
544
MATTHEW
ORDON
Stress
pattern
Language
Family
Final Bashkir Altaic
Final Cakchiquel Mayan
Final
Canela-Krah6
Macro-Ge
Final
Dani TransNew
Guinea
Final
Gagauz
Altaic
Final
Greenlandic
nuktitut
Eskimro-Aleut
Final
Guarani
Tupi
Final Haitian
Creole
Creole
Final Hebrew
Afro-Asiatic
Final
Than
Austronesian
Final
Ivatan
Austronesian
Final
(of root)
Kabardian North
Caucasian
Final Kavalan Austronesian
Final
Kayabi
Tupi
Final
Kayap6
Macro-Ge
Final Kazakh Altaic
Final
Konkani
Indo-European
Final
Kurdish
Indo-European
Final
(of
root)
Lango
Nilo-Saharan
Final
Maricopa
Hokan
Final Mazatec Oto-Manguean
Final
Moghol
Altaic
Final
Nanai
Altaic
Final
Pemon
Carib
Final
Persian
Indo-European
Final
Sa'ban
Austronesian
Final
Semai
Austro-Asiatic
Final
Stieng
Austro-Asiatic
Final
Tajiki
Indo-European
Final TamazightBerber Afro-Asiatic
Final
Tatar
Altaic
Final
Temiar
Austro-Asiatic
Final
Thai
Daic
Final
Tolowa
Na
Dene
Final
Tsotsil
Mayan
Final
Turkmen
Altaic
Final
Tzutujil
Penutian
Final
Udmurt
Uralic
Final Uighur Altaic
Final
Uzbek
Altaic
Final
Waiwai Carib
Final
Yagua
Peba-Yaguan
Final
Yakut Altaic
Final
Yuchi
Isolate
Final
(of
phrase)
French,European
Indo-European
Final
(of
phrase)
Wari'
Chapacura-Wanham
Final
Diegueno Hokan
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 56/63
A
FACTORIAL
TYPOLOGY
OF
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
545
Stresspattern
Language
Family
Final (of
root)
Paipai Hokan
Final (of root) Shilha Afro-Asiatic
Final (of
root)
Waskia TransNew
Guinea
Final (of
root)
Yavapai Hokan
Final (of root)
Zapotec,
Mitla
Oto-Manguean
Final Zazaki
Indo-European
Final (lary) & initial
(secondary) Armenian
Indo-European
Final (lary) & initial
(secondary)
French,
Canadian
Indo-European
Final (lary) & initial
(secondary)
Udihe
Altaic
Antepenult
lary) &
initial
(secondary)
Georgian South Caucasian
Initial
(lary)
&
antepenult
secondary) Walmatjari
Australian
Initial
(lary)
&
penult
(secondary)
Gugu
Yalanji
Australian
Initial
(lary)
&
penult
(secondary)
Lower
Sorbian
Indo-European
Initial
(lary) & penult
(secondary)
Watjarri Australian
Penult(lary) & initial
(secondary)
Anyula
Australian
Penult
(lary) &
initial
(secondary)
Awtuw
Sepik-Ramu
Penult
(lary) & initial
(secondary)
ChimalapaZoque
Mixe-Zoque
Penult(lary) &
initial
(secondary) Murut
Austronesian
Penult
(lary)
&
initial
(secondary) Sanuma
Yanomam
Penult
(lary) & initial
(secondary)
Sibutu Sama
Austronesian
Evennumbered romL Araucanian Araucanian
Even-numbered rom
L
Hatam
WestPapuan
Even
numbered rom
L
Yupik,
Sirenik
Eskimo-Aleut
Even
numbered rom
R
Anejom
Austronesian
Even
numbered rom R
Berbice
Creole
Even
numbered rom
R
Cavinefna
Tacanan
Even
numbered
rom
R
Ese
Ejja
Tacanan
Even-numbered rom
R
(root)
Larike
Austronesian
Even
numbered rom R
Malakmalak
Australian
Evennumbered romR Nengone Austronesian
Even
numbered
rom
R
Orokolo
TransNew Guinea
Even
numbered
rom
R
To'aba'ita
Austronesian
Even
numbered
rom
R
Tukang
Besi
Austronesian
Even-numbered rom R
Ura
Austronesian
Even
numbered rom
R
Warao
Isolate
Odd
numbered
rom R
Asmat
Trans-New
Guinea
Odd-numbered rom
R
Chulupi
Mataco-Guaicuru
Odd
numbered rom
R
Kamayur
Tupi
Odd-numberedrom
R
UrubuKaapor Tupi
Odd-numbered rom R
Weri
Trans-NewGuinea
Odd-numberedrom L
Bagandji
Australian
Odd
numbered rom
L
Burum
Trans-New
Guinea
(with
optional
nonfinality)
Odd
numbered rom
L
Czech
Indo-European
Odd
numbered
rom
L
Hungarian
Uralic
Odd
numbered rom L
Icelandic
Indo-European
Odd
numbered rom L
Livonian
Uralic
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 57/63
546 MATTHEW
ORDON
Stresspattem
Language
Family
Odd
numbered
rom L
Mansi
Uralic
Oddnumbered romL Maranungku Australian
Odd numbered rom L
Murinbata
Australian
Odd numbered
rom
L
Ningil Torricelli
Odd numbered rom L
Ono
Trans-New
Guiena
Odd-numberedrom
L
Panamint
Uto-Aztecan
Odd-numberedrom L
Sami,
Northem
Uralic
(with
optional
nonfinality)
Odd-numbered
rom L
Selepet Trans-New
Guinea
(with
optional
nonfinality)
Odd numbered rom L
Sinaugoro Austronesian
Odd
numbered
rom
L
Timucua
Arawakan
Odd
numbered rom L
Votic
Uralic
Odd numbered rom L
(roots);
even
Waorani
Unclassified
numbered
rom
R
(suffixes)
Odd numbered
rom
L
minus
final
Anguthimri
Australian
Odd-numberedrom L
minus
final
Badimaya
Australian
Odd
numbered rom L
minus final
Bidyara/Gungabula Australian
Odd
numbered
rom
L
minus
final
Dalabon
Australian
Odd
numbered
rom
L
minus
final Dehu
Austronesian
Oddnumbered romL minus final Diyari Australian
Odd numbered rom L
minus final
Karelian
Uralic
Odd-numbered
rom
L
minus
final
Kate
Trans-New
Guinea
Odd-numbered
rom
L
minus
final
Pintupi
Australian
Odd
numbered rom L
minus
final
Pitta
Pitta
Australian
Odd
numbered from L
minus final
(of
TenangoOtomi
Oto-Manguean
root)
Odd
numbered rom
L
minus
final
Wangkumara
Australian
Odd
numbered rom
L
minus
final
Wirangu
Australian
Oddnumbered romL minus final Yingkarta Australian
Evennumbered
rom L &
penult
Southem
Paiute
Uto-Aztecan
Evenlodd
numbered
lexical)
from
Biangai
Trans-New
Guinea
R
& initial
Even-numbered
rom
R
&
initial
Garawa
Australian
Odd
numbered rom L
&
penult
Piro
Arawakan
Odd
numbered rom L
& final
Gosiute
Shoshone
Uto-Aztecan
Odd-numberedrom R
& initial
Tauya
Trans
New
Guinea
Penult
&
odd-numbered rom
R/L
Polish
Polish
Temary romR, Rmost on antepenult Cayuvava Isolate
Temary
rom
L
starting
with
loway-Oto
Siouan
initial/peninitial
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 58/63
A
FACTORIAL
YPOLOGY
F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
547
REFERENCES
Alber, Birgit.
1997.
'Quantity
Sensitivity
as the Result of
Constraint
nteraction',
n
Geert
Booij and
Jeroen van
de
Weijer (eds.), Phonology
in
Progress-Progress
n
Phonology,
HIL
Phonology Papers III, HollandAcademic
Graphics,
The
Hague, pp.
1-45.
Alderete, John. 1999.
Morphologically
Governed
Accent in
Optimality
Theory, unpub-
lished
Ph.D.
dissertation,
University
of
Massachusetts,
Amherst.
Allison, E.
J.
1979. 'The
Phonology
of Sibutu Sama:
A
Language
of
the
Southern
Philip-
pines', in
C. Edrial-Luzares nd A. Hale
(eds.),
Studies
in
Philippine
Linguistics,
Vol.
3,
No.
2, Linguistic Society
of
the
Philippines
and SummerInstitute
of
Linguistics,pp.
63-104.
Aronson,Howard. 1991. Georgian:A ReadingGrammar,Slavica, Columbus,OH.
Bakovic, Eric. 1996. 'Foot
Harmony
and
Quantitative
Adjustments',manuscript,Rutgers
University.Availableon
RutgersOptimality
Archive,ROA-168,
http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/roa.html.
Bakovic,
Eric. 1998. 'UnboundedStress and Factorial
Typology',
manuscript,Rutgers
University.
Availableon
RutgersOptimality
Archive,ROA-244,
http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/roa.html.
Bendor-Samuel,
J. T.
1963.
'Stress in
Terena',
Transactions
of
the
Philological Society
1962, 105-123.
Birk, D. B. W. 1976. TheMalakmalakLanguage, Daly River (WesternArnhemLand),
Australian
National
University,
Canberra.
Boas, Franz and Ella
Deloria. 1933. 'Notes on the
Dakota, Teton
Dialect',
International
Journal of American
Linguistics
7, 97-121.
Boas,
Franzand Ella Deloria. 1941.
Dakota Grammar
Memoirsof
the
National
Academy
of
Sciences
33], United States Government
PrintingOffice,Washington,
D.C.
Borgman,
Donald. 1989.
'Sanuma',
n
Desmond
Derbyshire
and
Geoffrey
Pullum
(eds.),
Handbook
of Amazonian
Languages,
Vol.
2, Mouton,
New
York,pp.
15-248.
Chafe,
Wallace. 1977. 'Accent and
Related Phenomena n
the Five Nations
Iroquois
Lan-
guages', in Larry Hyman (ed.), Studies in Stress and Accent, Universityof Southern
California,
Department
f
Linguistics,
Los
Angeles, pp. 169-181.
Cohn, Abigail.
1989. 'Stress n
Indonesianand
Bracketing
Paradoxes',
Natural
Language
and
LinguisticTheory7, 167-216.
Crowhurst,
Megan
and Mark
Hewitt.
1994. 'Directional
Footing, Degeneracy,
and
Align-
ment', manuscript,
University of North
Carolina and University of British
Columbia.
Available
on
Rutgers
OptimalityArchive,
ROA-65,
http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/roa.html.
Davies,
H.
J.
1980.
Kobon
Phonology, Australian
National
University,Canberra.
Ddcsy, Gyula.
1966.
Yurak
Chrestomathy,
ndianaUniversityPress,
Bloomington.
Douglas, Wilfrid.
1981.
'Watjarri',
n
Robert
Dixon and BarryBlake
(eds.),
Handbookof
AustralianLanguages,Vol.2, John
Benjamins,Amsterdam,pp. 196-272.
Dubert,Raymondand Marorie
Dubert. 1973.
'Biangai
Phonemes',
Phonologies of Three
Languages
of Papua
New
Guinea, Summer
Institute of
Linguistics,Ukarumpa,Papua
New
Guinea,pp. 5-36.
Echeverria,
Max
and Heles
Contreras. 1965.
'Araucanian
Phonemics', International
Journal
of
American
Linguistics
31,
132-135.
Eek,
Arvo. 1982.
'Stress and
Associated
Phenomena:
A
Survey with
Examples
from Esto-
nian',
Estonian
Papers
in
Phonetics
1980-1981, Academyof Sciences of
the Estonian
SSR,
Instituteof
Language
and
Literatures,
Tallinn,pp. 20-58.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 59/63
548
MATTHEW ORDON
Egerod, S0ren. 1966.
'A Statement
on
Atayal Phonology',
ArtibusAsiae
Supplementum
XXIII Felicitationvolume or the 75th birthdayof Professor
G. H.
Luce),
Artibus
Asiae,
Ascona, Switzerland,pp.
120-130.
Eisner, Jason. 1997. 'FootFormDecomposed: Using Primitive Constraints n OT', MIT
Working Papers
in
Linguistics.
Available
on
Rutgers Optimality Archive, ROA-205,
http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/roa.html.
Elenbaas,
Nine.
1999.
A
Unified
Account
of Binary
and
TernaryStress,
Netherlands
Graduate
School
of
Linguistics,
Utrecht.
Elenbaas,
Nine
and Rene Kager.
1999.
'Temary Rhythm
and the
Lapse Constraint',
Phonology 16, 273-329.
Everett,
Daniel.
1986.
'Piraha',
in
Desmond
Derbyshire
and
Geoffrey
Pullum
(eds.),
Handbookof AmazonianLanguages,
Vol.
1, Mouton,
New
York,pp.
200-325.
Everett,Daniel. 1988. 'On Metrical ConstituentStructure n Piraha',Natural Language
and
LinguisticTheory6,
207-246.
Everett,
Daniel and
Keren
Everett. 1984.
'Syllable
Onsets and Stress Placement
n
Piraha',
Proceedings of the
WestCoast
Conference
on
Formal
Linguistics3,
105-116.
Feldman,Harry.1986.
A
Grammarof Awtuw,
AustralianNational
University,
Canberra.
Furby, Christine. 1974.
Garawa
Phonology, Canberra,
Australian
National
University,
Canberra.
Gendron,
Jean
Denis.
1966.
Tendances
Phonetiques
Francais
Parle
au
Canada,
Les
Presses de L'universiteLaval, Qudbec.
Gordon,
Matthew.2001. 'The Tonal Basis
of Final
Weight Criteria',Chicago Linguistics
Society 36,
141-156.
Gordon,
Matthew. To
appear. 'Syllable Weight',
in
Bruce
Hayes,
Robert
Kirchner,
and Donca Steriade
(eds.),
Phonetic Bases
for Phonological Markedness,Cambridge
University
Press.
Gordon,
Matthew. n
preparation.
A Grid-based
Optimality-TheoreticConstraintSet for
Stress', manuscript,University
of
California,
SantaBarbara.
Green, Thomas
and
Michael
Kenstowicz. 1996.
'The
Lapse Constraint',Proceedings of
the6th AnnualMeeting of the FormalLinguisticsSociety of theMidwest,pp. 1-15.
Haas, Mary. 1977.
'TonalAccent
in
Creek',
in
LarryHyman (ed.), Studies
in
Stress and
Accent[SouthernCaliforniaOccasional PapersinLinguistics4], Universityof Southern
California,Department
of
Linguistics,
Los
Angeles, pp.
195-208.
Halle,
Morrisand
Jean-RogerVergnaud.1987.
An
Essay
on
Stress,
MIT
Press, Cambridge,
MA.
Hammond,
Michael. 1985.
'Main
Stress and Parallel Metrical
Planes', Berkeley Lin-
guistics Society
11:
Parasession
on
Poetics, Metrics,
and
Prosody,Berkeley Linguistics
Society, Berkeley,pp.
417-428.
Hansen,
Kenneth and L. E.
Hansen. 1969. 'Pintupi Phonology', Oceanic Linguistics 8,
153-170.
Hansen, Kennethand L. E. Hansen. 1978. The Core of Pintupi Grammar,Institute for
AboriginalDevelopment,Alice Springs,Australia.
Hanson,
Kristin and Paul
Kiparsky. 1996.
'A
Parametric Theory of Poetic Meter',
Language 72, 287-335.
Harden,Margaret.1946. 'Syllable Structure f Terena', nternational ournalof American
Linguistics12,
60-63.
Hardman-de-Bautista,MarthaJames. 1966. Jaqaru:Outlineof Phonological and Morpho-
logical Structure,Mouton,
The
Hague.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 60/63
A
FACTORIALYPOLOGY F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVE
TRESS
549
Harms,
Robert. 1966.
'Stress,Voice,
and
Length
n
Southern
Paiute',
International
ournal
of
AmericanLinguistics
32, 228-235.
Harrell,Richard. 1960. 'A
Linguistic
Analysis
of
Egyptian
Radio
Arabic',
in
CharlesFer-
guson (ed.), Contributions o ArabicLinguistics,HarvardUniversityPress,Cambridge,
MA, pp.
3-77.
Harris, James. 1983.
Syllable
Structure
and
Stress in
Spanish:
A Nonlinear
Analysis
[LinguisticInquiryMonograph8], MIr
Press,
Cambridge,
MA.
Hayes,
Bruce. 1980.
A
Metrical
Theoryof
Stress
Rules,
Ph.D.
dissertation,
MIT.
Published
in
1985 by Garland
Press,
New York.
Hayes, Bruce. 1985. 'Iambic and Trochaic
Rhythm
n
Stress
Rules', Berkeley
Linguistics
Society
11:
Parasession
on
Poetics,Metrics,
and
Prosody,
Berkeley LinguisticsSociety,
Berkeley,pp. 429-446.
Hayes, Bruce. 1995. Metrical Stress Theory:Principles and Case Studies,Universityof
Chicago Press,Chicago.
Hayes, Bruce and Stanislaw
Puppel. 1985.
'On
the
Rhythm
Rule
in
Polish',
in
Harry
van
der Hulst and Norval Smith
(eds.),
Advances
n
Nonlinear
Phonology, Foris,
Dordrecht,
pp. 59-8 1.
Hayes,
Bruce, Bruce
Tesar,
and Kie
Zuraw.
2000.
OTSoft,
oftware
package.
Available at
http://www.humnet.ucla.edu/humnet/linguistics/people/hayes/otsoft/index.htm.
Hetzer,
Armin. 1978. Lehrbuchder
vereinheitlichten lbanischen
Schriftsprache
mit einem
deutsch-albanischen
Worterbuch,Helmut Buske
Verlag,Hamburg.
Hint,Mati. 1973. Eesti KeeleSonafonoloogia I, EestiNSV TeadusteAkadeemia,Tallinn.
Hudson,
Joyce.
1978. The
Coreof
Walmatjari
Grammar,
Australian nstituteof
Aboriginal
Studies,
Canberra.
Hyman,Larry.
1977. 'On the
Nature of
LinguisticStress',
in
Larry
Hyman (ed.), Studies
in Stress and
Accent,University of Southern
California,pp. 37-82.
Janas,
Petr. 1984.
NiedersorbischeGrammatikflrden
Schul-gebrauch,
Domowina-Verlag,
Bautzen.
Jeanne, Laverne. 1982. 'Some
Phonological
Rules of
Hopi',
International Joumal of
AmericanLinguistics
48, 245-270.
Kager,Rene. 1989.
A
Metrical
Theory of Stress and Destressing
in English and
Dutch,
Foris,Dordrecht.
Kager,
Rend.
1993. 'Alternatives o the
IAMB-TROCHEEaw',
Natural
Language
and
Linguistic
Theory11, 381-432.
Kager,
Rend.
1994.
'Ternary
Rhythm
in
Alignment
Theory',
manuscript,
Utrecht
University. Available on
Rutgers
Optimality Archive,
ROA-35-1094;
http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/roa.html.
Kager, Rend. 1997.
'Generalized
Alignment and
MorphologicalParsing',
Rivista di
Linguistica
9,
245-282.
Kager,Rend. 1999.
OptimalityTheory,
Cambridge
UniversityPress,Cambridge.
Kakumasu,James. 1986. 'Urubu-Kaapor',n Desmond Derbyshireand GeoffreyPullum
(eds.),
Handbook
of
Amazonian
Languages,
Vol.
1, Mouton,New
York,pp.
326-406.
Kenstowicz,
Michael. 1994.
'Evidence
for Metrical
Constituency',in K. Hale
and S. J.
Keyser
(eds.), The View rom
Building 20: Essays
in Linguisticsin Honor of
Sylvain
Bromberger,
MIT
Press, Cambridge,MA, pp.
257-273.
Kenstowicz,Michael.
1997.
'Quality-SensitiveStress', Rivistadi
Linguistica9,
157-188.
Key,
Harold.
1961. 'Phonotactics of
Cayuvava', International
Journal of
American
Linguistics27, 143-150.
Key,
Harold.
1967.
Morphologyof
Cayuvava,Mouton,The Hague.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 61/63
550
MATTHEW
GORDON
Key,
Mary. 1968.
Comparative
Tacanan
Phonologywith CavinefiaPhonology
and
Notes
on Pano-Tacanan
Relationship,
Mouton,
The
Hague.
Kirton,
Jean.
1967. 'Anyula
Phonology',
in D. Glasgow,K. Glasgow,
J. Kirtonand W.
J.
Oates (eds.), Papersin AustralianLinguistics,AustralianNationalUniversity,Canberra,
pp.
15-28.
Knudson,Lyle.
1975.
'A NaturalPhonology
and Morphophonemics
f Chimalapa
Zoque',
Papersin
Linguistics
8, 283-346.
Kormushin, gor
Valentinovich.
1998.
Udykheiskii
Udegeiskii)Iazyk,
Nauka,
Moscow.
Kucera,
Henry.
1961.
The Phonology of
Czech,Mouton,
's-Gravenhage.
Leer,
Jeff. 1985.
'Prosody
n
Alutiiq',
in Michael
Krauss
ed.),
Yupik
EskimoProsodic
Sys-
tems: Descriptive
and
Comparative
Studies,
Alaska Native
Language
Center,
Fairbanks,
pp.
77-134.
Leskinen,Heikki.1984. 'Uberdie Phonemsystemder KarelischenSprache', n PeterHajdu'
and Laszlo
Honti
(eds.),
Studien
zurPhonologischen
Beschreibung
uralischer
Sprachen,
Akademiai
Kiad6,Budapest,pp.
247-257.
Leslau, Wolf.
1992. 'Outline
of
Gurage
Phonology',
in Wolf Leslau
(ed.),
Gurage
Studies:
CollectedArticles,
Otto Harrassowitz,
Wiesbaden,pp.
1-116.
Liberman,Mark
and Alan
Prince.
1977.
'On
Stress and Linguistic
Rhythm',
Linguistic
Inquiry8,
249-336.
Lunt,Horace.
1952.
A Grammar f
the Macedonian
LiteraryLanguage,
n.p.,
Skopje.
Lynch,
John. 1974.
Lenakel
Phonology,
unpublished
Ph.D.
dissertation,
University
of
Hawaii.
Lynch,
John. 1978.
A
Grammar f
Lenakel,
Australian
National
University,
Canberra.
MacDonald,
Loma.
1990.
A
Grammar f
Tauya,
Mouton
de
Gruyter,
New York.
Matteson,
Esther.
1965.
The
Piro
(Arawakan)
Language,
Universityof
CaliforniaPress,
Berkeley.
McCarthy,
John and
Alan Prince. 1993.
'GeneralizedAlignment',
manuscript,
University
of Massachusetts
and
Rutgers
University.
Available on
RutgersOptimality
Archive,
ROA-7, http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/roa.html.
Menovshchikov,
G.
A.
1975. Iazyk
NaukanskikhEskimosov,Nauka,
Leningrad.
Miller,
Wick. 1996. 'Sketchof
Shoshone,
a Uto-Aztecan
Language',
n Ives Goddard ed.),
Handbookof AmericanIndianLanguages, Vol. 17 Languages,SmithsonianInstitute,
Washington,
D.C., pp.
693-720.
Myers,
James. 1999.
'Lexical
Phonology
and the Lexicon',
manuscript,
Graduate nsti-
tute of
Linguistics,
National
Chung Cheng
University,
Taiwan. Available on
Rutgers
Optimality
Archive,
ROA-330,http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/roa.html.
Nikolaeva,
Irna
and Maria
Tolskaya.
2001.
A
Grammar
of
Udihe,Mouton,New
York.
Oates,
Williamand
Lynette
Oates. 1964. Gugu-Yalanji
nd
Wik-Munkan
anguage
Studies,
Australian nstituteof
Aboriginal
Studies,Canberra.
Osborn,Henry.
1966. 'Warao
:Phonologyand
Morphophonemics',
nternational
ournal
ofAmericanLinguistics32, 108-123.
Pike,
Kenneth. 1964.
'Stress
Trains
n
Auca',
in
David
Abercrombie,
Dennis Fry,
P. A. D.
MacCarthy,
N.
C. Scott, and
J. L. M.
Trim
(eds.),
In Honour of Daniel
Jones,
Longmans,
London, pp.
425-431.
Pike,
Kenneth and Eunice
Pike. 1947.
'Immediate
Constituentsof
Mazateco
Syllables',
IntemationalJournal
of American
Linguistics13,
78-91.
Polotsky,Hans Jakob.
1951. Notes
on Gurage Grammar,
Israel
OrientalSociety,
Jerus-
alem.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 62/63
A FACTORIAL
YPOLOGY
F
QUANTITY-INSENSITIVETRESS
551
Prentice,
D.
J.
1971. The
Murut
Languages
of Sabah,
Australian National
University
Canberra.
Prince,
Alan. 1980.
'A
Metrical
Theory
for
Estonian
Quantity',
Linguistic
Inquiry11,
51 1-
562.
Prince,
Alan. 1983.
'Relating
o the
Grid',Linguistic
Inquiry
14, 19-100.
Prince, Alan
and Paul
Smolensky. 1993.
'Optimality Theory:
ConstraintInteraction n
Generative
Grammar',
manuscript,Rutgers
University
and
University
of Colorado
at
Boulder.
Radin,
Paul. 1929.
A
Grammar
of
the
WappoLanguage,
University
of
California
Press,
Berkeley.
Rice, Curtis. 1992.
Binarity
and
Ternarity
n Metrical
Theory:
Parametric
Extensions,
unpublished
Ph.D.
dissertation,University
of
Texas,
Austin.
Rich, Fume. 1963. 'ArabelaPhonemes and High-level Phonology', in BenjaminElson
(ed.),
Studies in
Peruvian Indian
Languages,
Vol.
I,
Summer Institute
of
Linguistics,
Norman,Oklahoma,
pp. 193-206.
Sadeniemi,Matti.
1949.
Metriikkamme
erusteet,
SKST,
Helsinki.
Saelzer,
Meinke.
1976. 'Fonologia
Provis6riada
Lingua
Kamayura',
Serie Lingidstica
5,
131-170.
Sapir,
Edward.
1930. SouthernPaiute: A
Shoshonean
Language,
American
Academy
of
Arts
and
Sciences,
Cambridge,
MA.
Selkirk, Elisabeth.
1984.
Phonology and
Syntax:
The Relation
between Sound and
Structure,MITPress,Cambridge,MA.
Skorik,
Petr.
1961. Grammatika
Chukotskogo
azyka, Izdatelstvo Akademii
Nauk,
Mo-
scow.
Stell, Nelida
Noemi. 1972.
Fonologia
de
la
Lengua
Alulaj,
Universidadde
Buenos
Aires,
Buenos Aires.
Swadesh, Morris.
1946.
'Chitimacha',
n
CorneliusOsgood
(ed.),
LinguisticStructuresof
Native
America, VikingFund
Publications
n Anthropology,
New
York,pp. 312-336.
Tesar,
Bruce and
Paul
Smolensky. 1993. 'The
Learnabilityof
Optimality
Theory: An
Algorithm
and
Some Basic
Complexity
Results', Technical
Report
CU-CS-678-93,
University
of
Colorado,
Boulder.
Available on
Rutgers
OptimalityArchive,
ROA-2,
http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/roa.html.
Tryon,
Darrell.
1970. An
Introduction o
Maranungku,
AustralianNational
University,
Canberra.
Tyhurst,James.
1987. 'Accent Shift in
Seminole Nouns', in
P. Munro
(ed.), Muskogean
Linguistics[UCLIA
Occasional
Papers in
Linguistics6],
UCLALinguistics
Department,
Los
Angeles,
pp.
161-170.
van
der
Hulst,
Harry.1984. Syllable
Structure
andStress in
Dutch, Foris,
Dordrecht.
Vaux, Bert.
1998.
The
Phonology
ofArmenian,
Clarendon
Press, Oxford.
Walker, Rachel.
1996.
'Prominence-Driven
Stress',
manuscript,
University of
California, Santa Cruz. Available on Rutgers Optimality Archive, ROA-172,
http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/roa.html.
Weiers, Michael. 1972.
Die
Sprache der
Moghol
der Provinz Herat
in
Afghanistan,
Westdeutscher
Verlag,Opladen.
Whitman,
William.
1947.
'Descriptive
Grammarof
loway-Oto',
IntemationalJournal of
American
Linguistics
13(4),
233-248.
Zhgenti, Sergi.
1964.
'The Problem of
Rhythmical
Stress and
Intonation
Structureof
the
Georgian
Language',
Zeitschrift ur
Phonetik,
Sprachwissenschaft
ndKommunika-
tionsforschung
17, 357-368.
This content downloaded from 193.54.174.3 on Sun, 27 Sep 2015 12:05:54 UTCAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
7/17/2019 Quantity Insensitive Stress
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/quantity-insensitive-stress 63/63
552
MATTHEW
ORDON
Zhukova,Alevtina
Nikodimovna. 1972. GrammatikaKoriakskogo
azy/ka:
Fonetika,Mor-
fologiia, lzdatelstvoNauka,Leningrad.
Received23 August 2000
Revised
12
October2001
Department f
Linguistics
Universityof California,
Santa
Barbara,
CA
93106
USA
<mgordon@
inguistics.ucsb.edu>