Public Space & Public Life How is Glasgow Addressing Life Between Buildings?

Scott Lister 200830103BSc Honours Architectural Studies with International StudyCultural Studies 4 DissertationFinal Submission13th March 2014The University of StrathclydeFaculty of EngineerinsDepartment of Architecture

Declaration

AB 420 Dissertation 2013/14BSc Honours Architectural StudiesBSc Honours Architectural Studies with International Study Pg Diploma in Architectural Studies

Declaration

“I hereby declare that this dissertation submission is my own work and has been composed by my-self. It contains no unacknowledged text and has not been submitted in any previous context. All quotations have been distinguished by quotation marks and all sources of information, text, illustra-tion, tables, images etc. have been specifically acknowledged.

I accept that if having signed this Declaration my work should be found at Examination to show evidence of academic dishonesty the work will fail and I will be liable to face the University Senate Discipline Committee.”

Name: Scott Lister

Signed:

Date: 10/03/2014

Abstract

Throughout history, public spaces have served public life within every city of the civilised world, catering to the needs of various cultures and lifestyles. Traditional public spaces served movement, trade and social interaction. Many successful public spaces have adapted over time and retain their prominence within the city physically, culturally and economically. However, arguably the erosion of good public space within the city has caused the quality of public life to also deteriorate.

This study will review existing research and theory accumulated on the study of public life in order to identify the key issues which can be addressed through public space. With specific reference to Glasgow City Centre, this paper will then investigate how the decisions of architects, planners and policy makers affect the natural process of public life in the 21st century.

List of Abbreviations

PPS – Project for Public SpacesUN – United NationsEU – European UnionWHO – World Health OrganisationEEA – European Environment agencyGCC – Glasgow City Council SDP – Strategic Development planMIR – Main Issues ReportSHS - Scottish Housing SurveyLDP – Local Development PlanGCPH - Glasgow Centre for Population HealthFOE – Friends of the Earth ScotlandIEP - Institution for Economics and PeaceRIAS- Royal Incorporation of Architects in Scotland IEP – Institute for Economics and Peace

Contents

Introduction

Chapter One: Theory of Placemaking & Public Life Studies Public Life in the Traditional City Industrialisation and the Birth of Rational Planning (1850-1960)Post Industrialisation (1960s to present day)

Chapter Two: How is Glasgow addressing public life?Current Guidelines for Placemaking in cities (UN-HABITAT & PPS)National Policy for placemaking - ‘Creating Places’ (Scottish Government)Local Policy Glasgow City Council

Chapter Three: Main Issues facing Public Life in Glasgow HealthAir PollutionLifestyleCrimePovertyPrivatisation

Chapter Four: Case Studies George Square Redevelopment Proposal (2013)The Success and Failure of Buchanan Street: Cullen’s Vision

Conclusion

List of FiguresBibliography

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Introduction

“Building inclusive, healthy, functional, and productive cities is perhaps the greatest challenge facing humanity today. There are no easy solutions. And yet a key part of the puzzle lies right in the heart of the world’s urban areas: the public spaces.” (UN-HABITAT & PPS, 2013)

The world population is growing exponentially, reaching 7.2 billion in 2013 and expected to reach 9.6 billion by 2050. (UN Report, 2013) With more than half of the world’s population now living in cities, (UN Report 2006) the urban environment is under an increasing amount of pressure to adapt and perform for the needs of public life in the 21st century. Although many of the needs and func-tions of public spaces in our cities have changed and adapted over time many underlying issues of public life appear to be constantly relevant.

Globally, governments have acknowledged that successful public spaces enrich communities and their surrounding environment, while badly designed public spaces reflect poorly on the surround-ing area and do not attract users, this has a negative impact on the environment as a whole by chas-ing off economic opportunities and failing to cater for the social needs and safety of the users. In order to deal with the complex nature of public life, high density environments have a greater need for good public space which is well designed and appropriately managed.

Figure 1: Buchanan Street, Glasgow. (March, 2014)

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Poor quality of public space, or a lack of public space, is one of the main issues facing public life in many cities. (Minton, 2012) are caused by an increase in privatisation and commercial develop-ment and also through the development of new high rise housing developments which replace older, established communities and social patterns. Our primary public spaces have played an essential role in public life allowing people to trade, socialise and commute, and have also offered a place for children to play and learn. A number of public life studies suggest that there has been quite a reduc-tion in this type of interaction in the city, particularly since the introduction of the automobile and large scale planning strategies which divided the city and dispersed public life.

The study of public life and its interaction with public space began largely in the 1960’s. Inde-pendently researchers, journalists and architects condemned modern planning strategies for exclud-ing public life within the city. Large scale planning developments segregated different aspects of the city such as transport, landscape, architecture and urban planning. However, it is the spaces which intersect all of these aspects; public space, which addresses public life. Without integrating these various functions, the development of public space becomes subservient to external developments and therefore public space cannot be addressed. (Gehl, 2013)

People interact with public space in the cities every day. It is the space where people can move, gather and interact with one another,. Public space is the arena for people in the city and the fabric which defines our urban environment. Despite playing an integral role in our every day life, the importance of public space is often overlooked and neglected.

Public spaces can be used as political instruments as has been demonstrated throughout history and is increasingly apparent in the media today. When major events occur in society, people are drawn to their cities streets and central squares, public places that provide a hub for people to congregate to demonstrate and celebrate shared views.

In 2011, UN-HABITAT and Project for Public Spaces (PPS) embarked on a five year cooperative agreement titled ‘Transforming Cities through Placemaking & Public Spaces.’ Their objective is to improve the urban environment through developing positive public spaces. The project recognises that successful public spaces have a significant impact on our society as well as our cities and hold the potential to drive economic opportunities, improve general health, increase safety and security and bridge gaps in polarised communities.

The 2012 draft ‘Placemaking and the Future of Cities’ released by PPS acknowledges an urgency to repair ‘broken’ cities in order to accommodate rapid global urbanisation and economic change. Ten key methods were outlined with the intent to provide national and local governments with basic guidelines to improve and repair cities through positive public space.

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Ahead of hosting the Commonwealth games in 2014, the future of Glasgow’s public space has recently been called into question as new development plans for the city’s George Square in 2012 caused major controversy. The £15m development proposal saw one of Glasgow’s most used and renowned historical spaces come under scrutiny giving rise to questions of ownership, public rights and the future of Glasgow’s public spaces. (The Herald, 2013)

A report from the World Health Organisation states that, not only does Glasgow have outstanding levels of social and economic deprivation within its city but also suffers from inexplicably poor health issues, noting the difference in life expectancy is up to 28 years in some parts of the city. (WHO, 2008)

This study will examine the interaction between public life and public space in Glasgow’s City Cen-tre, identifying the key .

Chapter one will begin by observing the development of public space and public life in Glasgow, noting the effects of industrialisation and modern city planning. A Literature review has been car-ried out addressing existing theories regarding the nature of public space and showing the progres-sion of Public Life studies as an emerging academic field.

Chapter two will present current global guidelines for Placemaking, demonstrating how public life studies have influenced the global standards for Placemaking & Public Space. National and Local policies have also been examined to identify how Glasgow’s public spaces are governed and how local policy addresses public life.

Chapter Three will highlight central issues affecting public life in Glasgow. The chapter will dis-cuss current issues affecting health; lifestyle and air pollution. The chapter will also highlight issues affecting social deprivation; crime, poverty & privatisation. Drawing from research in the previous chapters, visual analysis will identify how these issues can be addressed through public space.

The final Chapter will present two case studies which demonstrate how Glasgow’s public spaces are affected by local policy and planning visions, highlighting their success and failure.

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Figure 2: High Street, Glasgow, 1520. Before Space was an issue.

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Chapter One

Evolution of Public Space & The Study of Public Life

Public space in medieval cities developed naturally through use, culture and tradition rather than being ideologically planned. (Gehl, 2013) This natural progression of the medieval city layout al-lowed integration of movement and activity throughout the city as spaces formed to meet the needs of public life the city. (Moughtin, 1992)

Figures two and three show Glasgow during this medieval period. These images highlight how cities, and more specifically, public spaces are formed naturally and with little restriction. These images highlight the beginnings of public life as settlements are drawn around a central core. The need for streets is primarily established as a means of trade and in turn providing the first arena for public life.

Figure 3 is a sketch plan of Glasgow in 1547 taken from a town records map in 1854. It is interest-ing to observe the formation of the city before the influence of rational planning as it was developed solely at a human scale. It is clear that at this time, space was not an issue facing public life.

Figure 3: Sketch plan of medieval City c.1547

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Industrialization and the birth of rational planning (1850 – 1960)

By the middle of the 19th century rapid industrial growth meant that many people began to settle around the city, blurring the divide between rural and urban living. (Gehl, 2013) This put enormous pressure on the traditional low, dense city layouts which struggled to support the needs of the new industrial society.

Figure 4 shows the City of Glasgow in 1927: by this time the physical form of the city has expand-ed substantially as more people move into the city, presumably capitalise on the benefits of city living. .

As a response to the unhealthy living conditions caused by overcrowding and industrial pollution, Victorian cities such as Glasgow introduced the public park in an attempt to reconnect the city with nature and create a breathing space for the people. (Reed, 1999)

Despite its problems of overcrowding in the period before the first world war, at this time Glasgow proudly boasted more open space within the city than any of its European counterparts, excluding Paris. Grand Victorian parks provided respite from the city, also offering space for social and recre-ational activities. Allotments were also introduced around the city and provided space to grow food and strengthen the community. (Viljoen, et al. 2005)

Figure 4: City of Glasgow, 1927.

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The study of public life was not acknowledged as a strategic tool for urban planning until 1960s. (Gehl, 2013) However, it is appropriate to note a few key earlier publications that had a profound impact on the advancement of the study of public life in the city:

In 1889 Camillo Sitte, an Austrian Architect and Historian produced Der Städtebau Nach Seinen Künstlerischen Grundsätzen, translated in English as City Planning According to Artistic Principles. Although Sitte did not directly study public life, he did observe the interaction of buildings and pub-lic space, emphasizing the importance of creating space for people in the urban environment. Sitte advocates the intricate, artistic qualities of the traditional medieval layout, criticising urban planning which, at that time being increasingly constrained by ‘straight lines and technical solutions.’

Le Corbusier’s manifesto Towards a New Architecture, a collection of essays published in 1923, envisioned a much more radical approach to urban planning. His ideals were based on large scale, rational planning strategies which rejected the dense, complex qualities of the Medieval city, quali-ties which modernists considered to be detrimental to the urban environment.

The Athens Charter, created in 1933 marked a turning point for urban planning and in turn, had a direct impact on public life and public space. (Gehl, 2013) The modernist manifesto radically rede-fined the approach to urban planning. Under increasing pressure to create safe, healthy and efficient cities, the manifesto drew largely from Corbusier’s promising ideals in an attempt to address rapid urban growth in the increasingly industrial city.

The rational division of the city and the dominance of the car in the 20th century created a definite split from traditional city planning, no longer designed around people, streets and squares. Modern-ism introduced the idea of large scale planning and implementation of theory reflecting the ideas of architects and planners and how they thought the city should be. (Moughtin, 1992)

This was a seemingly fast, practical and cost effective solution to many issues facing life in the city: however, this approach, as applied in Glasgow, would not prove to be a successful long term solu-tion. . (Lindsay, 1972)

The second world war had a significant impact on Glasgow’s urban environment. Previous issues of slums and housing shortages were increased and in the following years large scale urban planning strategies were implemented in order to resolve social problems. (Lindsay, 1972) Slum clearanc-es dispersed many people from the city to new high-rise, prefabricated housing developments or ‘schemes’ surrounding the city which were intended as a temporary solution to the housing prob-lem. These high-rise, prefabricated developments were designed to last only ten years yet remained dominant until the 1980s and only fueled many of Glasgow’s problems of health and social depriva-tion. (Lindsay, 1972WWII had an even larger impact on the cities parks that had been developed as public spaces during

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the Victorian era, as many were converted in to allotments to address food shortages, and the city gardens became neglected due to other priorities. A lack of resources limited the recovery of many of these parks. (Reed, 1999)

After the second world war the quality, as well as the size of the physical urban environment in Glasgow was lowered dramatically compared to the previously dense urban environment of the Industrial Victorian and Edwardian Periods.

Today, Glasgow takes great pride in being ‘ the finest surviving example of a great Victorian city.’ Cultural movements within the city such as the ‘New Glasgow Society’ resisted the demolition of its Georgian, Victorian and Edwardian buildings. Pressure from these movements especially in the 1970s forced governments to recognise and legislate conservation areas within the city. Effective implementation of these legislations has protected some of Glasgow’s most important traditional districts, such as the Merchant City. (Reed,1999)

Like Sitte, modernists were compelled by the need to create a better, healthier urban environment. However, despite humane intentions Le Corbusier’s manifesto did not consider function of the city from a human perspective but instead attempted to deal with the city on a much larger scale. This was reflected in Glasgow’s architecture at the time as it witnessed a high ‘high-rise’ boom in the post industrial era. Large tower blocks were erected around the city, dispersing the population from the city centre.

“Despite the humane visions for people’s lives and the slogan about form following function, there was considerably more form than life in the great majority of modernism’s projects.” (Gehl, et al. 2011)

Figure 5: Existing High Rise Developments with unused recreational space, View from M8, Glasgow.

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Figure 6 portrays an entirely different urban landscape from the Medieval landscape shown in figure 2. Unlike traditional, natural growth patterns of the city, large scale planning strategies in Glasgow display qualities of a more destructive nature. As well as leaving large areas of the city in disrepair, these developments also eradicated many established networks, functional spaces and communities which had developed over time, and that were integrating with the city.

The radical modernist visions pioneered by Le Corbusier approached city planning from an aerial perspective. This approach poses a threat to public life as it does not fully consider human perspec-tive.

Figure 6: Demolition of High Rise Developments in the 1970’s Views from High Street, Glasgow.

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Post Industrialization (1960 – 2014)

Figure 7 below demonstrates a radical modernist vision for Glasgow. The drawing advocates the dominance of the car in the city and is completely void of people.

Whilst Glasgow was still producing these utopian visions for the city, globally sceptics were begin-ning to voice concerns for public life. This came as a response to the growth of large scale planning strategies, especially in post industrial cities, and the dominance of the motor car. Key influential advocates of public life the 1960s include William H. Whyte and Jane Jacobs, based in New York, Christopher Alexander in Berkeley, and Jan Gehl, an architect from Copenhagen.

One of these critics, Jane Jacobs, introduced in her book The Death and Life of Great American Cit-ies (1961) with the statement “This book is an attack on current city planning and rebuilding.” The book objects to the the modernist approach to urban planning which separates the city into residen-tial, recreational and commercial areas. Jacobs’ observations suggest that, coupled with the further division of the urban fabric through the development of traffic systems dominated by the motor car, this theoretical approach could effectively kill the city. Jacobs believed that public life could only be truly addressed through human observation and physical interpretation. Through observing her own surroundings in Greenwich Village in New York, Jacobs began to record the interaction be-tween public life and the built environment.

Kevin Lynch’s Image of the City (1960) also considered how people interpret, experience and move through the city. Focusing on human life, the work inspired many pioneering public life studies. The concise townscape (1961) by Gordon Cullen summarized this history of public life studies at a time when a number of respected researchers from various backgrounds were raising great concern for the future of public life and argued that, although we were creating more light and space in our cities we were in fact losing the intricate vibrancy of public life within the city previously advocated by Sitte.

Figure 7: An unrealised vision for Glasgow by Alexander Graham Bell (1960’s)

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As Jacobs began to identify the problems facing public life, her mentor William H. Whyte was beginning to develop tools which would systemise Jacobs research. Whyte’s New York based Street Life Project was initiated in 1971: Whyte also applied a humanistic approach to his research, mainly collecting data through his own physical observation and through the use of time lapse cameras to observe the interaction of people and space over time. Figure 8 and Figure 9 show people moving and interacting with public space.

Towards the end of the 1960’s, developers in New York City were beginning to develop new squares and plazas within the city and in return were permitted to build taller buildings. However, no standards were set for the quality or function of these spaces and there was no evidence being produced to measure their success. This lack of research was one of the main incentives for Whyte’s Street Life Project.

Other groups of influential pioneers of public life also emerged independently during the 1970’s. Based at the University of California in Berkeley were researchers such as Allan Jacobs, Donald Appleyard and Christopher Alexander.

Alexander’s A Pattern Language (1977) compared the character of natural, living processes with that of the current structured process which defines our urban environment. He argues that the cur-rent structured, professional approach does not address the natural living processes needed to create a living environment which will improve well-being and nurture growth.

Figure 8: Figure 9:

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In 1980 Whyte produced The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces which became a seminal textbook for public studies. The book was based on a number of previous studies undertaken by Whyte’s Street Life Project in 1971: the book studied the nature of people in public space at the most basic level, documenting everything which can be observed, such as the impact of physical design and climate. It was around this time that public life studies became recognised officially as an academic tool for designing cities.

At the same time, and under the same title, Whyte also released a film based on this textbook. The release of the film was significant in bringing public life studies, which had previously been con-fined to academic textbooks and journals, to a much wider and larger audience. This visual docu-mentation observed the most basic behaviour of people in space, defining visible patterns of use and displaying intimate and often humorous characteristics of public life which could not be so easily described with words.

Figure 10: Whyte analyses basic human interaction and the seemingly mundane.

Figure 11: Whyte records the nature of life in public spaces and how they are approached by various users.

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Currently pioneering the field of public life studies is Architect and Urban Design consultant Jan Gehl. Based in Copenhagen, his seminal textbook ‘Life Between Buildings’ 1971 was one of the first studies to acknowledge the physical interaction between public life and public space. As well as observing this interaction, Gehl also delivers evidence and design based solutions to many basic issues of public life. The book recognised the unpredictable nature of life between buildings, noting the importance of social interactions and the need for public space.

Gehl’s most recent publication ‘How to Study Public Life’ (2013) offers a comprehensive summary of the study of public life since the 1960s. The book also displays how these theories have been suc-cessfully implemented in cities around the world, demonstrating the potential of public space and its impact on public life. Drawing from a substantial base of research and successful projects such as the Pedestrianisation in Times Square (see figure 14) the book offers a toolkit for addressing public life in cities. Many of the theories and strategies have been recognised in current global Guidelines discussed in Chapter

Figure 12: Research methods applied by Whyte.. Figure 13:

Figure 14: Successful Pedestrianisation of Times Square, influenced by Jan Gehl.

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Chapter 2

Current Global Guidelines for Placemaking

Under the United Nations general assembly, the ‘Habitat I’ conference took place in Vancouver in 1976. During this time the issues of urbanisation were still barely recognised on a global level: this was the first time governments had acknowledged the emerging demand for adaptable, sustainable cities to cope with rapid urbanisation as people moved into cities at an increasing rate.

Twenty years later the Habitat II conference was held in Istanbul and world leaders embraced the habitat agenda recognising the need to address the issues of an increasingly urbanised world.

Habitat III is set to take place in 2016 and aims to develop ‘A New Urban Agenda’ fit for the 21st century which will address the constant dynamic flux in the urban environment. The conference hopes to engage with a diverse selection of contributors to our urban environment. (UN-Habitat, 2012)

In 2011, UN-HABITAT and Project for Public Spaces (PPS) signed a five year cooperative agree-ment titled ‘Transforming Cities through Placemaking & Public Spaces’ with the intention to raise awareness of the potential of using public space create a healthy, safe, functioning and productive environment.

‘In a century where the “Right to the City” is increasingly being recognized as a fundamental human entitlement, this partnership is helping to advance the development of cities where people of all income groups, social classes, and ages can live safely, happily, and in economic securi-ty.’(UN-HABITAT, 2012)

In their 2012 handbook ‘Placemaking and the Future of Cities’ PPS and UN-Habitat have outlined a criteria of ten key components for creating a successful urban environment;

1. ‘Improve streets as Public Spaces’ 2. ‘Create Squares and parks as Multi Use Destinations’3. ‘Build Local Economies Through Markets’4. ‘Design Buildings to Support Places’5. ‘Link a Public Health Agenda to a Public Space Agenda’6. ‘Reinvent Community Planning’7. ‘The power of 10’ – (Utilising multiple functions)8. ‘Create a Comprehensive Public Space Agenda’9. ‘Lighter, Quicker, Cheaper: Start Small, Experiment’10. ‘Restructure Government Support to Public Spaces’

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The outcomes reached by UN-HABITAT and PPS draw largely from the research that had emerged during the 1960’s, and identify many corresponding issues. ‘Placemaking and the Future of Cities’ aims to inform National Government and local policy in order to develop healthy, sustainable cities.

Figure 16: Diagram by Project for Public Spaces

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National Policy

The decisions made by the planning authorities in Scotland currently aim to ‘increase sustainable economic growth,’ as this is the main focus of the Scottish government, whilst also aiming to ‘pro-tect the urban environment for the future and develop a better standard of living.’ (‘A guide to the Planning System in Scotland’ – The Scottish Government, 2009.)

Scottish Planning Policy (SPP) reflects government policy outlining how planning matters should be approached across the country. The policy regulates how land and buildings are used and devel-oped. Currently this system also inherently addresses public space. Development plans are in place for each individual region of the country and are usually prepared by the local council or open space authority.

Local councils must produce a new development plan every five years outlining any changes which must be made and indicating the main goals for the future. By law, the policies set out within the development plan should be the basis for any new developments in the area.

National policy has recognised the need for place in the city for over a decade now, demonstrated in previous policy publications Designing Places (2001) and Designing Streets (2010). This focus on the need to develop public space would suggest that the issues surrounding public life in Scotland are nothing new.

Reflected in their current policy Creating Places (2013), The Scottish Government has recognised many of the issues presented in the UN-HABITAT & PPS guidelines. Quoting Jan Gehl; “First life, then spaces, then buildings: the other way around never works,” the Scottish Government have directly acknowledged the study of public life and are promoting the use of a Placemaking Strategy.

Figure 17: Scottish Planning Policy. Consultation Draft (2013)

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Figures 17 and 18 outline the Scottish Government’s current approach to Placemaking. Recognising placemaking as ‘a creative and innovative process which provides value by delivering good build-ings and places that enhance the quality of our lives’. The 2013 Scottish Planning Policy Consulta-tion Draft outlines a set of key values addressing place:

1.Physical Value - Enhancing Setting;2.Functional Value - Addresses and adapts the long term needs of the users;3.Viability - Provides good value for money;4.Social Value - Fosters a positive sense of identity and community; or5.Environmental Value - Facilitates efficient and responsible use of resources.’

Figure 18: Scottish Planning Policy Consultation Draft (2013)

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Local Policy - Glasgow

Recognising the ongoing need for reform in the post-industrial city, Glasgow city council released ‘A Step for Change for Glasgow’ (2006), a 10 year economic strategy for the city setting out goals for economic growth. The strategy defines a ten year vision for Glasgow as ‘a world-class city achieving its potential to deliver sustainable wealth and well-being for all its citizens.’ This econom-ics driven strategy informs all current development in the city.

Most of the social, environmental and transport services were co-ordinated by Glasgow Corporation until 1975 when the responsibility for these services was transferred to Glasgow District Council and Strathclyde Regional council, with the aim of regulating and distributing resources, integrating the city with surrounding communities. However the city council’s ‘Main Issues Report (MIR)’ demonstrates a high disparity in health and well being in the city, this would suggest that efforts to integrate communities have not been successful. During the 1980s many public services became privatised . (Maver, 2000)

The current treatment of public space in Glasgow is addressed by a ‘Local development plan’ and also a long term ‘Strategic Development Plan’ covering Housing and Transport. The “Local Devel-opment Plan,”(LDP) is based on the MIR (Main Issues Report) which aims to address the spatial re-generation agenda, a spatial policy framework and spatial planning activity framework. The current MIR lists seven key drivers of change being:

1.Sustainable Economic Growth2.Sustainable Development3.Climate Change Mitigation4.Environmental Legislation5.Population & Health6.Scottish Government Policy7.Public Expenditure

Although recognising the need to address issues of public life in the city, at a local level Glasgow City Council has not issued a policy specifically addressing Placemaking and Public Life. Glasgow City Council’s planning service is currently responsible for the provision of information and data identifying main issues and priorities of the city. City Planning is also responsible for outlining the context for integrating planning services in order to assist economic growth.

Glasgow City Council Planning Performance Framework Annual Report 2012-2013 displays that Glasgow has been successful in retail performance through a large increase in retail development and commercial activity. As a result of this Glasgow City Council are capitalising on commercial retail developments in the city which could over ride the notions of place set out in chapter one.

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The LDP draft update 2013 outlines targeted consultees with regards to planning development, these consultees are often financially vested. Statutory consultees include the Scottish Government, local authorities and established agencies such as Scottish Environment Protection Agency (SEPA) and Scottish National Heritage. (SNH) This demonstrates a top down approach,. This type of ap-proach has been criticised by theorists such as Whyte for compromising the ability of public life to inform public space.

Planning development of Glasgow’s industrial sector has been reduced from £62.8 million in 08-09 to £48.2 million in 09-10. £2.8 billion (73% of the cities entire value) has been invested in Glas-gow’s city centre and Clyde waterfront, recognising these areas as being crucial to Glasgow’s eco-nomic regeneration. (Glasgow City Council, 2014). The evidence displayed in the previous chap-ters and acknowledged by national policy suggests that undergoing a public life study of the area investing in it’s public spaces public could help to achieve this, whilst also meeting national targets to increase health and well-being.

In carrying out any such public life study, active involvement of the local population would be essential. At present only 22% of adults believed that they have the ability to impact local decisions with 36% desiring a stronger involvement in council decisions. (SHS Annual report, 2013)

20Figure 19: Division of Glasgow City through City Plan 2.

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Aiming to identify the cause of Glasgow’s exceptionally high mortality rate, in 2011 GCPH re-leased a report titled ‘Investigating a Glasgow Effect.’ The study compared Glasgow with Manches-ter and Liverpool and found that the cities suffered from a similar level of deprivation. However, it was found that, despite similar circumstances, Glasgow’s health issues and mortality rates were substantially higher than its counterparts. The report acknowledged that socio-economic impact on health has been well established but concluded that Glasgow’s issues appeared to be much more complex.

This report now considers a number of the issues which are likely to bear upon Glasgow’s health problems and shows how public space relates to each of these issues.

Figure 20: Difference in Life Expectancy in Glasgow’s City Centre (GCNH, 2012)

Chapter 3 – Main Issues facing Public Life in Glasgow Health

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Air Pollution

First, this report considers air pollution. Air pollution has a huge impact on health. Dr Richard Dixon, director for Friends of the Earth, Scotland, said “Air pollution is the biggest environmental threat to people’s health, with fumes from cars, lorries and buses, killing off at least 10 times the number who die in road crashes every year.”

In a report in 2013 FOE released data exposing dangerous levels of air pollution in Glasgow CityCentre. The report displayed figures for the whole of Scotland showing Glasgow to be the worst in the country.

European Union Policy has established the maximum acceptable level of Nitrogen dioxide as 40 microgrammes per cubic metre, the initial goal for these standards were supposed to be met in 2005. (EEA, 2013) However in 2012 Glasgow’s Hope street measured at 72.5 microgrammes per cubic meter. It is estimated that Glasgow may not even reach European legal standards by 2020. A further report from the European Environmental Agency (EEA) reports that Glasgow is the most polluted city in the UK and the 5th most polluted city in Europe.

The UK government recognises that Nitrogen dioxide is harmful to health especially affecting the lungs and respiratory systems. Around 50% of these emissions are caused by road traffic and despite existing reduction strategies emission levels are in fact rising in many places, particularly in the Urban Environment. (www.londonair.org)

Tackling this problem would require a multi-pronged approach. One element would be to minimise would be to minimise vehicular access in the most polluted areas of the city. But another important element is also likely to relate to green space. As Munro (2012) said, “vegetation in public spaces... is also essential for absorbing pollutants created from the urban environment.”

Both of these elements, controlling vehicular access, and use of green space, involve the pro-active management of public space.

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Lifestyle

As well as air pollution, lifestyle is also contributing to issues of health, especially in Glasgow. (SNH, 2012) Research reveals a significant rise in lifestyle related illnesses such as obesity and diabetes: these growing health problems are linked to a reduction in physical and outdoor activities. Technological advances have also proven to be detrimental to our health as people spend more time socialising, shopping, and learning, by computer, thus removing the physical interaction from these activities. The dominance of the car is decreasing the need to walk while also polluting the air we breathe. (WHO, 2013)

Figure 21: Percentage of Adults Normally taking visits outdoors at least once a week (SNH, 2012)

Figure 22: Percentage of visits taken by residents to the outdoors within their local area in the last 12 months.

Showing that Glaswegians are most likely to travel elsewhere for outdoor activities (SNH, 2012)

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Figures 21 and 22 show that a relatively high proportion in Glasgow do not regularly visit the outdoors, and when they do they are more likely to travel elsewhere. The main reason identified for people not visiting the outdoors is poor health (Figure 23) . Evidence has shown that visiting the outdoors can in fact greatly benefit physical, as well as mental health. In effect, there is the potential to exploit a beneficial feedback loop here, with improvements in open spaces leading to improved usage and health, with the improvement in health then leading to further improved usage.

The 2011 Scottish Household survey shows that 59% of Scots live within a 5 minute walk from their nearest public Green Space and that individuals who utilize this green space are more likely to consider themselves in good or very good health. (SHS Annual Report, 2013). This would suggest there is a correlation between health and being outdoors.

In a dense environment public spaces determine the level of green spaces within our cities and are an opportunity for people and children to learn to interact with nature. Natural environments are beneficial to health and well being and also offer better, more diverse play places for children.(WHO,2012)

Figure 23: The main reasons for not visiting the outdoors in the past 12 months (SHS, 2012)

Figure 24: Variations of visits to different places between 2004 and 2012 (SNS, 2012)

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Outdoor space is of particular importance in the development of children, without integrating this learning process with the urban environment children are detached from public life and cannot learn to interact with the city. (Gehl, 1975) Research has shown that activities which take place in outdoor spaces can not only improve children’s health but also significantly improve behaviour, unlike activ-ities which do not take place in outdoors places such and television and video games.

The UN Convention on the Rights of the child state that ‘children have the right to relax and play, and to join in a wide range of cultural, artistic and other recreational activities.’ Public space within the city is the arena where children can play and interact which is integral to the development of social skills and an ability to deal with a variety of situations.

Christopher Alexander criticises the idea of separating recreational spaces from the rest of the city noting that separating play from the city separates play from life itself. He observes that ‘Few self respecting children will even play in a playground.’ Glasgow city centre seems to have rejected the notion of ‘playing’ in the city altogether. The notion of ‘play’ through the eyes of a child, overlaps with a multitude of activities and various daily encounters. Physical spaces intended for play must also be integrated within other physical surroundings.

Figure 25: Traffic in the Glasgow City Centre, Restricting Play in the city. No Children can be seen.

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Watching children at play can give us a basis for how these encounters begin and develop. When children see others playing they can be compelled to join. However the first necessity is being in the same space and having the chance for the first encounter. (Gehl, 2013)

Public life studies have shown that people are more likely to use public spaces which are based around human needs, (rather than car traffic), which integrate natural elements such as trees. (Fig-ure 26) Creating healthier spaces also results in a healthier population, and people who are in good health are more likely to participate in social and cultural events that are recognised as key tools in relieving social deprivation that is also shown to be a particularly issue in Scotland.

The above diagram by Donald Appleyard displays the increase in social activity with the reduction of car traffic, not only would this be beneficial for health but could also create a safer environment for children to explore.

Figure 26: Diagram by Donald Appleyard displaying an increase in social activity with reduced traffic

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Crime

Glasgow currently ranks as the most violent area in the UK. (IEP Report, 2013) The report by the IEP reveals that although, like the rest of the UK, Glasgow’s crime rate is falling, the city still suf-fers from major social problems, especially those involving gang violence and knife crime. The re-port suggests rate of homicide and violent crime partly reflects the socio-economic condition of the city. Between different parts of the city life expectancy can vary as much as 28 years. (WHO, 2011)

One of the main deterrents from using public space in the modern city is crime, but more impor-tantly fear of crime. (Minton, 2006) This especially impacts on more vulnerable members of society such as children, women and the elderly. Jane Jacobs wrote about eyes on the street, advocating that the presence of other people was the primary deterrent of crime.

In Glasgow there has been major investment in CCTV cameras in public spaces: however this strat-egy has not proven to significantly reduce crime or attract more people in public spaces, but does conversely heighten the fear of crime. (Minton, 2006)

Security has often been at the front of many public life studies. This was central to Jane Jacobs idea of ‘eyes on the street’ which recognises the potential of preventing crime through the presence of people. In his book Defensible Spaces(1972) Oscar Newman analyses the prevention of crime through design in public space.

These ideas further support the importance of people being able to see each other in action, realised by Jacobs and established by Gehl. They suggest that just as children can learn from watching other people, the presence of people could in turn create a safer welcoming environment.

In his book Life Between Buildings Jan Gehl discusses how much can be learned about the habits of interaction through watching children at play, he concludes that in order for public spaces to suc-ceed they must primarily attract people.

Figure 27: Community Police on Buchanan Street

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Poverty

Figure 28 highlights the severity of social deprivation in Glasgow compared to the rest of Scotland. Similar pictures are reflected in health and crime statistics.

Social polarisation has been an unusually apparent issue in Glasgow since the 18th century through a tendency for the divided settlement of the bourgeois and the proletariat, common of many indus-trializing settlements, (Reed, 1999) This divide was increased during the industrial boom in the middle of the 19th century which demanded the development of unused land away from the urban environment and drew many working people into settlements outside of the city centre. Wealthier citizens were inclined to move away from the polluted industrial environment and also from the working class citizens. (Reed 1999)

The statistics also display the way in which inequality can have a direct impact on cultural partici-pation.

Although unemployment rates have seen a slight reduction in the past 12 months, the office for national statistics shows that Glasgow’s unemployment rate is currently over 30%, the highest rate of unemployment in the UK after Liverpool. The ONS believes there is a strong link between unem-ployment rates and the large scale de-industrialisation over the last century. The Scottish govern-ment has acknowledged a strong link between unemployment, and issues such as social deprivation, crime and health. Connecting communities and functions through culture would encourage integra-tion. People in deprived areas are significantly less likely to take part in cultural happenings. (SHS Annual report, 2013)

Figure 28: National Share of 15% most deprived areas in Scotland

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As well as physical health issues, mental health issues have also become a major concern as peo-ple’s lives become increasingly stressful. Stress related sickness has a significant impact on the economy costing millions in employee absence. (SNH Report 2012). The Scottish Government is trying to address mental health issues through culture and integration. However, the degree of po-larisation displayed in the table above would suggest the city is still very much divided rather than integrated.

Figure 28 by Glasgow Centre for Population Health (Shipton et. al) shows that Glasgow’s mental health problems are often significantly higher than the rest of Scotland. Mental health related deaths related to drugs are 105% higher than the rest of Scotland: and unemployment is 55% higher than the rest of the country.

The same report demonstrates that people in deprived areas are less likely to participate in cultural events which are crucial for the integration of communities. In 2011, 86% of adults in Scotland felt they had somehow engaged in culture, 76% actively taking part in various events or visiting cultural places. The most popular cultural activity is leisurely reading (63%) and the most popular cultural attractions are film (56%) and live music events (31%).

Another important recent development has been researched on happiness, where studies confirm the power of social interaction to increase happiness and well being. The report shows that in areas where people are happier in their environment are less likely to suffer from health issues and social deprivation. (WHR, 2013)

“Happiness has the potential to generate positive snowball effects in society. Research has shown that people who are happier are likely to bring happiness to those around them, resulting in net-works of happier individuals. It was found that happiness extends up to three degrees of separation, and longitudinal models show that individuals who are surrounded by happy people are more likely to become happy in the future.” (World Happiness Report, 2013)

Figure 29: Slum conditions displaying social deprivation in Glasgow High Street, 1900

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Privatisation of Public Space and Commercialisation

Economic development is vital. Here we consider its interaction with public space. The argument is developed that properly planned public space has a vital role to play fostering economic and social development: but that unbridled privatisation and commercialisation can adversely affect public space and prevent the realisation of social and community goals.

Globally, the privatisation of our public spaces and the growth of ‘private-public’ space is changing the character of our cities. The UK economy, especially in Glasgow, has experienced a major shift from being primarily industry based to being driven largely by financial services, retail and tourism. This economic shift leaves public spaces vulnerable to becoming over regulated, sterile and discon-nected from the surrounding urban environment. (Minton, 2006)

“Everywhere on planet Earth the public realm is under threat. Huge swathes of our inner cities are in private hands. Square and parks across the world - who really owns you? And who really cares? (Olcayto, 2013)

Glasgow is no exception to this phenomenon. Displayed in Figure 30, Glasgow’s current main issues report supports the concentration of office and commercial development within the city centre and defines the business district as a key asset to the city. The report suggests that Glasgow must maintain and develop this asset. However, despite the economic and environmental benefits of having a central business sector in Glasgow, the impact of these developments and the impact of privatisation on public space and public life is not recognised.

Figure 30: Diagram from Glasgow city council shows concentration of commercial development in the city.

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Account should be taken of the fact that successful developments are often small and allocated to specific communities, remove questions, insert doubt over ownership. One problem in the city is creating large undefined spaces, if ownership of the spaces is not established then individuals do not feel a sense of responsibility for the spaces and therefore do not feel obliged to maintain or nurture the spaces. Ownership of public space will be discussed further in chapter four.

Glasgow City Council is well aware that the city centre needs to be maintained and revitalised. Research commissioned by Glasgow City Council shows that additional retail space around the city could compromise the role of the city centre. The expansion of large scale shopping centres creates direct competition with local retailers within the city. The new LDP (expected to be released in 2014) will set limits on retail developments outside of the city centre to safeguard and develop the city centre as an economic hub strengthening previous principles previously set out in City Plan 2. This is promising as it encourages development in town centres, increasing the local economy and minimising the need for the car, as town centres are often hubs for public transport.

On the other hand, commercial development alone is not enough. The business sector of the city can appear to be vibrant during the day as office workers move between meetings and break for coffee and lunch. However, as shown in figure 31, at night this entire quarter of the city lies dormant. Tall, dark commercial buildings facing one way traffic systems offer no attraction, the only sign of life being the occasional security guard smoking a cigarette or late night office worker running for the train home. The dark network of lanes used mainly during daylight for refuse and access to employ-ee parking attract only undesirables such as vandals, prostitutes and drug users.

Figure 31: Bothwell Street, Glasgow’s Business District around 7pm.

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Figure 32: Daytime Activity in Glasgow’s Business District

Figure 33: Night time Activity in Glasgow’s Business District, displaying an absence of public life.

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Figure 34: Daytime Activity in Buchanan Street, Glasgow’s Maint Commercial Space.

Figure 35: Night Time Activity in Buchanan Street

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In trying to get to grips with the tensions between commercial development and social interaction, it is helpful to consider the three main types of activity which occur in our public spaces. These can be characterised as ‘Necessary Activities, Optional activities and social activities.’ (Gehl, 1971) Nec-essary activities are relatively unaffected by the quality of public space. These are activities which must continue regardless of the quality of the public space.

The figures on the previous pages display the contrast between public life in the city during the day and at night. Dominance of commercial and retail industries in the city centre can override other functions in the city meaning that although footfall is increased during the day, many of the people who are passing through the city at night are only doing so out of necessity, rather than optionally. Jan Gehl observed that this reduces the potential for social interaction.

A good public space can invite people to stop, sit, play and relax taking part in many more optional activities. Gehl observes that more participation in optional activities creates greater social interac-tion within public spaces. These social activities, which are increased through an abundance of op-tional activities, are especially crucial in Glasgow to address continuing issues of social inequality.

The figure below, taken in Glasgow’s Buchanan Street, shows these three different activities taking place. Necessary activities are represented by people who are passing through the scene, using the street only to get from A to B. A social interaction has been sparked by a street performer who is chatting with members of the public. The man with the green bag has decided to stop and watch what is going on..

Figure 36: Various activities represented in Buchanan Street

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High quality public spaces have a positive impact on the economic prosperity of a city and this is recognised as a significant factor in the regeneration process. Public spaces can be used as a tool for business and marketing, attracting more visitors and investors and generating healthy competition with other cities and towns.

Healthy public spaces can directly benefit the local economy through attracting property buyers who are willing to pay more to be in a healthy active urban environment. Therefore, improving public spaces will directly increase property value in the area, notably commercial property.

However, Minton (2006) shows how over commercialisation and the privatisation of public spaces poses a great risk to public space. Although this strategy boosts economy, supports public trans-port systems and increases footfall, this will bring more people into the city centre putting increas-ing pressure on public space. It is therefore important that the relevant research is carried out at a local level and on a human scale so that placemaking strategies can be successfully implemented throughout the process, safeguarding the function of Glasgow’s public space.

The Figure below shows a street performer who is exercising his right to use public space. Through marking a simple, temporary boundary in the street the performer has claimed space from which he can perform. Note the positioning of the boundary, the central location in the street allows max-imum interaction. Although the street is busy the man is not disturbing the flow of public life, as people are more inclined to move along edges.(Gehl, 1975) This sort of activity could be jeopard-ised by increased privatisation as independent security and guidelines would inherit power over the space, having authority to remove people from the space and restrict activity. (Minton, 2012)

Economic development is an essential prerequisite for achieving fundamental social goals like tack-ling poverty and deprivation, but this has to be done through the right balance of commercialisation and properly developed public space. Uncontrolled commercialisation will diminish the quality of public space, and hence of social interaction, and will in itself prevent the achievement of the funda-mental social goals.

Figure 37: Street performer defines a boundary in the street for his performance.

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Chapter 4 – Case Studies

Vision for George Square

In 2013 controversial plans for Glasgow’s main public square sparked debate over issues of own-ership and public involvement. Aiming to dramatically redesign the square in preparation for the Commonwealth Games in 2014, the proposed £15m development project was dropped by Glasgow City Council after the council was criticised for only including 42 members of the public during the consultation period, many of whom were financially vested in the project. (BBC News, 2013) The Square recently opened again after a £500,000 facelift. The previous red surfacing which had been deemed a public eyesore was replaced with a grey tarmac and two grass beds have been re-intro-duced to the square - hardly a radical redevelopment.

An official complaint launched by RIAS sparked an investigation, conducted by The Major Crimes and Public Protection unit, into one of Glasgow council’s senior officials. The leader of Glasgow City Council was accused of using his decision-making powers to influence decisions regarding the selection process and also failing to observe the terms of the competition which were set out during the procurement process: he was later cleared of misconduct. (BBC News, 2013)

In fact, the recent controversy surrounding George Square could be beneficial for Glasgow’s pub-lic space. Media coverage can raise awareness of issues surrounding public space and encourages public participation. In particular, The public response to the situation raised questions democracy, a concept which is central to the function of the public Square in public life. This function of the public square has been exercised in the past in Glasgow, although in a much more physical manner.

Figure 38: George Square Winning Proposal by John McAslan + Partners

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This democratic aspect of the public square has been exercised in the past in Glasgow, although in a much more physical manner. This was strikingly illustrated in the event which occurred in George Square in 1919, and which is known as Bloody Friday,

Figure 39: George Square, Bloody Friday, 1919

Figure 40: Tanks sent to Glasgow to suppress Public Rioting

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On 31st January 1919 the engineering unions of Glasgow called for a strike demanding a 40-hour working week as opposed to the then current 57 hour week, in an attempt to create better conditions for workers and also new jobs for returning soldiers. 40,000 and 70,000 men gathered in front of the city chamber on two consecutive days blocking transport routes surrounding George Square. Armed with batons, police charged protesters in an attempt to clear the streets injuring around forty mem-bers of the public.

This came shortly after Lenin and Trotsky’s worker’s revolution in Russia. Worried that an uprising like this could happen in Glasgow the government deployed 10,000 army troops including tanks to Glasgow in order to suppress the violence. Eventually a 47 hour week was agreed for those working on the Clydeside, proving the protest was not in vain.

This highlights the importance of the square as a public space. It is potentially the physical political hub of the people, allowing people to let their presence be known. Without this physical presence their views could otherwise be avoided by council members within the walls of the city chambers. It could thus play a vital role in the democratic city.

Figure 41: George Square after recent regeneration.

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Like Buchanan street, surrounding commercial functions means that the square offers no attraction at night time, as there are no activities present to attract people and public life.

Figure 42: Day time Public Life in George Square in 2014, showing people interacting, reaxing and observing.

Figure 43: Photo taken on the same day at 7pm, showing no signs of public life.

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The second study focuses on Buchanan Street: to many the major shopping hub of the city.

“The street is the river of life of the city, the place where we come together, the pathway to the cen-tre.” (William H. Whyte.)

Figure 44: Buchanan Street, pre-pedestrianisation. 1950’s, Photo courtesy of Glasgow Museums

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Featured in the article ‘9 Great Streets Around the World’ published by PPS, Buchanan Street is recognised as one of Glasgow’s most successful contemporary public spaces. A key factor leading to this was the pedestrianisation of the street in 1972. This was one of the most controversial moves in the history of Glasgow’s public space and proved to be beneficial to the retail industry and also for accommodating social and cultural events and entertainers, as demonstrated in previous images.Located at the heart of the city, Buchanan Street is Glasgow’s primary retail space playing a major role in the city’s financial economy. The space successfully brings together a variety of culture and retail spaces allowing for social interaction in between. Pioneering Glasgow’s contemporary public spaces the Buchanan street was awarded the Congress for New Urbanism award for excellence in 2004. (Peyton, 2009)

Complimenting the pedestrianisation of the street, two subway stations located on Buchanan Street provide fundamental links with the rest of the city. This encourages use of public transport and increases accessibility, providing a link to various parts of the city.

Initially only the southern end of the street was pedestrianised along with a section of Gordon Street and the zoning restrictions were only enforced between 11am and 4pm allowing vehicular access out-with these times. The move proved to be so successful that in 1978 the entire street became per-manently pedestrianised along with part of Sauchiehall Street and a section of Argyll street: these three streets have become the economic hub for Glasgow’s city centre and have been coined by the city as ‘The Style Mile’ and ‘The Golden Z’.

Figure 45: Pedestrianised Buchanan Street, 2014

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Located in the heart of the city the street is an economic and social hub for Glasgow hosting a va-riety of commercial retailers and venue for various buskers and street performers. Buchanan street has a colourful social and economic history showcasing the wealth of Glasgow’s textile industry through a variety of fashion establishments and tailors (& banks) such as Fraser’s and Jaeger in the early 1900s. Jewellers in Argyll arcade are still in operation today. Cranston’s tea rooms opened in 1875 and were the first in Glasgow, and some claim it to be the first in the world, a testament to Glasgow’s merchant heritage. The motorcar began to dominate the street throughout the 1920s. The images below show the progression of the street commercially and also the introduction of the car.

Overall, the pedestrianisation and subsequent development of Buchanan Street offer a graphic demonstration of the effect which successful management of public space can have in transforming an area. But the story is not all positive. As will be seen in the next case study, Buchanan Street has not been successfully integrated into an overall vision for the city centre.

Figure 46: Buchanan Street, 1880’s

Figure 47: Buchanan Street, 1930’s. Note the increase in motor traffic at this time

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Cullen’s Vision for Glasgow City Centre

This diagram by Gordon Cullen in 1985 outlines a strategy for Glasgow’s city centre as a solution to the post industrial city. It demonstrates a layout designed around public space with Buchanan Street acting as a ‘live wire’ for urban activity within the city.

Lying between two established districts of Blythswood new town and The Merchant City, Cullen proposed that two major public spaces would be created at each end of Buchanan Street. A grand ‘Citadel’ of culture should define the Northern end of the street and St. Enoch’s Square would be-come a hub of amenities acting as a focus for a diverse selection of public spaces: these would form a chain along the river Clyde reaching from Broomielaw to the West of the centre to Glasgow Green to the East.

Figure 48: Gordon Cullen strategy map for potential of city centre 1985 for SDA.png

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Cullen envisioned new spaces being created to form this chain including “Fishmarket Square” which would offer respite from the busy city streets and also the regeneration of St.Andrew’s Square, advocating the introduction of ‘light industry, craft workshops and studios.’ (Reed, 1999) The Fishmarket Square remains only an idea. Despite redevelopment of St. Andrew’s Square there is no sign of the vibrant studios and workshops which he had imagined, instead the square has be-come quiet and insular, with no function to bring people through the space, which only the tenants of the surrounding Neo-Georgian flats have the need to pass through.

The major physical aspects of Cullen’s diagram were implemented by Glasgow City planners before Cullen had provided a programme for unifying the function of these spaces. Cullen’s vision for Buchanan Street as a ‘Live Wire’ demanded a difference in function between its northern and southern poles in order to stimulate the city centre with public space being the area of integration.The development of this axis however favoured only economic concerns.

Buchanan Galleries opened to the public in 1999 (Jones, 2010): the major commercial shopping centre dominates and entire block at the northern pole of Buchanan Street, raising and enclosing sheltered retail units drawing people off the street. Likewise, St. Enoch’s shopping centre lies at the Southern Pole of the axis. Aside from being in direct competition with one another, these shopping centres have also had a severe impact on small, local, established businesses by drawing people away from the surrounding streets. (Reed, 1999)

“Even if there were sufficient growth in the retail trade to justify all these ventures, old and new, limited functional variety could preclude that almost round-the-clock liveliness which is the sine qua non of the ‘vibrant cosmopolitan centre.”(Reed,1999)

Figure 49: Concept Sketches of public life in the city, proposed by Cullen

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Conclusion

This study has observed the evolution of public space and public life in Glasgow throughout the development of the city. The research has shown that, like many other great cities, Glasgow’s tradi-tional urban environment was radically affected by industrialision, rapid population growth and the introduction of the car to city. The traditional, natural growth of public space through the function of public life was eradicated by large scale planning visions and the dispersal of people from the city.

The literature review carried out in chapter one shows that the introduction of the car and the divi-sion of the city did not acknowledge the natural, complex patterns of public life but instead priori-tised the accomodation of vehicular traffic throughout the urban environment. The statistics shown in chapter three demonstrate that Glasgow’s failure to integrate public life with these developments resulted in increasingly polarised communities, worstening existing issues of health and social dep-rivation.

In their paper,‘Placemaking and the Future of Cities,’ UN-Habitat and Project for Public spaces have offered guidelines to assist governments in creating successful, adaptable public spaces which can support and improve the quality of public life.

The 2013 policy ‘Creating Places,’ delivered by the Scottish Government recognises the social and economical benefits of good public space within the city, as well as it’s potential to increase well-being. The policy outlines the importance of multi-disciplinary participation in the design and development of public spaces. Unfortunately Glasgow City Council is not designed to create suc-cessful public spaces at various managerial levels but instead exists to drive economic growth. (GCC, 2013)

Current planning policy shows that Glasgow City Council is aiming to achieve economic growth mainly through developing the commercial sector of the city. This could mean an increase of priva-tisation within the city causing increasing social polarisation and posing a threat to the very ex-istance of public space.

Evidence given in this study would suggest that investing in the development of good public space, rather than developing the commercial sector could potentially offer a more sustainable means of achieving economic growth as well in improving public life in the city. Successful public spaces have shown to increase health and well being, creating a happier environment in the city.

In conclusion, current government strategies within our cities may in fact be the greatest obstacle in creating great public spaces rather than a lack of funding, ideas, talent or existing infrastructure.

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Since Jacobs released The Death and Life of Great American Cities (1961) there has been a signifi-cant base of research undergone regarding the interaction between public life and public space.Yet, the evidence revealed in this study shows that in Glasgow, many of the issues surrounding public life endure.

What needs to be done is to go back to the basic principles for studying Public Life which were set in the 1960s, and which remain the appropriate toolkit for studying public life today. As set out by Jan Gehl and William Whyte the basic principles involve:

Counting -’everything can be counted’ Recording numbers allows easy comparisons between dif-ferent locations and circumstances.

Mapping/behavioural mapping – drawing people and activities onto maps is an efficient way of visualising spaces and uses quickly and in a more understandable way than only numbers.

Tracing - Line drawings on a map can represent the movement of people through spaces and can provide images for visual analysis.

Tracking - Following and observing people’s movements over a longer period of time.

Looking for traces - Litter, worn out paths etc. can show signs of human activity. These traces can be documented and measured and provide further insight into city life.

Photographing - Photographs are an essential tool for analysing public life, they can be used to visually document physical interaction between public life and public space,

Keeping a diary - Whyte asserts that even the most mundane details of public lifeshould be noted. Notes can be collected, classified and analysed over a period of time.

Test Walks - Test walks are the most offer the most realistic insight to city life. Problems can be observed, experienced and recorded.

This basic holistic approach provides the information which can inform successful placemaking strategies for the city.

The research has been done, the benefits have been understood, the issues have been recognised and the goals have been outlined. Yet Glasgow’s visions for public life are yet to be realised: this is unlikely to happen until improves local democracy comes together with a public service that under-stands the importance of public spaces.

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Figure Description SourceTitle Image William H. Whyte Social Life of Small Urban

Spaces, 1980Figure 1 Buchanan St March 2014

Figure 2 Buchanan St March 2014 town records map in 1854

Figure 3 Sketch plan of medieval City c.1547

Glasgow City Council

Figure 4 City of Glasgow, 1927. Glasgow Museums

Figure 5 Existing High Rise Develop-ments with unused recreational space, View from M8, Glas-gow.

The Glasgow Story

Figure 6 Demolition of High Rise Developments in the 1970’s Views from High Street, Glas-gow.

Glasgow City Council

Figure 7 An unrealised vision for Glas-gow by Alexander Graham Bell (1960’s)

Chris’s British Road Directorywww.cbrd.co.uk

Figure 8 William H. Whyte Research Methods

Social Life of Small Urban Spaces, 1980 (Film)

Figure 9 William H. Whyte Research Methods

Social Life of Small Urban Spaces, 1980 (Film)

Figure 10 William H. Whyte Research Evidence

Image from Street Life Project Research

Figure 11 William H. Whyte Research Evidence

Image from Street Life Project Research

Figure 12 William H. Whyte Research Methods

Social Life of Small Urban Spaces, 1980

List of Figures

48

Figure 13 William H. Whyte Research Methods

Social Life of Small Urban Spaces, 1980

Figure 14 Pedestrianisation of Times Square

Project for Public Spaces

Figure 15 Pedestrianisation of Times Square

Project for Public Space

Figure 16 Diagram by Project for Public Spaces

Project for Public Spaces

Figure 17 Diagram Scottish Planning Policy. Con-sultation Draft (2013), Scottish Government

Figure 18 Diagram Scottish Planning Policy Con-sultation Draft (2013)Scottish Government

Figure 19 Division of Glasgow City through City Plan 2.

City Plan 2 strategy, Glasgow City Council

Figure 20 Difference in Life Expectan-cy in Glasgow’s City Centre (GCNH, 2012)

Glasgow Centre for National Health

Figure 21 Percentage of Adults Normally taking visits outdoors at least once a week

Scottish National Heritage Commissioned Report

Figure 22 Percentage of visits taken by residents to the outdoors within their local area

Scottish National Heritage Commissioned Report

Figure 23 The main reasons for not visit-ing the outdoors in the past 12 months

Scottish Household Survey (2012)

Figure 24 Main Destinations Visited, Dis-playing the demand for Open Space.

Scottish Household Survey (2012)

Figure 25 Traffic in the Glasgow City Centre, Restricting Play in the city.

Figure 26 Diagram by Donald Appleyard displaying an increase in social activity with reduced traffic

From Liveable Streets(1981), Donald Appleyard

Figure 27 Community Police on Bu-chanan Street

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Figure 28 National Share of 15% most deprived areas in Scotland

Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation

Figure 29 Slum Conditions in Glasgow’s High Street

The Glasgow Story

Figure 30 Commercial Development Diagram

Main Issues Report, Glasgow City Council

Figure 31 Smoking security guard Both-well street, Glasgow

Figure 32 Daytime Activity on Bothwell street

Figure 33 Night Study, Bothwell StreetFigure 34 Daytime acitvity Buchanan

StreetFigure 35 Night time Activity, Buchanan

StreetFigure 36 Activity on Buchanan StreetFigure 37 Street Performer on Buchanan

StreetFigure 38 George Square Development

ProposalJohn McAslan + Partners

Figure 39 George Square, ‘Bloody Fri-day’

The Glasgow Story

Figure 40 Military intervention during ‘Bloody Friday Riots’

Glasgow Museums

Figure 41 George Square after Regener-ation

Figure 42 Public Life in George SquareFigure 43 Night Study, George SquareFigure 44 Buchanan Street, 1950s The Glasgow StoryFigure 45 Pedestrianised Buchanan StreetFigure 46 Buchanan Street 1880s The Glasgow StoryFigure 47 Buchanan Street 1930s The Glasgow StoryFigure 48 Gordon Cullen’s Diagram for

Glasgow City CentrePrepared for Glasgow City Council

Figure 49 Concept Sketches by Gordon Cullen

Prepared for Glasgow City Council

Images by Author unless otherwise stated.

50

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Internet Resources

Creating Places - www.creatingplacesscotland.org

Future Glasgow:City Vision - www.glasgowcityvision.com

Glasgow City Council - www.glasgow.gov.uk

Glasgow and the Clyde Valley Strategic Development Planning Authority - www.gcvsdoa.gov.uk

Glasgow Defence Campaign - http://glasgowdefencecampaign.blogspot.co.uk

Glasgow’s Future Cities Website - http://futurecity.glasgow.gov.uk

Project for Public Spaces - www.pps.org

Restore George Square - www.restoregeorgesquare.com

Scottish Goverment - www.scotland.gov.uk

UN-HABITAT for a Better Urban Future - www.futureofplaces.com

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