Proliferation of Small Arm in Nigeria

7/30/2019 Proliferation of Small Arm in Nigeria

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.0 BACKGROUND TO STUDYThe end of the Cold War generated worldwide optimism for international peace

and security. A shift from superpower proxy conflicts in the Third World to socio-

economic development appeared a viable project. However, actual events in recent

years have disastrously shattered those expectations. In place of enhanced security,

virulent internal conflicts accompanied by unprecedented civilian casualties and

gross violations of human rights have emerged at an alarming rate. The local roots

and causes of the conflicts are numerous and diverse. However, in nearly all of the

conflicts, the diffusion of small arms, particularly from the industrialized nations to

the developing world has played a decisive role in the escalation, intensification

and resolution of these conflicts. In the last decade, Liberia and Sierra Leone have

been embroiled in protracted civil wars; Guinea-Bissau experienced a brief

internecine conflict in the late 1990s. Casamance separatists have continued to

battle the Senegalese as they have done for two decades, Cote dIvoire suffers

insurrection, Tuareg problem has simmered in Mali and Niger, and Liberia and

Guinea continue to accuse each other of launching cross-border raids against their

territories, in a conflict also involving Sierra Leone rebels. The ongoing Daffur

crises in Sudan is also another clear case of diffusing small arms and light

weapons, Scholte (2000).


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Thus, in contrast to the conventional view inherited from the Cold War era,

emerging violence attest to the role of weapons as stimulus to conflict and a

harbinger of massive human rights violation and humanitarian crises. In many

cases, the availability of weapons has engendered violent conflicts. Thanks to

advancing globalisation and the new private order, the trafficking in light arms has

made them a weapon of choice. Illicit arms transfer is not a particular countrys

problem nor does the spread of deadly weapons stop at national borders. Small

arms and Light weapons are no longer the preserves of militaries and police force

but have fallen into the hands of ordinary criminals, terrorists, ethnic militias and

death squads around the world. In todays world, globalisation is becoming an

ever-influential architect of the new international security agenda. Its impact on

the evolution of the relations among states is contradictory. On the one hand,

globalisation contributes to accelerated development of productive forces, scientific

and technological progress and ever more intensive communication among states

and people. On the other hand, it has facilitated the easy transportation of illegal

arms from one country to the other and has transformed a domestic law and order

problem to a national and international security threat. Globalisation results in the

long term irreversible contraction in the domain of state authority. Coupled with

liberalization, states have in effect lost control of markets as reflected in the

development of parallel informal economics, the rise of grey and black markets and

the inability of the states to prevent the flow of illicit arms because of the porous


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nature of most borders and the adoption of policies such as free movements of

people in a particular region. Scholte (2000).

Evidence indicates that illegal arms transfers are easier in periods of political

transition that are normally preceded by periods of violence. The state, then focuses

it resources in areas of reconstruction and development only, leaving gaps for the

illicit transfer of small arms and light weapons by crime syndicates. Nigerias

fourth Republic has witnessed the upsurge of communal conflicts. Years of pent-up

anger suppressed by prolonged periods of military misrule found outlets as Nigeria

joined the third democratic wave. It is not arms that cause these conflicts, but the

ease with which these arms are available, leads to easy escalation of festering

conflicts, Dokubo (2000).

1.1 STATEMENT OF RESEARCH PROBLEMThe problem of state cooperation has been much debated among scholars of

general international relations, then it was long dismissed largely as improbable or,

at best, an aberration within national and international security. To the extent that

many studies of regional security or third world security explicitly consider the

topic of cooperation among regions, the standard argument has been that states in

the developing world simply face too strong security dilemma and too weak an

internal structure for cooperation to be either a desirable or feasible outcome.

Issues regarding the arms trade and arms control especially had been thought to


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drive regional rivalries and create destabilizing regional dynamics as a result of no

or poor cooperation. Despite these obstacles, however, a plethora of regional

initiatives to address problems of small arms and light weapons (SALW)

proliferation has emerged in Africa and Latin America in particular since the late

1990s, suggesting that further attention to security cooperation in the developing

world is needed, Acharya, (1992). In Africa, the proliferation of small arms is

increasing in proportion. The balances of small arms traded are the remnants of

conflicts in Mozambique and Angola, as well as licensed weapons being stolen or

lost. These small arms have played a major role in exacerbating crimes and armed

violence. Africa is also a major transshipment point for the international trade, as

well as a major producer of local arms. This phenomenon threatens the

consolidation of democracy and security in the region, which is necessary for

sustainable development, African Union (AU) (2005).

1.2 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

In general terms, the research work seeks to understand the nature and dynamics

of small arms and light weapons proliferation as a threat to national security. It

also sought to explain in a comprehensive manner, the link between small arms

and light weapons proliferation, and how the interaction has filtrated wider social,

economic and political context. In specific terms, the objectives are as follows:


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To examine the nuances surrounding the concept of small arms and light

weapons proliferation and seek a better understanding of their meanings.

To examine the interconnection and multiple linkages between small arms and

light weapons as threat to national security.

To identify and explain the role of small arms in the escalation ofethnic conflict

and community violence.

To examine, the role of the state, sub-region and international organizations in

their support for security as regards to small arms and light weapons in Nigeria.

1.3 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES

Hypothesis I

H0: There is no significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light

weapons poses security threat to national security.

H1: There is significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light

weapons poses security threat to national security.

Hypothesis II

H0: There is no significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have

escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence.

H1: There is significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have

escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence.


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Hypothesis III

H0: There is no significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms

and light weapons and a threat to national security.

H1: There is significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and

light weapons and a threat to national security.

1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The scenario parroted in the study suggests a massive resurgence of insecurity as

a result of the proliferation of small arms, with due consequence for not only state

vulnerable, but also national security. Not unexpectedly, ethnic violence in

Nigeria as in many parts of the world has attracted the attention of scholars of

different ideological persuasions and academic pedigree, but without the issue and

linkage of small arms proliferation. These include Marxist scholars, who for long

ignored ethnicity and treated as epi-phenomena of class and economic relations.

Thus, in recognition of what has been considered a paradigm lost, scholars of

Marxian genre have undertaken the expansion of the conceptual and theoretical

warehouse of political economy. Similar response has been witnessed from

scholars, whose pioneering efforts resulted in interpreting the salience of this

identity in terms of the prevalence of traditionalism and the absence of

modernization. All this, points to the academic significance of the study of

proliferation small arms and light weapons as a threat to national security in

Nigerias complex regional formation. Finally, the study has policy significance.


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Without doubt, there exists a major lacuna in the domain of public policy for the

management of small arms proliferation and light weapons on the national

security. The view remains that, apart from the expectation of its management and

control, the democratic governance has a saluting effect. However, for public

policy to be effective, heuristic and enduring, it can only be anchored on a clear

understanding of the causes of proliferation and the dimension of security threat

in Nigeria particularly Lagos state.. The challenge is to specify which policies and

remedial actions both in the short and long terms that can be put forward to

address the threat to national security, caused by the spread of small arms and

light weapons in Nigeria.

1.4 SCOPE AND DELIMITATION OF THE STUDYSmall arms and light weapons are capable of aggravating ethnic conflict and

increase the rate of insecurity in Nigeria. This study shall therefore provide a

conceptual framework that will address the problems of small arms and light

weapons proliferation as the study progresses. This will also enhance assessment

of the extent to which small arms can be identified as security threat, by outlining

the scholarly work that has been on reconceptualising security, analysing the

socio-economic consequences of these phenomena as well as the repercussions of

organised crime. Another scope and delimitation of the study is that it will serve

as a starting point for further research by other scholars who might be interested


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in this area of study. Moreso, it will not only add to the body of existing literature,

but it will also explore fresh options to contain the spread of small arms and light

weapons in Nigeria with regard to Lagos state in particular.

Similarly, this study will also serve as a good source of information to the

Nigerian policy makers, constitutional lawyers, students of criminology and

sociology including politicians and professionals in crises and conflict

management. In addition, it could also be used to identify loopholes and adopt

strategies to prevent the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in the sub-

region of Nigeria.

1.5 LIMITATION OF THE STUDYThe most important limitation on this study was time and finance. The inability of

the researcher to travel to various places in the sub-regionto interview major

actors in the small arms and light weapons debate might have limited the inputs of

some major actors. There was also the possibility that some of the publications

consulted had inhered bias. However, an attempt was made to reduce the effect of

this bias on the outcome of this study by consulting a wide spectrum of materials

on the research project; and also authentication of most of the materials used was

equally made. Inspite of all these limitations, a thorough study was undertaken, to

enable future researchers to improve on.


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1.6 DEFINITION OF TERMSCold WarAn ideological war that was fought with propaganda and diplomacy

between the capitalist western European countries led by America and Britain and

the Communist countries led by Soviet-Union.

Light WeaponsAll conventional munitions that can be carried by an individual

combatant or by light vehicles.

National InsecurityState of political instability in which the safety

of lives is no longer guaranteed.

Small armsA category of light weapons which include automatic weapons, up

to, and including 20mm submachine guns, riffles, carbines, handguns and hand

placed landmines.


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CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter contains a review of previous studies on the proliferation of small

arms and weapons as a threat to national security, and existing literature, books,

articles, journals, magazines etc. It includes an examination of the key measures

to control it and as well as change the negative position it have occupy in the past

decade. Moreso, the study will undertake to provide the theoretical consideration

and conceptual framework for the research work.

2.1 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Security is aimed at protecting the national integrity of the state and at defending

the essential values that constitute identify, Nweke (1985). Security is conceived

as projecting dynamically in the field of development or human progress. In this

sense, security is viewed in holistic terms and appears as the integral elements of

the common good of the continent in general. Accordingly, security goes beyond

merely safeguarding territorial boundaries. It means ensuring that the country is

industrialized rapidly and developed into a cohesive, egalitarian and technological

society, Subrahmanyam (1973). As Nweke noted, security can be defined as the

preservation of independence, peoples institutions, and identity, including the

advancement of nation integrity and interests within and outside Africa through


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military, economic, ideological, diplomatic and socio-cultural instrumentalities

Nweke, (1985). In this sense, he stated the three dimensions of security as

follows:

Ability to perceive and utilize the foundations, which provide, support andshape the means to achieve African security.

Ability to influence the shaping of the international system within whichAfrican security must be achieved.

The actual provision of security through rational choice of appropriatesocioeconomic, political and military policies and strategies, Nweke (1985).

The pioneering research and writing on small arms in the mid-1990s was

predominantly conceptual in nature, seeking to give readers a framework for

understanding the situation Cock (1995); Smith, Batchelor and Potgieter (1996);

and Smith and Vines (1997). There were also a number of ground-breaking

investigative reports by international human rights NGOs such as Human Rights

Watch (1994, 1995 and 1999), which provided evidence of small arms smuggling.

More recent studies of small arms in the region have been of country specific, with

Nigeria being a main focus. The most insightful publications include Chetty

(2000), which provided a variety of official data on small arms related crimes in

South Africa, as well as Hennop, Jefferson and McLean (2001).

Since human beings coexist with one another they have been bound to relate to the


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pursuit of their interests. At times the resulting relationships are dictated by many

needs such as economic, social or political interests and desires. Divergent interests

are not without conflicts, which usually can be traced to differences in background,

beliefs and exposures. Nader stated that conflict results from competition between

at least two parties. The parties in this regard may be family or clan, community,

ethnic groups, organizations or even nation-states, Nader (1972).

Conflict does not mean negative values. However it is its escalation of violence that

should be avoided because of the destructive effects of violent conflicts. Therefore,

conflict prevention, conflict mitigation, conflict resolution and management are

very crucial. In the view of Ochoche (2002) there is the need to have a clear

picture of the dimensions and dynamics of these conflicts, along with a more

scientific understanding of the conflict resolution efforts. A handful of South

African studies focused on small arms-related legislation, such as Mckenzie (1999)

and SaferWorld/SaferAfrica (2003). By the end of 2003 only Oosthysen (1996) had

undertaken a regional study of small arms in southern Africa, but he had limited

access to reliable information and did not provide a comparative analysis across the

countries. The study by Nkiwane, Chachiua and Meek (1999) introduced useful

information on small arms flow in Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Swaziland, and the

edited volume by Gamba (2000) considered broad small arms trends in Southern

Africa, with a South African bias.


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Conflict is pervasive in all human relationships and normal in the interaction

between persons in a society, whether acting as an individual or as groups.

Unugbor holds the same view, when he maintained that the conflict is universal in

human affairs and normal for individuals or group of individuals to experience

conflict in the process of their regular interaction, Unugbro, (1998). This is obvious

because, when people live together, they must of necessity interact as they try to

avail themselves of the necessities of life; that is meeting their physiological and

other needs. In the process of doing so, they are bound to disagree and have clashes

of interests from time to time as individual preferences play in their relationships

and consequently lead them to pursue incompatible goals or use incompatible

means to pursue chosen goals Imobighe, (2003). McFarland cited in Unugbro,

maintained this view, when he defines conflict as a situation in which persons or

groups disagree over means or ends, and try to establish their views in preference

to others, Unugbro (1998). Globalization is becoming an ever-influential architect

of the new international security agenda. Its impact on the evolution of the relations

among states is contradictory. On the one hand, globalization contributes to

accelerated development of productive forces, scientific and technological progress

and ever more intensive communication among states and people. On the other

hand, it has facilitated the easy transportation of illegal arms from one country to

the other and has transformed a domestic law and order problem to a national and

international security threat. Globalization results in the long term irreversible


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contraction in the domain of state authority. Coupled with liberalization, states

have in effect lost control of markets as reflected in the development of parallel

informal economics, the rise of grey and black markets and the inability of the

states to prevent the flow of illicit arms because of the porous nature of most

borders and the adoption of policies such as free movements of people in a

particular region.

Evidence indicates that illegal arms transfers are easier in periods of political

transition that are normally preceded by periods of violence. The state then focuses

its resources in areas of reconstruction and development only, leaving gaps for the

illicit transfer of small arms by crime syndicates. Nigerias fourth Republic

witnesses the upsurge of communal conflicts. Years of pent-up anger suppressed by

prolonged periods of military misrule found outlets as Nigeria joined the third

democratic wave. The argument by some other scholars that Small Arms and Light

Weapons (SALW) do not cause conflict is accepted, but its effect on conflicts

cannot be ignored. According to Ero and Ndinga-Muvumba, While small arms

and light weapons do not of course, cause conflicts, they soon become part of the

conflict equation by fuelling and exacerbating underlying tension, generating more

insecurity and adding to the number of casualties, Ero and Ndinga-Muvumba,

(2004). While prolonging the conflict, SALW also hinder the chances of resolving

such conflicts, warring factions, as demonstrated in the Liberian Civil War and

Sierra-Leone conflict, have been known to concede to peace negotiations only as a


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strategy to buy time to stock up arsenals in order to launch further attacks. This

assertion was affirmed by Taya Weiss when he stated that, The mere presence of

guns undermines alternative conflict resolution strategies. The availability of small

arms plays a role in perpetuating the violence and making it more lethal at every

level, from criminal activity to full-fledged war, in both developed and developing

countries, Weiss (2003). According to UN Security Council The destabilizing

accumulation and uncontrolled spread of small arms and light weapons in many

regions of the world increases the intensity and duration of armed conflict,

undermines the sustainability of peace agreements, impedes the success of peace

building, frustrates efforts aimed at the prevention of armed conflict, hinders

considerably the provision of humanitarian assistance and compromises the

effectiveness of the Security Council discharging its primary responsibility for

the maintenance of international peace and security United Nations (2002).

The effects of SALW to post conflict security situation is of no less significance.

The readily availability of small arms in any nation is a major factor in sustaining

and fuelling conflict, Department for International Development (2001). Increased

availability of SALW has in the aftermath of conflicts led to an exponential

increase in crime rates in the sub-region, perpetuating a climate of insecurity.

SALW are convenient and attractive to rebel groups and dissident that characterize

the African landscape because they are widely available, very cheap, deadly, easy

to use and easy to transport and smuggle, unlike heavy conventional arms, such as


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artillery pieces and tanks, which are typically acquired by government forces,

police, soldiers and civil populations, Boutwell and Klare, (2000). Besides, a few

hours of training are required to acquire the level of proficiency considered

sufficient for the execution of rebel warfare. These reasons account for the large

number of children involved in armed conflict in the region. Michael Renner, a

small arms commentator, reports that Africa alone has suffered about 5,994,000

fatalities in the last 50 years due mostly to SALW, Renner (2006). Narrowing the

estimate to West Africa, Ero and Ndinga-Muvumba indicated that, while there

are no official figures, an estimated 30,000 people have been killed by SALW in

conflict each year since the end of the Cold War (Ero and Ndinga-Muvumba,

(2004). In Africa, the proliferation of small arms is increasing in proportion. These

small arms being the remnants of conflicts in Mozambique, Angola, Somalia,

Liberia, Sudan, Sierra Lone etc. as well as licensed weapons being stolen or lost,

have played a major role in exacerbating crimes and armed violence in Nigeria.

The continent is a major trans-shipment point for the international trade, as well as

a major producer of local arms. This phenomenon threatens the consolidation of

democracy and security in the region, which is necessary for sustainable

development. Arms trafficking and the conflict they feed divert scarce resources

away from social services, disrupt trade, discourage tourism, and contribute to the

breakdown of family structures (www.state.gov/region/africa). The pervasiveness

and persistence of the conflict also have grave psychological consequences as


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children are traumatized or become accustomed to cultural violence. Arms

trafficking, has brought about organised crime which is mainly to strengthen its

illegal activities in Nigeria.

2.2 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

As Charles Lipson (1984) points out, economic issues more easily present

opportunities for significant joint gains andthe prevention of joint losses than

security issues, making the latter more rarebut not impossiblein international

politics. Nevertheless, African regional economic organizations, such as

ECOWAS and the SADC, in the past ten years have become active players in

security issues such as small arms and light weapons. To do so, this means that

regions in Africa (sometimes referred to as sub-regions) had to perceive

themselves to some degree as coherent communities with common security

interests and the political will and capacity to apply a collective approach to

cross-border security problems. I argue that this ability stems from four major

factors: (1) absence of superpower rivalry; (2) broadened understanding of

concept of security; (3) transnational conflict and instability; and (4) domestic

political pressure to address problems associated with SALW.

Before turning to these factors considered, however, it is useful to examine why

states seek regional solutions to some security challenges more generally and

why these reasons may or may not apply to African countries.


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The sources of small arms and light weapons (SALW) proliferation in Nigeria,

particularly Lagos state are many and varies. They include the manufacture and

supply of new weapons both inside and outside the country to the remnants of

weapons shipped into Africa in the 1970s and 1980s by the former Soviet Union,

the United States, and their allies to facilitate different interstate and intra-state

proxy wars. Intra-state armed conflicts, such as Liberia, Sierra Leone and

Nigerias Niger Delta region, has however expanded the frontiers of the gun trade

in Africa by creating considerable demand for these weapons of war. African

Union (AU) (2005).

2.3 THEORETICAL CONSIDERATION

Each of Nigerias 370 identifiable ethnic group perceives itself to be

linguistically, culturally, and historically distinct, although four tribes the Hausa

and Fulani in the north, the Yoruba in the southwest, and the Igbo in the

Southeast constitute a larger share of the population, Otite, (2005). Tensions

among these four are well documented, as are hostilities among other lesser-

known groups who have grievances against both the major ethnic groups, the

Nigerian state (which they perceive as insensitive to their interest), and one

another, Hazen and Homer, (2007).ECOWAS is endeavouring measures through

various institutions, to take the necessary steps to implement its policy on

security. It is not content simply to talk about combating the proliferation of small


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arms; it also tries to do something about it in practical terms by seeking to impose

some order on the circulation of such arms. To this end, she has adopted a number

of measures that fall into two broad theoretical categories: one covers action to

change mentalities and attitudes, the culture of peace concept, while the other

covers the need to control the manufacture and acquisition of weapons in member

states. This is an important element in the action by the Community, since the

weapons that it is trying to prevent from proliferating are not only in the hands of

combatants but also dispersed among the civilian population in towns,

neighbourhoods and homes. Small arms and light weapons are sometimes

handmade and can be found or bought openly on the market.

In other words, in order to prevent their proliferation, it is necessary to appeal to

the civilian population the citizens of member states, who may possess them as a

matter of course, if only for self-defence or as a deterrent. In combating the

proliferation of small arms, there is of course no question of making it impossible

for a citizen to possess a weapon, but it is important to make people realize that

possession of a weapon is a serious matter that needs to be regulated. This

realization needs to be brought home at a very early age, in primary or secondary

school. Civil society will also need to become involved in various ways in raising

awareness. This is the aspect stressed most in the 1999 Protocol. Several measures

are envisaged for this purpose, including limiting the number of weapons in

circulation, legal supervision and centralization of data on weapons, the


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establishment of a database and regional arms register and the initiation of a

dialogue or partnership with arms manufacturers and suppliers.

2.4 REVIEW OF CURRENT LITERATURE

Understanding the Proliferation of SALWs in Nigeria

The high circulation of SALWS in Nigeria is a product of the interplay of several

interrelated factors. The proliferation derives principally from the internal socio-

economic and political dynamics of Nigeria, compounded by globalization.

The crude nature of Nigerian politics is one key factor driving the process of

SALWs proliferation. Politics in Nigeria especially electoral politics, is defined

and approached by politicians as a do-or-die affair, or warfare. The stake in

Nigerian politics is incredibly high, making politicians desperate in the struggle to

win elective positions. As a result, many of them recruit specialists of violence

cultists, gangs and thugs to attain and retain political power. In some cases,

these specialists are compensated with sensitive elective and appointive offices.

The result is either gross ineptitude or recrudesces of political warfare, further

exacerbating governance failure in Nigeria. This goes a long way to explaining

the violent brand of Nigerian politics, usually painted with blood and money. The

incredible logic becomes: more money in politics, more SALWs. And more

SALWs in politics, more blood spilling in the name of politics . Governance

failure, in turn, adds another dimension to the proliferation of SALWs.


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The term governance is used here in its generic form to encompass not only how

state institutions and structures are managed, but also the processes of decision-

making and policy formulation, the capacity to execute these policies, resource

allocation, information flow and the efficiency of officials, Adhajani, (2011).

Governance, therefore, seeks institutions and rules that promote more equitable

socioeconomic outcomes and enhances human development. Accordingly,

governance failure entails the inability of state actors, institutions and agencies to

use public resources and authorities to ensure the protection of lives and

properties, as well as the delivering of public goods necessary for the

advancement of human security and development. It is a product of gross

mismanagement and embezzlement of public resources, resulting in mounting

poverty, unemployment and poor/failed delivery of basic services, not least

security. Despite enormous oil wealth, over 70% of Nigerias 150 million people

subsist on less than US$1 per day. Owing to frustration and deprivation, many

have taken to criminal activities such as piracy, armed robbery, kidnapping and

militancy, which contribute to the demand side of arms penetration and

circulation, Adhajani, (2011).

Form Of Small Arms And Light Weapons

The United Nations General Assembly defines small arms and light weapons as

any portable lethal weapon that expels or launches, is designed to expel or launch,

or may be readily converted to expel or launch a shot, bullet or projectile by the


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action of an explosive (Heinrich,2006). United Nations Institute for Disarmament

Research highlighted small arms to include: revolvers and self-loading pistols;

rifles and carbines; sub-machine-guns; assault riffles; light machine-gun; heavy

machine-guns; hand-held under-barrel and mounted grenade launchers; portable

anti-craft guns; portable anti-tank guns; recoilless riffles; portable launchers of

antitank missiles and rockets system; portable launchers of anti-aircraft missiles

systems; and mortars of calibers less than 100mm, United Nations Institute for

Disarmament Research (UNIDIR), (2006).

Combating Proliferation Of Small Arms And Light Weapons

According to Best Practice Guidelines for the Implementation of the Nairobi

Declaration and Nairobi Protocol on Small Arms and Light Weapons, small arms

are weapons designed for personal use and shall include: light machine guns,

including machine pistols, fully automatic rifles and assault rifles and semi-

automatic rifles (Best Practice Guidelines, 2005). Firearms include any portable

barreled and lethal weapon that expels, is designed to expel or may be readily

converted to expel a shot, bullet or projectile by the action of burning propellant,

excluding antique firearms or their replicas. Antique firearms and their replicas

shall be defined in accordance with domestic law:

Any device which may be readily converted to a weapon as referred to above or

destructive device such as an explosive bomb, incendiary bomb or gas bomb,

grenade, rocket launcher, missiles, missile system or mine.


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Ammunition:

The complete round or its components, parts or replacement parts of asmall arm or light weapon, provided that those components are themselves

subject to authorization of the respective State party; and

Other related materials:

Any components, part or spare parts of a small arm or light weapon, thatare essential to its operation. Generally, small arms refer to weapons

meant for individual use, including revolvers and self-loading pistols,

rifles and carbines, sub-machine guns, assault rifles and light machine

guns. Light weapons are portable weapons designed for use by several

persons serving as a crew: heavy machine guns, automatic cannons,

howitzers, mortars of less than 100mm caliber, grenade launchers, anti-

tank weapons and launchers, recoilless guns, shoulder fired rockets, anti-

aircraft weapons and launchers, and air defence weapons (SADC Firearms

Protocol, 2003: Article 1.2).

When compared to other major weapon systems, small arms are cheap, easily

accessible, simple to operate, portable and easy to repair or replace. In addition,

they are easily acquired and used in armed conflict by both state and non-state

actors. Above all they are highly lethal. According to the United Nations Institute

for Disarmament Research (2006), around 640 million such weapons are

estimated to be in circulation around the world, many of which are not


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government controlled. Although they are used for legitimate national defence

and security needs, they are also used by rebels, irregular armed groups, terrorist

and criminal gangs. Equally, to say that small arms are also used for personal

protection, hunting and sporting activities will amount to restating the obvious.

Modes Of Acquiring SALWs In Nigeria

The obvious thing is that the means of acquiring weapons today are much greater

and different from those of the Cold War period. The reason is that the Cold War

arms trading system was more strictly controlled than the one that exists today,

especially in the case of small arms and light weapons (Laurence, 2010). It is not

a false argument to say that Cold War arms trading system which have non-state

actors as its dominant feature (i.e. as the superpowers and their allies supplied

their clients in pursuit of political and ideological goals), did not receive 100%

government control. The truth is that during the era, the control of these weapons

was not perfect, especially for weapons sent to non-state actors. But at least in the

case of the initial production and transfer of these weapons to states and non-state

actors, government controlled the production and export. Weapons are also

acquired legitimately. It is on record that much of the supply and acquisition of

small arms and light weapons is through legitimate trade that occurs among

governments or among legal entities authorized by governments. As countries that

manufacture small arms and light weapons continue to export them legitimately,

along with their surplus of use weapons, they continue to be imported legally by


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counties in regions of conflict, -- legal being defined as any transfer that is not

contrary to the laws of states and/or international law Laurence, (2010). This

takes place as granted (aid), particularly when a large army is decreasing in size

and wishes to export its surplus weapons. Government to government sales can

take place as well, but the dominant mode of legitimate transfer is the commercial

sale. The transfer is normally controlled under national procedures in both the

supplier and recipient state, through export licenses and end-user certificates.

Equally, a government that want to bolster its own security and political power,

arms sub-national groups that support its political or social policies and act as a

supplement to government security forces. This often takes the form of arming

self-defense force or liberalizing arms acquisition procedures for individual

citizens. Both types of holders can end up retaining weapons when the need for

such forces or possession diminishes, especially at the end of a peace process.

This has occurred in many places, including South Africa, Mozambique,

Colombia, and Guatemala. Attempts to register surplus weapons in a post conflict

phase can be complicated by such transfers and distribution. Several major

changes have taken place since the Cold War ended that resulted in much of the

trade in small arms and light weapons not conforming to the above definitions of

legal trade.


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Policies, Measure And Control Options

In the Lagos state, SALW have been used to exacerbate conflicts, to engage in

criminal activities such as banditry, theft of oil (known as oil-bunkering) and

kidnapping, and to intimidate opposition groupings. Given the availability of

SALW in the Lagos state, sustainable security is difficult to achieve in this

poverty-stricken and densely populated area surrounded by commercial boom.

Concerted efforts should be made to reduce the proliferation and misuse of

SALW in the Lagos state metropolis. Such an approach should address both the

demand and supply aspects of the SALW problem. In terms of supply, a multi-

tiered approach is required, from targeting the major global arms manufacturers

and suppliers in order to encourage them to show greater restraint in the sale of

weapons to African countries that are experiencing armed conflict, to establishing

stiffer internal arms transfer controls, to regulating the activities of arms brokers

and private security companies. In practical terms, it is impossible to place a ban

on the production and transfer of SALW in the country. According to Musah,

apart from the fact that they perform some legitimate functions in the governance

process, they are widely used in hunting to supplement the predominantly starch-

based diet in the rural communities of the country, Onuoha (2006). In addition,

SALW are sturdy, durable and reusable, and hence are difficult to eliminate.

Government must consequently improve and strengthen national SALW laws and

regulations, impose licensing requirements, and carefully restrict their


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manufacture and transfer. Addressing the demand side of the SALW problem can

only be achieved if local conditions are taken into account. For instance, the case

of the Niger Delta region, simply suggest the same with that of Lagos state, the

manner by which Nigeria is governed is one of the major root causes of violence

as it distributes resources inequitably, which directly contributes to

underdevelopment, Onuoha, (2006).

There have been some positive developments in terms of arms control and

disarmament in Nigeria. For example, in October 1998 the Economic Community

of West African States (ECOWAS) established a moratorium on the import,

export and manufacture of SALW. One of its aims was to institute a voluntary

freeze on arms trade and eliminate existing illegal stocks from society. The

agreement also calls for the creation of a national commission drawn from the

state and civil society structures to supervise disarmament within each individual

state. In May 2001 the Nigerian government inaugurated a national committee on

the ECOWAS moratorium on SALW. The Nigerian government has also

established a national committee to investigate and report on the proliferation and

illicit trafficking of SALW within as well as in the country. Its members include

representatives of the Army, Navy, State Security Services, Nigerian Immigration

Service, National Drug Law Enforcement Agency and Ministry of Defence. In

September 2003 the federal government announced an arms surrender policy to

recover weapons being used by ethnic militias in the State. Although it recorded a


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modest success, no real long-term strategy for recovering SALW seems to be in

place. Conversely, on the civil society platform, a coalition of non-governmental

organisations in the state launched a mop-up the arms campaign in June 2003

(Onuoha, 2006). In spite of these developments, practical action remains limited.

First, the moratorium is voluntary and is not legally binding. To this extent, only a

demonstration of confidence building measures and political will by the

government can tackle the instability caused by SALW in the region. Second,

there is a growing tendency for these agencies and commissions to be

incorporated into the corrupt and inept state bureaucracies, hence, rendering them

ineffective.


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CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.0 INTRODUCTIONThis chapter explains the procedure and methods adopted in the research work.

The study consists of research design, population of the study, sample size, and

technique, instrumentation, validity of the instrument, reliability of the

instrument, procedure for data collection and method of data analysis.

3.1 DESIGN OF THE STUDY

The design of the study is the planned structure and strategy for investigation

conceived so as to obtain answer to the research hypotheses questions. This is

used for the purpose of obtaining data to enhance the testing of hypotheses,

Behling (1997). It also went further to state clearly the methods employed in

collecting and analyzing data on the study of the proliferation of small arms and

light weapons as a threat to national security.

3.2 POPULATION OF THE STUDYAccording to Asika (2008), a population is made up of all conceivable elements,

subjects or observations relating to a particular phenomenon of interest to the

researcher. The population of interest in this research work is the Lagos state

police command. It consists of 4878 officers of the Nigeria police.


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3.3 SAMPLE SIZE AND TECHNIQUEThe sample size is made up of one hundred respondent police officers out of the

4878 officers of the Nigeria police. The adopted sample technique is the simple

random technique.

3.4 INSTRUMENTATIONEmory (1976) stressed on the relevance of questionnaire as an important

instrument in the collection of data. He added that questionnaire enables

researchers to obtain wide range of information needed for the research work.

The instrument used for data collection is the respondents questionnaire. It is

structured using 5-point Likert scale i.e. strongly agree, agree, undecided,

disagree and strongly disagree. The questionnaire consisted of twenty (20)

items. The questionnaire is divided into two sections: section A containing the

personal data of the respondents while section B contains statements relating to

the variables under study.

3.5 VALIDITY OF THE INSTRUMENTThe instrument validity is the face validity which was adopted. The researcher

gave the instrument to research experts and my supervisor went through the items

and made corrections, with the corrections made, the trial, draft of the items was

ascertained.


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3.6 RELIABILITY OF THE INSTRUMENTThe research instrument was reliable for the fact that it enhances the chance of

obtaining enough data needed for the research work. The questionnaire was well

structured to elicit respondents' response to the various items.

3.7 PROCEDURE FOR DATA COLLECTIONOlayiwola (2006) emphasized that there are two procedures for data collection

namely, primary and secondary sources of data collection. Data used for the

research study were collected using primary sources. The primary source of

data collection includes the use of questionnaire. This source of data collection

enables the researcher to obtain relevant information needed to enrich the

research work.

3.8 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSISData used for the research study were analyzed using descriptive statistics

such as frequency tables and percentages. Formulated hypothesis were tested

using Chi-square (x2) statistic with the aid of Statistical Package for Social

Sciences (SPSS).


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CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

4.0 INTRODUCTIONThis chapter of the study is concerned with the statistical tools used in data presentation,

analysis and interpretation. Data collected would be analyzed using frequency table and

percentages.

4.1 RESULT AND DATA ANALYSIS

Table 4.1.0: Questionnaire Response Rate

Response Frequency (f) Percentage (%)

Returned 98 98

Not returned 2 2

Total 100 100

Source: Field Survey, 2012.

Table 4.1.0 shows that out of 100 copies of the questionnaire distributed to the

respondents, 98 copies were fully completed and returned, representing 98% while 2

copies of the questionnaire were not returned representing 2%. Thus, indicate that

majority of the respondents completed and returned the copies of the questionnaire

distributed to them.


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Table 4.1.1: Sex Analysis


Male 56 58

Female 42 42

Total 98 100


Table 4.1.1 shows that 56 respondents are male representing 58% while 42

respondents are female representing 42%. Thus, indicate that majority of the

respondents were male. The survey shows that the number of male is higher than

female who were surveyed.

Table 4.1.2: Age Analysis

Response Frequency (t) Percentage (%)

18-30 17 17

31-40 53 55

41-50 22 22

51 and above 6 6

Total 98 100


Table 4.1.2 shows that 17 respondents were between 18-30 years representing 17%;

53 respondents were between the age of 31-40 years representing 55% 22

respondents were between 41-50 years representing 22%; while 6 respondents were

between 51 years and above representing 6%. Thus, indicate that the majority of the


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respondents were between the ages of 31-40 years. This shows the active working

age position of workers in the survey.

Table 4.1.3: Marital Status Analysis


Single 45 45

Married 53 55

Total 98 100


Table 4.1.3 shows that 45 respondents were single representing 45% while 53

respondents were married representing 55%. Thus, majority of the respondents are

married.

Table 4.1.4: Analysis of Working Experience

Year Frequency (f) Percentage (%)

Below 5 19 19

6-10 45 47

11-15 26 26

16 and above 8 8

Total 98 100


Table 4.1.4 shows that 19 respondents have worked below 5 years representing 19%, 45

respondents have worked for 6-10 years representing 47%, 26 respondents have worked

for 11-15 years representing 26%, while 8 respondents have worked for 16 years and

above representing 8%. Thus, indicate that majority of the respondents have worked for


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6-10 years. This indicates the experience the respondents have undergone over the years

in the course of the survey.

Table 4.1.5: Qualification Analysis

Qualification Frequency (f) Percentage (%)

Master Degree 12 12

HND/B.Sc. 27 27

NCE/OND 38 40

SSCE/NECO 21 21

Total 98 100


Table 4.1.5 shows that 12 respondents are Master Degree holders representing 12% while

27 respondents are HND/B.Sc. holders of representing 27%. 38 respondents are

NCE/OND holders representing 40%, 21 respondents are SSCE/NECO holders

representing 21%. Thus, most of the respondents are holders of NCE/OND. This

indicates the educational qualification of the respondents in during the survey.

Table 4.1.6: Analysis of Position at WorkLevel

Frequency (f) Percentage (%)

Senior Staff 23 23

Junior Staff 75 77

Total 98 100


Table 4.1.6 shows that 23 respondents are senior staff representing 23% while 75

respondents are junior staff representing 77%. Thus, majority of the respondents are

junior staff.


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Table 4.1.7: Distribution of Respondents by Department

Department Frequency (f) Percentage (%)

Investigation 16 16

Enforcement 22 22

Personnel /Admin. 13 13

Operation 38 40

Research and Development 9 9

Total 98 100


Table 4.1.7 shows that 16 respondents are in investigation department representing

16%; 22 respondents are in enforcement department representing 22%; 13

respondents are in personnel/admin department representing 13%; 38 and 9

respondents are in operation department and research & development department

representing 40% and 9% respectively. Thus, indicate that majority of the

respondents are in the Nigeria police force.

Table 4.1.8: Can poor border check increase the proliferation of small arms and light

weapons in Nigeria?

ResponsesFrequency (f) Percentage (%)

Strongly agree 32 34

Agree 29 29

Undecided 7 7

Disagree 11 11

Strongly disagree 19 19

Total 98 100



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Table 4.1.8 shows that 32 respondents representing 34% strongly agreed that poor

border check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 29

respondents representing 29% agreed that poor border check increase the

proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 7 respondent

representing7% was undecided that poor border check increase the proliferation of

small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 11 respondents representing 11% disagreed

that poor border check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in

Nigeria, while 19 respondents representing 19% strongly disagreed that poor border

check increase the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus,

majority of the respondents agreed that poor border check increase the proliferation of

small arms and light weapons in Nigeria

Table 4.1.9: Do the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to

their do or die politics?

Responses Frequency (f) Percentage (%)


Agree 25 25

Undecided 10 10

Disagree 15 15


Total 98 100



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Table 4.1.9 shows that 26 respondents representing 28% strongly agreed that the Nigerian

politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics, 25

respondents representing 25% agreed that the Nigerian politicians contribute to the

insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics, 10 respondents representing 10%

were undecided that the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to

their do or die politics, 15 respondents representing 15% disagreed that the Nigerian

politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics, while 22

respondents representing 22% strongly disagreed that the Nigerian politicians contribute

to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do or die politics. Thus, most of the respondents

agreed that the Nigerian politicians contribute to the insecurity of Nigeria due to their do

or die politics.

Table 4.1.10: Can the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light weapons

proliferation by registering her weapons?

Responses Frequency (f) Percentage (%}


Agree 34 36

Undecided 4 4

Disagree 13 13


Total 98 100



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Table 4.1.10 shows that 25 respondents representing 25% strongly agreed that the Nigeria

police help in the control of small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her

weapons, 34 respondents representing 36% agreed that the Nigeria police help in the

control of small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons, 4

respondents representing 7% were undecided that the Nigeria police help in the control of

small arms and light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons, 13 respondents

representing 13% disagreed that the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and

light weapons proliferation by registering her weapons, while 22 respondents representing

22% strongly disagreed that the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light

weapons proliferation by registering her weapons. Thus majority of the respondents

agreed that the Nigeria police help in the control of small arms and light weapons

proliferation by registering her weapons.

Table 4.1.11: Can adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to

improve our security?

ResponsesFrequency (t)

Percentage (%)


Agree 26 26

Undecided 9 9

Disagree 17 17


Total 98 100



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Table 4.1.11 shows that 29 respondents representing 31% strongly agreed that adequate

consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security, 26

respondents representing 26% agreed that adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle

weapons help to improve our security, 9 respondent representing 9% was undecided that

adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security, 17

respondents representing 17% disagreed that adequate consideration of ages eligible to

handle weapons help to improve our security, while 19 respondents representing 19%

strongly disagreed that adequate consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to

improve our security. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that adequate

consideration of ages eligible to handle weapons help to improve our security.

Table 4.1.12: Can poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small

arms and light weapons in Nigeria?

ResponsesFrequency (f)

Percentage (%)


Agree 28 28

Undecided 3 3

Disagree 7 7


Total 98 100


Table 4.1.12 shows that 49 respondents representing 51% strongly agreed that poor

governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in


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Nigeria, 28 respondents representing 28% agreed that poor governance constitute to the

increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 3 respondents

representing 3% were undecided that poor governance constitute to the increase in

proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 7 respondents representing 7%

disagreed that poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms

and light weapons in Nigeria, while 11 respondents representing 11 % strongly disagreed

that poor governance constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light

weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that poor governance

constitute to the increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria.

Table 4.1.13: Can ethnic and community violence constitute increase in proliferation of

small arms and light weapons in Nigeria?

ResponsesFrequency (f) Percentage (%)


Agree 35 35

Undecided 3 3

Disagree 2 2


Total 98 100


Table 4.1.13 shows that 51 respondents representing 53% strongly agreed that ethnic and

community violence constitute increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in

Nigeria, 35 respondents representing 35% agreed that ethnic and community violence


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constitute increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 3

respondent representing 3% was undecided that ethnic and community violence constitute


representing 2% disagreed that ethnic and community violence constitute increase in

proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 7 respondents representing

7% strongly disagreed that ethnic and community violence constitute increase in

proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the respondents

agreed that ethnic and community violence constitute increase in proliferation of small

arms and light weapons in Nigeria.

Table 4.1.14: Do denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms

and light weapons in Nigeria?



Agree 32 32

Undecided 8 8

Disagree 11 11


Total 98 100


Table 4.1.14 shows that 38 respondents representing 40% strongly agreed that denial of

civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in

Nigeria, 32 respondents representing 32% agreed that denial of civic right constitute to


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increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria denial of civic right

constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 8

respondents representing 8% were undecided that denial of civic right constitute to


representing 11% disagreed that denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation

of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 9 respondents representing 9% strongly

disagreed that denial of civic right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and

light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that denial of civic

right constitute to increase in proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria.

Table 4.1.15: Can public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of




Agree 35 35

Undecided 7 7

Disagree 5 5


Total 98 100


Table 4.1.15 shows that 39 respondents representing 41% strongly agreed public

enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light

weapons in Nigeria, 35 respondents representing 35% agreed that public enlightenment


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on weapons help to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 7

respondents representing 7% were undecided that public enlightenment on weapons help

to reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 5 respondents

representing 5% disagreed that public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the

proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 12 respondents

representing 12% strongly disagreed that public enlightenment on weapons help to

reduce the proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, majority of the

respondents agreed that public enlightenment on weapons help to reduce the proliferation

of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria.

Table 4.1.16: Can proper education of the youth on weapons help to discourage the

proliferation of small arms and light weapons?



Agree 31 31

Undecided 2 2

Disagree 12 12


Total 98 100


Table 4.1.16 shows that 36 respondents representing 38% strongly agreed that proper

education of the youth on weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and

light weapons, 31 respondents representing 31% agreed that the proper education of the


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youth on weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, 2

respondents representing 2% were undecided that proper education of the youth on

weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, 12

respondents representing 12% disagreed that proper education of the youth on weapons

help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, while 17

respondents representing 17% strongly disagreed proper education of the youth on

weapons help to discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. Thus,

majority of the respondents agreed that proper education of the youth on weapons help to

discourage the proliferation of small arms and light weapons.

Table 4.1.17 Can institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of


ResponsesFrequency (f)

Percentage (%)


Agree 36 36

Undecided 3 3

Disagree 7 7


Total 98 100

Source; Field Survey 2012.

Table 4.1.17 shows that 50 respondents representing 52% strongly agreed that

institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light

weapons in Nigeria, 36 respondents representing 26% agreed that institutions like


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ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in

Nigeria, 3 respondent representing 3% were undecided that institutions like ECOWAS

help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, 7

respondents representing 7% disagreed that institutions like ECOWAS help in the

reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria, while 2

respondents representing 2% strongly disagreed that institutions like ECOWAS help in

the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria. Thus, most of

the respondents agreed institutions like ECOWAS help in the reduction of proliferation of

small arms and light weapons in Nigeria.

Table 4.1.18: Do proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security threat to

national security?



Agree 32 32

Undecided 4 4

Disagree 7 7


Total 98 100


Table 4.1.18 shows that 39 respondents representing 41% strongly agreed proliferation of

small arms and light weapons pose security threat to national security, 32 respondents

representing 32% agreed that proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security


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threat to national security, 4 respondent representing 4% was undecided that

proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security threat to national security, 7

respondents representing 7% disagreed that proliferation of small arms and light

weapons pose security threat to national security, while 16 respondents representing

16% strongly disagreed that proliferation of small arms and light weapons pose security

threat to national security. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that proliferation of

small arms and light weapons pose security threat to national security.

Table 4.1.19: Do Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and

community violence?

Responses Frequency (f)Percentage (%)


Agree 33 33

Undecided 3 3

Disagree 6 6


Total 98 100


Table 4.1.19 shows that 45 respondents representing 47% strongly agreed that Small

arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence, 33

respondents representing 33% agreed that Small arms and light weapons escalated the

ethnic conflict and community violence, 3 respondents representing 3% were

undecided that the Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and


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community violence, 6 respondents representing 6% disagreed that Small arms and

light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence, while 11

respondents representing 11% strongly disagreed that Small arms and light weapons

escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence. Thus, most of the respondents

agreed that Small arms and light weapons escalated the ethnic conflict and community

violence.

Table 4.1.20: Is there significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and

light weapons as a threat to national security?



Agree 43 45

Undecided 2 2

Disagree 11 11


Total 98 100


Table 4.1.20 shows that 30 respondents representing 30% strongly agreed that there

significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a

threat to national security, 43 respondents representing 45% agreed that there significant

relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a threat to

national security, 2 respondent representing 2% were undecided that there significant



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national security, 11 respondents representing 11% disagreed that there significant


national security, while 12 respondents representing 12% strongly disagreed that there

significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light weapons as a

threat to national security. Thus, majority of the respondents agreed that there significant


national security.

4.2 TEST OF HYPOTHESES

Hypothesis I

H0: There is no significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light weapons

poses security threat to national security.

H1: There is significant evidence that proliferation of small arms and light weapons poses

security threat to national security.

Table 4.2.1: The computation of calculated chi-square value

Responses O E O - E (OE)

(OE)

E

SA 39 19.6 19.4 376.36 19.20

A 32 19.6 12.4 153.76 7.84

UN 4 19.6 -15.6 -31.2 -1.59

D 7 19.6 -12.6 -25.2 -1.29

SD 6 19.6 -13.6 -27.2 -1.39

Total 98 98 25.55


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Expected value = 98 = 19.6

5

Calx2= (O - E)2 = 25.55

E

D.F = N1 = 51 = 4

a = 0.05

Tab (x2) = 9.48773

Decision ; since the chi-square (x2) value (25.55) is greater than tabulated chi-square (x

2)

(9.48773) at 4 degrees of freedom under 0.05 probability level. H0 is rejected and H1 is

accepted. Thus suggest that there is significant evidence that proliferation of small arms

and light weapons poses security threat to national security.

Hypothesis II

H0: There is no significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have escalated the

ethnic conflict and community violence.

H1: There is significant evidence that Small arms and light weapons have escalated the

ethnic conflict and community violence.


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Responses O E O - E (OE)

(OE)

E

SA 45 19.6 25.4 645.16 32.92

A 33 19.6 13.4 179.56 9.17

UN 3 19.6 -16.6 -33.2 -1.69

D 6 19.6 -13.6 -30.2 -1.54

SD 11 19.6 -8.6 -17.2 -0.89

Total 98 98 37.97


5

Calx2= (O - E)2 = 37.97

E

D.F = N1 = 51 = 4

a = 0.05

Tab (x2) = 9.48773Decision ; since the chi-square (x

2) value (37.97) is greater than tabulated chi-square (x

2)


accepted. Thus suggest that there is significant evidence that Small arms and light

weapons have escalated the ethnic conflict and community violence

Hypothesis III

H0: There is no significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light

weapons and a threat to national security.


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H1: There is significant relationship between the proliferation of small arms and light

weapons and a threat to national security.


Responses O E O - E (OE)2

(OE)2

E

SA 30 19.6 10.4 108.16 5.52

A 43 19.6 23.4 547.56 27.94

UN 2 19.6 -17.6 -35.2 -1.79

D 11 19.6 -8.6 -17.2 -0.88

SD 12 19.6 -7.6 -15.2 -0.77

Total 98 98 30.02


5

Calx2= (O - E)2 = 30.02

E

D.F = N1 = 51 = 4

a = 0.05

Tab (x2) = 9.48773Decision ; since the chi-square (x

2) value (30.02) is greater than tabulated chi-square (x2)


accepted. Thus suggest that there is significant relationship between the proliferation of

small arms and light weapons and a threat to national security


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4.3 DISCUSSION OF FINDING

Contrary to public perception that some outs of the SALWs are used for

protection while majority are of the opposite that it is harmful and endangers the

security of the state. The study revealed that there is significant evidence that

proliferation of small arms and light weapons poses security threat to national

security considering the economic position of the state. The research work shows

that Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as institution can

help in the reduction of proliferation of small arms and light weapons in Nigeria,

given about 52% of the respondents strongly agree and about 36% agree

respectively. The study therefore challenge the Federal, State and Local

Government as well as concerned institutions to give ear to the call for measures

that can lead to the reduction or even eradication of proliferation of small arms

and light weapons in Nigeria.


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CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

5.0 INTRODUCTIONThis chapter consists of summary, conclusion and recommendations made based on the

outcome of the research work.

5.1 SUMMARY

The approach adopted by the Lagos State to the problem of insecurity created by

proliferation of small arms and light weapons was of no good. This act which has

increase the level of crime and human violation caused by those who make use of

the weapons in an unhumanised way and manna has led to the high level of

insecurity. The militarizing the state rather than forming the basis for security,

led to the emergency and activities of vigilante groups. This approach rather than

addressing the challenges has heightened the conflict in the state and led to human

rights violations in the state, Balogun (2003). There are issues surrounding the

proliferation of small arms and light weapons to national security. The issue of

marginalization, deprivation, unequal allocation of development resources and

gross marginalization and the quest for social equity and justice, and the use of

wrong approach in addressing the issue of insecurity constitute to this problem.

These are issues that the Lagos state cannot run away from and that it has to be

addressed for peace and security to reign in the state.


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5.2 CONCLUSION

Obviously, having described the issue of small arms and light weapons

proliferation as well as identified and shed light on the causes of the proliferations

and how it constitute threat to the national security. The study therefore conclude

that any attempts to totally arrest or initiate efforts to combat the activities of

small arms and light weapons proliferation, without providing credible and

sustained synergy and demobilization will likely fail and this will be drawn back

into conflict activity to support political power brokers, or other form of human

violation which would be more worster than the proliferation of SALWs will step

up. The study therefore challenge the authorities in charge to step up actions to

stop the menace in the society, as well as seeking collaboration from religious

groups, human right organizations and NGOs as against the proliferation of small

arms and light weapons.

5.3 RECOMMENDATION

Increasingly, the illegal transfer of Small arms and light weapons is recognized as

a security-related humanitarian problem that needs to be tackled by states on a

national, regional and international levels. The uncontrolled accumulation and

proliferation of small arms is a major threat to national, sub-regional and regional

security. Apart from causing destruction of lives and serious human rights

violation, the phenomenon undermines development efforts. This has resulted,

among others, in the increase in criminality and banditry, and the emergence of


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child soldiers with its attendant consequences. In view of this, the study therefore

make the following recommendations.

i. Establishing a Culture of Peace:The Moratorium is a confidence building measure that is needed to establish a

culture of peace. This will be achieved through an awareness campaign involving

women organizations, religious bodies, community groups, business associations,

professional organizations, academics, traditional groups, elders and non-

governmental organizations. They will inform the general public about the effects

of armed violence and the concerted efforts by the government to reduce them.

The approach for establishing this culture of peace can come through the

following levels:

Local Level Programmes such as

Essays and opinion pieces/papers will be published in local newspapers asregards the Moratorium.

Talk shows in local radio networks discussing the governments effort to curbillicit small arms trafficking.

National Level, Government will facilitate the

Mobilization of resources at inter-ministerial level to promote education infavour of the culture of peace.


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Educating the school children on the culture of peace by deglamourizingviolence and emphasizing on the African traditions of negotiation and

dialogue in conflict situations.

International Level:

Need to establish a network of West African NGOs working to promote peacein the sub-region. This will be in collaboration with Programme for

Coordination and Assistance on Security Development (PCASED).

Need to increase sub-regional and international collaboration. Each member state of ECOWAS will celebrate a week against the

proliferation of small arms.

ii. The setting up of Truth Commission:The true commission would have the primary objective of investigating and

reporting cases of human rights violations in the Lagos state. The truth

commission should be an official body of the federal Government that will be

responsible for making recommendations that will remedy human rights

violations and measurement to the reoccurrence of such abuses.

5.3 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

Many questions remain unanswered which could be addressed by different social

science disciplines. From the political science discipline, studies could address

the question of which factor is influencing the proliferation of small arms and

light weapons. Government should as a matter of policy and legislations workout


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a framework for a research on the proliferation of small arms andlight weapons

and measure to combat it as this will promote public confidence in the National

security system or network according to Onuoha, (2006).

BIBLOGRAPHY

APPENDIX

National Open University of

Nigeria,14/16 Ahmadu Bello Way,Victoria Island, Lagos.

Dear Sir/Madam,

REQUEST FOR THE COMPLETION OF QUESTIONNAIRE

I am a student of the above institution conducting a research on THE PROLIFERATION

OF SMALL ARMS AND LIGHT WEAPONS AS A THREAT TO NATIONAL

SECURITY (A case Study of Lagos State), " as the study area.

I humbly solicit for your co-operation and assistance in helping me in this study by

completing the attached questionnaire. All information supplied herein shall be treated

with strict and absolute confidentiality as this exercise is merely for academic purpose.

Thanks for your co-operation.

Yours faithfully,Mr. Jimmy Sunday Okon


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Researcher, 08026980840

QUESTIONNAIRE

Section A: Personal Information

Instruction: Please tick () against the appropriate choice/options to indicate youranswers to the items.1. Sex: (a) Male ( ) (b) Female ( )

2. Age (years) : (a)18-30( ) (b)31-40( )

(c) 41-50( ) (d) 51 and above

3. Marital Status: (a) Single ( ) (b) Married( )

4. Working Experience: (a) Below 5yrs ( ) (b) 6 - 10yrs( )

( c) 11 - 15yrs ( ) (d) 16 years and Above

5. Qualification: (a) SSCE ( ) (b) NCE/OND( )

(c) HND/B.Sc. ( ) (d)Master Degree ( )

6. Position at work:

(a) Senior Officer ( )

(b) Junior Officer ( )

7. Department: (a) Investigation ( ) (b) Personnel/Admin( )

(c ) Enforcement ( ) (d ) Operation ( )

(e ) Research and Development


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Section B:

Instruction: Please tick the appropriate answer in the boxes attached to the statementsbelow:SA = Strongly Agree A= Agree UN = Undecided D =Disagree SD = Strongly Disagree

S/N Statement SA A UN D SD

8 Can poor boarder check increase theproliferation of small arms and light weaponsin Nigeria?

9 Do the Nigerian politicians contribute to theinsecurity of Nigeria due to their do die politics?

10 Can the Nigeria police help in the control ofsmall arms and light weapons proliferation byregistering her weapons?

11 Can adequate consideration of ages eligible tohandle weapons help to improve our security?

12 Can poor governance constitute to the increase inproliferation of small arms and light weapons inNigeria?

13 Can ethnic and community violence constitute

increase in proliferation of small arms and lightweapons in Nigeria?

14 Do denial of civic right constitute to increase inproliferation of small arms and light weapons inNigeria?

15 Can public enlightenment on weapons help toreduce the proliferation of small r]arms and lightweapons in Nigeria?

16 Can proper education of the youth on weaponshelp to discourage the proliferation of small armsand light weapons?

17 Can institutions like ECOWAS help in thereduction of proliferation of small arms and lightweapons in Nigeria?


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18 Do proliferation of small arms and light weaponspose security threat to national security?

19 Do Small arms and light weapons escalated theethnic conflict and community violence?

20 Is there significant relationship between the

proliferation of small arms and light weapons asa threat to national security?

Proliferation of Small Arm in Nigeria

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