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Private schools in the People's Republic of China: Development, modalities andcontradictions

Schulte, Barbara

Published in:Private Schools and School Choice in Compulsory Education

DOI:10.1007/978-3-658-17104-9_8

2017

Document Version:Peer reviewed version (aka post-print)

Link to publication

Citation for published version (APA):Schulte, B. (2017). Private schools in the People's Republic of China: Development, modalities andcontradictions. In T. Koinzer, R. Nikolai, & F. Waldow (Eds.), Private Schools and School Choice in CompulsoryEducation (pp. 115-131). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-17104-9_8

Total number of authors:1

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ChineseprivateschoolsBarbaraSchulte

1. IntroductionChineseprivateschoolsmaycomeacrossasacontradictoryphenomenon:whywouldanauthoritarianandofficiallysocialistgovernment,thatneedstorelyoneducationasaninstrumentofnationalunificationandideologicalcontrol,allowforprivateschoolsandprofit-makingintheeducationalsector?However,seenagainstthebackgroundofthefar-reachingprivatisationprocessesthathavebeenshapingtheChineseeconomyandsocietysincethe1990s,onemightequallywonderwhythisseeminglyall-pervadingprivatisationwavehadforalongtimestoppedshortoftheeducationalrealm.Thischapteroutlinesthedevelopment,modalities,andcontradictionsofprivateschoolsinthePeople'sRepublicofChina.1

2. HistoricalbackgroundUntilthefoundingofthePeople'sRepublicin1949,mostschoolswereinprivatehands.Historically,theChineseeducationsystemwasanexaminationsystemratherthanagenuineschoolsystem:itconstitutedastate-controlled,empire-widemechanismofselectingsuitablecandidatesforpublicservice.Whilethestatetookcareofdesigning,implementingandassessingtheexaminations,theknowledgeandskillsthatwereneededforsuccessfullypassingtheseexaminationsweremostlyobtainedatprivateschools(Miyazaki,1976;Y.Wu,1993).In1905,theexaminationsystemwasabolished,andin1912,withtheendofthelastimperialdynastyandthebeginningoftheRepublic,politicalattentionshiftedtowardsmasseducation.However,duetopoliticalinstabilityandlackoffinancialresources,theChinesestateonlyhadalimitedcapacitytoact.Theestablishmentofnewschoolsandeventheneweducationsystemasdraftedin1922werelargelytheoutcomeofprivateactors'engagement(Schulte,2012;Y.C.Wang,1961).EvenaftertheNationalistgovernmentputanendtotheWarlordperiodandstrengtheneditscontrolafter1928,manyoftheregulationsconcerningstate-providededucationwereneverimplementednation-wide,andeducationcontinuedtobedeliveredmainlybyprivateactors(Mackerras,1985).

FollowingtheCommunisttake-overin1949,thestatestroveforanencompassing,publiceducationsystem,pursuingtheambitiousaimtoreplaceallprivateschoolswithpublicschools.Fuelledbyheavygovernmentinvestmentinpublicschooling,thenumberofstudentsatalllevelsskyrocketed.Inordertoreachthepoliticaltargetofmassaccesstoschooling,privatelyfinancedschools"runbythepeople"(minban)continuedtoexist,orwereevennewlyestablished,untilwellintothe1980s,mostlyconstitutinglower-quality,

1ThechapterispartiallybasedonmyfieldworkonprivateschoolsinChinaconductedbetween2010and2015.TheoverallprojectwassupportedbyTheSwedishFoundationforHumanitiesandSocialSciencesunderGrantP11-0390:1fortheyears2012-2015;someofthefieldworktripsreceivedfundingfromtheCrafoordFoundationfortheyears2010-2011.

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temporarysolutions.TheChinesegovernmentonlypassedtheLawofCompulsoryEducationin1986,therebylegallyguaranteeingnineyearsofschooling,andeffortswereintensifiedtoeliminateallprivateschoolsbytheyear2000(C.Wang&Bergquist,2003).

However,beforethistargetwasreached,newdevelopmentsinterferedwiththesepolicyaims.FollowingtheOpenDoorpolicylaunchedbythethenleaderDengXiaopinginthelate1980s,Chinaembarkedonacomprehensivemodernisationprojectwhichwasaccompaniedbyprocessesofprivatisationandacceleratedurbanisation.Atthesametimeasprivateschoolsweretodisappear,newtypesofprivateschoolsemergedwhichweretoservethechildrenofruralmigrantstothecities,whohadonlyverylimitedaccesstourbansocialwelfare.2Moreover,afterDeng'sso-called"SouthernTour"in1992duringwhichheencouragedprivateentrepreneurship,educationalfor-profitenterprisesbegantoemerge–mainlyintheformofcramschools,butoccasionallyalsoasgenuineprivateschools.

3. LegalstatusThesenewdevelopmentscalledforanewlegalregulation:in1997,theStateCouncilpassedtheRegulationontheRunningofEducationalInstitutionswithSocialResources(StateCouncil,1997),whichofficiallyencouragedthe"healthydevelopment"ofprivateschools,withtheexceptionofreligiousschools.Whilethestate'staskisdescribedinthisregulationasmonitoringandprovidingguidance,nofinancialsupportwastobegiventotheseschools.Themanyrestraintsandwarningsasarticulatedintheregulationgivereasontoassumethattheseearlydevelopmentswerefraughtwithfinancialembezzlement,unstableschoolenvironments,insufficientteacherresources,andacademicfraud.Inparticularthemarketfortutoringeducationblossomed,takingadvantageoffamilies'ambitionsfortheiroffspringtoattainhighgradesandgetadmittedintoeliteschools.Bynow,thisvasteducationalindustryintheshadowsofcompulsoryeducation(so-called'shadoweducation';seee.g.W.Zhang&Bray,2016)hasbecomeanimportantplayereveninthestockmarkets(Sinacom,2012).

SimilartoprivatisationprocessesinothersectorsofChinesesociety,theprivatisationofresourcesandprovisionofeducationhasoftenbeencharacterisedbyblurredboundariesbetweenpublicandprivatemanagementandfunding.Mosttypically,thepublicschools'infrastructure,networks,andotherresourceswerebeingexploitedforoperatingprofit-generatingschools,whileobtainedprofitswouldnotflowbackintothepublicschoolsystembutendupinthevariousentrepreneurs'ownpockets.TheLawforPromotingPrivateEducation,comingintoeffectin2003(NPC,2002),doeslittletolimitthisexploitationofpublicresourcesforpersonalprofit.Evenafterprivateschoolsattachedtopublicschoolswereexplicitlyforbidden,Iwouldstillcomeacrosssuchschoolsinmyfieldwork,particularlyinplacesotherthanBeijing.Besides,thelawleavesalargegreyzoneregardingtheextentto

2Educationalfundingistiedtothestudent'shomedistrict;thereforeschooldistrictshavenoincentivetoacceptstudentswithexternalresidency(ontheproblematicintegrationofmigrantchildrenintotheChineseeducationsystem,seee.g.D.Zhang&Luo,2015;Zhou&Wang,2016)

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whichprofitcanbemadefromeducationalbusinesses:thelawonlyrulesthata"reasonableprofit"(helihuibao)islegal;however,whatexactly"reasonable"entailsisnotspecifiedandisopentonegotiation.Inpractice,thishasledtoarbitrarydecisionsbythelocalbureausandcorruptivebehaviouramongtheactorsinvolved.

Accordingtothelaw,regionalgovernmentsabovetheadministrativelevelofthecountyarefreetoofferfinancialsubsidiesandotherformsofsupporttoprivateschools(suchaspreferentialtaxing,lettingcheapland,payingrewardstosuccessfulschoolsorentrepreneursetc.).Thisfreedomhasledtovastregionaldifferencesinhowprofitablyandsmoothlyprivateschoolscanberun.Insomeprovinces,particularlythosewithlackingorinadequatepubliceducation,localgovernmentsaremorewelcomingthanotherstowardssubsidisingandintegratingprivateschoolsintothelocalschoolsystem.Sincethereissuchleewayregardingtheallocationofgovernmentfunds,someprivateschoolsthataredeclared"pilotprojects"canreceivemuchhighergovernmentfundingthantheirpubliccounterparts;whileotherprivateschoolsdonotevengetthesubsidiesthattheyareentitledtoaccordingtolocalregulations.Evenwithinoneandthesamecity,districtswerefoundtobehandlingtheseregulationsdifferently.3

InOctober2016,thePeople'sCongressadoptedanimportantamendmenttothelawregulatingprivateeducation:for-profitprivateschoolsarenolongerallowedwithincompulsoryeducation.From2017onwards,educationalentrepreneursoutsidecompulsoryeducationarefreetodecidewhethertheywanttoestablishnon-profitorfor-profitschools.Oncethechoiceismade,for-profitschoolswillbetreatedasbusinesses,whilenon-profitschoolscontinueto(potentially)enjoypreferentialtreatment,suchastaxexemption,cheaplandallocationetc.Potentialsurplusesgeneratedatnon-profitschoolshavetobereinvestedintotheschools,allowinghoweverforthepossibilityofa"bonus"fortheschoolowner(tobeauthorisedbythelocaleducationalbureau).Furthermore,theamendment"encourages"privateschoolstomodeltheirpensionschemesonthoseofpublicschools(NPC,2016).Somemediahavespeculatedthatthiscouldconstituteasteptowardsmoreequalityineducation,as"schoolsforthenobility"willnolongerreceivegovernmentsupport;whileothershavemaintainedthatthiscouldbethedeathblowtoprivateeducation(Yan,2016).Itremainstobeseenhowthesechangesaregoingtobeimplemented,andhowprofitsandbonuseswillbeinterpretedinpractice,particularlysincethedetailsofimplementationareagaintobedecidedregionally.Firstreactionsindicatethatincentivestorunprivateschoolswillbereduceddrastically,affectingnotonlyeducationalentrepreneursandprivateschoolteachers,butalsothosechildrenwhobecauseoftheirexternalresidencyarestillbarredfromattendingthelocalpublicschool,ordiscouragedfromdoingso(Yan,2016).

3FindingfrommyfieldworkinthecityofWenzhou,ZhejiangProvince.

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4. DevelopmentofprivateschoolsDevelopmentatdifferenteducationallevelsandtypesofprivateschoolsWiththelawofprivateeducationin2003,privateschoolsanduniversitiesbecameasystematicpartofofficialeducationalstatistics.Between2003and2015,privateeducationhasbeengrowingcontinuously,butonacomparativelysmallscale:asof2015,morethan7millionstudents–ashareof7percentofallprimaryschoolstudents–attendedaprivateprimaryschool;thesharesofprivatestudentsare10%and6%forlowerandhighermiddleschool,respectively(Figure1).

Figure1:Shareofstudentsattendingprivateprimary,lowersecondaryanduppersecondaryschoolsin%(Source:StatisticalreportsbytheChineseMinistryofEducation,2004-2016)

Withincompulsoryeducation,privateschoolscanberoughlycategorisedasfollows:

i. Low-feeprivateschoolsforpoorermigranthouseholds,oftenrunbymigrants:Inmanycasesthesearenotaccreditedbythelocaleducationalbureau,thusfacingtheconstantdangerofbeingcloseddown.

ii. Medium-feeprivateschoolsaffiliatedtoprestigiouspublicschools,profitingfromthepublicschool'sprestigiousname:Theseprivate'siblings'havebeenestablishedduetothepublicschools'limitednumberofavailableplacesandabsorbtheexcessdemandforhigh-qualityeducation.Theoreticallytheseschoolsaresupposedtobeeconomicallyindependent,butdefactomanyprivateschoolscontinuetomakeprofitattheexpenseoftheirpublicsiblings.

iii. Medium-feeprivateschoolsrunbyindividualentrepreneurs:Theseschoolshavebeenestablishedforvariousreasons(seesectiononsocialfunctionsbelow).Schoolscanbebothnew,ortheycanbepreviouspublicschoolsthatduetolowqualityweresoldtoaninvestor(comparabletocharterschoolsintheUS).Foundershadoftenworkedaspublicschoolprincipalsinthepastandusuallyhavegoodworkingrelationswiththelocaleducationalbureau.

0123456789

1011

Primary school

Lower middle school

Upper middle school

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iv. Medium-feeprivateschoolsrunbycorporations,oftenexpandedformsoftheprecedingtype:Aspecificsubtypeoftheseschoolsarethoserunbyreal-estatecompaniesinchargeoflargergatedcommunities,sincecompaniesarerequiredtoprovidecompulsoryeducationinthesecommunities.

v. High-feeprivateschools,oftenofferinganinternationaldegree(InternationalBaccalaureate):Theseschoolsusuallycooperatewithoverseasuniversitiesandschools,andsomeofthemarerunbynon-ChineseinvestorsorasaChinese-internationaljoint-ventureenterprise.StudentsareusuallyfromtheChineseupperclassorfromexpatriatefamilies,andprepareforuniversitystudiesabroad.

Howtheseschoolsaresupervised,controlled,andevaluateddepends,similarlytothefinancialsupportgivenorwithheldbytherespectivelocalgovernment,toalargeextentonthelocalcontext.MyfieldworkinthreedifferentregionsinChinafoundthreeratherdifferentsituations:inBeijing,privateeducationwasfoundtobestrictlystate-controlled,withverylittleincentiveforeducationalentrepreneurstoestablishgenuineprivateschoolswithincompulsoryeducation(withtheexceptionoftheabove-mentionedschoolsingatedcommunities);inYunnanProvince,acomparativelypoorprovince,privateentrepreneurswerefoundtobemuchmoreencouragedthantheircolleaguesinBeijingtoestablishfull-fledgedprivateschoolsascomplementstostate-providedbasiceducation;andinZhejiangProvince,whichisknownforeducation-savvy,affluentbusinessfamilies,privateschoolsseemtocomeclosesttotheWesternprototypeoftheprivateschool:elitistalternativestopublicschools.

SocialfunctionsofprivateschoolsIntuitively,onemightassumethatprivateschoolsconstitutethe'betterchoice'fromtheperspectiveofparents:familiesactivelyenroltheirchildrenatprivateschoolsinsearchofahigh-quality(orbetterquality)educationalsolution.Avarietyofeducationalresearchhasshownthattheissueofprivateeducationandschoolchoiceiscomplex:eventhoughparentalchoiceclearlyputsbettereducatedfamiliesatanadvantageandthusfacilitatessocialreproduction(Ball,Bowe,&Gewirtz,1995),money,power,andprivilegeareoftenaccompaniedbyanxietiesandthefearoflosingstatusbychoosingthe'wrong'school(seee.g.Roda&Wells,2013).Besides,scholarshavefoundthatparentsarenotnecessarilypushedawaybypublicschoolsbutseekprivateschoolswhentheywishformoreparentalinvolvementandschool-parentinteraction(Goldring&Phillips,2008).Themostcommondrivingfactorforchoosingaprivateschoolhoweverseemstobeacademicperformance(Burgess,Wilson,Greaves,&Vignoles,2015).

Thedynamicsregardingeducationalprivatisationandschoolchoicelookquitedifferentfordevelopmentcontexts(seeMacpherson,Robertson,&Walford,2014).Privateschoolsinthesecontextsoftenemergeas'better-than-nothing'solutions,eitherbecausethereisnoaccessiblepublicschoolinthevicinity,orthepublicschoolsatcloserangeareconsideredsolow-qualityorlow-safetythattheydonotpresentanoptionforanyfamilieswhocanaffordtoavoidthem.InChina,thedefault'bestchoice'is,withveryfewexceptions,thepublicschool;thus,thecompetitionisfiercestforentranceintoelitepublicschools,andparentalchoicetakesplacemainlywithinthepublicschoolsystem(X.Wu,2012).Eventhoughpublic

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eliteschools,orso-called'keyschools'(zhongdianxuexiao),arenolongerallowedaccordingtotheLawofCompulsoryEducationasamendedin2006,theystillcontinuetoexist.4Theirpublicnaturehoweverdoesnotmeanthattheseschools'admissionpoliciesarestrictlymeritocratic;parentsusuallyneedtoemploybothfinancialandsocialresourcesinordertogettheirchildrenadmitted.Mostprivateschoolshavethereforeemergedassecond-choiceoptions,withtwopossibleexceptions:firstly,high-feeinternationalschools(typeVintheprevioussection)maypresentafirstchoiceforfamilieswhoenvisionaninternationalcareerfortheirchildren(althoughtheymayhavechosentheschoolafterfailingtoenroltheirchildrenatanelitepublicschool).Secondly,illegalornon-registeredchildren,particularlythoseofmigrantfamilies,mayhavenootherchoicethantoattendalow-feeprivateschool(categorisedastypeIintheprevioussection).

Betweenthesetwoextremeoptions,Ihavecomeacrossavarietyofsocialfunctionsthattherespectiveprivateschoolsfulfilledforthefamilieswhochosethatparticularoption.Thesefunctions,someofwhichoverlapwithoneanother,willbebrieflydescribedinthefollowingsections.

SchoolingingatedcommunitiesAsmentionedabove,real-estatecompaniesthatconstructlargergatedcommunitiesarerequiredtoprovidecompulsoryschooleducationforthecompounds'residents.Thiswaslongregardedatroublesometaskbymostcompanies.However,atonepoint,amanagerofonecompany,abusinesswomanfromHongKong,discoveredthatthisregulationcouldactuallybeturnedtothecompany'sadvantage.Byestablishinghigh-qualityschools,withhightransitionratestoeliteuppermiddleschoolsandincooperationwithteachersfromprestigiousuniversitiesandpublicschools,thecompanyensuredthatfamilieswantedtobuyanapartmentinthecompoundforeducationalreasons.Theobviousadvantageofthegated-communitysolutionisthatthecompoundliterallyprovideseducationfromthecradletothegrave:thesupplyreachesfromplayfacilitiesandkindergartenstoprimaryandsecondaryschoolstoanold-people'suniversity.Thegated-communityoptionthusrelievesparentsfromnavigatingthecomplicatedterrainofschoolchoice,andasasortof'one-stopshop'thesefamilies'childrenandgrandparentsbasicallydonotneedtoleavethecompoundatall–aperfectsolutionparticularlyforbusydual-earnerfamilies.Bythetimeofwriting,thecompanyhasbeenabletoerectcommunitiesinseverallargecitiesinChina.5

FamilieswithmorethanonechildAninvestigationintothesecompounds'statisticsshowsthatthereisanabove-averagerepresentationoffamilieswithmorethanonechild.Althoughfamilystatisticswerenotprovidedatthevisitedprivateschoolsthatwerenotpartofagatedcommunity,interviewswithschoolprincipalsconfirmedthatalsoattheseschools,studentstendtohavesiblings

4Paragraph3,Section22ofthelawrulesthatthereistobe"nodifferentiationbetweenkeyschoolsandnon-keyschools",andthatschoolsarenotallowedtohave"keyclassesandnon-keyclasses"(PRC,2006).

5Atpresent, it is unclearhow the legal amendment thatbans for-profit private schools fromcompulsoryeducationwillaffect this requirement. It is conceivable however that companies will be able to work around the new regulation byrelabelingtheschoolfeesasfeesrelatedtothebuildingcomplex.

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moreoftenthantheirpeersatpublicschools.Chinahasuntilrecentlypracticedaone-childpolicy,whichwithsomeexceptionsmadeitverydifficultforafamilytoraiseandeducatemorethanonechild.6Privateschoolswithmoderatefeeswerethereforeanacceptablesolutionifthechildwasexcludedfromsocialwelfare.Itremainstobeseenhowtherelaxedbirthpolicywillaffectthesefamilies'schoolchoicesinthefuture.

ExternalresidentsAccordingtoChineseregulations,childrenareillegalresidentsiftheirfamiliesdonotmeettherequirementsand/orlacktheappropriatedocumentationtoqualifyforalocalresidencepermit.ThesemigrantfamiliesusuallyoriginatefromChina'spoorerruralareasandmovetothecitiesinsearchforjobs.Inmanyways,theirsituationiscomparabletoillegalornon-registeredtrans-bordermigrantsinWesterncountries.AccordingtotheMinistryofEducation'sstatistics,thereare14millionmigrantchildrenwhohaveaccompaniedtheirparentstothecities,whilemorethan20millionchildrenareleftbehindbytheirparentsinthecountryside(MOE,2016).However,evencautiousestimatesassumeamuchhighernumberofmigrantchildreninthecities;LuandZhou(2013)estimate30millionchildrentolivethesetemporaryandpartiallyillegallives.Theoretically,migrantchildrenareentitledtoenrolatthelocalschool,eveniftheylackavalidresidencepermit.Sincethemid-1990s,variousannouncements,regulations,andeventuallytheamendedLawofCompulsoryEducationin2006haveemphasisedthisright;however,problemswithintegratingthesechildrenintothelocalschoolsystempersist(Zhou&Wang,2016).Thepoorestfamiliesmightbeafraidofbeingsentbacktothecountrysideandthereforeavoidthepublicsystemaltogether.Othercasesaresubtler.Whileoutspokendiscriminationhasbecomerare,manymigrantfamiliesarestilldiscouragedfromenrollingtheirchildrenatthelocalpublicschool.Duetolocalparents'resistance,schoolsmayforexamplehavespecialclassesformigrantchildren,withlessresourcesandunexperiencedteachers.Therefore,relativelywell-offmigrantfamilies,whoinmanyregardscancountasmiddleclassfamilies,maymaketheactivechoicetosparetheirchildrenthisostracismandoptforagood-qualityprivateschool.

EscapingcramschoolsAsmentionedabove,tutoringclassesareaburgeoningbusiness,andfamilieswithambitionscanhardlyavoidthem(W.Zhang,2014).ForthePISAsurvey(ProgrammeforInternationalStudentAssessment)in2012,seventypercentofChinesestudentssaidtheyweretakingadditionalmathclasses(OECD,2013,p.356),andthestudentsparticipatinginPISA2015spenttwenty-sevenhoursaweekwithstudyingoutsideschool,probablytoalargeextentatcramschools(OECD,2016,p.213).Tutoringclassesdonotonlyentailhighcostsformostfamilies,buttheyconstitutealsoasignificantsourceofstress:parentshavetobeknowledgeableaboutthequalityofdifferentcramschools,andtheyneedtoarrangetransportfortheirchildrenintheafternoons.Manymiddle-feeprivateschoolsoffertotakethisburdenawayfromparents:theyguaranteehighlearningoutcomesand,tobeabletoreachthese,integratetutoringclassesintotheschoolcurriculum.Sincesubjectteachersand6Exceptions included for example ethnic minorities and rural families whose first child was a girl (to avoid selectiveabortions). Thepolicywas then relaxed toalso include, first, coupleswhobothwereonly-childrenand,ata later stage,coupleswithoneonly-childpartner.SinceJanuary2016,couplesarefreetohaveasecondchild.

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afternoontutorsareusuallyidenticalandteachersthusgainbetterinsightintotheirstudents'learningprogress,thismethodhasprovedhighlyefficient.

InternationalexitThoseparentswhoarecriticalofrotelearningandcramminginthefirstplacecannotreallyaccommodatetheirchildrenwithintheChineseeducationsystem.Eventhoughthecurriculumreformthatwaslaunchedwiththebeginningofthenewmillenniumcalledforamoreholisticapproachtoeducation,emphasisingvaluessuchasinnovationandcreativity(Zhong&Cui,2001),thenatureoftheexaminationsystemconstantlyunderminesthesereformattempts,andschoolingcontinuestobehighlytest-orientedandformalised.Onesolution,whichhasbeenexplicitlyreferredtoasan"exit"solution(chukou)intalksandinterviewsduringmyfieldwork,istoleavetheChinesesystemaltogetherforaninternationalschool.Bynow,thereareanumberofschoolsofferinginternationaldegreesthatarealsoaffordableforthemiddleclass.Theabove-mentionedschoolsingatedcommunitiesforexamplefrequentlyofferthistrackaswell.Theconsequencesofenrollingataninternationalschoolarefar-reaching:itusuallyentailsthatgraduateshavenochanceofpassingtheChineseuniversityentranceexaminationandwillthushavetoleavethecountryforfurtherstudy.

AvoidingvocationalschoolAvocationaldegreehasaratherlowstatusinChina,despiterepeatedattemptsbyeducationistsandpolicymakerstomakevocationaleducationmoreattractive(Schulte,2013;Woronov,2016).Toendupatavocationalschoolisconsideredasignoflowsocialclassanduninformedchoice(Ling,2015).Withinthepublicschoolsystemhowever,vocationalschoolsaredifficulttoavoidonceastudenttransitstotheuppersecondarylevelandhasonlymediocregrades,asroughlyone-halfofuppermiddleschoolsarevocationallyoriented.Privateschoolscanofferapalatablealternative:althoughtheyareconsideredinferiortothefirst-choicepublicschool,theirdegreesarestillmorevaluablethanthoseofavocationalschool.

AlternativepedagogiesandlastresortsFinally,twolastaspectshavebeenfoundtocharacterisethelandscapeofprivateschoolinginChina.Thefirstisthepromiseofabetterpedagogy.Asschoolprincipalsandteachershaveclaimed,publicschoolshavebeenmainlyteachingtothetest,whereasprivateschoolshavemuchmoreleewaytoactuallyeducatechildrenashumanbeings.Itisdifficulttoassesstowhatextentsuchclaimsarepartoftheschool'sself-perceptionandperhapsmarketingstrategy,andtowhatextenttheschool'spedagogyreallymakesadifferenceforthestudentsenrolled.Generally,theclassesobservedduringthefieldworkwereallratherexam-oriented,withaheavyfocusonmemorisation.Takingtheargumentofadifferentpedagogyfurther,thereexistanumberofschoolswhohavespecialisedonschooldropoutsor'problemchildren'.Boththelackofstatesupportforstudentswithlearningdifficultiesandthestigmaofspecialschoolsmaypromptparentstooptforthese'lastresorts',whoemployacuriousmixtureofrelaxationtechniquesandbootcampmethodstogettheirstudentsbackontrack.Thesetypesofschoolsarerunasboardingschools.

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5. PerformanceofprivateschoolsBotheducationalresearchersandpublicopinionagreethatChinesepublicschoolsusuallyperformbetterthantheirprivatecounterparts.Gradeshaveconsistentlybeenfoundtobeloweramongprivateschoolstudents,comparedtotheirpublicschoolpeers(Liu,2011).Thisisattributedtothefactthatthemajorityofprivateschoolstudentsaredisadvantagedintermsoftheirparents'incomeormoregenerallyregardingtheirlifecircumstances(suchasnothavinglocalresidency).Furthermore,areportpublishedbytheChineseMinistryofEducation'snewspaperindicatesthatgradesareloweratprivateschools,andmorestatesupervisionisdeemednecessarytoensuregoodqualityatprivateschools(Ke,2014).

Asnonationalassessmentdataareaccessiblefortheentirecountry,7thePISAsurveysaretheonlylarge-scalestudiesthatprovidepartialinformationonstudentperformancerelatedtoschoolownershipinChina.PISA2012,forwhichonlydatafromShanghaiwaspublished,reportsaperformanceadvantageof35scorepointsforstudentsenrolledatprivateschools;however,afteraccountingfortheeconomic,socialandculturalstatusofstudentsandschools,thedifferenceinperformanceshiftstowardsanadvantageinpublicschools(OECD,2013,p.56).ThissuggeststhattheninepercentthatconstitutedtheshareofprivateschoolsintheShanghaisamplewereeconomically/sociallyprivileged.PISA2015,whichcoversBeijingandShanghaiplustheprovincesofJiangsuandGuangdong,reportsthatthe10.6percentofstudentsenrolledatprivateschoolsshownosignificantperformancedifferencescomparedwiththeirpublicschoolpeers(OECD,2016,p.125and343);thosedifferencesobservedshowaslightadvantageforprivateschoolstudents,whichagaintransformsintoadisadvantagewheneconomicandsocialstatusaretakenintoaccount.

Thus,thePISAdataseemstocontradictthestudiesundertakenbyChineseresearchers,indicatingthatstudentsenrolledatprivateschoolsperformbetter,oratleastequallywell,comparedtothoseenrolledatpublicschools.However,thiscontradictionmightbemoreapparentthanreal.ThePISAdatacoversonlyasmallsectionofChineseeducation;itisnotrepresentativeoftheentirecountry,andconcernshavealsobeenraisedregardingthevalidityofthesampling.8ItcanbesafelyassumedthattheregionschosenfortheChineseparticipationinPISArepresentcomparativelyhigh-performingpartsofChineseeducation;researchershavearguedthattheresultswouldbemuchlowerifforexamplethewesternorcentralprovinceshadbeenpartofthesample(seethediscussioninY.Wang&Lu,2016).Consequently,theprivateschoolslocatedintheregionsthatwerepartofthePISAsamplealsotendtobeofhighereducationalquality:theseregions,togetherwithZhejiangProvince,areknowntohostthehighestnumberofprivateeliteschoolsinthecountry.Furthermore,thereisreasontoassumethatlow-qualityprivateschoolssuchasthoseerectedbymigrantsarenot,oronlypartially,partofthesample,astheirstatusasofficiallyregisteredschoolsisoftenpending.

7Aso-called"ChinesePISA"waslaunchedin2015(MOE,2015);however,thedatahasnotyetbeenmadeaccessible(tobeexpectedathttps://www.eachina.org.cn/eac/jcjg/index.htm;accessedJanuary12,2017).

8Formore detailed information regarding the Chinese PISA results and the question of representativeness, see Schulte(2017,forthcoming).

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Recentreportsregardingprivateschoolperformanceinaffluentregionsindicatethatprivateschoolshavegainedaperformanceadvantagevis-à-vistheirpubliccounterparts.Accordingtothesereports,anincreasingnumberofambitiousparentsareconcernedthateducationalreformsmayleadtolowerexamresultsfortheirchildren;sincetheydonotwishtheirchildrentobecome"experimentalobjectsofpublicreform"(HZJS,2015),theyresorttoprivateschools.AninvestigationintostudentperformanceinHangzhou,thecapitaloftheabove-mentionedZhejiangProvince,revealssignificantlybetterresultsforprivatethanforpublicschools(ibid.).However,ifthelegalchangesasannouncedinOctober2016areimplementedandfor-profitprivateschoolsarebannedfromcompulsoryeducation,theseadvantagescanbeexpectedtodisappear.

6. Privatevs.publicschools:comebackoftheChinesestate?Despitetheofficialrhetoricof'encouraging'non-stateactorstocontributetoeducation,theChinesestatehasneverfullyembracedtheideaofprivateprovisionofeducation,andevenlesssowithincompulsoryeducation.Therecentbanonfor-profitschoolsfromcompulsoryeducationconfirmsanuneasethathasbeencharacterisingthegovernment'sattitudetowardsprivateeducationoverthepasttwodecades.ThevastmajorityofChineseprivateschoolsaredisadvantagedvis-à-vispublicschools:notonlyintermsofstatefunding,buttheyarealsoplacedlastwhenitcomestomakinganappearanceatschoolfairsandpublishingcallsforenrolment.Thesepracticesentailthatpublicschoolshavebeenabletoskimthehigherperformingstudents,whileprivateschoolsbasicallygettheleft-overs(Li,2016).Atthesametime,publicschoolsareincreasinglyadoptingthemoreflexiblemanagementpoliciesthathadbeenuniqueforprivateschools.Privateschoolstherebylosethefewcompetitiveadvantagesthattheyhadcomparedwithpublicschools.Theintroductionofperformance-relatedsalariesforpublicschoolteachersforexamplehasledtoabraindrainofyounger,highlyqualifiedteachersfromprivatetopublicschools(RenminZhengxiebao,2010).Forthestate,suchanunbalancedcooperationhaditsadvantages:publicschoolswouldgetthefamebutskippedtheblame,astheydidnothavetodealwiththemostmarginalised;problemscouldthusbeoutsourcedtoprivateactors,withoutthestatebeingaccountablefortheoutcomes.SowhywouldtheChinesestatewanttoterminatethisdivisionoflabour?

Tworeasonsmightlieatthebottomofthisdecision,whicharerelatedtoquestionsofsocialjusticeandpolitics.Ontheonehand,policydecisions,announcements,andstrategiesofthepastdecadehaveincreasinglyshiftedtowardsincludingthemoredisadvantagedgroupsinsociety.Theconceptofthe'harmonioussociety'asputforwardbythepreviousleadersHuJintaoandWenJiabaoattheNationalPeople'sCongressin2005setthecourseforcautiouslyredistributivepolicies.Ineducation,thisgainedmomentumwithWenJiabao'sNewYear'sspeechin2010,duringwhichheemphasisedthateverychildhadtherighttoattendnotjustaschool,buta"goodschool"(Wen,2010).Takingresponsibilityforsociety'sweakergroupshassincebecomeanintegralpartofthegovernment'slegitimacyandasignofitsstrength.Anyincidentsthatwouldpointtothegovernment'slackofcareandcontrol,suchasacademicallydubiousordilapidatedprivateschools,canthusleadtoquestioningthe

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government'slegitimacymoregenerally.Giventheirregularitiesinthewaysthatprivateschoolshavebeenaccredited,supported,andmonitoredbythelocalbureaus,thecentralgovernmentmightfinditeasiertoridcompulsoryeducationofprivateschoolsaltogether,ratherthantryingtomendthepresentsystem.Ofcourse,itisfarfromcertainwhetherthestatewillbeabletostepinafterprivateactorshaveleftthestage.AsChineseresearchershavepointedout,privateschools,eveniftheymayberunforprofit,oftenassumespecialresponsibilityformigrantchildren,andthusprovideservicesthatareonlyinsufficientlyofferedbypublicschools(Yan,2016).

Ontheotherhand,theabove-mentionedtrendstowardsaperformanceadvantageofprivateschoolsinmoreaffluentregionspresentadifferentkindofrisktothecurrentgovernmentunderXiJinping,namelythepotentialalienationofahighlyeducatedelitefromthestate.Aslongasexitoptionsfromthepublicsystemwereinferiortowhatcouldbegainedfromstate-providededucation,thegovernmentwouldnothavetofacedirectcompetitors.However,ifprivateschoolsshouldturnouttoperformbetterthanpublicschools,thegovernment'sabilitytooperateandreformeducationcouldbecalledintoquestion.Superficially,thegovernmentactionagainstprivateeliteschoolscanbeinterpretedasmovingtowardsmoreequality.However,thefactthateducationisstate-provideddoesnotnecessarilymakethesystemmoreequalormorejust.Ashasbeenpointedout,accesstoprestigiouspublicschoolsrequiressubstantialsocial,cultural,andeconomiccapital,andcurrentdevelopmentsdonotsuggestthatthisinjusticeisgoingtodisappearinthenearfuture.However,inasmuchastheseinequalitiesareinherentwithinthepublicschoolsystemanddonottakeshapeasapublic-privatedivide,theyarelesstangible:theparametersthateitherfacilitateorhamperselectivityandexclusivityineducationaredeterminedbythestate,ratherthanbysociety–anditcanbeassumedthatthestatehasapoliticalinterestinkeepingtheseparametersinplace.

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