V A R I A T U R C I C A

E S İ N . E TUR 1990

I l l r d C O N G R E S S ON T H E S O C I A L AND E C O N O M I C

H I S T O R Y O F T U R K E Y

P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y

2 4 - 2 6 A u g u s t 1 9 8 3

P r o c e e d i n g s e d i t e d b y

Heath W. L O W R Y and R a l p h S. H A T T O X

EmclEsm the F r e n c n . . .

( I s t a n b u l ;

T i r e a p a r t / O f f - p r i n t

T H E I S I S P R E S S I S T A N B U L - W A S H I N G T O N - P A R I S

1990

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Rodcric H. Davison, The Ottoman Boycott of Austrian Goods in 1908-9 as a Diplomatic Question 1

Mim Kemâl Öke, Young Turks, Freemasons, Jews and the Question of Zionism in the Ottoman Empire, 1908-1913 29

Bruno Simon, Navires et marchands vénitiens dans l'Empire Ottoman (1558-1560) 4 7

A. Üner Turgay, An Aspect of Ottoman-Russian Commercial Rivalry: Confiscation of Ottoman Merchant Ships in the Black Sea 59

Cornell H. Fleischer, From Şehzade Korkud to Mustafa Âli: Cultural Origins of the Ottoman Nasihatiume 67

Fatma Müge Göçek, Encountering the West: The French Embassy of

Yirinisekiz Çelebi Mehmet Efendi (1720-21) 79

Donald Quataert, The Carpet Makers of Uyak, Anatolia, 1S60-1914 .. 85

Yuzo Nagata, Preliminary Report on the Managerial System of a Çiftlik in mid-Eighteenth-Ccntury Turkey: 93

Jean-Louis Bacqué-Grammont, Société tribale et décadence des mœurs dans le Bozok vers 1530: 97

Robert Mantran, Réflexions sur les problèmes de l'eau à Istanbul du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle : 107

Reşat Kasaba, Ottoman Court Records as a Source for Late Ottoman Social History: 115

Linda Darling, A Treatise on Accounting Methods by a Sixteenth-Century Ottoman Finance Official: 123

Salgur Kançal, La dualisation de l'espace monétaire ottoman de 1880 à 1913 127

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TURKISH WOMEN IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

A preliminary remark should perhaps be made, in the light of the chronicles, seen as an entity, on the general aspects of the social status of Turkish women. One has the impression that the much commented harem (the seclusion of women) must often have been a conventional, rather than a factual condition. The Turks appear, in general, to have viewed the veil, only in its pristine significance,1 as an outward sign, distinguishing and thereby tending to protect Muslim women, in mixed societies, where diverse customs prevailed. In reality, considerable rights, notably independence in financial matters, had been foreseen for Muslim women.2 Muslim women did, more or less, exercise their rights, according to local interpretations. The biographies of scholars, which sometimes include a last chapter on women, indicate that these were usually given the same opportunities of education as others and were not subjected to special rigours.

Turkish women, in particular had come forth into Islam, (from the eighth century onwards),3 from a northern Eurasian mode of life, spent in seasonal transhumances, often on horseback.4 In the absence of her husband or her son, the mother had to undertake the care of the family, and in cases of reigning dynasties of the country (the queen-regents were (itlcd hatun or terken).5 Some Islamic Turkish queen-regents held this office down to the thirteenth century, including in the Selçukid sphere,6 from which emerged Turkey.7 Nizàm 'ul-

1 Ibn Sacd, A'pTabaqdt 'ul-kubrd (Beirut, AH 1377), 8:76-770 2Koran, 2:228; 4:7,32. 3Ahraad b. Aclham ,ul-Kufi (Kitdb ul-futuh [Hyderabad. A.H 1395J, vol. 8, fols. 241 v.-242 r.) relates the conversion of the Khazar princess who, in 762, wed Yazid b. Usayd 'us-Sulami. 4Sce E. Esin, A History of pre-lslamic and early Islamic Turkish Culture (Istanbul, 1980), third chapter and illustrations. 6 E . Chavannes, Documents sur les Turcs occidenlaux (St. Petersburg, 1903), p. 90. 6 W . Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion (London, 1928), cites as Turkan Khatun (the reading Turkan has been later corrected as terken: see note 7 infra), the mother of the IIvarizm§ah 'Alauddin Muhammad b. T6ki; (1199-1220). Mehmed Zihni, Ma$dhir 'un-Nisd

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Mulk,8 the Iranian minister of Selçukid Turkish kings, whose rival on the way to power was the terken, widow of Malikshah (died 1092), invoked in vain Sasanian traditions on the avoidance of the intervention of "veiled ones", in state affairs.

Some women who had attained distinction, without the privileges of birth or alliance to a dynasty, also lived in Selçukid Turkey (1071-1299), such as the astronomer Bibi Mucaccima,9 the poetess Erguvan10 and Fâtima Bacı.11 Fâtima was one of the founders of the Bektaşi order of dervishes to whom the military Janissary corps were affiliated. The term baa (sister) indicated Fâtima's link with an organization, parallel to the professional groups, which were a feature of Turkish society, since the eleventh century12 (perhaps before, through tribal crafts). The historian cÂşıkpaşa-zâde cited, in the Selçukid and early Ottoman periods, the semi-religious associations of the "ğâzis" (warriors for the faith), of the "ahis" (mostly craftsmen) and of the "bacis".

In the fourteenth century, the names of three learned sisters are given, who were said to have taught in a madrasa (theological school), although separated by a curtain from their students.13 The feminine corps of archers on horseback of an early mediaeval "hatun"14 was apparently revived, when a situation of dire need occurred, in Makaslı, under the dynasty of the Zü'l -Kadriyye.15

The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries saw a great number of poetesses, the exceptional talent of some of whom are recognized in anthologies.16 Some of them were among habitual musdhibs, guests in the şohbets, the conversational gatherings devoted to literary and musical themes of the Ottoman sultans. In the

(Istanbul, AIL 1294-95) cites in vol. I , pp. 126-27, 233; vol. H, pp. 71, 202, 211, several

others. 7O.Turan, Selçuklular târihi ve Türk-tslam medeniyeti (Ankara, 1965), pp. 106-107, 156-60,

163-64, 192 et seq. 8Nizûm 'ul-Mulk Siyâsatnâma, K. Schabinger edition (Munich, 1960), pp. 66-275. 9A.Erzi, "tbn Bibi", İslam Ansiklopedisi (istanbul, 1968). 10O.Turan, Türkiye Selçukları (Ankara, 1958), pp. 168-71. n M . Bayram, "Anadolu Selçukluları devrinde Anadolu Bacıları (Bacıyan-i Rum) örgütünün kurucusu Fatima Baci Kimdir?", Belleten 14/2(1981): 457-72 1 2"Kutu" in Yûsuf Haşş Hâcib's Kutadğu-bilig: see R. Dankoff's translation Wisdom of Royal Glory (Univ. of Chicago, 1983), pp.180-85. Aşık Paşa-zâde, Târikh (Istanbul, A.H. 1332), p. 205. 1 3 Zihni , op. cit. note 7 supra, "cÂyşe", "Fatima, "Selma". 14Sce note 5 sup. 1 5 0 . Turan Türk cihân-hâkimiyeti mefkuresi târihi (istanbul, 1969), 1:126-27. 1 6 c Âşik Çelebi, Tedhkeret 'ussu'ara ed. G. M. Meredith-Owens (London, 1971), fols, 126 v., 128 v., 186 v. Zihni, "Hubbi", "Mihri", "Tuli", "Zeyneb".

TURKISH WOMEN IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 207

same period, some vdldes (mothers of sultans) exercised, on behalf of their young sons, powers equivalent to regency.17 These also recommended to their sons women counsellors, who were held responsible (sometimes sternly) for their administration of state affairs.18

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

The talented women of the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries included, as before, theologians, poetesses and musicians. Emetullâh, known with the pseudonym Şidki (died 1703),19 was a composer of ilahls (religious hymns). Ani Fâ(ima (died 1711)20, through her historian ancestor, belonged to the cİlmiyye (scholarly) group and could transfer this priviledge to her son, but her gifted poetry reveals also a lyrical talent. The theologian and jurist who figured in the annals of scholars under the name of Zübeydet 'ul Kostantiniyya,21 was the mother of the renowned poetess Fifnat (d. 1762).22 Fipiat had been introduced to the literary world, in the circle of the bibliophile and patron of the arts, the grand-vezir Râğıb Paşa (1698-1768). Fipıat's position, throughout her life, was tantamount to that of court poetess. She wrote odes and chronograms on the occasions of the enthronements of sultans and of the construction of monuments. Her Dîvân (collection of poems) was printed repeatedly. Dilhayât23 the composer whose subtle music is much performed in concert-halls, was a member of Selim Hi's (1789-1807) orchestra.

The chronicler Küçük Çelebi-zâde24 cÂşım Efendi and the contemporary literature evoke the beginning of the eighteenth century as a phase of hedonist refinement in the evolution of the Ottoman civilization. The Sultan Ahmed III and his grand-vezir, Ibrahim Paşa, were patrons of poetry, of music and of scholarship. Splendid palaces, with exquisite tulip-gardens, which later gave to the period the name of the "Age of Tulips", were inaugurated almost every year. But, on the empire's remote frontiers, battles were lost and provinces were surrendered. Bandits exacted tribute from the populations in many parts of the

1 'Na c imâ, Târih (Istanbul, A.H. 1282), 5: 227, 250, 334. 337, 456. Peçevi, Târih (istanbul, AH. 1283), 2:3. Selaniki, Târih (ist.. AH. 1281), p. 173. Raşid, Tarih (Isı., AH. 1282), 1:392. See also Zihni, "Nur Banu" "Safiyye", "Mahpeyker Kösem", Tarhan (or Turhan). 1 8 Na c imâ , 4:283; 6:107,157. Zihni, "Cânfedâ", "Mülki", "Râaye", "Şeker pare". 1 9 Zihn i , 1:45,350. 2 0 Z i h n i , s.v. 2 1 Zihni, 1:45,350. 2 2 Z i h n i , 2:140.

F.öztuna, Türk Musikisi Ansiklopedisi, (istanbul, 1969-76), s.v. 2 4 K ü ç ü k Çelebi-zâde cÂşım, Târih (istanbul., AH.1282). Further sources: E. Esin "Lâle devrinde Türkistan ilhâmı", Türk dünyâsı araştırmaları, no. X (Istanbul Febr. 1981), pp. 5-32.

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Ottoman territory. In Istanbul, successive calamities, a plague epidemic and a fire caused by the illuminations of the sultan's festivities, broke out in the same year (1139/1726),25 and the signs of the approaching revolution of 1730 appeared. The sultan's palace began to be pelted with stones, by night.

The authors of the time, such as Sünbull-zâde Vehbi26 (died 1799), the historian Küçük Çclebi-zade27 and the sultan himself,28 commented also on a decline in morality, generally attributed to the neglect of religion. Some critics resorted to blame, as done elsewhere in such circumstances, nefarious alien influences (in this case the Indians, the Persians, the non-Muslim population and the Europeans were accused). The sultan's edict, dated 1139/1726,29 dwelt mainly on the laxity in the observation of rules on vestment. This aspect of the edict reflected again the division of Turkish society in groups of professions and religious congregations {millet), in the cases of non-Muslims. The groups, in general disciplined by their own organizations, were distinguished not only by their activities, which determined their behaviour, but also by their clothes. Ahmed HI stated, in his edict, that a confusion in distinctive garments was conducive to the destruction of public order. He cited, as example, the wealthy people who had begun to wear ermine fur, a privilege of the veziers and of the culamâ (scholars).

The sultan added, in addition, that honourable women should prefer discreet vestments in public. They must not imitate the dresses of feminine acrobats, of musicians, of lowly coquettes and of the unbelieving women with whom they came in contact as a result of the wars on the European frontiers. Morever, luxurious and costly clothes caused demands on the family budget which led to the ruin of the husbands and to divorces. Furthermore garb which revealed feminine charms in public places led to immorality. A year before the edict, Istanbul had been shocked by the discovery that a non-Muslim cloth-merchant had permanently taken abode in the house of a single woman (whose religion is not mentioned, presumably a Muslim) and had shown attention to some others in the neighbourhood.30

The sultan's description of the women of Istanbul of various categories had been echoed and illustrated by two contemporaries and familiars of court circles,

2 5 Küçük Çelebi-zâde, pp. 372-74, 392, 397-98. 2 6Sünbuli-zâde Vehbi, Luífiye, Münşe' át-i cAziziyye fx áthár-icOthmániye (istanbul AH. 1132), pp. 249, 251,257. 2 7 Küçük Çelebi-zâde, pp. 137-602. 28See note 29 inf. 2 9 Küçük Çelebi-zâde, pp. 375-76. 3 0 I b i d . , pp. 178-79.

TURKISH WOMEN IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 209

the poet Nedim (died 1730)31 and the painter Levni (died 1732).32 The Istanbul ladies appear indeed, in Levnl's book-paintings, in very ornate dress, with idealized features, in the norm of Turkish art.33 One of them34 affects to half-open a veil, which is in any case transparent. Others35 recall Nedim's proud beauties, as insensitive as idols {şanem).36 The dancers, whose castanets made Nedim's heart throb, appear also in Levni's gallery.37 The girls of Levnl's orchestra38 seem to be the predecessors of Dilhayât, the feminine musician of the end of the century.39

Ahmed III was well-informed of these occurrences, which he criticized, by the authors artists of his court, mainly the nedims and ?arifs (the refined and elegant), the courtiers who entertained the monarchs.40 Convention allowed these a certain libertinism of expression and behaviour, which was considered improper and undignified for others. The concept of zardfat, manifested in the zarif seems derived from Persian literature, as apparent in a verse of Sacdi:41

Zardfat is the art of the nadim, but the shame of the possessor of wisdom.

The nedims and zarifs were distinct from the muşâhibs42 who counselled the sultan, or participated to his cultural activities. In eighteenth century Istanbul, the nedims and zarifs had begun to spread their ways beyond conversations. The entertainments and sometimes dreadful misadventures of the zarif of the zenpare (amateur of women) variety, are told, with a satirical verve, reminiscent of the Karagöz stage, by Cenâni,43 in a collection of tales which included current episodes.

3 1 Nedîm, Divân (1st., 1951). 3 2 S . Ünver, Levni (Istanbul., 1951), ills. 2, 3-6, 8, 10. 33

The traditional aspect: see E. Esin, "Türk-i mâh-chihrah", Akten des VII. Int. Kongress fiir Iranische Kunst (Berlin, 1979), pp. 449-59. The Ottoman period: Esin, "Lâle devri ", op. cit. in note 24 sup., pp. 8-14. 34See note 32 sup. 35

E. Esin, Turkish miniature painting (Vermont-Tokyo, 1959), pl.12. 3 6Nedim, op. cit. in note 31, p. 185. 3 7 Ünver , i l l . 6. 3 8 Ünver , i l l . 5. 39„

See note 23 sup. ^Hüseyin Kazım Kadri, Büyük Türk lügati (istanbul 1943) "Ndm", "Zarafet". 4^See note 40 sup. 42See note 16 sup. 4 3 M y library, no Q-VIH-22, fols 12 r., 16v., 18 r., 66 v., 71 r., 82 r., 84 v., 90 v., 96-97 r.

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Some other tales by Cenâni,44 however, show the considerable rights and freedom of Muslim women in Ottoman lands. The scene varies from Turkey proper (Istanbul, Bursa, Sandukh, south of Afyon Kara Hişâr Şâhib), to Arab lands (Syria, Egypt), to Crimea and to European provinces as far as Bosnia and Budln, (Buda, in present Hungary). The feminine figures are Muslim and other women. A frequent character is the wife who intimidates a volatile husband with the threat of divorce and alimony on grounds of immorality. A most unusual heroine is described, as the leader of a band of burglars active in Egypt.

Towards the end of the century, an avowed nedlm and Zarif Fâzıl Huseyn Enderun! (member of the palace school), of Syrian origin (died 1825),45 devoted a versified poem, the Zanân-nâme, in an illustrated manuscript, to the women of the world, who could be of interest to the amateur of the fair sex. European cultural influences prevailed by then, through advisers and teachers invited to educational institutions,46 even in the case of the palace's feminine staff, for whom Selim III had founded a school of music where European modes were also taught47 (these seem occasionally echoed in the compositions of Dilhayât).48

The paintings of the Zanân-nâme, attributed to Halim-zâde Fethi, an artist mentioned by the historian Şâni-zâde cAtâullah, show clearly the influence of European chiaroscuro techniques.

The author of the Zanân-nâme*9 addressing the readers who sought "civility" in women, considered the brightly-clad Anatolian brides as rough as "uncut diamonds," not interesting to the zarf. The manuscript however includes two representations of village women. Fâzıl Huseyn celebrated the women of Istanbul, "that clime of refinement and of multiple arts and sciences", as "the essence of universal feminine exquisiteness, of polished taste and of elegance". In this city, lovely and innocent women preferred to remain hidden at home, like "a ruby, set in silver." There were also some fickle creatures, who, in seemingly timid steps, accompanied by a chaperon, proceeded to the bazar to seek adventure. Such a person, dressed in a subtly-shaded "mauve mantle," wearing "a brooch, in the shape of a trembling blossom (in Turkish filigree-work)" is depicted both in the text and in illustration. The poet even imitated the mannerly accents of such coquettes. These continued, even in old age, to seek attention, by masking a "hideous appearance", with make-up and perfume.

4 4 I b i d . , fols. 3 r., İZ r., Z5 v., 61 r., 63 r. 4 5 F i i i l Huseyn Enderüm, Ms T.Y. 550Z of ihe University Library of Istanbul. ^Tayyar-zade Ahmed cA\i, Netaic 'ul-vu^dl (Istanbul, A.H. 1291). 3:77,109,11Z. 4 7 M . Özata, "Üçüncü Selîm'in mûsikî anlayıp", Milli Kültür, no 40 (June. 1983), p. Z5. 48See note, Z3 sup. 4 9 F â i ı l l.Iuseyn, fols. 104 V.-113 v.

TURKISH WOMEN IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 211

Another Illustration of this manuscript which shows a garden-party of palace women, depicts also the imperial kiosks at Sacdabad (Golden Horn), as restored by Selim I I I . 5 0

Fâ?ıl Huseyn was not the last zarif, and there were apparently also women zarifs. Such was the earlier of the two reputed poetesses, named Leylâ. Leylâ, daughter of Hâmid,51 although she lived down to the mid-nineteenth century (died 1847), had belonged, in her youth, to the flippant mood of late eighteenth century Istanbul. Her verses define the attitude of the zarif men and women, who indifferent to the reactions of an indignant public, combined, "in exquisite rose gardens", the pleasures of literary conversation and of music, to those of the cup. Leyla repented, however, in advanced age; and wrote the celebrated lines which reflect the reformist, often pious atmosphere of nineteenth century Turkey:52

Under the burden of sin, I have no strength to advance to (thy) presence, alas

My body curved, like a bow (through guilt), in youth, O Apostle of God!.

5 0See Eıln. "Lâle devri "Zihni, vol. n, p.195. 52

Cited by Şemseddin Simi, Çâmüs'ui-âctam (btanbul, A.H. 1316), in her biography.

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O. Cengiz Aktar, Fetih ve İktisad: 1923 İzmir İktisat Kongresi üzerine birkaç gözlem 141

Jacques Thobie, Un Contexte de crises: Les relations économico-financières entre la Turquie et la France de 1929 et 1944 147

Osman Okyar, The Recent Reversal in Turkish Economic Policy in

the Light of the Republic's Economic History 189

Emel Esin, Turkish Women in the Eighteenth Century 205

Emel Doğramacı, Education of Women in Ottoman and Republican Turkey: A Comparative Perspective 213

Riva Kastoryano, Structure de l'espace et organisation sociale des familles turques immigrées en France , 227

Nicolas Oikonomidès, Ottoman Influence on Late Byzantine Fiscal Practice 237

Heath Lowry, 77ıe Role of Byzantine Provincial Officials Following the Ottoman Conquests of their Territories 261

Yasna Samic, Ka'imi Baba et l'insurrection de 16S2-S3 à Sarajevo: Approche historiographique 269

Justin McCarthy, The. Population of Ottoman Europe Before and After the Fall of the Empire 275

Svat Soucek, Cairo in Piri Reis's Kitab-i Bahriye 299

Michael Winter, Ethnic and Religious Tensions in Ottotnan Egypt ... 309

Jacob M. Landau, Two Iberian Chronicles of Eighteenth-Century

Egypt 319

Karl K. Barbir, All in the Family: The Muradis of Damascus 327

Engin Deniz Akarlı, Taxation in Ottoman Lebanon, 1S61-1915 357

liter Turan, Stages of Political Development in the Turkish Republic 381

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