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From the hills of adonis through the pillars of Hercules: Recent advances in the archaeology of Canaanand PhoeniciaBrody, Aaron. Near Eastern Archaeology 65. 1 (Mar 2002): 69.

W. F. Albright's seminal research on Canaanite and Phoenician epigraphy, religion, archaeology, and history are still fundamental almost thirty years after hispassing. His intellectual legacy continued through the work of his students on aspects of Canaanite and Phoenician civilization, especially Frank Moore Cross'and David Noel Freedman's work in epigraphy and religion and G. Ernest Wright's in archaeology and history. In turn, second and third generation Albrighteanshave increased our knowledge of Canaanite'Phoenician culture, with students of Cross advancing the study of early and late Phoenician epigraphy andCanaanite-Phoenician sacral beliefs and practices, especially as they impacted or paralleled Israelite religion Wright, in turn, trained several generations of fieldarchaeologists who have added to our knowledge of both Canaanite and Phoenician material culture through numerous excavations and have revolutionizedthe use of social-scientific archaeological methods in Syria-Palestine, Cyprus, and Tunisia. Ernest Wright's vision of implementing research projects along thepath of the Phoenician expansion in the Mediterranean basin bore fruit through ASOR excavations at Idalion and Carthage, while ASOR-sponsored centersarose in Nicosia and Tunisia through Wright's inspiration from the American School in Jerusalem, The three decades since Albright's death have seen anexplosion of archaeological discoveries from projects outside of ASOR: foreign and local teams have excavated Canaanite and Phoenician sites on land andunderwater in Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, Palestine, Egypt, Cyprus, Turkey, Crete, Malta, Sicily, Sardinia, the north African coast, and Spain. Building onAlbright's vision, research of the last thirty years has added tremendously to our understanding of Canaanite and Phoenician culture, from its homeland in theLevant and throughout the Mediterranean. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]

HeadnoteW. F. Albright's seminal research on Canaanite and Phoenician epigraphy, religion, archaeology, and history are still fundamental almost thirty years after hispassing. His intellectual legacy continued through the work of his students on aspects of Canaanite and Phoenician civilization, especially Frank Moore Cross'and David Noel Freedman's work in epigraphy and religion and G. Ernest Wright's in archaeology and history. In turn, second and third generation Albrighteanshave increased our knowledge of Canaanite'Phoenician culture, with students of Cross advancing the study of early and late Phoenician epigraphy andCanaanite-Phoenician sacral beliefs and practices, especially as they impacted or paralleled Israelite religion Wright, in turn, trained several generations of fieldarchaeologists who have added to our knowledge of both Canaanite and Phoenician material culture through numerous excavations and have revolutionizedthe use of social-scientific archaeological methods in Syria-Palestine, Cyprus, and Tunisia. Ernest Wright's vision of implementing research projects along thepath of the Phoenician expansion in the Mediterranean basin bore fruit through ASOR excavations at Idalion and Carthage, while ASOR-sponsored centersarose in Nicosia and Tunisia through Wright's inspiration from the American School in Jerusalem, The three decades since Albright's death have seen anexplosion of archaeological discoveries from projects outside of ASOR: foreign and local teams have excavated Canaanite and Phoenician sites on land andunderwater in Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, Palestine, Egypt, Cyprus, Turkey, Crete, Malta, Sicily, Sardinia, the north African coast, and Spain. Building onAlbright's vision, research of the last thirty years has added tremendously to our understanding of Canaanite and Phoenician culture, from its homeland in theLevant and throughout the Mediterranean.

THE BEGINNING OF THE MIDDLE BRONZE AGE

The excavations at the site of Tell Mardikh, the ancient city of Ebla in north central Syria, have given rise to an understanding of the continuity of urbanculture from the end of the Early Bronze Age to the beginning of the Middle Bronze in the northern Eevant. These new finds from Ebla helped to put earlierdiscoveries from the sites of Hama and Byblos into perspective, and to explain the growth and spread of this urban Syrian culture southward along the coast ofPalestine and down the Rift Valley corridor in the beginning of the MB IIA period. While the perspective in Albright's time was from the hill country or foothillsof Palestine looking down towards the sea, excavations and surveys in the coastal plains and inland valleys have shown that the earliest phases of the MB UAbelong to the lowlands. The multiple phases at sites such as Aphek of the Sharon and Tell el-Ifshar give us a pottery sequence for the beginning of the MiddleBronze Age whose earliest forms are not present at sites in the Hill Country (Kachavi, et al. 2000: 239-47; Cohen 2002). The construction of massiveramparts and city gates best represent monumental architectural features. The excavations at Akko, Aphek, Tel Burga, and most recently Tel Ashkelondemonstrate that these ramparts originated securely in the MB IIA period, as have gateways such as those of the Sea Gate at Akko and the arched gates ofAshkelon and Tel Dan. The construction and layout of the ramparts and city gates, and the division of residential quarters of differing socio-economic statusshows a north Syrian imprint, a concept of urban form that would alter the landscape of southern Palestine until the present day (Kempinski 1992: 121). Thesociety that undertook such massive building projects is also better understood from its settlement hierarchy, with satellite village sites supporting largermarket towns, which in turn supported regional city centers, presumably the heads of classic city-state structures (Dever 1987: 153). Domestic architecturealso reveals societal hierarchies. This is best represented by the dichotomy between the elaborate palace buildings at Aphek and the simple family dwellingscomprising a courtyard surrounded by one or two rooms for living and storage found at Ifshar and elsewhere (Beck and Kochavi 1993: 67; Paley and Porat1993: 610-11). Excavations at the rural site of Tell el-Hayyat in the Jordan Valley also reveal the influence of north Syria in the form of a temple building of atype known only from the later MB IIB-IIC at larger urban centers in Palestine (Falconer and Magness-Gardiner 1993: 592). The similarities in cult buildings in



rural and urban settings, at least in later IIB-IIC phases, suggests a continuity in religious beliefs and practices across societal class divisions, and might havebeen one avenue for cohesion between urban centers and rural hinterlands.

The high quality of ceramics of the MB IIA attest to a well-developed craft specialization, the use ofthe fast wheel, and show an artistry in the mimicking of metal forms (Dever 1987: 161). The tin-bronze weaponry of the period gives insights into a highly developed metallurgy industry that wasusing the alloy in the region for the first time. The presence of this weaponry also suggests a warriorclass who took their symbols of personal power with them to the grave, as is indicated by manywarrior burials. Changes in flint sickle types from the Canaanean blades of the Early Bronze Age tothe larger geometric style of the Middle Bronze is evidence of shifts in lithic technology and exchangesystems, and connotes possible changes in agriculture and harvesting practices (Rosen 1997a: 111,140-45). The use of groundstone basalt mortars and pestles is evidence of food preparation, regionaltrade to the source spots for the igneous stone (likely the Golan), and preference of the craftspeoplefor use of basalt over the more readily available limestone (Rosen 1997b: 380-81). The study ofpaleobotanical remains from MB IIA Tell el Ifshar has added important information regarding theagricultural practices, crop choices, crop processing, and planting systems of Bronze Age Canaanitefarmers (Chernoff and Paley 1998: 405-11). Paleozoological studies show the ways in whichCanaanite culture exploited domesticated and wild animals for food and secondary products, and howthe society was affected by animals. Detailed faunal analysis from the Middle Bronze Age temples at

Tell el-Hayyat has shown the absence of pig from these ritual areas while pig bones are found elsewhere at the site in domestic contexts (Hesse and Wapnish1997: 207), suggesting an early Canaanite cultic proscription of pork.

Burials for the MB IIA are of varying types and are situated in several locations. Inhumations are mosttypically found in extramural cemeteries, but are also clustered on the slopes of tell sites, and a few adulttombs are found within city walls associated with specific households (Hallote 1995: 103-11). Child jarburials are also typically found under household floors or courtyard surfaces, or were cut into rampartlayers. The built tombs of the Middle Bronze Age, introduced in phases of the IIA period, are materialevidence of another societal practice with connections farther north to Syria and Syro-Mesopotamia (Ilan1996: 250). Morphometric analysis of Middle Bronze skeletal materials, or the measurement of skeletalfeatures, shows a definite change from earlier population samples, thus providing physiological evidence forpopulation change in the southern Levant (Smith 1997: 55). Ongoing DNA studies on Middle Bronze andLate Bronze Age skeletal remains from tombs at Ashkelon will provide further details on Canaanitepopulations and family lineages.

Since Albright's time, we also have a better understanding of trade and interconnections at the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age (Marcus 1998: 205-26;Stager 2001: 625-38). An Old Assyrian hematite cylinder seal found at Ashkelon, an Egyptian jug from Ifshar, and Cypriot pottery, Aegean legumes andLebanese timber fragments from Tel Nami are a few recent examples of imported items in Palestine that are evidence of overland and maritime trade withSyro-Mesopotamia, eastern Anatolia, Cyprus, the Aegean, and Egypt (Artzy and Marcus 1992: 105; Kislev et al. 1993: 151-52; Stager 1993: 106; Lev-Yadunet al. 1996: 312; Paley and Porat 1997: 373). We are still not sure of the exact source of the tin used to alloy the tin-bronze, introduced in the MB IIA,although extant modern sources are quite distant from the Levant (Gershuny 1985: 48-51). It is possible that with the earliest imports of Cypriot pottery alsocame the first shipments of Cypriot copper to the Levant (Marcus 1998: 209). These MB IIA imports of raw and finished goods are representative of earlyeconomic and cultural exchanges, which typified this region throughout history, as Syria-Palestine is the central artery which connected the major polity ofEgypt to centers of power in Mesopotamia and Anatolia.

THE MIDDLE BRONZE IIB-IIC

A flowering of Middle Bronze Age settlements marks the MB IIB and IIC periods. Key city centers are founded along the trunk road in the Hill Country in thelater phases of the MB IIA and thrive in their IIB-IIC phases, while small village sites burgeon throughout the region in IIB-IIC periods (Ilan 1995: 304).Habitation in the coastal plains and inland valleys shrinks back a bit and becomes more concentrated in these regions' large urban centers in the MB IIB-IIC.The need for fortification continues, as the cyclopean walls, defensive earthworks, and city gates excavated at Shechem and Gezer demonstrate (Dever 1987:156-57). Monumental architecture is also present within these city defenses, with palaces and tower temples excavated recently at Kabri, Shechem, andHaror, matching similar buildings from earlier excavations. The extramural Shrine of the Silver Calf at Ashkelon, dating to the MB IIC, shows that ritual needsextended beyond the city gate as well (Stager 1993: 106). The common courtyard house type continues in this period, with finds at Gezer and Tell el-Maskutah in the Wadi Tummilat (Dever 1993: 501; Holladay 1997a: 194-95). Wealthy, intramural burials mark an urban tradition present in the structuraltombs from Tel Dan to Tel el-Daba, the key site for understanding Hyksos, or MB IIB-IIC Canaanite, culture in the Nile Delta (Van den Brink 1982: 72-74; Ilan1996: 165-213). Daba also has evidence of Canaanite temples and palace structures, while its stratigraphy demonstrates a slow transition from Egyptian toCanaanite dominance (Bietak 1997: 99-100). The site can be viewed as a southern terminus of Syrian urban cultural expansion, which redeveloped along thePalestinian coast in the early MB IIA, eventually reaching its floruit in the MB IIB-IIC levels at Daba and Hyksos political control of Lower Egypt.

The pottery and metallurgy of the MB IIB-IIC periods are outgrowths of the MB IIA industries, with natural progressions and preferences shown in typologicaldevelopments of vessel morphologies and in the design of weaponry. The percentage of tin in bronze artifacts from the MB IIB-IIC declines steadily from that ofthe IIA period, which may indicate changes in preferences of the metallurgists alloying the bronze. Perhaps there was a demand for less expensive bronzeproducts, or the decline could suggest more recycling and less importation of tin from its distant source (Ilan 1995: 307). The worked bone industry, best-known for its carved appliques, which were attached to wooden boxes or furniture, is centered in MB IIB-IIC Palestine and may be viewed as the earliestexpression of an art form that would later reach its apogee in the famed ivory carvings of Phoenician artisans (Liebowitz 1997: 341). A few worked ivoryexamples also date to the Middle Bronze Age. The appearance of fired clay loom weights at Middle Bronze Age sites in southern Palestine is material evidence ofthe introduction of the vertical warp-weighted loom, demonstrating a shift in weaving technology from the Early Bronze Age (Barber 1992: 300-301).



Typologically similar weights are found in earlier contexts at Anatolian sites, and Barber proposes the introduction of this specific weaving technology and theweavers themselves along a coastal route that lead from Anatolia to the southern Levant, specifically because of an absence of such weights at sites inbetween these two regions in coastal or inland Syria. This proposal may change with future excavations of Middle Bronze levels at sites in Syria, nevertheless itfits the general pattern of contact and interaction of sites in Palestine with cultures further north and east, although these contacts typically filtered through ororiginated in Syria.

Burial traditions largely continue from the MB IIA into the MB IIB-IIC. A few examples of the burial of equids along with human remains from the MB IIA exist,but they are more typical of the MB IIB-IIC periods, and appear most frequently in southern Palestine and at Hyksos sites in the Nile Delta (Oren 1997: 265-66). Archaeozoological examinations have demonstrated that these equids were mostly donkeys, although horses are present as well in much smallerquantities (Wapnish 1997: 358-60). The practice of burying equids along with human interments and of sacrificing equids, demonstrated from the burial ofequids and equid parts as foundation deposits and ritual offerings, has Syro-Mesopotamian antecedents and attests to the importance of these animals inCanaanite and Mesopotamian societies. It is possible that the burial of donkeys and horses with elite members of southern Canaanite society was symbolic ofthe crucial role these equids played in overland commerce, which bolstered the wealth and status of the Canaanite ruling class.

Growth of maritime trade is seen in the increased presence and variety of Cypriot imports in the MB IIB-IIC. A few finds of Kamares pottery demonstratecontacts with Minoan Crete. Recent finds of a Linear A graffito on a Middle Minoan pithos and ceramic copy of a Minoan stone bowl from Haror, the fragmentaryremains of Minoan frescoes at Kabri and Daba,1 and the Minoan style painted floor in the palace at Kabri fit well with older evidence of Aegean frescoes fromAlalakh, the textual mentions of contacts with the Kaptaru in tablets from Mari, and Canaanite glyptic depiction of the Minoan practice of bull leaping (Collon1994: 81-85; Niemeier 1995: 3-9; Oren 1997: 271-73). Mari documents also highlight overland trade with the northern sites of Laish/Dan and Hazor, andthe distribution of tin. Tin was the key commodity in the technology of alloying bronze, a process that swept throughout the area in the Middle Bronze Age. Avariety of Egyptian artifacts found in Canaanite contexts, including scarabs, alabaster vessels, beads of semiprecious stones, and shells from a species offreshwater bivalve native to the Nile River and its environs, testifies to trade contacts with Egypt, whether by sea or over land (Reese et al. 1986: 82; Ilan1995: 308). The distribution of shells from Mediterranean and Red Sea/Indian Ocean species at sites inland is evidence for regional trade from the coasts tothe hinterland (Reese 1991: 160-67).

THE LATE BRONZE AGE

In the Late Bronze Age, the urbanized culture of the Middle Bronze Age continues. However the number ofsettlements and the population it represents is greatly reduced. Surveys show a concentration of sites in thecoastal plains, Shephelah, and inland valleys, while the Hill Country is sparsely settled (Finkelstein 1995:354-59). The urban sites that are continually inhabited from the Middle Bronze Age are typically reduceddramatically in size and show little to no evidence of rebuilding of the defensive networks that typify theMiddle Bronze Age urban landscape, although the outer wall at Gezer is an exception (Dever 1993: 503).Hazor does not fit this pattern, as is readily seen in the recent excavations of the Late Bronze Age palace onits acropolis, and the older excavations of numerous contemporary temples in the lower city (Ben-Tor andRubiato 1999: 26-32). Further examples of monumental architecture are seen in the acropolis templeexcavated recently at Lachish (Ussishkin 1993: 901-2). This acropolis temple contained cultic paraphernaliasuggesting the worship of Baal, the storm god, and Astarte, while the older exploration of the Fosse temples,at the base of the outer slope of the Late Bronze city, revealed material evidence for the worship of Asherah.Further Late Bronze Age temples have been excavated recently at Kamid el-Loz and Tel Mevorakh, wherethe building was isolated from habitation perhaps serving the sacral needs of travelers on nearby roads(Stern 1993: 1032-33).

Aphek, Batash, and Lahav have revealed Late Bronze Age examples of large residencies, giving us evidenceof how wealthy families or perhaps local governors lived during this period of dominance by Egypt. The LateBronze levels at the sites of Wawiyat and Ein Zippori give us insight into life at smaller, village settlements.

The multiple strata from the LB IA-LB IIB at Tel Batash, Beth Shean, and Lahav help us better understandthe pottery sequence for this period, and reflect the continuance of Middle Bronze Age ceramic types,although the skills or attention of the potters seems to wane in comparison to Middle Bronze Agecraftsmanship. The ever-increasing quantity and presence of imports from Cyprus in the LB I-II, LateMinoan and Late Helladic wares in the LB II, and Anatolian Grey Ware shows a greater reliance on, andtaste for, foreign pottery and an increasing presence of the goods that they contained (Barlow et al. 1991;Leonard 1994). Metal vessels from the period are well represented primarily from finds in tombs and culticcontexts, testifying to the skill of the Canaanite metal smiths, and several bronze workshops have beenexcavated revealing the conditions under which this labor was conducted (Gershuny 1985: 56-57; A.Mazar 1990: 265). The shipload of copper and tin ingots from the Uluburun shipwreck and the cargo of

copper scrap aboard the Cape Gelidonya wreck, both dating to the LB II, provide two examples of the manner in which the metal was redistributed to theartisans and smiths who shaped vessels and weapons out of bronze. Recent finds of swords, daggers, arrow heads and scale armor from Kamid el-Loz, Hazor,and the Persian Garden tombs at Akko testify to the skill of the Late Bronze Age armorer, and hint at the martial nature of the period known all too well fromEgyptian textual and pictorial records and from details recorded in the Amarna letters (Miron and Miron 1983: 147-49; Ben-Tor and Rubiato 1999: 35). Bronzestatuettes of two male figures and three bulls excavated at Hazor and two males and one female from Kamid el-Loz are rare examples of metal figurinesdiscovered in situ, the majority discovered in the past having come from unprovenienced collections (Miron and Miron 1983: 164-65; Ben-Tor and Rubiato1999: 35). The lithic industry of the Late Bronze Age, including chipped and ground stone finds, shows great continuity from the Middle Bronze Age (Rosen1997a: 111, 140-43,1997b: 380-81).

Recent finds of carved ivory pieces from Hazor and Kamid el-Loz (Echt 1983: 80-87) fit nicely with earlier, spectacular finds from caches in Late Bronze Age



Megiddo, Lachish, and Tel el-Farah (S). These miniature works of art attest to the skills of Canaanite artisans, which are matched by works of monumentalsculpture carved in stone, discovered in the recent and older excavations at Hazor and in the early excavations of Beth Shean and Ugarit (Ben-Tor 1998: 462;Ben-Tor and Rubiato 1999: 35). The weaving industry, whose cloth products are prominently featured in Egyptian booty lists, is hinted at by numerousspinning whirls discovered at Kamid el-Loz and other Late Bronze Age sites (Miron and Miron 1983:125-26). Glenda Friend's careful analysis of the metrologyof loom weights and other implements preserved in the archaeological record testifies to the weaving of both wool and linen cloth, a portion of which was likelycolored with the famous purple dye . The earliest archaeological evidence of the purple dye industry in the Levant comes from LB II contexts at Ugarit,Sarepta, and Tel Akko, all of which revealed features filled with crushed murexshells, a byproduct of the purple dyemanufacturing process (Karmon andSpanier 1987: 151-53). A ceramic vat from LB II Sarepta was still stained with remnants of the actual dye . Earlier evidence for purple dye industry comesfrom Middle Minoan contexts on Crete, and it is possible that the Canaanites learned the process from previous, Middle Bronze Age exchanges and tradecontacts with Crete. Aegean style loom weights, identified by Barber as a different tradition from contemporary loom weights in Palestine and having a verydifferent typology (Barber 1992: 300), are found at several central Levantine coastal sites, including Byblos, Tyre stratum XVII, and Abu Hawam (Hamilton1935: pi. XXXI: 324-27; Bikai 1978: pi. LI: 10; Salles 1980: 62:5, 9). Whether these isolated Aegean loom weights are indicative of trinket trade or thepresence of Aegean weavers is not clear-they appear as individual finds and not in sets, or rows, which would be evidence of an entire loom strung with anAegean style of loom weights. Perhaps these individual weights were not used in weaving but instead to weigh down fishing nets or lines (Powell 1996: 116-18, 128). Ships throughout time typically carried some form of fishing gear to help with provisioning between ports of call, as is evinced by the presence ofhooks, net and line weights, and tridents or fishing spears discovered in the excavation of numerous shipwrecks in the Mediterranean.

The LB I cave tomb from Gezer and structural tomb from Ashkelon show continuity of burial traditions from the Middle Bronze Age (Brody in press). The limitednumber of skeletal materials analyzed from this period also show morphological similarity to and continuity with Middle Bronze populations (Smith 1997: 55).In the Late Bronze Age, new types of burials are found in Canaan that suggest the interment of non-Canaanites in the region (Gonen 1992a: 28-30, 142-43).Pithos burials at sites like Tel Nami, Zeror, and Tel es-Sa'idiyeh parallel an Anatolian practice. Clay anthropoid coffins are typically Egyptian, as is demonstratedby their distribution in Egypt and at Egyptian-dominated sites in Palestine. One example from Lachish has an Egyptian inscription. And Larnax burials fromGezer and the Akko Persian Garden tombs have Aegean affinities.

The Uluburun and Cape Gelidonya shipwrecks, both excavated off of the southern coast of Turkey, have given us a wealth of information on ships, theircargoes, crews, and construction in the Late Bronze Age. These provide a few direct examples of the numerous vessels plying the waters of the easternMediterranean, which brought an unprecedented wealth in maritime trade to the Levantine coast, the southern part of which saw new settlements developingin the LB II to accommodate this increasing commerce (Gonen 1992b: 217). Maritime trade and further regional overland trade can be deduced from thepresence of Cypriot, Minoan, and Mycenaean pottery at numerous coastal and inland sites, throughout Syria-Palestine, and the few examples of Anatolian GreyWares. The pattern of international and regional trade evinced from the study of species of freshwater and sea shells specific to regions of the Nile River andRed Sea/Indian Ocean continues in the Late Bronze Age with finds from coastal and inland sites (Reese 1991: 160-67). Excavations at Ugarit suggest that thesite was perhaps the most successful entrepot of the Late Bronze Age, serving as one of many nodes along the Levantine coast that connected the Hittite,Mitannian, and Kassite kingdoms to Egypt, Cyprus, and the Aegean. The quantity, quality, and variety of goods discovered on the Uluburun shipwreck, both inraw and manufactured form, may be used as a type example for the internationalism of the period. Products of Aegean, Near Eastern, and African origin werediscovered together on board the sunken ship along with a cargo of copper and tin ingots prolific enough to supply the needs of a Late Bronze Age kingdom(Pulak 1998: 193-201).

THE BEGINNING OF THE IRON AGE

The transition period from the end of the Late Bronze Age to the beginning of the Iron Age is marked by general systems collapse throughout the easternMediterranean. In the aftermath of this collapse, some of the large Bronze Age polities disappeared, while others continued although reduced to more localspheres of influence and typified by an impoverished material culture. At the same time, previously sparsely inhabited areas show a dramatic increase in newlyfounded early Iron Age villages. This suggests localized processes of settlement in the absence of overarching political control. Other regions bear witness to theinflux of foreign cultures. Excavations at Tyre and Sarepta on the Lebanese coast, the traditional heartland of Phoenicia, have revealed continuity ofsettlement during this period of flux, although in a somewhat impoverished state (Bikai 1992: 132-41). Lphemeral architecture, and features such as beatenearth and poorly plastered surfaces, and stone-lined pits or silos, typify these sites (Tyre stratum XIV, Bikai 1978: 8, 68; Sarepta Area II, Y, stratum Gl-F,Anderson 1988: 380-90; Sarepta Area II, X, period IV-V, Khalifeh 1988: 88-113). This is true, too, for sites in the Akko Plain, typically considered thesouthern extent of Phoenicia. Sparse remains at Tel Akko, Keisan, and Abu Hawam in the incipient phase of the Iron IA also reflect a debased version of the LBIIB ceramic repertoire, generally termed Canaanite.2 The continuity of the material cultural remains from these sites, mostly reflected in the preservation ofpottery and metal types, may be indicative of the equation of Bronze Age coastal Canaanite culture with Iron Age Phoenician. In subsequent strata of the IronI beyond this transition phase, Keisan, Abu Hawam, and Dor have well-planned buildings of the three- or four-room house type. This represents a shift awayfrom the typical Bronze Age courtyard `house, but has affinities with contemporary architecture at urban Megiddo and village sites in the central Hill Country,Transjordan, and Syria (Sader 1992: 157-63; A. Mazar 1994: 41-44; Markoe 2000: 71).

Traditionally, maritime trade has been viewed as disappearing in the transition period from the end of the LB to the beginning of the Iron Age (but see Sherratt1998: 302-4; and Gilboa 1998: 423). However Mycenaean IIIC:Ib pottery from Keisan and Beth Sean has been identified by scientific and stylistic means asoriginating from Cyprus (Warren and Hankey 1989: 163-65; Humbert 1993: 864). It may be the case that similar Mycenaean IIIC finds from the Levantinecoastal sites of Sukas, Byblos, Sarepta, Tyre, and Akko, and northern inland valley sites like Megiddo, Rehov, and Tel Dan also reflect imports from Cyprus,rather than Mycenaean IIIC pottery traded from Philistia.3 Reciprocal imports of Canaanite storejars, which fabric analysis has shown to have beenmanufactured in central and southern Levantine centers, are found in Cypriot LC IIIA contexts (Gilboa 1998: 423; Sherratt 1998: 305).

In the Iron IB period, Phoenician monochrome and bichrome pottery makes its first appearance outside ofPhoenicia proper at sites like Hazor, Hadar, Megiddo, Dor, and as far south as Tel Masos. Examples are alsofound overseas in Cypriot tombs at Paleopaphos-Skales and Salamis (Bikai 1987: 70; Gilboa 1998: 423).The continuance of regional sea trade in the eleventh century is marked by the reciprocal presence ofCypriot White-Painted I wares in Lebanon and Palestine. This maritime trade of Levantine goods to Cyprusand Cypriot goods to the Levant marks the first in a multistepped process of exchange and expansion of



Phoenicians into the Mediterranean world.

THE IRON II PERIOD

Throughout the Iron II period, considered the classic hallmark of Phoenician culture, we know very littleabout the material cultural remains from the heartland of Phoenicia itself. Settlements, almost bydefinition, are clustered along the coast and coastal plains. Conscious decisions are made in the Phoenicianexpansion throughout the Mediterranean, where de now settlements tend to be founded on small islands

close to the coast or on coastal headlands that are easily defensible and accessible from the sea. Small exposures at Tyre and Sarepta give us glimpses ofremains from Phoenicia proper. These show changes in architectural traditions of the Iron I to more monumental buildings constructed of quarried ashlarstones laid in a header-stretcher fashion (Tyre stratum V-IV, Bikai 1978: 12; Sarcpta Area II, Y stratum D, Anderson 1988: .396-97; Sarepta Area II, X periodVII, Khalifeh 1988: 125). This Iron II architectural style is better seen in broader exposed monumental buildings at sites in Israel, traditionally interpreted asIsraelite royal cities or commercial centers (Holladay 1995: 379-81). This architectural evidence, along with pottery finds, ivories, and other material culturaldata, supports the textual traditions of economic and artistic exchanges and family ties through marriage between the city-states of Phoenicia and theIsraelites. The fortress site or fortified trader's residence of Khirbet Rosh Zayit, in the foothills overlooking the Akko Plain, features Phoenician defensivearchitecture (Holladay 1997b: 109). The simple temple building at Sarepta whose initial phase dates to the eighth century, provides an example of religiousarchitecture (Pritchard 1975: 13-40). Phoenician innovations in harbor construction are seen in Iron II moles, quays, and cothons at Levantine sites such asTabat el-Hammam, Tyre, Athlit, Jaffa, and Jazirat Faraun and at Phoenician settlements throughout the Mediterranean (Raban 1998: 430-34).

Careful stratigraphie excavations at Tyre and Sarepta have given us invaluable ceramic data. These data show developments in the ceramic repertoire of thered slipped and burnished decorative tradition culminating in the highly polished types often called Achziv ware and Metropolitan fine wares, mistermedSamaria ware (Bikai 1978: 20-41; Anderson 1988: 143-216). Many of this pottery family's forms mimic metal vessels, testifying to the skills and artistry ofthe potters and hinting at the richness of the repertoire of metal vessels now largely lost through recycling. Earlier Iron I bichrome wares continue into theIron II, marked by a general transition from early use of decorative vertical concentric circles to the later application of horizontal, parallel decorative stripes(Bikai 1987: 48). Craft specialization and true artistry is represented by finds of Iron II Phoenician metalwork, ivory and bone carving, jewelry, glass, statuary,and terracotta masks and figurines (Markoe 2000: 143-69). These items were coveted outside of Phoenicia, as is clear from the finds of imported Phoenicianproducts in Philistia, Judah, Israel, North Syria, Cilicia, Assyria, Greece, Etruria, and Spain. Iron sickles eventually replace Iron Age II chipped stone sickleblades-direct descendants of the large geometric type introduced back in the MB IIA-around 800 BCE (Rosen 1997a: 140-43). Ceramic grinding bowls ormortaria replace groundstone mortars.4 Thus, by the end of the Iron Age II, both chipped and ground stone industries and craft specialization are largely lost.David Reese's ongoing study of the faunal and shell materials excavated at Sarepta will add important information for Phoenician exploitation of land and seaanimals.

Burials are represented by a variety of types in examples from both Achziv and Khalde (Saidah 1961/1962: 51-90; E. Mazar 1993: 35-36; Prausnitz 1993:32-35). The morphometry of the Phoenician skeletal remains from Achziv shows a heterogeneous population that resembles preceding peoples from the Middleand Eate Bronze Ages (Smith 1997: 55). Recent discoveries of an Iron II tophet on the Lebanese coast, opposite the island of Tyre (now connected to theshore by the tombolo that has formed around Alexander the Great's mole) is material evidence from the heartland of Phoenicia suggesting the practice of childsacrifice (Sader 1991; Seeden 1991). A variety of textual sources and the excavation of tophets or child burial grounds throughout Phoenician territories tothe west attest to the sacrifice of children in the Phoenician colonies (Brown 1991).

Tenth-century imported luxury items found in the tombs at Lefkandi in Eubeoa, Greece suggest early Phoenician trade ventures beyond Cyprus. Discoveries ofcontemporary Proto-Geometric pottery at Tyre and elsewhere along the Levantine coast confirm reciprocal contact with tenth-century Greece. The later Iron IIis marked by significant spread of Phoenician trade stations and colonies throughout the Mediterranean and outside the Pillars of Hercules, or moreappropriately the Pillars of Milqart, to the Atlantic shores of Morocco and Spain. Ninth-century settlement is evident in the Phoenician temples and shrines atKition on Cyprus, both in its northern quarter and on its Bamboula. The extramural temple building of Phoenician construction at Kommos, which exhibitstypical Phoenician offerings and cultic paraphernalia (Shaw 1989: 165-72), marks a contemporary way station on the southern coast of Crete. These sitesmay have been steps along the trade route to the desirable metals resources of Sardinia (Negbi 1992: 599-615), and eventually led to the founding of thecolony at Carthage somewhere towards the end of the ninth century/beginning of the eighth (Lancel 1995: 20-34). From there contact and settlement spreadto the western coast of Sicily, to key sites in Sardinia, and beyond to Spain (Aubet 1993: 185-217). Gader was established as a Phoenician trading post andsettlement in the eighth century, to take advantage of the metal riches of the Guadalcavir Valley, while small outposts in the eastern part of the IberianMediterranean coast were settled in the eighth-seventh centuries (Aubet 1993: 218-76). Similarly, a string of sites was founded along the North AfricanMediterranean and Atlantic coasts in the seventh-sixth centuries (Greene 1997: 160-63).

These colony sites and trading stations, regardless of location, have certain similarities in position of settlement, house plans, material cultural styles, andburial types, which form an assemblage that can be identified as typically Phoenician. This assemblage is demonstrably different from indigenous materialcultural horizons. Perhaps this is best exemplified by the stylistic similarities in Iron II pottery between Tyre, in the Phoenician homeland, and Mogador on theAtlantic coast of Morocco. Recent petrographic work by Amelie Beyhum on Phoenician Red Slip Wares from sites throughout the Mediterranean demonstratesthat the pottery was manufactured locally, and not distributed overseas from a location of central manufacturing. Research by Joseph Greene and CarolinaAznar on ceramics from around the area of Carthage has shown indigenous pottery types not related stylistically or in the choice of clay sources to Phoenicianpottery traditions, and local copies of Phoenician types, indicating contacts and influences of the Semitic settlers on the autochthonous population.

Iron II trade contacts without settlement are clear from individual Phoenician finds in Philisitia, Judah, Israel, Neo-Hittite settlements in Cilicia and around theGulf of Alexandretta, Neo-Assyrian palace and fortress sites, Greek settlements, and at Etruscan sites in Italy (Aubet 1993: 66-74). Preliminary results of theore-provenience testing being conducted by the Hacksilber Research Group on the silver found in hoards in Iron II contexts in the southern Levant,demonstrate that Spanish and Sardinian silver was traded to the region in the late Iron Age, presumably by Phoenician merchants. Trade in large timber fromPhoenician sources can be reconstructed from the spans in monumental buildings, excavated at sites in Israel, which would have had to have been bridgedwith sizeable timbers (Holladay 1995: 379-81). This trade and other exchanges of artisans and collaborative commercial ventures between Phoenicia, Israel,and Judah is detailed in texts in the Hebrew Bible.



The recent exploration of two eighth-century shipwrecks, in deep water off of the coasts of southern Israel and theEgyptian Delta, represent the earliest Phoenician ships discovered (Ballard et al. 2002: 165-67). Slightly later Phoenicianwrecks from the seventh century and the seventh-sixth centuries have been excavated off of the coast of Spain andSardinia (Parker 1992: 84, 151-52; Negueruela 2000: 182-183). The preliminary determination of the origin and date ofthe two eighth century wrecks is based upon typological analysis of storage jars, cooking pots, a mushroom lipped jug ordecanter, a grinding bowl or mortarium, and a ceramic incense burner raised from the sea bed. The storage jars areparticularly telling, with parallels at Hazor and Tyre, they are typically found at sites in northern Palestine and thePhoenician coastal region, while the mushroom-lipped jug is a hallmark of Phoenician craftsmanship (Ballard et al. 2002:157-63). The presence of the incense burner is material cultural evidence of the cultic practices of Phoenician seafarersaboard ship. But the cries of these mariners to their patron gods did not help protect the crew who met their doom on thesame sea that brought fame and wealth to their maritime civilization.

ALBRIGHT WOULD HAVE BEEN PLEASED

In his classic work, "The Role of the Canaanites in the History of Civilization," W. F. Albright commented that there hadbeen "virtually no systematic, scientific excavations in Spain ... only a little scientific excavation at Carthage and less inother Phoenician sites of North Africa, and ... Sardinian towns which were occupied by the Phoenicians remainarchaeologically virgin" (Albright 1961: 483-84 n. 98). This picture has changed dramatically over the past forty years

since Albright revised his article, with the undertaking of archaeological projects from Levantine shores to the Atlantic coasts of Morocco and Spain, andunderwater throughout the Mediterranean. I believe that Albright would have been excited by these recent discoveries, which have dramatically increased ourunderstanding of Canaanite and Phoenician society, economy, technology and religion based on evidence from these civilizations' own material culturalremains.

SidebarEditor's Note: The Pillars of Hercules are the two promontories on either side of the eastern end of the Strait of Gibraltar-the Rock ofGibraltar in Europe and the Jebel Musa in Africa-fabled to have been raised by Hercules. The Hills of Adonis refer to the mountains ofLebanon, home of the god Adonis.

FootnoteNOTES

1. Bietak (1997: 100) has readjusted his initial dating of the frescoe fragments from Daba to the beginning of the Late Bronze Age, orthe Egyptian 18th Dynasty. I prefer to return them to the earlier phase, with parallels at Kabri and Alalakh, but await furtherpublication and discussion.

2. See relevant articles in The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, Similar impoverished phases are also found at Tel Dan, andother sites in the vicinity, in the transition from the end of the Late Bronze Age to the beginning of the Iron Age.

3. This is not to imply that Mycenaean IIIC:Ib pottery found elsewhere along the Levantine coast is not locally manufactured. Scientific testing hasdemonstrated local clay sources for this pottery type at Ras Ibn-Hani in the north, and at Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Tel Miqne in the south. Killebrew's work onthe ceramics from Miqne has demonstrated not only the stylistic changes in pottery repertoire from the LB IIB to the Iron IA but also a shift in choices of localclay sources and use of differing pottery manufacturing techniques between the two periods, and presumably two cultures (Killebrew 1998: 397-402). Initialimpressions are that settlements of peoples carrying the Mycenaean IIIC:Ib pottery tradition and an Aegean type material cultural assemblage from Cypruswere established at sites on the northern and southern Levantine coast (Philistia), while small amounts and a very limited repertoire of Mycenaean IIIGIbpottery types (and likely other goods as well) were traded from Cyprus to coastal sites of the central Levant.

4. Ceramic mortaria and groundstone mortars are found contemporaneously in Tyre's stratum II-III (Bikai 1978: pi. IX: 19-24).

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Indexing (details) Cite

Subject Archaeology;Ancient civilizations;Scholars;Historic buildings & sites

Location Canaan, Phoenicia

People Albright, William Foxwell (1891-1971)

Title From the hills of adonis through the pillars of Hercules: Recent advances in thearchaeology of Canaan and Phoenicia

Author Brody, Aaron

Publication title Near Eastern Archaeology

Volume 65

Issue 1

Pages 69

Publication year 2002

Publication date Mar 2002

Year 2002

Publisher American Schools of Oriental Research

Place of publication Boston

Country of publication United States

Journal subject Religions And Theology, History, Asian Studies, Archaeology

ISSN 10942076

Source type Scholarly Journals

Language of publication English

Document type Feature

Subfile Scholars, Archaeology, Ancient civilizations, Historic buildings & sites

ProQuest document ID 221530597

Document URL http://search.proquest.com/docview/221530597?accountid=35803

Copyright Copyright American Schools of Oriental Research Mar 2002

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1985 Ebla to Damascus. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution.

AuthorAffiliationABOUT THE AUTHOR

Aaron Brody is Assistant Professor of Bible and Archaeology and the Director of the Bade Museum at the Pacific School of Religion. Brody has taught biblicalstudies at the University of Georgia and maritime archaeology at Boston

University and MIT. His fieldwork has been conducted primarily at Tel Ashkelon and Tel Nami on the Mediterranean coast of Israel, and at projects in theNegev, Akko Plain, and nort/iem California. He is the author of "Each Man Cried Out to His God": The Specialized Religion of Canaanite and PhoenicianSeafarers (Scholars, 1998).

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