Post Conflict Sri Lanka Challenges and Regional Stability ...€¦ · The theme selected for this...
Transcript of Post Conflict Sri Lanka Challenges and Regional Stability ...€¦ · The theme selected for this...
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Post Conflict Sri Lanka – Challenges and Regional Stability
Speech for the Defence Seminar 2013
It gives me great pleasure to deliver the keynote address this morning, at the 3rd
Annual Defence Seminar organised by the Sri Lanka Army. I am aware that
distinguished delegates and guests from 29 countries are participating in this
event, alongside a large number of attendees from Sri Lanka. On behalf of the
Government, I take this opportunity to welcome our foreign guests to Sri Lanka
and to wish all the participants an educative and productive time at this
important event. I also extend my congratulations to the Commander and the
Officers of the Sri Lanka Army who have organised this event with great
professionalism and skill.
This year’s Defence Seminar is the third successive one organised by the Sri
Lanka Army since the series began in 2011. The first Seminar centred on the
lessons learnt by the Sri Lankan defence establishment in defeating the ruthless
and formidable terrorist organisation of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, or
LTTE. During that Seminar, senior members of the Sri Lankan Armed Forces
shared their experiences on the strategies and tactics used to defeat terrorism,
and discussed their broader applicability and relevance to other nations. In
2012, the second Seminar focused on the post-war efforts to create lasting peace
and stability in Sri Lanka after the war. It examined the steps taken towards
Reconstruction, Resettlement, Rehabilitation, Reintegration and Reconciliation
in the conflict affected parts of the country, as well as the overall development of
the country at large and its prospects for the future.
The theme selected for this year’s Defence Seminar is “Post Conflict Sri Lanka—
Challenges and Regional Stability”. This is a particularly appropriate theme in the
present context. Sri Lanka has had considerable problems in the last three
decades. In 1983, the country suffered from riots that raged for 5 days without
effective state intervention. During the 1986 to 1989 period, people were
frequently abducted, tortured and killed as the country veered towards
barbarism and anarchy with the second JVP insurrection. And for nearly thirty
years until the end of the war in 2009, Sri Lanka suffered through the brutal
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terrorism of the LTTE, whose countless targeted killings, indiscriminate
bombings and armed attacks killed numerous innocent civilians and led to a
paralysis of day to day life.
After its liberation from terrorism through the Humanitarian Operation, and
with democracy being restored to every part of the island, Sri Lanka is now one
of the most peaceful and stable countries in the entire world. However, there are
still a number of challenges that the country faces. These challenges, together
with issues that affect regional stability, are critical considerations at this
juncture because of the impact they will have on the country’s future. How Sri
Lanka faces its internal as well as external challenges over the next few years
will influence or even determine its destiny for much longer to come.
Before discussing these challenges and regional issues, however, it is important
to take proper note of where we currently stand. Soon after the war, there were
a number of pressing concerns that had to be dealt with urgently. These
immediate post-war challenges included:
Accommodating and ensuring the welfare of nearly 300,000 Internally
Displaced Persons
Undertaking demining and the reconstruction of infrastructure and
facilities
Resettling the IDPs
Rehabilitating nearly 12,000 ex-LTTE cadres and
Reintegrating them to society.
I am pleased to note that as of today, each and every one of these challenges has
been successfully dealt with.
Demining of nearly 5,000 square kilometres of land and reconstruction of vital
infrastructure and housing facilities were urgent tasks that the Government had
to undertake to facilitate the speedy resettlement of the IDPs. As these tasks
were being completed, the IDPs were resettled in their places of origin.
Resettlement commenced in October 2009, less than five months after the end of
the war. By August 2012, just three years and three months after war, all of the
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IDPs in the welfare camps, as well as a considerable number of persons who had
been displaced from the North in earlier times due to LTTE activities, had
returned to their homes. This is a remarkable achievement by any standard. In
addition to resettlement, great effort has been taken to ensure that these people
are able to resume normal lives. Livelihood assistance programmes have been
launched, and material assistance has been provided through the donation of
fishing gear, utilities for farming and provision of livestock and seeds for
agriculture.
A survey undertaken by UNHCR Sri Lanka between November 2012 and March
2013 has demonstrated the overall success of the resettlement programme.
Assessing the current situation of resettled persons against the global standard
of the Inter Agency Standing Committee Framework for Durable Solutions for
Internally Displaced Persons, the survey found that considerable progress had
been achieved under each of the eight themes of the Framework. Access to
personal and other documentation without discrimination, Family reunification,
and Access to effective remedies and justice had been achieved. Considerable
progress had been made in areas including Safety and security, Access to
livelihoods, and Participation in public affairs. Interestingly, nearly 90% of
respondents had a high level of confidence in local civilian law enforcement, and
only 29% had negative views on the presence of the military in their areas.
A field mission conducted between May and June this year by the United Nations
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, or OCHA, observed that
while there were still areas for improvement, the transformation of the region in
such a short matter of time was praiseworthy. The report of the field mission
noted “remarkable improvement in infrastructure development in many sectors
including transportation, communication, roads, railways and health facilities”. It
was also observed that there was no visible presence of armed military
personnel in uniforms, and that the work of the military is primarily to address
the “immediate and development needs of the population” including projects for
“building houses, shelter, water, sanitation; scholarships for school going
children and schools focused vocational training;” and organising tours for
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people in the North to visit the rest of Sri Lanka. These efforts are aimed at
helping the civilians return to normal life in a peaceful nation.
In addition to the displaced civilians, the vast majority of the LTTE cadres who
surrendered to the military during the Humanitarian Operation have also been
returned to their homes after an extensive Rehabilitation programme carried out
by the Government. The overall success of the rehabilitation programme can be
gauged by studies undertaken by independent foreign researchers, including Dr.
Kruglanski and Dr. Gelfland of the University of Maryland, College Park, who
showed that even hard-core LTTE cadres have undergone a significant reduction
in their support for violence as a result of the programme.
With the swift addressing of these immediate post-war requirements, the
Government turned its attention to the restoration of normalcy. One of the first
objectives in this regard was the restoration of the civil administration in the
North and East. During the previous decades, while the LTTE was in control of
these areas, the Government administrative machinery remained in existence
but had not been able to function independently. After the war ended, the
military had to undertake some of the duties of the civil administration until
sufficient capacity could be built up within the system for it to function
effectively without external support. As this required capacity was gradually
being built up, the tasks undertaken by the military were handed over to civilian
counterparts, and the involvement of the military in these administrative
matters was stopped.
The post-war period saw significant shifts overall in the modus operandi of the
Armed Forces, since there was no longer a requirement for offensive operations.
The focus was more on functioning in a passive role that would ensure long term
stability. Intelligence units were strengthened and expanded, and more use was
made of the engineering battalions for reconstruction and national development
purposes. At the same time, the military had to develop new policies and
procedures for their functions relating to internal security. In the immediate
post-conflict period, the military had to assume an expanded role in the
maintenance of law and order for some time. However, the full responsibility for
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the maintenance of law and order has now been handed over to the Police and
the military has been released from these duties.
The disengagement of the military from administrative and law & order
functions has only been one of the steps towards normalisation that has been
effected by the Government in the post-conflict period. Several other steps were
taken shortly after the war ended to ensure that the people in the formerly war
affected areas could return to life under normal conditions as soon as possible.
The various armed groups that had been operating in opposition to the LTTE and
in support of the Government in the North and East needed to be disarmed. The
Government accomplished this challenging task within a remarkably quick
period soon after the war. The members of these former armed groups were
encouraged to work towards the betterment of the people through democratic
means. Many of these individuals are now playing an active role in politics at
various levels.
Civilian properties that had been used for other purposes for many years during
the war needed to be returned to their rightful owners. Some of these properties
had to be occupied by the military whereas others had been forcibly taken over
and used by the LTTE during the war. Action has been taken to trace the rightful
owners of these properties, and most have already been returned to them.
Restrictions that had to be in place during the war for security purposes had to
be removed. These included restrictions on movement on land due to the
maintenance of high security zones; limitations on fishing including restrictions
on outboard motors and the times and locations in which fishing could take
place; as well as restrictions in the trade of certain items that could be used for
offensive purposes. All of these restrictions were removed in stages after the end
of the war. The Palaly cantonment is now the only area on ground in which some
security restrictions remain; but even within the cantonment, civilians have free
access to the airport and the Kankasanthurai harbour.
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The presence of military camps and troops in the North had to be reduced. This
was done gradually after the end of the war. The number of camps as well as
troops in this region has been reduced dramatically. Although the military
remains in this region for strategic security reasons, it mostly engages in
development work to win the hearts and minds of the people. The full
responsibility for law and order has been handed over to the Police with the
establishment of more and more police stations in the North and East and the
recruitment of more Tamil speaking Police personnel to serve in these areas.
Another step in the normalisation process following the war was dealing with
those who had been detained for involvement in LTTE activities. Most of the
detainees were released into rehabilitation. A very few numbers of hard-core
cadres who had been involved in LTTE activities at a higher level remained in
detention centres for prosecution. A comprehensive database of all those in
detention was created and access to this database was enabled through police
stations. Lawyers and family members of the detainees were provided access to
the detention centres, as were officials of agencies and relevant organisations
such as the ICRC and the Human Rights Commission.
Very significant in the normalisation process for the entire country was the
repealing of the Emergency Regulations that had been in place in Sri Lanka for
many decades. These regulations gave wide-reaching powers to law enforcement
authorities, and were necessary during the war for the upholding of security in
the country at large. However, in August 2011, after two peaceful years had
passed since the end of the war without any terrorism related incidents, the
Government repealed these regulations.
Alongside the return to normalcy, steps had to be taken by the Government to
address the various allegations that were being made by various parties during
and after the war about what took place in its last stages. The primary allegation
concerned the number of civilian casualties that were supposed to have taken
place during this period. Various people started making various claims about the
number of casualties, which ranged from 7,000 to more than 40,000 people
killed. Hardly any of these estimates referred to any sources, and most
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completely ignored independent and credible sources that reported figures very
much to the contrary. The Government was therefore very keen on addressing
this issue in a rigorous and transparent manner.
In 2011, the Department of Census and Statistics carried out an “Enumeration of
Vital Events” for the Northern Province of Sri Lanka. The Enumeration was
conducted between June and August 2011, with field data being collected in July.
The enumerators were Government servants from the Northern Province, all
2,500 of whom were Tamil and Muslim officials. Apart from the gathering of
usual census data, the enumerators paid attention to the vital events that had
taken place in the North from 2005 to 2009, with a particular emphasis on the
deaths that took place in the last stages of the war. The Enumeration Report
shows that according of the reporting of the next of kin, 7,896 deaths occurred
due to unnatural causes from January to May 2009. This number includes:
LTTE cadres killed in action;
Civilians killed by the LTTE whilst trying to escape into Government
controlled areas;
Civilians who were detained and killed by the LTTE for other reasons;
Civilians forcefully used for combat and related activities by the LTTE;
Civilians who died as a result of crossfire;
Civilians who had been reported as dead but who may have escaped or
illegally migrated overseas;
Deaths reported but not during the Humanitarian Operation for the
purpose of claiming compensation; and
False reporting.
It is also worth bearing in mind that at the start of the Humanitarian Operation,
the LTTE had approximately 30,000 cadres. By its conclusion, nearly 12,000 had
surrendered to the Armed Forces. LTTE transmissions intercepted, LTTE
documents recovered, LTTE graveyards discovered, and LTTE publications and
posters indicate a large number of cadres were killed in action during the early
stages of the Humanitarian Operation. It is also possible that many bodies were
unrecovered during this period. However, the most intense battles were fought
after Puthukudiyirippu. During this period, it was impossible for the LTTE to
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recover the bodies of its cadres or give any indication of its casualty figures. It is
also worth nothing that unlike a conventional military, the LTTE was a terrorist
group that did not have a proper procedure of recruiting and maintaining its
cadres. Most of the time its cadres used aliases instead of proper names. Some of
them did not fight in uniform. As a result, it is difficult to establish with certainty
the number of cadres killed. In this context, it is also worth bearing in mind that
the military lost nearly 6,000 of its personnel in combat during the Humanitarian
Operation. Close to 20,000 more were injured. This gives an indication of the
intensity of the battles that took place during this period.
In addition to the deaths that were said to have occurred, the Enumeration of
Vital Events shows that 2,635 persons were reported as untraceable. These
numbers were reported because the parents and next of kin of the missing
persons were not able to recover their bodies or obtain information about their
whereabouts. Further investigations have already been carried out with regard
to 2,360 of these cases. These investigations have established beyond doubt that
1,625 were instances of forced recruitment by the LTTE. It is also a fact that an
unknown number of persons left Sri Lanka through illegal means during the last
stages of the war, and are presently resident in other countries. However these
countries have not yet divulged their details to the Government. There are only
26 instances of people who are reported by the next of kin as having
surrendered to Security Forces and subsequently disappeared.
In a completely independent effort to track the missing persons in the North,
UNICEF, together with the Probation and Child Care Commissioner of the
Northern Province and the Government Agent of Vavuniya, launched a family
reunification project soon after the war. A total of 2,564 tracing applications
were received by July 2011. 1,888 of these applications were about missing
adults, and 676 about missing children. 64% of the parents of missing children
reported that they had been recruited by the LTTE. This study independently
confirms our findings.
At the same time, it is very important to keep in mind that a military confronting
a non-state actor using asymmetric warfare strategies has an incredibly difficult
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task to perform. A terrorist organisation has no compunctions about
safeguarding civilian lives. In fact, the LTTE relentlessly put civilians in harm’s
way by using them as a human shield and to increase international attention to
the war. This was primarily in the hope of attracting external intervention that
would subvert the on-going Humanitarian Operation. The ground realities that
the Sri Lankan military faced in this context are widely ignored. The LTTE
deliberately and repeatedly launched artillery and mortar attacks on the military
from No Fire Zones. It also encamped and fought from civilian areas and
installations including hospitals. These are complexities that those who make
allegations against the Sri Lankan military are sometimes unaware of.
Given the Government’s clear commitment to address all issues relating to
accountability, a Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission was instituted
in May 2010 to examine all matters connected with the war. This Commission
obtained submissions from people all over the country during an 18-month
period, after which it published a comprehensive report. The Commission
concluded that there was no deliberate targeting of civilians on the part of the Sri
Lankan military, although it found that the LTTE was responsible for numerous
violations of international humanitarian law. The Commission also outlined a
number of constructive recommendations that the Government is committed to
implementing through a comprehensive and time-bound National Action Plan. It
is hoped that the process of national reconciliation will be assisted by the
implementation of these recommendations.
It must be noted that a lot has been said, particularly internationally, on the
subject of reconciliation in Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, much of what is said has
been negative, and lacks a holistic perspective grounded in the realities of post-
war Sri Lanka. Reconciliation is a process. Like all processes it takes time to
accomplish. Demanding overnight results is counterproductive.
For a very long period of time, most of the people in the North and parts of the
East of Sri Lanka lived under the total control of the LTTE. There were no
democratic freedoms in the areas under LTTE dominance. There was no space
for dissent. The LTTE did not allow any alternate viewpoints. All opposition
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voices were swiftly and ruthlessly silenced. The people in those areas were
brainwashed with LTTE propaganda. An entire generation grew up without any
experience of normal life. They were separated and isolated from the rest of the
country; they were taught to hate and fear the Sri Lankan state. Some took up
arms against the state willingly. Despite the success of the Welfare camps,
despite the speed of resettlement, and despite the far-reaching nature of the
rehabilitation and reintegration programme, it is not easy to ensure speedy
reconciliation in this context.
At the same time, it has to be acknowledged that much remains to be done by all
parties, including the Government, to ensure that national reconciliation is
achieved. It is of the utmost importance that all Sri Lankans move into the future
together as one nation, without unnecessary fragmentation into groups based on
ethnicity, religion, caste or place of origin. The most essential task of the
Government in this regard is to ensure that all Sri Lankans have the same
opportunities and unobstructed access to state services, and that they are
empowered to seek better futures for themselves in a peaceful, stable and
rapidly developing democracy.
In this regard, one of the most crucial steps towards the restoration of normalcy
in the North and East was the revival of the democratic process through the
restoration of elections and the return of political plurality. Under the direction
of His Excellency the President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Provincial Council elections
were held in the Eastern Province even before the Humanitarian Operation had
ended. Local Authority elections were held for the Jaffna Municipal Council and
Vavuniya Urban Council as early as August 2009. The Presidential Election and
General Election were both held throughout the country in 2010. Local authority
elections held island-wide in 2011 saw free and fair elections throughout the
North and East for the first time in decades. In the areas formerly dominated by
the LTTE, people exercised their franchise without fear for the first time in a
generation.
Later this month, despite the doubts and objections of some sections of the
country, Provincial Council elections will be held in the North. The first election
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after the 13th Amendment to the Constitution was held in 1987, and it was for the
North and Eastern Provinces together. This Council was dissolved not long after,
in 1990. After the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces in 2006,
Provincial Council elections were held in the Eastern Province in 2008. This is
the first time that a meaningful Provincial Council election is being held in the
Northern Province. The fact that the main party in the Government, the SLFP, as
well as the main Opposition party the UNP, the Tamil National Alliance, the
regional Tamil parties and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress are all freely
contesting in this election shows that political plurality is firmly established in
this region. That this is possible just four years after the dawn of peace is a
remarkable achievement.
Now that the war is over and the most significant post-war challenges, including
the revival of democracy have been accomplished, it is absolutely essential that
Sri Lanka moves swiftly forward. We must evolve from being locked in a post-
conflict mentality, and look to the future instead of forever grappling with the
issues of the past. We must be willing to move forward as a nation, united by
what we have in common instead of being divided by the differences we have
between us.
Particularly in this context, it is very important that the main political parties in
Sri Lanka stop the politicisation of divisive issues for their petty political gain.
People in every part of the nation face numerous issues, which could not be
attended to during the last three decades because of terrorism. Furthermore, the
recent adverse global economic conditions also have an impact on our economy.
These issues cannot be solved overnight, and will require time to set right.
Despite these problems, however, it should be appreciated that Sri Lanka’s per
capita GDP has more than doubled over the last six years. Unfortunately, some
political parties use the existing economic problems to their advantage by
portraying them as arising due to ethnic or religious reasons. In reality, these
problems are fundamentally economic, and affect Sri Lankans in every part of
the country irrespective of their race or religion. They are national issues that
need to be faced together as a nation, rather than treated as divisive ethnic or
religious issues confined to a region or a section of the community.
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If the level of political discourse in Sri Lanka is not raised above these narrow
ethno-religious concerns to address the core issues facing all of our people, it will
be very difficult for the nation to make progress. In this context, it is particularly
important that all of the main political parties work throughout the country to
promote the interests of the nation, without focusing on one group or other. It is
only when we bring all the ethnicities and cultures of this country together into
one Sri Lankan identity that we will truly make progress as a nation.
From the national perspective, one of the biggest challenges we have is economic
development. For many years, the war suppressed our economic potential and
held back our growth. However, we need to look beyond the war to one of the
most fundamental and critical issues that has faced this country since
Independence. This is the issue of unequal development, particularly between
the cities and the rural areas. Looking back on Sri Lanka’s history, it is entirely
possible to interpret the major problems that have arisen here as being
fundamentally economic ones. The leftist insurrections of the 1970s and the
1980s were primarily due to the fact that the rural masses in the south of the
country felt that their needs were not being adequately addressed by post-
Independence governments. Even though the LTTE and the militant parties in
the North cast their conflict with the state along purely racial lines, it can be
argued that the separatist cause took root in those areas and gained support
primarily because of the economic pressures that the people in those areas felt
during the same period.
If the problem of rural underdevelopment is not holistically addressed, it is
conceivable that similar problems to what we have had in the past will once
again arise in this country. That is why one of the foremost thrusts of the present
Government has been the development of every part of Sri Lanka. The greatest
developmental challenge facing Sri Lanka today is the uplifting of the standard of
living in rural areas to a similar standard to what is enjoyed in the cities. The
rural masses must not feel marginalised, nor must they feel an economic
compulsion to move to the cities. They should be able to attain a high level of
education, obtain high quality healthcare, and find meaningful and well paying
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employment without leaving their places of origin. All Sri Lankans must benefit
from the dividends of peace, not just the privileged few who live in the capital or
the other urbanised areas.
From a national perspective, it is important to uplift our economy through the
promotion of tourism, foreign direct investment, industrial development, value
addition in agriculture and the further fostering of the service economy.
However, we must also keep to our traditional way of living, we must develop
our agriculture and animal husbandry sectors and achieve self-sufficiency in
them. We should also adopt new technologies to increase productivity and
efficiency. Our per capita GDP should increase significantly over the next several
years, in keeping with the country’s natural growth potential. The 5-hub strategy
adopted by the Government, which envisions the development of Sri Lanka into a
knowledge hub, commercial hub, naval & maritime hub, aviation hub and an
energy hub, is at the centrepiece of a policy designed to translate this growth
potential into economic development.
The establishment of the new Hambantota Port and the Mattala Airport are part
of a comprehensive infrastructure development drive undertaken by the
Government to enhance this economic potential. Although some people criticise
the perceived lack of traffic to these locations, it has to be understood that some
time will be taken before these facilities start to operate at full capacity. This is
only natural, since businesses need time to get accustomed to the availability of
this infrastructure, and to change their procedures in order to make full use of
these facilities. Given the sheer volume of ships that pass through the sea lines of
communication just south of Hambantota, it is only a matter of time before the
full strategic value of the Port is realised. I have every confidence that the
potential of the Hambantota region as an industrial and transhipment cargo hub
will be realised over the next few years.
Another very important infrastructure strategy is to establish highways to
connect to distant cities. Much work in this regard has already taken place and
much more is in the pipeline. These highways will ensure that the travel time
between important cities is kept to a minimum, and that tourism, trade and day-
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to-day travel will be greatly facilitated. This is vital to spreading economic
growth throughout the country at a faster pace. At the same time, the facilities
that are provided within our cities need to meet the standards set in most other
nations. It is imperative that we prevent the departure of our best and brightest
from Sri Lanka to greener pastures abroad. Retaining talented young people
within the country, however, requires us to create an environment that will be
appealing to them. This is a significant challenge before the nation today, and one
that must be met successfully if the country is to grow beyond what it is at
present.
In addition to these overarching challenges of achieving national unity and
meaningful economic development, there are a number of other challenges that
we in Sri Lanka need to be mindful of. These include
1. Preventing the re-emergence of terrorism
2. Establishing effective methods to project Sri Lanka to the international
community
3. Suppressing the emergence of other extremist groups
4. Preventing further ethnic divisions and communal violence
5. Challenges of maritime security and border control
6. Curtailing the growth of organised crime, and
7. New challenges in safeguarding a just and wholesome democracy.
Although the war ended in 2009, the re-emergence of terrorism is still a threat.
One of the main reasons for the LTTE’s success during its heyday was its
extensive international network, which had been in operation for many decades.
Extremist elements within the expatriate Tamil community support this
network, which today comprises such groups as the Tamil Coordinating
Committee which is based in Norway and led by Nediyawan, the Transnational
Government of Tamil Eelam led by Rudrakumaran, and the LTTE Headquarter
group which is based in France and headed by Vinayagam. All of these LTTE-
linked groups are coordinated by the Global Tamils Forum led by the so-called
Father Emmanuel, and have one overarching objective. Their intention is the
division of Sri Lanka and the establishment of a separate state for Tamil Eelam.
There are several strategies through which they will try to achieve their
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objective. These include winning of international opinion for the separatist
cause, increasing international pressure on Sri Lanka, undermining the
Government’s efforts for reconciliation and economic development, and pushing
for the resumption of conflict through reorganizing local militant activities in Sri
Lanka.
Some of the efforts of these LTTE-linked groups have been successful to a certain
extent. Despite Sri Lanka’s many post-war achievements, its internal affairs have
featured on the agenda of many prominent international NGOs and even at the
UNHRC sessions. The recent visit to Sri Lanka by the United Nations Human
Rights Commissioner is another instance of this attention. This has been
accomplished mostly by the actions of the LTTE linked groups, which have many
trained LTTE cadres and operatives who are now fully engaged in propaganda
activities. It is also important to realise that there are groups even within the
democratic mainstream in Sri Lanka that obtain funding from pro-LTTE
elements overseas. They more or less openly talk about achieving the very same
objectives that the LTTE had. Even though they appear to have a democratic face,
their actions and remarks clearly show that the extremist separatist ideology has
not yet fully disappeared. Their ultimate objective is achieving the division of Sri
Lanka. As a result of their actions and statements, it is possible that radical
elements will feel empowered to once again attempt to take up arms against the
state in the name of separation.
While taking every possible countermeasure to prevent the recurrence of
terrorism in Sri Lanka, the country also faces the significant challenge of
effectively countering the LTTE’s propaganda machine. During the Humanitarian
Operation and for a long time afterwards, the true picture about what happened
during the war has been obscured by the LTTE’s false propaganda.
Unfortunately, it is a fact that low middle-income nations such as Sri Lanka do
not have the resources necessary to shape foreign opinion through the media. It
is therefore up to the Foreign Service and the Foreign Ministry to communicate
the true picture about what took place in Sri Lanka during and after the war to
the outside world. This is a serious challenge that must be faced despite
significant resource constraints.
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Sri Lanka also faces possible threats from other extremist groups, including
those involved in previous insurgencies. Some of these groups are trying to
reorganise within Sri Lanka and mobilise people to once again take up extreme
left wing causes. Even today, it can be seen that there are attempts to radicalise
students and even the public and encourage them to take to the streets in
various protests on various pretexts.
The indication of increasing communalism amongst ethnic groups is another
cause for concern. The increased insularity of ethnic groups was visible during
the three decades of conflict in Sri Lanka, and it is a matter of some concern that
this separation still persists under conditions of peace and stability. The
fragmentation of the Sri Lankan identity into ethno-religious identification is not
only unfortunate in itself, but it can also lead to other problems in the long term.
For example, it is clear that there are some in the Tamil community who identify
more with the Tamil community of Tamil Nadu than with their fellow Sri
Lankans.
Similarly, it has been observed that there are some foreign groups that wish to
encourage Sri Lankan Muslims to identify themselves more with the global
Muslim community, thereby reducing their integration with the rest of the
population. It is a known fact that Muslim Fundamentalism is spreading all over
the world and in this region. This is a situation that our Law Enforcement
agencies and Security Forces are concerned about, particularly as there have
been instances where extremist elements were found in transit in Sri Lanka and
were arrested and handed over to appropriate authorities. The possibility that
such extremist elements may try to promote Muslim extremism in Sri Lanka is a
cause for concern.
One of the consequences of the increasing insularity amongst minority ethnic
groups is the emergence of hard line groups within the majority community. This
in turn causes further tensions amongst other communities, which leads to a
vicious cycle of greater fragmentation of the Sri Lankan identity. Sri Lanka had
enough divisions in the past that ultimately led to conflict; we must learn the
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lessons from our past and ensure that history is not repeated. This is a critical
challenge that faces the entire nation today.
The maintenance of maritime security is another important concern. As an
island, Sri Lanka does not have land borders that it needs to protect, but its
responsibilities in terms of maritime security are very great. Preventing various
transnational crimes including drugs smuggling, arms smuggling and human
trafficking is essential to long-term security. At the same time, the protection of
our maritime assets within the Exclusive Economic Zone is also very important,
as is safeguarding the Sea Lines of Communication that travel close to Sri Lanka
against the threat of piracy.
Organised crime in Sri Lanka is another issue that needs to be addressed. As a
result of the rise of terrorism and the insurrections Sri Lanka experienced over
the last forty years, and the response required from the state, a large quantity of
arms and ammunition fell into the hands of criminals. This led to the rise of the
underworld, which engages in organised criminal activities including drugs,
armed robberies, kidnappings for ransom and financial frauds. There are also
groups that engage in seizing land illegally. Although these underworld activities
are not very widespread at this point, tackling this situation before it becomes
more of a concern is a challenge for the state.
One more challenge on the domestic front that the Government needs to be
aware of is the need to safeguard our democracy against attempts to subvert it
through various means. With Sri Lanka now enjoying meaningful peace and
stability for the first time in decades, the requirements of the people are also
beginning to change. Unlike in the past, people all over the world today are
connected to one another through modern communications technology. People
can see what is going on in other parts of the world instantaneously through the
Internet and through global news media. The connectivity of people within the
country is also at an unprecedented level through the spread of mobile phones.
The speed of information dissemination is instantaneous. In these circumstances,
subversive elements with ulterior motives may use these facilities to portray
demands by sections of the public to showcase the country in a negative light.
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In this context, it is very important that people understand that the freedoms
they are guaranteed through democracy should not be allowed to be abused by
those with ulterior motives. Rights and freedoms must always be exercised with
responsibility; if not, negative consequences could ensue for the country at large.
Take for example the right to public assembly. In our democracy, there is ample
freedom for people to demonstrate with regard any issue that they feel is
important. This is a healthy sign of a vibrant democracy. However, when people
go beyond peaceful demonstration and engage in violent protest, incite violence
or act in other undemocratic ways, they exploit and abuse democratic freedoms.
Certain groups with vested interests exploit legitimate demonstrations to show
the country in a bad light—some of them confront the police, cause disturbances
and even riots, and create a very negative image about the country
internationally.
Another example is media freedom. While there are enough and more legitimate
media channels, newspapers, and websites that freely operate in Sri Lanka, there
are also some illegal sources that engage in false propaganda to damage the
country’s image internationally. This is a very disturbing development that can
lead to negative impacts on tourism, foreign investment and trade. It is therefore
the responsibility of every citizen, political group and media organisation to
exercise their democratic freedoms with responsibility, and not engage in
unlawful activity under the guise of exercising their freedoms.
Looking beyond these domestic issues, it is clear that there are significant issues
that Sri Lanka faces due to its strategic geographic position within the South
Asian region. As a result of this, there is some inter-linking of domestic issues
between Sri Lanka and India. For example, India is very sensitive to events in Sri
Lanka because of the large Tamil population in its influential southern state of
Tamil Nadu. Particularly during elections, Sri Lanka figures large in Indian power
politics. In addition, there are certain bilateral issues that occasionally strain the
usually sound relationship between the two nations: for example, the increasing
incidence of illegal fishing by Tamil Nadu fishermen in Sri Lankan waters. India
is without doubt the most important and powerful country in South Asia, but Sri
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Lanka is a completely independent sovereign nation, which India is very much
aware of and supports. It is critical that both countries retain a meaningful and
close relationship despite the issues that sometimes arise between them.
Further afield, Sri Lanka’s cordial relationship with China has sometimes become
an issue for other countries because of misperceptions about the nature of
China’s influence here. It is important to understand that China’s involvement in
Sri Lanka is purely diplomatic and economic. China has been one of Sri Lanka’s
foremost development partners for many years, and it has contributed richly to
many of Sri Lanka’s key economic development projects. However, this
involvement has been misinterpreted to mean that China has undue influence
here. In fact, this point has been raised even by the visiting Defence officials of
certain important nations. For its part, the Sri Lankan Government has been very
clear that its relationship with China is not a threat to any other nation.
In addition to these country specific issues, there are regional issues that arise
because of the increasing geo-strategic importance of Sri Lanka. As a result of the
rapid economic and military development of countries like India and China in
recent decades, the entire Asian region has become increasingly important in
global affairs. There is a possibility that some western powers wish to have a Sri
Lankan Government that is closely aligned with their interests. They may seek to
influence Sri Lanka’s destiny so that it cannot pursue the independent course it is
following at present. In addition, the power politics between key countries in the
region, such as India and China, or India and Pakistan, are also important issues
for Sri Lanka because of our relationships with these nations.
Sri Lanka’s journey during the four years since the dawn of peace has seen the
country transform itself from a nation at war to one of the most peaceful, stable
and secure democracies in the world. How well the country navigates its present
issues, including national security challenges and broader geo-political issues
arising from its geographical position, will determine its destiny.
Most important of all, however, is that we as a people develop our mentality to
go beyond that of a developing nation, and to look at the future positively and
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with confidence. Instead of constantly focusing on issues inherited from the past,
it is important that all of us move forward and think more about the future. In
whatever the field—whether it is business, finance, education, healthcare,
services or agriculture—it is imperative that we start thinking as an advanced
nation and get out of the third world mentality. It is only then that we will be
able to accelerate our development and move forward together as a nation.
I am very confident that in time we will all be able to achieve this cohesive vision
and place Sri Lanka firmly on the path towards lasting peace and prosperity.
However, it is up to all Sri Lankans to accept this as a challenge, and move
together into this shared future as one Sri Lankan nation.
In concluding, I take this opportunity to wish all the participants at this year’s
Defence Seminar an enjoyable and productive couple of days. In particular, I
extend my best wishes to the many foreign delegates here today, and hope that
you will make the maximum use of your time in Sri Lanka. This is a very beautiful
country with a very rich historical and cultural heritage, and I hope that you will
be able to visit at least some of the many scenic and significant places here. I
wish all of you a good day.
Thank you.