Philippine Indigenous Communities
Transcript of Philippine Indigenous Communities
Philippine Indigenous Communities
Chaira Faye L. Ferran Manuel R. Hidalgo
Leonida C. Bueno, Edd
Mayra Christina M. Ambrocio, Dem Francisco C. Doble
Table of Contents
Module 5: Indigenous Communities of the Aeta and Negrito Groups
109
Introduction 109
Learning Outcomes 109 Lesson 1. Agta 110
Lesson 2. The Ata 114 Lesson 3. The Ati 116
Lesson 4. The Atta 120 Lesson 5. Bukidnon of Negros 121 Lesson 6. Dumagat 123
Lesson 7. Mamanwa of Mindanao 127 Lesson 8. The Tumandok 129
Lesson 9. Sulod 131
Module 6: Indigenous Communities of Mindanao
140
Introduction 140
Learning Outcomes 140 Lesson 1. T’boli of South Cotabato 141
Lesson 2. The Badjaos 143 Lesson 3. The Lumads of Mindanao 147
Module 7: Islamic Indigenous Groups
153
Introduction 153 Learning Objectives 154
Lesson 1. The Maranaos/Maranaw 155 Lesson 2. The Maguindanao / Magindanaw / Maguindanaon 159
Lesson 3. The Yakan 164 Lesson 4. The Tausug 169
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List of Figures
Figure Description Page
5.1 An Agta man fishing in the strong rapids of the Blos River 110
5.2 Young Agta woman in the Philippines. 110
5.3
A young girl from the Ata tribe plays the “Saluroy” while an
elder plays the “Kuglong” inside the Kadayawan Village at the Magsaysay Park in Davao City
114
5.4 Ati children preparing for their first holy communion on
Boracay Island. 116
5.5 A bukidnon family. 122
5.6 The Dumagat Tribe 124
5.7
Mamanwa performers. Women hold and wave "banay" or a
piece of cloth as a symbol of goodwill, prosperity, and blessings.
129
5.8
Rolando Caballero helps guide his wife, Pricilla Caballero,
who is the last known Binukot of the Panay Bukidnon Tribe (also known as the Tumandok) in central Panay.
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6.1 The young T’boli group 143 6.2 Badjao children practicing rowing 145
6.3 The life of a Badjao family 147 6.4 The Lumads -Keeping their tradition alive 149
7.1 The Maranaos in their traditional colorful clothing while
traversing the Lanao lake. 157
7.2 The Maguindanao women. 161
7.3 A typical Yakan family wearing traditional handwoven clothes for festivities.
166
7.4 The Tausugs of Sulu, Philippines. 177
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MODULE 5 INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES:
AETA AND NEGRITO GROUPS
Introduction
The Negritos is characterized by several diverse groups who live in isolated areas of the
Southeast asian region. Their current population is comprised of the Andamese people from the
Andaman Islands, The Semang people of Peninsular Malaysia, the Maniq people of Southern
Thailand, the Ati, Aeta, and 30 other officially recognized ethnic groups in the Philippines
(Chaubey et.al, 2013).
The Negritos were once considered as a single related population based on the physical
appearance. Some studies suggest that they may include several groups that are closely related
to the Pygmies of Africa (Basu et.al, 2016).
Learning Outcomes
At the end of this module, students should be able to:
1. Demonstrate an understanding about the indigenous communities of Aeta and Negrito
groups;
2. Trace the history and origins of various tribes that are included in the Aeta and Negrito
groups; and
3. Determine the various aspects of the Negritos by analyzing their specific contributions to
the Philippine society.
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Lesson 1. Agta
The Agta are nomadic hunter-gatherers who are widely scattered in dense forests of
eastern Luzon in the Philippines (Agta, 2020). They appear phenotypically different from other
Filipinos because of their Negroid features: tout, dark skin, and kinky hair. Negrito men have an
average height of 153 centimeters (60 inches) while women measure at an average of 144
centimeters (56 inches). At an average, they also weigh 45 kilograms (99 pounds) and 38
kilograms (84 pounds) for men and women, respectively (Agta Orientation, 2020).
1.1 Role and Family
Kinship is an utmost importance to the Agta community. They follow the bilateral descent.
They do not have lineages, clans, or cognatic descent groups, but personal kindred are important
to them (Agta, Kinship, Marriage, and Family, 2020).
Agta marriages are monogamous. They practice strict kin exogamy, but manifest a
preference for group endogamy. Marriages between distantly related consanguine are extremely
rare, as are unions between affine (Agta, Kinship, Marriage, and Family, 2020).
Figure 5.2. Young Agta woman in the Philippines
Source:
(Miller, n.d.)
Figure 5.1. An Agta man fishing in the strong rapids of the Blos River
Source: (Maentz, 2011)
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There is a very weak division of labor between the sexes. Women participate with their
husbands in hunting on about half of the hunting trips. Both sexes contribute equal amounts of
time to work in their own gardens. They collect forest products for trade, and both work as casual
laborers for farmers. Only women weave baskets and mats and wash clothes while men spear
fish in deep water on coral reefs and climb high trees to collect wild honey (Griffin,1985).
1.2 Geographical Locations
The Agta groups are located all along the eastern side of Luzon Island between 14° and
19° N and 121° and 123° E in the provinces of Cagayan, Isabela, Aurora, Quirino, Quezon,
Camarines Norte, and Camarines Sur. In the previous century this whole area was at least 90
percent covered by dipterocarp tropical lowland forest (Headland, 2019).
1.3 Way of Life
Agta may live in simple lean-tos, sleeping directly on the ground, or in small huts on stilts
with a bamboo or palm wood floor about one meter above the ground, and with a thatch roof.
Usually there are no side walls. Because of the Agta's fear of falling trees during storms, forest
camps are usually situated in small open areas away from trees, such as on dry riverbeds or in
small gardens. Camps are small, consisting of from three to seven kin-related nuclear
households, with a mean average of six. A family will rarely reside in a camp of non-related kin.
Agta move their camps often. In one study they were found to move, on average, every 18 days,
and in another study every 29 days (Headland,1988).
Agta holds to a strong belief in a spirit world containing many classes of supernatural
beings. Depending on the class of spirit, these beings are said to reside in trees, underground,
on rocky headlands, or in caves. There are two general classes of these beings: hayup (creature)
and belet or anito (ghost). The latter are always malignant. Ghosts are wandering disembodied
souls of deceased humans. The ghosts of recently deceased adult relatives are especially feared,
as they are prone to return to the abode of their family during the night, causing sickness and
death. There are several types of hayup. These nonhumans are bipedal and may appear in
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human form. Agta view these as having some influence over processes of nature, health, and the
economic success or failure of humans. Most hayup are malignant, others are neutral, and a few
can be called upon for help in curing disease (Headland, 1988).
These religious practitioners do only white magic. A shaman (bunogen) is defined by the
Agta as an individual who has a familiar spirit "friend" (bunog) who aids him or her in diagnosing
and treating disease. The primary role of shamans is curing. They do not practice sorcery
(Headland,1988).
1.4 Contribution to Filipino Society
Agta women weave baskets and sleeping mats, and men make many types of fine arrow.
Permanent body decorations consist of designed scarring on the back (and sometimes the chest)
and teeth filing. Their traditional music consists of singing solos, using a three-tone scale, and the
use of three types of simple musical instruments: a simple stringed instrument, a bamboo Jew's
harp, and hunting bows, which they sometimes strum. They have no custom of dancing
(Griffin,1985).
1.5 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
According to Headland (1986), the most salient economic activity of the Agtas was
hunting. Men spent a major part of their time hunting large game (wild pigs, deer, monkeys) with
bow and arrow or borrowed homemade shotguns. Their economy for many hundreds of years
has revolved around an institutionalized exchange relationship with non-Agta farmers. Until
recently, the main feature of this exchange was the trade of wild meat for starch foods from
farmers. As the game declined during the 1960s, the Agta gave more and more of their economic
time to working as unskilled laborers for the growing farming population. In 1984, Agta men gave
only 6 percent of their daily activity time to hunting. Agta are no strangers to agriculture.
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1.6 External Influences
Gradually the Negritos switched from their isolated and independent hunting and gathering
lifestyle as they increasingly developed symbiotic relationships with Austronesian farmers. For
most Agta groups, this switch occurred by around 1000 b.c. From this time on, Agta traded and
interacted heavily with farming populations. The more recent twentieth-century history of the Agta
is another story. After thousands of years of living a relatively stable and adaptive life in the rain
forest, they are today undergoing severe deculturation; their forest is being cut back, immigrants
are depleting their game and fish resources, they are being herded onto small reservations by the
government, and change is being imposed on them by various development agencies
(Griffin,1985).
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Lesson 2. The Ata
The Ata tribe refers to the dark-skinned tribe found in Marilog, Paquibato, Panabo and
Carmen in Davao. The Ata Manobo Tribe are located high up in the hills of Davao del Norte in
the southern part of the Philippine archipelago (Ata-Manobo Tribe, 2020).
Figure 5.3. A young girl from the Ata tribe plays the “Saluroy” while an elder plays the “Kuglong” inside the Kadayawan Village at the Magsaysay Park in Davao City
Source: (Dejeto, 2018)
2.1 Role and Family
Marriages are arranged with the bride price as the main concern. Conflicts are settled
through peace offerings. The Atas relied mainly on farming for daily subsistence, supplemented
with hogs, chickens and other livestock products. Social structure is based on kin relationship,
and in the past leadership was given to the oldest married family member. Now they have set
some qualifications. The datu is given more respect and has more authority (Joshua Project, n.d.).
2.2 Geographical Locations
The Ata-Manobo are divided into the Langilan and Tala-ingod tribes. They are found in
the region west and northwest of Mt. Apo, the headwater of the Davao, Lasang and Libuganon
rivers. There is now a town called Tala-ingod in Davao del Norte.
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2.3 Way of Life
Animism permeates the Ata way of life. However, acculturation has caused some changes
especially among the younger generation. Like the Matisalugs, they believe that "Manama" is the
supreme god but there are others who do Manama's bidding. These gods must be appeased
(Joshua Project, n.d.).
2.4 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
The areas where the tribes live are generally underdeveloped with poor infrastructure.
Dispossessed of their tribal lands, they have little control over their lands. They practice slash and
burn agriculture and live off the forest. They are driven off the land by loggers and corporate
plantations (Joshua Project, n.d.).
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Lesson 3. The Ati
The Ati, who inhabit the mountain areas of Panay and Negros, are also called Negrito,
Ituman, and Negros. They continue to exhibit generally-perceived Negrito traits: short and lean
body build; kinky hair, which may be very bushy in the case of women; unblemished and oily dark
chocolate-brown to almost black skin; diminutive but broad noses; and round dark eyes. Negritos
of pure blood still exist in northern Negros, although their number is extremely small and
continually reduced by intermarriage with lowlanders. The Ati speak Hiligaynon (particularly a
variant known as Kiniray-a) and some are fluent in Cebuano (Morales, n.d.).
3.1 Role and Family
The Ati family, a closely-knit organization, consists of father, mother, and children, natural
or adopted. In most cases each family has its own home. The father, though the undisputed head
of the family, consults his wife on all important decisions concerning the family’s welfare. Old age,
wisdom, and strength are recognized as qualities that should be respected. The elders of the
settlements are thus always approached for important matters concerning the Ati’s welfare
(Morales, n.d.).
Figure 5.4. Ati children preparing for their first holy communion on Boracay Island.
Source: (Maentz, 2016)
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The Ati have the custom of giving pet names to their children. Usually the name would be
that of the place or tree located near where the child was born. If, for example, the child was born
near the root of a tree, he/she may be called kadalid (dalid meaning root). But the practice is said
to have disappeared since the Ati now give their children Christian names (Morales, n.d.).
3.2 Geographical Locations
They live in Panay Island, which is located in the Visayas (Islands of Cebu, Bohol, Siquijor,
Leyte, Samar, Panay, Masbate, Negros and Guimaras), the central portion of the Philippine
archipelago.
3.3 Way of Life
According to Morales (n.d.), the Ati have to a large extent been influenced by the marriage
customs of the Christian Filipinos as indicated by the Spanish terms which they currently use. But
inspite of this extensive borrowing, some elements and survivals of their former marriage customs
can still be gleaned. The act of courting is called pangaluyag. From the age of fourteen, boys and
girls think of founding a family. A man courts in other settlements since those who reside within
one community are usually related by blood. As soon as a couple decide to marry, the man sends
his parents or relations to the family of the woman. The intention of seeking permission for
marriage is relayed by a portador (go-between), usually an old man, a relative who enjoys the
respect of both sides.
If the prospective groom has no relatives, usually one of the elders of the settlement
arranges the wedding feast as well as matters concerning the bride-price, if there is any. (Among
the Ati of Negros, the bride-price is known as bugay and the wedding feast is called convite; the
pre-marriage discussion is dulong or pamalaye among the Ati of Iloilo). There are cases where
the woman’s parents opt to defer the wedding until the man has provided a new house for himself
and his future wife. After things concerning the wedding have been agreed upon, the man stays
in the house of the prospective parents-in-law to serve them for a period varying from one month
to about one year. When the service (pangagadamong the Ati of Negros) is over, the go-between
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again approaches the woman’s parents to discuss final wedding preparations. Upon the
completion of all requirements, the marriage is performed by a person calledhuwes (judge, from
Spanish juez), an Ati appointed to this post by the headman (Morales, n.d.).
For a wedding feast, pigs, goats, and some chickens – usually contributions from the
groom’s parents and relations – are butchered. The neighboring Ati groups and some Christian
Filipinos get invited to the celebration, where dancing follows the feasting. An exchange of rice
balls formerly formed part of the marriage ceremony. After the ceremony, the huwes gives counsel
to the new couple regarding their duties and behavior as marriage partners. In Calatrava and San
Carlos towns in Negros Occidental, a marriage custom known as flight-and-pursuit was previously
practised. This entailed the actual pursuit of the woman by the prospective groom in the forest or
around a hill/mound or a field. Once caught, she may be considered his wife (Morales, n.d.).
A small fire would be built and the couple’s hands clasped over it by the designated
officiator. Then a dance would follow. With the Ati becoming increasingly acculturated, these
practices have undergone significant changes, if not totally abandoned. In some groups, couples
simply live together without the benefit of a wedding ceremony. In others, the prospective groom
would perform the pangagad but no longer required to give a bugay. Some Ati now get married
in the Catholic church. In cases where the groom backs out of his obligation to marry after the
bride-price has been settled and the wedding preparations arranged, he must pay an amount to
protect the girl’s honor (kadunganan) which has been tainted by a broken promise. Union between
close relatives, e.g., first degree cousins, is prohibited (Morales, n.d.).
3.4 Contribution to Filipino Society
The Ati are the central attraction in the Ati-atihan festival, a festival named in their honor.
It is said that the festival is held to commemorate the first appearance of the Roman Catholic
Church and the Spaniards in the province of Aklan. According to oral tradition, the Ati helped the
Spaniards conquer the native Bisaya and, as a reward, the tribe was given a statue of the Santo
Niño.
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3.5 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
The Ati gather rattan for sale and for their own use. During difficult times, they process a
poisonous root, called banayong, found in the second-growth forests. The root is thoroughly
rinsed with water and dried, then cooked either in water or in coconut milk with salt added. The
Ati still continue to gather wild honey from the giant black honey bee called pityokan. Besides
honey, beeswax, called kabolay, is also collected, melted, and stored. Sale of medicinal roots and
plants constitutes another means of livelihood for the Ati. The herb doctors (herbolarios) travel as
far as Negros, Cebu, Bohol, and even Mindanao to market their products. Hunting (Morales, n.d.).
In previous years, hunting (pangayam or panganup) played a significant role in the Ati
economy especially during the rainy season (November to early part of January). The practice
has, however, declined throught the years. Game-hunted include birds, wild pigs, deer, monkeys,
iguanas, monitor lizards, wild cat, and wild chickens. Assisted by dogs, the Ati use bow and
arrows. Sometimes they go hunting without the dogs and armed only with a small light spear
called sumbiring (about 3 feet long having a 1 cm. shaft with a barbed point) especially effective
for monkeys. The Ati also use different traps and snares.
The division of the hunting harvest reflects the value attached to sharing. The person who
kills the animal gets a double share with the rest of the members of the hunting party dividing the
catch equally among themselves. Onlookers at the quartering of the game also receive a small
portion called saga; a pregnant woman is given a double saga. The dog and its owner share in
the harvest, even if the latter fails to join the hunting trip (NCCA, n.d.).
Fishing now seems to be more important than hunting. The women engage in pamunit
(pick up) to catch a kind of goby (Chronophorus melancephalus) using a bamboo stick one meter
long and one cm. thick with several earthworms tied to the end. When dipped into the water and
the nibbling of fish at the bait is felt, the stick is swiftly raised and the catch placed in a container.
Pangantipara, on the other hand, is practised by boys. Wearing fisherman’s goggles, they shoot
fish with a spear of wire (bidyo) propelled by two strands of rubber bands. To catch olang (giant
shrimp), the Ati fashion a harpoon (bidyo) that has a barbed point and a piece of string tied around
the spear, thereby preventing the catch from swimming away (NCCA, n.d.).
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The usual method of catching eel and other larger fish in the streams is with the hook and
line, called karakbonit. The Ati bait the lines in the afternoon and remove them the next morning.
Other times they go fishing with their bare hands: simply groping under the stones along the river
banks to catch small fish, shrimps, and crabs. The Ati have also learned to use destructive
methods of extraction such as poison and the use of blasting powder, further depleting resources.
Other Sources of Income. Additional income is generated from other sources such as: handicraft
production (mats, receptacles, bracelets, wallets); bow and arrow making; making of the yoke;
animal-raising; employment as household help; begging on Fridays; and serving as midwives
(mananabang) or medicine-men/women (NCCA, n.d.).
Lesson 4. The Atta
The Southern Atta of Philippines, numbering 600, are no longer unreached. They are part
of the Filipino, Tribal people cluster within the Malay Peoples affinity bloc. This people group is
only found in the Philippines. Their primary language is Faire Atta. The primary religion practiced
by the Southern Atta is ethnic religion. Ethnic religion is deeply rooted in a people's ethnic identity
and conversion essentially equates to cultural assimilation (Joshua project, n.d.).
4.1 Geographical Locations
Cagayan Province, especially the municipality of Faire-Rizal, is where the Southern Attas
live. They live along the Cagayan River.
4.2 Way of Life
The Southern Atta people have their own ethnic religion. Ethnic religions are a broad
category of religious beliefs and practices linked with the adherents' ethnicity. Conversion typically
equates to cultural assimilation to the ethnic group, so their communities are often hostile towards
anyone who turns from their traditional ways (Joshua project, n.d.).
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4.3 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
The Southern Atta people live in a fertile land where they practice agriculture. They grow
corn, rice and tobacco. Their lifestyle is simple by Filipino standards.
Lesson 5. Bukidnon of Negros
The group was first mentioned in 1894 in a report pointing out the existence of some 8,000
infieles in the interior; and then again later in an account of the massacre of an upland community
in the implementation of the policy of reduccion. The Bukidnon since then have undergone
acculturation while maintaining an upland adaptation (NCCA, n.d.).
5.1 Geographical Location
The Bukidnon (Magahat, Karolano, Mangahat, Buquitnon) of Negros Oriental are different
from the group of a similar name found in Mindanao which is of Manobo affinity. There are two
Figure 5.5. A bukidnon family
Source: (Gange, 2017)
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apparent subgroupings of the Negros Bukidnon: the (1) Magahat who live along the tributaries of
upper Tayaban, in the municipalities of Tanjay, Santa Catalina, Bayawan (Tolong), and Siaton;
and the (2) Karol-ano in the municipality of Kabankalan. The group is dispersed in the different
barangays of the municipality, principally in Kamansi, Oringao, Kabagayan, Manapla,
Lumbangan, Mabuhay, and Tayasan (NCCA, n.d.)..
5.2 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
The Bukidnon are shifting cultivators of the uplands in the interior of the island. Their
subsistence is mixed with food gathering. There is little substantial ethnography on this group.
The culture is generalized Visayan adapted to dry agricultural regimes up to elevations of 3,000
feet, planted to a wide range of cultigens with emphasis on rice. There is a similarity in culture
with the Sulod of Panay. The language is related to both Sugbuhanon and Hiligaynon (NCCA,
n.d.).
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Lesson 6. Dumagat
Dumagat origin is the same with Aeta's in Northern Luzon. Their ancestral origin is traced
from Negrito's which is one of the earliest inhabitants in the Philippines. They are found in the
hillsides and mountains of Quezon, Bulacan, Rizal and Laguna provinces. The term "Dumagat"
is thought to be derived from the word "rumakat", "lumakat" or "lumakad" which signifies the
migration of early Negritos in Philippines by walking in land and not by the sea.
Figure 5.6. The Dumagat Tribe
Source: (Lazaro & Balbin, 2018)
6.1 Role and Family
Traditionally, children are born in the house of the parents. The husband assists the
midwife, usually an old woman, while the wife gives birth in a squatting position. The husband’s
presence is required during the labor; otherwise, as believed, the wife will have a difficult delivery.
Customary baptism is called pagbubuhos. This event is officiated by an old, respected man. He
pours water on the head of the baby who is then given a small amount of salt. The parents
themselves choose the godparents or ninong/ninang for their child (Morales, n.d.).
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The groom’s family provides a house for the couple. Oftentimes, kin help build the one-
room hut. They practice a neolocal pattern of residence, but the new house is still within the area
of either of the two sets of parents or where the kaingin site is located. At times, the family builds
a kaingin hut if the permanent house is very far from the site. Usually, during the height of farming
activities, adults stay in the kaingin hut while the older children are left at the permanent house to
look after the younger siblings. A typical Remontado house is a one-room elevated hut with a
detachable ladder to keep out animals. The construction materials consist of tree trunks, caña
boho (for sides or walls), rattan, and cogon grass (for roofing) (Morales, n.d.).
6.2 Geographical Location
The Dumagats are one of the major groups of indigenous peoples living in the Southern
Tagalog region south of Manila. The Dumagats, now numbering only about 30,000, inhabit the
fertile Sierra Madre Ranges on Quezon province's northern tip. A large throng of this ethnic tribe
can be found in the town of General Nakar, while a few of them can be spotted in three
municipalities of Polillo island.
They inhabit the uplands of Rizal and Quezon Provinces along the Sierra Madre
highlands. They live mainly on the eastern part of Rizal Province, specifically Sta. Ines of Antipolo
Municipality (now part of Tanay); Tinukan, Mamuyao, San Andres, Cuyambay, Layban, Daraitan,
and Sampaloc of Tanay; and Macabod, Anginan, Cabooan, Mabolo, Malasia and Puray of
Montalban. The areas of Infanta-Real-General Nakar of Quezon Province are also their dwelling
places. Although the Remontado are semi-nomadic, there is no reported case of heavy out-
migration. They roam in a specific geographic range they consider home base (Morales, n.d.).
6.3 Way of Life
Dumagats before are nomadic people, they stay for a while in a place, build their
temporary house and get their food from natural resources around them through hunting and
gathering crops in the wild. After the sources are depleted, they move in another place to gather
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again food in the wild. They don't know how to cultivate soil for multi-cropping and no sustainable
living. They wear G-string for men and skirts wrap around the body for women. Dumagats before
are animists and their belief is differ from person to person. They have their own language used
among themselves. They did not have wedding ceremony but a simple conversation only between
two parties during a union (Morales, n.d.).
The indigenous group practices monogamy and often, endogamy. Intermarriage with non-
Remontado is not popular since the group members, said to be shy and passive by nature, are
not comfortable living with the banyaga or settlers. Their term for marriage is pagbabalae, that is,
performed by parental arrangement. Child bethrotal occurs when the children are still young. As
soon as the children reach puberty, the girl’s parents ask for the bilang or bride price (in 1937, the
boy’s family would pay the amount ranging from 10 to 100 pesos). In addition, clothes for the
bride as well as food and working animals for her parents are provided. During the wedding
ceremony, the bride dresses in the house of one of her nearest kin. The bridegroom than fetches
her and they walk together to the woman’s residence (Morales, n.d.).
As they parade, the relatives of the bride kneel to them, asking for rice and wine. When
the couple reach the house, an old man officiates at the wedding ceremony by counseling them.
He would loudly advice the couple to act maturely and leave behind their childish ways. Moreover,
he would express pity for the couple since they now have to leave their respective parents to live
independently. He tells them to offer their parents food and buyo (betel) in the future. After the
counseling, the parents of both parties declare them husband and wife. Currently, those who are
poor do not practice these rites anymore. Parental consent to live together is sufficient. There are
cases of separation due to adultery, although this very seldom happens. There are documented
instances of individuals remarrying after separation. The offending party returns the bilang and all
the expenses incurred during the wedding ceremony. Death is a possible consequence if this is
not achieved (Morales, n.d.).
6.4 Contribution to Filipino Society
The Dumagat-Remontado have a rich reservoir of knowledge on the environment and
ecology. Their taxonomy of the flora and fauna is evident in their crops, technology on hunting
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wild games and even in the identification of medicinal plants. They are familiar with at least 10
varieties of gabi, six (6) of cassava, 16 of sweet potato, 11 of bananas, and 39 of rice, eight (8) of
which are glutinous. Their mastery and expertise on the issue of ecological management is also
evident in their kaingin system of multi-cropping and fallow period (Morales, n.d.).
6.5 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
Primarily, the Dumagats depend on farming, kaingin (orchard farming or slash-and-burn
agriculture), paid labor, vending logs and other forest commodities as livelihood. Secondarily, they
rely on fishing, hunting animals, gathering crops and other natural bounties for survival. Loan
dependence (usury) has reduced many of them to dismal poverty (Morales, n.d.).
The Remontado used to be hunters and gatherers before they switched to shifting
cultivation or kaingin. This economic activity has prompted them to gain mastery of seasonal
weather and yearly cycle. They also possess their own economic calendar showing the main
subsistence activities of the group. The whole family is involved in the process with the father
performing the heavier task of preparing the field; e.g., clearing and burning of the ground. Both
the mother and the children help in sowing, weeding and harvesting. If the field is too big for the
immediate family to manage, assistance from the kin is sought. Compensation is usually in kind
or in work exchange where the helper in turn seeks assistance for work in his own field. A typical
kaingin field is one half (1/2) to one-and-a-half (1 ½) hectares yielding a harvest of around one to
six (1-6) cavans per hectare. Rice is planted in May in time for the rainy season. In addition, the
following are also cultivated: corn, gabi, cassava and sweet potato. They plant vegetables,
papayas and bananas as intercrops. Pepper, beans and even tobacco are raised in scattered
patches while fruit bearing trees are planted around the plot (Morales, n.d.).
6.6 External Influences
Today, many of them wears the same as the lowlands. Some of them were already literate
after some efforts of governments, missionaries and volunteers in the past. They stay now in one
place and start to cultivate land for multi-cropping. They are producing native products like rattan
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in exchange for the goods of lowlanders. Some of them are working with lowlander's farm. There
is also improvement in their religion, they adopted some belief of Christians for believing in only
one God (Morales, n.d.).
Lesson 7. Mamanwa of Mindanao
In Mindanao, the Aeta known as the Mamanwa lives in the northeastern provinces of
Surigao and Agusan. The term Mamanwa means “First Forest Dwellers”, derived from “man”
(first) and “banwa” (forest). However, they are popularly called “Kongking” because of their kinky
hair. The term could be derived from the word “conquista”, the conquered ones. The Mamanwas
still use their own dialect when they communicate among themselves although most of them can
now speak the dialects of the lowlanders (Kitcharao.wordpress, n.d.).
Figure 5.7. Mamanwa performers. Women hold and wave "banay" or a piece of cloth as a symbol of goodwill, prosperity, and blessings.
Source:(The Pinoy Explorer, 2012)
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7.1 Geographical Locations
The Mamanwa can be found in Agusan del Norte, Surigao del Norte, Surigao del Sur,
Panaoan Island, and in the mountains of Southern Leyte. Their other name is Mamanwa Negritos
and are believed to be descendants of the original settlers of the Philippines.
7.2 Way of Life
The Mamanwa eat wild fruit, nuts, honey and python meat. They make baskets and
hammocks. They have a nomadic lifestyle which could be an obstacle to the gospel. They believe
in spirits with Magbabaya as the main god.
Some old Mamanwas of today tell of their ancestors' early habitats along river mouths,
seashores, islets and islands. They cannot, however, pinpoint particular areas as their permanent
settlements for they did not have any. They transfer from place to place and travel as far as their
minds could imagine and their feet could carry them. The transfers usually happen in case of
deaths for it was the old customs to pack up and leave the place when death occurs even if their
plants are ready for harvest (Resture, 2011).
7.3 Contribution to Filipino Society
The Mamanwas are a respectable people who have a distinctive way of worship. They
show respect on things and places which are beyond their comprehensions. The sun, moon,
stars, big rocks, mountains, rivers, seas and lakes have special places in the hearts and minds of
the Mamanwas. Anything that gives goodness and food to them is to be respected. The lights
from the heavenly bodies, the fishes from the waters, the big rocks that sometimes become their
temporary homes in their nomadic lives are to be honoured by them. The mountains that give
them food like wild berries, fruits, birds, animals and reptiles are likewise given respect. For them,
things and places that are sources of foods seem to be gods (Resture, 2011).
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7.4 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
The Mamanwas rely on the subsistence economy which is a hand-to- mouth existence.
They are many food-gatherers who move from one place to another depending upon the supply
of food found in the place. They gather rattan poles, orchids, tubers, nuts and honey. As food
gatherers, they use a variety of traps and hunting methods. Hunting intensifies during reiny
season from November to April. In the forest, Mamanwas set up the bayatik (spear traps) and the
gahong (pit traps) for animals like deer, wild pigs, monitor lizards, iguanas, monkeys and large
birds (Kitcharao.wordpress, (n.d.).
7.5 External Influences
Mamanwas did not adopt the lowlanders' way of living. They have retained for centuries
their indigenous culture which to an outsider is often very difficult to understand. They speak their
own dialect and do not go to school to learn either Filipino or English (Resture, 2011).
Lesson 8. The Tumandok
8.1 Geographical Locations
The Tumandok remain the largest indigenous people’s group in Panay. They have a
population of 94,000 in the municipalities of Calinog, Jamindan, Lambunao, and Tapaz growing
out of the communities that their ancestors have built along the snaking Pan-ay River and the
mountainous borders of Capiz and Iloilo (Mongaya, 2011).
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Figure 5.8. Rolando Caballero helps guide his wife, Pricilla Caballero, who is the last known Binukot of the Panay Bukidnon Tribe (also known as the Tumandok) in central Panay
Source: (Maentz, 2016)
8.2 Way of Life
On the basis of this subsistence economy rooted in a land that isolated the Tumandok
from the rest of society for the most part of history arose a distinct way of life and rich culture. The
oral tradition of the Tumandok people gives an account of their legends, community affairs, and
agreements. They continue to sing or chant their epics or sugidanon in an archaic dialect called
dagil or ligbok. They also carry on the holding of the panimo ceremony before eating newly-
harvested rice to appease the spirits. Pangasi or rice wine is prepared for the panimo.The
traditional practice of training binukots who are secluded from the community upon turning three
years old and taught to chant sugidanon to command a good dowry has already disappeared
(Mongaya, 2011).
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8.3 Contribution to Filipino Society
The Binanog, depicting the movement of the hawk and danced to the beat of gongs and
a zarzuela-type interchange called ambahan which is sung in dagil are continued to be practiced
during important occasions.
8.4 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
Mostly slash-and-burn farmers with bisaya rice as the main crop, the Tumandok also
engage in hunting, fishing, and foraging for fruits and root crops. They practice different forms of
communal production in the form of hil-o, dagyaw, or sagiben in agriculture, dagsaw in fishing,
and pamatong in hunting (Mongaya, 2011).
8.5 External Influences
The development in the form of dam construction, big commercial mining, and eco-tourism
projects threaten Tumandok communities. They are now fighting for their rights and privileges as
one members of IP communities (Mongaya, 2011).
Lesson 9. Sulod
The Sulod (Buki, Bukidnon, Mondo, Mundo, Putian) are a mountain people numbering
about 14,000 in 1980, who live along the banks of the Panay River on central Panay Island in the
Bisayan Islands in the central Philippines. Sulod is classified in the Hesperonesian Group of the
Austronesian Language Family. Small, autonomous settlements consist of from five to seven four-
walled, one-room houses, raised on bamboo or wooden posts (Landa, 1968).
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9.1 Role and Family
Descent is bilateral. Leadership is in the hands of the oldest man of each settlement.
9.2 Geographical Locations
The Sulod are the most populous of the varied cultural-linguistic groups inhabiting the
mountains of Central Panay; Tapaz, Capiz; Lambuano, Iloilo; and Valderrama, Antique Provinces,
who remain relatively unassimilated. They occupy the rugged finger-like slopes along the banks
of the river in the interior and higher mountains (Landa, 1968).
9.3 Way of Life
On momentous occasions, the women don headdresses decorated with narrow strips of
cloth lined by silver coins and glass-beaded necklaces intertwined with silver coins. Young men,
on the other hand, sport trousers and shirts, and the elders opt for g-strings; their headwear
consists of an ordinary buri hat, made from the buri palm (the most stately and largest of the
Philippine palms) (Landa, 1968).
Leadership is accorded by the eldest man in each settlement, known as parangkuton or
“counselor” (literally translated as “one to be asked”), presides over activities such as hunting,
house building, and moving to a new kaingin site. Additionally, he resolves disputes and
supervises annual social and religious enterprises. When the paragnkuton dies, the next eldest
man in the settlement assumes the leadership. Unique to their cultural practices, is the keeping
of binokot, which is concealing their beautiful women in closed rooms, away from the eyes of any
man; binokot was later incorporated to mean “record keepers” of their people. This, in turn,
became the principal sources of many Visayan epics such as Hinilawod, Humadapnon, and the
story of Labaw Donggon (Landa, 1968).
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9.4 Contribution to Filipino Society
Religion is an intimate element of Sulod life; every activity is in accordance to the wishes
of the spirits and deities, and, the individual does everything within his capacity to appease these
divinities, even to the extent of going into debt, in order to 'celebrate' a proper ceremony for the
principal spirit, diwata. There are 16 annual ceremonies and a number of minor observances,
most of which are conducted by the baylan; men or women appointed and whose sole functions
are to communicate with the preeminent spirits during seances and interpret dreams and omens
relative to the well-being of the communities (Landa, 1968).
9.5 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
Subsistence is based on cultivation of rice, maize, and sweet potato, supplemented by
hunting and fishing. As shifting cultivators, the Sulod rarely stay in one place for more than two
years, growing upland rice, maize, sweet potatoes, and other edible tubers. They incorporate
hunting-gathering to supplement their subsistence, catching fish with hook-and-line and fish traps;
they also gather vegetable products such as edible fungi. Their attire is ordinary reminiscent of
the lowland Bisayans (Landa, 1968).
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Assessment Task 1-1
1. What are the significant contributions of the Negritos to Philippine society?
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
2. Looking at your own physical attributes, how different or similar are you with that of the
Negritos?
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
3. There are many reported cases of abuse such bullying, land grabbing etc. among the
members of Negrito and Aeta groups, as a student, how can you help them to lessen these
problems?
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
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Summary
The Negritos are a dark-skinned people that are ethnically different from other people in
the Philippines that are mostly Malay in origins. They are believed to be the original inhabitants
of the Philippines. Their origins are obscure. Some anthologist believe they are descendant of
wandering people that "formed an ancient human bridge between Africa and Australia.
The Negritos of the Philippines, along with the Semang Negritos of peninsular Malaysia,
are believed to be survivors of the original hunter gathers that inhabited Southeast Asia and the
Pacific before the arrival of the Chinese and Malays. Some Negritos adopted the Chinese
language. They are regarded as the ancestors of the hunter-gatherers that live on New Guinea
and the Solomon Islands and other Pacific islands.
The Negritos live in the mountains of Luzon and on the Philippine islands of Palawan,
Panay, Negros, Cebu and Mindanao. Also known as the Aeta, Atta, Baluga, Batak, Dumagat,
Mamanwa, Pugut, they are divided into approximately 25 widely scattered ethno linguistic groups
totally about 15,000 people.
136
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MODULE 6
INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES OF MINDANAO
Introduction
The Philippines is a culturally diverse country with an estimated 14- 17 million Indigenous
Peoples (IPs) belonging to 110 ethno-linguistic groups. Mindanao is having around 61% of these
ethnic communities mainly concentrated in mountainous and forest areas of this region.
Intended Learning Outcomes
At the end of this module, the students should be able to:
1. Identify the major ethnic groups in Mindanao;
2. Recognize the value and contribution of indigenous communities of Mindanao to the
Philippine society; and
3. Describe the different ideas and stories behind the existence of indigenous
peoples of Mindanao Island.
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Lesson 1. T’boli of South Cotabato
1.1 Geographical Location
The Tboli people are one of the indigenous peoples of South Cotabato in Southern
Mindanao. The body of ethnographic and linguistic literature on Mindanao, they are variously
known as Tboli, T'boli, Tböli, Tagabili, Tagabilil, Tagabulul and Tau Bilil. They term themselves
Tboli. Their whereabouts and identity are somewhat imprecise in the literature; some publications
present the Tboli and the Tagabili as distinct peoples; some locate the Tbolis to the vicinity of the
Lake Buluan in the Cotabato Basin or in Agusan del Norte. The Tbolis, then, reside on the
mountain slopes on either side of the upper Alah Valley and the coastal area of Maitum, Maasim
and Kiamba. In former times, the Tbolis also inhabited the upper Alah Valley floor. After World
War II, i.e., since the arrival of settlers originating from other parts of the Philippines, they have
been gradually pushed onto the mountain slopes. As of now, they are almost expelled from the
fertile valley floor (Lush, 2018).
1.2 Way of Life
This Tribal group is still living in a traditional way., comparable with how their ancestors
lived centuries ago. The T'boli distinguish themselves from other Tribal Groups by their colorful
Figure 6.1. The young T’boli group Source: (Logronio, 2017)
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clothes, bracelets and earrings, this tribe is famous for their complicated beadwork, wonderful
woven fabrics and beautiful brass ornaments (Jong, 2008).
1.3 Contribution to Filipino Society
The Tboli have a musical heritage consisting of various types of agung ensembles –
ensembles composed of large hanging, suspended or held, bossed/knobbed gongs which act as
drone without any accompanying melodic instrument. Other instruments include the hegelung.
Another contribution of T’boli is the T'nalak cloth. The weavers of this cloth have patterns inspired
by dreams and blessed by Fu Dalu, the god of abacá (Mercurio, 2006).
The T'nalak, the T'boli sacred cloth, made from abaca is the best known T'boli craft and is
one of the tribe’s traditional textile, this cloth is exchanged during marriages and used as a cover
during births. The T'boli women are named dreamweavers, another legend tells us that the T'nalak
weaving was taught by a goddess named Fu Dalu in a dream and that women learn this ethnic
and sacred ritual, based on tribal designs and cloth patterns through their dreams. These unique
patterns are made with centuries-old practices and passed down from generation to generation.
This typical T'boli textile is history held in the hands of their makers and the rich cultural heritage
can be seen through their creations, it shows the tribe's collective imagination and cultural
meanings (Jong, 2008).
The T'boli people believe in a highly-complex traditional religion that is unique to the
region. Their religion is regionally-complex and is composed of the life ways and belief systems
inherent to the Tboli psyche. However, in modern times, their religion has been degraded to a
certain extent due to the introduction of Roman Catholicism, Protestanism, and Islam.
Nevertheless, some communities continue to preserve and conserve the religion practices of their
ancestors, which has been established thousands of years ago (Jong, 2008).
1.4 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
Weaving is one among the many traditional economic activities of the T’boli group. It is a
very tedious job and requires much patience, a lot of creativity and a good memory to remenber
the particular designs. Men are not allowed to touch the chosen abaca fiber and materials used
in the weaving process and the weaver should not mate with her husband in the time the cloth is
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woven, for it may break the fiber and destroy the design. At present the T'nalak products have
become the signature product of the province of South Cotabato (Jong, 2008).
Lesson 2. The Badjaos
The Badjaos are a sea-dwelling tribe, often known as the "Sea Nomads", who have been
floating off the shores of Southeast Asia for centuries. As a nomadic tribe living in stilt huts or boat
houses on shallow waters, they make their living from traditional free-diving for fish and pearls.
Over the years, more and more Badjao people have been lured away from the ocean, migrating
to a life on land (Valle,2015).
2.1 Role and family
As mentioned by the Badjao Bridge (n.d.), in a typical sea dwelling community, children
often play and swim in water used for human waste disposal. This creates a wide range of health
issues such as gastrointestinal problems, eye diseases and skin infections such as scabies, to
name a few. Children are injured and sometimes die simply from walking on the elevated stilt
Figure 6.2. Badjao children practicing rowing
Source: (Jacobson, 2015)
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walkways. Children are especially vulnerable to dire economic circumstances. Their only escape
is through education, which sadly many Badjao families cannot afford.
With no options for families on the brink of starvation, children routinely are sent to nearby
cities to beg. Begging often provides a family enough resources to eat for the families because
they rely on this meager income, children essentially become slaves and are forced to beg up to
12 hours a day. Unable to attend school, the cycle of poverty takes a firm foothold in the
community (Badjao Bridge,n.d.).
2.2 Geographical Location
According to Peralta (2002), the Badjaos are scattered along the coastal areas of Tawi
Tawi, Sulu, Basilan, and some coastal municipalities of Zamboanga del Sur in the ARMM.
Amongst themselves, they're known as Sama Laus (Sea Sama) and are found living on
houseboats where they make their livelihood solely on the sea as expert fishermen, deep sea
divers, and navigators
Sadly, due to the ongoing conflict in the region between revolutionary Muslim groups and
the government, many Badjao have migrated to Sabah in Malaysia and Sulawesi and Kalimantan
in Indonesia. As a result, they now comprise the second-largest ethnic group in Sabah, despite
the fact that many of them are illegal immigrants. There, the Badjao speak nearly (10) languages
of the Sama-Bajau subgroup of the Western Malayo-polynesian language family (Peralta, 2002)
Sea tribes are scattered all over South East Asia. The largest people group are the Badjao
people with an estimated population of 400,000. They are an indigenous ethnic group of The
Philippines which has been there since at least 500AD. Badjao are an endemic fisher-folk who
have been using sustainable fishing methods for over 1500 years. In the past 50 years however,
The Philippines has experienced a surge in population that has severely depleted fish
populations, leaving Badjao without anything to sustain their livelihood. Uneducated and often
ostracized by the majority people group, they are left struggling to survive in modern society
(Peralta, 2002).
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2.3 Economic and Livelihood Activities
The men of the tribe are skilled fishermen specifically the art of pantana fishing (spear
fishing). They traditionally lived on house boats moving through the sea wherever was needed,
to fulfil their fishing requirements. The Badjao are also talented divers – diving for pearls. To this
day, these activities still play a major part in the lives of the Badjao people. They collect the fish
and pearls and sell them at the main markets in Cebu City. These activities are traditionally their
main source of income (O’Callaghan, 2018). They come to shore to barter their harvests for
farmed produce such as fruits and cassava, as well as, replenish their supplies and/or make
repairs to their houseboats.
2.4 Way of Life
Unique to their cultural rituals is the concept of life and their relationship to the sea: For
example, as a childbirth ritual, a newly born infant is thrown into the sea and members of the clan
dive to save the newborn. Other traditions such as marriages are prearranged by the parents for
their sons and daughters; the process similar to other ethnic groups, in that, a dowry is often
presented to the parents of the woman a man wishes to marry. And, only the Badjao leader can
consecrate a marriage. Therefore a leader is chosen based on individual inherent virtues, wisdom,
and “charisma”...an innate ability to attract followers.
Figure 6.3. The life of a Badjao family Source:(Carriet, 2011)
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2.5 External Influences
According to Valle (2015), in the process of adapting to a land-based life, their unique
skills in free-diving, along with their in-depth knowledge and understanding of the ocean, becomes
much less relevant. The younger generations have forgotten their ability to dive to the bottom of
the reef and walk on the bottom of the ocean. Many Badjao communities on land live in squalid
settlements.
Some Badjao, however, have managed to maintain a sea-faring life and preserve their
traditions in the solitude and liberty of living freely and independently on the sea, away from the
rules and restrictions that bind those who live on land (Valle,2015).
However, due to increasing piracy around the 1960’s the Badjao people were forced off
the water and onto land. They found a new home at Alaska Beach, Mambaling in Cebu City. They
built wooden houses suspended over water in which they could tie their boats to. This style of
house suited the tribe’s people very well as it provided easy access to their boats (Valle,2015).
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Lesson 3. The Lumads of Mindanao
The Lumad are a group of Austronesian indigenous people in the southern Philippines. It
is a Cebuano term meaning "native" or "indigenous". The term is short for Katawhang Lumad
(Literally: "indigenous people”. The 18 major lumad ethnolinguistic groupings are the Bagobo,
Banwaon, Blaan, Bukidnon, Dibabawon, Higaonon, Mamanwa, Mandaya, Mangguwangan,
Manobo, Mansaka, Matigsalug, Subanen, Tagakaolo, Talaandig, Tboli, Teduray, and
Ubo. Lumad are distinct from the Moro (indigenous Islamic) tribes, which include about 14 sub-
groups concentrated in western Mindanao. Lumad are also distinct from the indigenous groups
which are based in Mindanao but rooted in Visayan culture (Buchholdt, n.d.).
Figure 6.4. The Lumads -Keeping their tradition alive
Source: (Manila Times, 2017)
3.1 Geographical Locations
According to Buchholdt (n.d.), they can be found in the following towns and cities:
Cotabato, Tandag, Dipolog, Kidapawan, Marbel, Tagum, Cagayan de Oro, Davao, Malaybalay,
Pagadian, Butuan, Surigao, Ozamis, Ipil, Digos, Mati and Dipolog. Lumad are found throughout
Mindanao, in remote mountainous areas and valleys, in low-lying plains, and in coastal areas.
Over the years, the Lumad have nurtured and protected their traditional ancestral lands, and their
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individual cultures. Lumad culture is rich and diverse, with a wide range of languages, chants,
rituals, dances, and other traditions.
3.2 Way of Life
Lumads have not succumbed to the modern ways of living. Up to this day, they prefer to
live in the mountainsides of Mindanao, living the traditional life. Their beliefs can be seen through
the ornaments of every woman and the woven dresses they wear. They believe in spirits and
gods.
3.3 Contribution to Filipino Society
The Lumad of Mindanao encompass many different indigenous cultures of the Philippines.
These cultures offer a rare window into the everyday life and the precolonial cultures of the
Philippines (Buchholdt, n.d.).
3.4 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
According to Ulindang (n.d.), economically, Lumads practiced swidden agriculture
depending on the land’s productivity. Communal sharing of resources based on the belief of the
sacredness of land and nature as divine endowments define their relationship with their
environment. Their socio-political arrangements were varied. The Mandaya were led by their
bagani or warrior while the Bagobos, Manuvu as well as most of the Lumads by their datu. The
Datu’s subjects were his sacops. The Lumad remained isolated and withdrawn from the hills and
forest that were difficult to penetrate. The Spanish colonial strategy was to begin colonization
along the coast towards the plains for purposes of trade and political consolidation. During the
Revolution of 1896, Lumads joined a band ofdeportados and boluntarios who started a mutiny in
Marawi City against their Spanish superiors. They roamed the Misamis Oriental area, harrassing
and wreaking havoc on Chinese and Spanish-owned business establishments. They were fully
armed and looked “healthy”. They were led by an armed Lumad named Suba who had his own
trumpeteers announce their coming. They were later known to have joined a group of rebels on
the Agusan area who left to join the Katipuneros of Luzon.
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Assessment Task 2-1
1. Describe the different ideas and stories behind the existence of indigenous peoples
of Mindanao Island.
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
2. Just recently, there are a lot of young Badjaos roaming around begging for money
and food. Give your personal reaction to this.
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
3. Assuming that you are an elected official of Mindanao, what specific project will you
launch that can support the needs of IP communities living in that area?
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________________
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Summary
Mindanao is having around 61% of these ethnic communities mainly concentrated in
mountainous and forest areas of this region. The Tboli people are one of the indigenous peoples
of South Cotabato in Southern Mindanao. The body of ethnographic and linguistic literature on
Mindanao, they are variously known as Tboli, T'boli, Tböli, Tagabili, Tagabilil, Tagabulul and Tau
Bilil. They term themselves Tboli.
The Badjaos are a sea-dwelling tribe, often known as the "Sea Nomads", who have been
floating off the shores of Southeast Asia for centuries. As a nomadic tribe living in stilt huts or boat
houses on shallow waters, they make their living from traditional free-diving for fish and pearls.
Over the years, more and more Badjao people have been lured away from the ocean, migrating
to a life on land.
The Lumad are a group of Austronesian indigenous people in the southern Philippines. It
is a Cebuano term meaning "native" or "indigenous". The term is short for Katawhang Lumad
(Literally: "indigenous people”).
151
References
Badjao Bridge. (n.d.) Sea Dwellers in the 21st Century. Retrieved September 21, 2020 from
https://www.badjaobridge.org/sea
Carriet. (14 April 2011). Badjao people: Cultural and religious background. The Endless
Journey. Retrieved September 24, 2020 from
http://carrieannt.blogspot.com/2011/04/badjao-peole-cultural-and-religious.html
Casal, G. (1978). The T'boli creation myth and religion. T'boli Art: in its Socio
Cultural Context, pp. 122-123.
National Commissions for Culture and the Arts [NCCA]. (n.d.). Lumad in Mindanao. Retrieved
September 24, 2020 from https://ncca.gov.ph/about-ncca-
3/subcommissions/subcommission-on-cultural-heritagesch/historical-research/lumad-in-
mindanao/
Jacobson, J. (02 June 2015). 5 Architectural Secrets of the Badjao: 21st Century Sea People.
ArchDaily. Retrieved September 30, 2020 from https://www.archdaily.com/638523/5-
architectural-secrets-of-the-badjao-21st-century-sea-people ISSN 0719-8884
Jong, R. (2008). Destinations: Philippines / Mindanao. Things Asian press.
Logronio, J.M. (2017). T’Boli tribe. Mindanao Indigenous Peoples Conference for Peace and
Development (MIPCPD). Retrieved September 29, 2020 from
http://www.mipcpd.org/tribe/tboli-tribe/
Lush, E. (2018). Making of: T'nalak weaving, Philippines. The Textile Atlas. Retrieved
September 20, 2020 from http://thingsasian.com/story/tboli-tribe-south-cotabato
Mercurio, P. D. (2006). Traditional music of the Southern Philippines. PnoyAndTheCity: A center
for Kulintang – A home for Pasikings.
152
O’Callaghan, M. (2018) The story of the Badjao Tribe. Retrieved September 22, 2020 from
https://www.serve.ie/the story-of-the-badjao-tribe/
The Manila Times. (2017). Lumad women keep the tradition alive. Retrieved September 27 from
https://www.manilatimes.net/2017/08/12/supplements/lumad-women-keep-tradition-
alive/344021/
Ulindang, F. (n.d.) Lumad in Mindanao. Department of History, Mindanao State University,
Marawi City.
Buchholdt, T. (n.d.). The Lumad Cultures of Mindanao. Salupongan International. Retrieved
September 29, 2020 from https://www.festalpagdiriwang.com/lumad-cultures-of-
mindanao
Valle, G. (2015). The Badjao: Nomads of the sea. Retrieved September 25, 2020 from
https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/inpictures/2015/12/badjao-nomads-sea-
151207105708904.html
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MODULE 7
ISLAMIC INDIGENOUS GROUPS
Introduction
Moro is the collective term used to refer to the Filipino Muslim ethnolinguistic groups
(Kamlian, 2012). As a Muslim ethnic group, they comprised the majority of non-Christian
population in the Philippines. According to the International Religious Freedom Report (2013),
they account for approximately 5% of the Philippine population which is equivalent to about 5
million people in the country. The majority of Muslims live in the islands of Mindanao and few
parts of Palawan (Minority Rights Group International [MRGI], 2020).
The major Moro ethnolinguistic groups are the Maguindanao, Maranao, Tausug, Samal,
Bajau, Yakan, Ilanon, Sangir, Melabugnan, and Jama Mapun (MRGI, 2020). Three of these
groups make up the great majority of the Moros. It includes the Maranaos of the Lanao provinces,
the Tausugs from Jolo, and the Maguindanaos of North Cotabato, Kudarat, and Maguindanao
provinces (MRGI, 2020).
Despite shared linguistic and religious differentiation against the Christian majority, the
Moros have not been traditionally united (International Crisis Group [ICG], 2011). They are often
hostile to each other as they are divided by degrees of Islamic orthodoxy and linguistic differences,
but they shared common hostility to the central authorities – the Spaniards, Americans, and the
Christianized Filipinos from Luzon (MRGI, 2020; ICG, 2011).
After independence from the colonizers, “decades of fighting between the government and
the Moro-Muslim separatist groups have resulted in mass displacements affecting mostly Muslim
communities” (MRGI, 2020; Rodil, 2014, par. 4).
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Learning Outcomes
At the end of this module, students should be able to:
4. Identify the different indigenous communities in the Philippines in terms of political,
social, and cultural aspects of life;
5. Discuss the roles of indigenous peoples and their way of life as their contribution to the
Filipino Society;
3. Examine their situation in the current social, political, and cultural landscape of the
Philippines; and
4. Conduct a comparative analysis of the Indigenous people and communities.
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Lesson 1. The Maranaos/Maranaw
The Maranaos are the inhabitants of Lanao del Norte and Lanao del Sur (Ethnic Groups
of the Philippines [EGP], 2020). The term “Maranao” literally means “people of the lake,” taken
after their traditional territory Lake Lanao that is surrounded by Bukidnon-Lanao Plateau (Wilken,
as cited in Joshua Project, 2020; EGP, 2020). They are believed to have lived in the Southern
Philippine island of Mindanao since the 13th century, while many has relocated in Manila as time
passed by (Wilken, as cited in Joshua Project, 2020). Maranao is often used to refer to the ethnic
group, although it is also used to denote their language (National Commission for Culture and the
Arts [NCCA], n.d.).
Figure 7.1. The Maranaos in their traditional colorful clothing while traversing the Lanao lake
Source: (Potpot, 20 January 2019)
1.1 Geographical Location
The Lanao Lake is home to about 863,659 Maranaos (NCCA, n.d.). It is located in North
Central Mindanao at approximately 135 square miles in area and situated at 2,300 feet above sea
level (De Jong, 2010). They are one of the largest Islamic groups in the Philippines whose core
areas include Marawi City, Lumba-a-bayabao, and Bayang (Gaur, 2016). They are a splinter
group which traces their religious origins to Sharif Kabunsuan who introduced religion to
Maguindanao (EGP, 2020).
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1.2 Role and Family
Similar to most Filipino Muslims, the Maranao significantly differ from the Christians who make
up the majority of the country’s population (Gaur, 2016). Their land is owned by the clan and
controlled by the local leaders known as the datus (EGP, 2020; Gaur, 2016).
Several families form a Maranao village where they live in homes without walls (EGP, 2020;
NCCA, n.d.). They are also allowed to become members of different villages simultaneously,
without any fear of recrimination as outcasts due to accepted bilateral relationships (EGP, 2020).
The Maranaos also follow the Islamic customs of marriage and family (Gaur, 2016).
1.3 Way of Life
Maranao communities are also clustered around a mosque and a torogan (EGP, 2020). A
torogan is a vernacular structure which served as a royal house to preeminent economic
household in the area (EGP, 2020; NCCA, n.d.).
The native Maranaos have a fascinating culture which revolves around music, art, and craft.
Almost every family specializes in different form of craft that are part of the traditional Maranao
culture like “woodcarving, tapestry weaving, brass-making, and the fine art of silver and gold
smithing” (De Jong, 2010, par.6). The tribe’s arts and crafts are more distinct and recognizable
than other cultures in the Philippines.
1.4 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
The Maranaos significantly contribute to the market and trade industry in Mindanao. They are
known for the usage of awang or a dugout boat in trading within the Lake Lanao (EGP, 2020).
The tribe’s primary subsistence includes “dry rice cultivation in hilly areas; intensive wet rice
in flood plains; and some corn, sweet potato, coffee, cassava, and peanuts” (Bureau on Cultural
Heritage [BCH], 2019, par 6.). They also incorporate lake fishing to supplement their agricultural
harvests (Wilken, as cited in Joshua Project, 2020).
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Aside from rice farming, metalworking and woodworking handicrafts have also become a
significant part of the Maranao’s economic activities (Gaur, 2016). Meanwhile, textiles in the
Maranao culture “symbolize the socio-economic rank of the wearer” as represented by the
intricacies in motifs, colors, and designs that are woven into the fabric (EGP, 2020, par. 2).
1.5 Contribution to Filipino Society
The Maranaos have a very rich cultural heritage which they enjoy sharing with people outside
their culture. Textiles, metalwork, woodcraft, and architecture are important expressions of
culture. The following are only few of the Maranao’s significant contributions to the Filipino society
(Wilken, as cited in Joshua Project, 2020):
1. Awang – dugout boat used in Lake Lanao, recognized as the most unique and ornate of
dugouts.
2. Kulintang – the instrumental music of the Maranao people. It is performed on a unique set
of eight melodious gongs. The kulintang musical tradition predates the Islam and it is
shared by both Muslim and non-Muslim communities in Mindanao as well as other nations
to the south.
3. Darangen – the epic song of the Maranao which encompasses wealth of knowledge
among the Maranao people. It was proclaimed by UNESCO as one of the Masterpieces
of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity in 2005.
4. Okir or Okkil – an indigenous, organic flowering, and branching motif used in the
Philippines and other Southeast Asian countries (de Jong, 2019).
1.6 External Influences
The increasing literacy rate in the Philippines has led to a dramatic increase in literacy among
the Maranao communities (Wilken, as cited in Joshua Project, 2020). Numerous Maranaos are
already degree holders, that they find it difficult to obtain employment that are suitable to their
education. Due to shortage of jobs in Lanao provinces, many educated Maranaos resorted to
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traditional occupations like agriculture and craftmanship (EGP, 2020). Others chose to migrate in
Manila to find better opportunities (Wilken, as cited in Joshua Project, 2020).
The Christian and Missionary Alliance was also successful in establishing a church in a
Muslim region in Mindanao (Wilken, as cited in Joshua Project, 2020). It facilitated the literacy
program among the Maranaos as gospels as broadcasted in radios and adopted in films.
The Maranao is one of the last tribes in Mindanao who are adapting to the modern society
without completely losing their ethnic identities (De Jong, 2010). They strive to live in their own
domain in an effort to escape the modernizing influences of the contemporary world.
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Lesson 2. The Maguindanao / Magindanaw / Maguindanaon
The Maguindanao (also spelled as Magindanaw) is an ethnolinguistic group which
primarily settled in south-central Mindanao. They are heavily concentrated along shores and flood
lands of the Pulangi-Mindanao River basin which earned them the name “Maguindanao” that
means “people of the flood plain” (Gorlinski, 2011, par. 1). They are known as the largest Moro
group in the Philippines with an estimated 1.4 million population during the second decade of the
21st century (Gorlinski, 2011).
The sultanate is “divided into two principal groups, each with its own dialect and traditional
location” (EGP, 2020, par. 2). These groups are known as the Tau-sa Ilud (people of the lower
valley) and the Tau-sa Laya (people of the upper valley). Tau-sa Ilud are concentrated in Cotabato
and South Dinaig areas while Tau-sa Laya can be found in the areas of Datu Piang and Buluan
(EGP, 2020).
The sultanate continues to expand which widened the summit of their strength and
influence under Sultan Kudarat. Until the latter part of the 21st century, Maguindanao remained
as one of the most prominent sultanates in the southern Philippines as they retained much of their
political power (Gorlinski, 2011).
Figure 7.2. The Maguindanao women
Source: (Dacumos, 31 May 2012)
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According to legend, the Maguindanao were converted to Islam by Muslim Prince Sarip
Kabungsuan who claimed to be a descendant of the Prophet Mohammed (Maguindanao in
Philippines, 2020). The legend states that he won his converts through a combination of his
wisdom, appeal to his message, and supernatural powers. It is also believed that he was married
to a woman who was miraculously born from a stalk of bamboo (Maguindanao in Philippines,
2020).
2.1 Geographical Location
The south-central part of Mindanao is historically known as Cotabato. The name is derived
from the Malay’s “stone fort” which refers to the fort that once stood at the mouth of the Pulangi
River and serves as the main access to the interior of the Cotabato valley (Maguindanao, 2020).
The valley is nearly surrounded by mountains while the river (known as the Mindanao River) is a
confluence of several tributaries which flow down the mountains (Maguindanao, 2020; Rodney,
2019). The Maguindanaon are predominantly found in four provinces: Maguindanao, North
Cotabato, South Cotabato, and Sultan Kudarat, thus forming the Cotabato region (EGP, 2020).
2.2 Role and Family
The Maguindanao society is stratified and family-oriented. They can trace their ancestry to
Maguindanao royalty according to the highest rank (Gorlinski, 2011). Their “households often
include extended and/or multiple families” that are headed by a datu (Maguindanao, 2020, par
11).
The kinship system of Maguindanao is traced through both parents. However, it is unusual
because it is “modified by a system of social rank, rules of descent, and distinctive marriage
patterns” (Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020). Although social rank is considered as less
important than blood relationship in Maguindanao, they still give exception to highest ranking
individual. They removed them from manual labor where men usually do the plowing, tilling, and
other heavy farm work while women are in-charge of the domestic work (Maguindanao in
Philippines, 2020; Maguindanao, 2020).
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Social rank in Maguindanao community is determined by one’s maratabat (social status) that
is based on real or imputed descent from Sarip Kabungsuwan (Maguindanao, 2020). Families
classified as high-ranking maintain an elaborate genealogy in order to validate their claims to the
lines of descent (EGP, 2020; Rodney, 2019). The precise social ranks of lower status are often
unclear, but is said to be a factor in selecting an appropriate marriage partner (Maguindanao,
2020).
Maguindanaons have strong preference for marriage among relatives, especially to the
second cousin (Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020). Most of their marriages are monogamous,
but they also practice polygyny (having more than one wife) under the Islamic law (EGP, 2020;
Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020). In local tradition, polygyny is often practiced by wealthy
people of high ranks.
After marriage, the couple are expected to reside in the husband’s community where they
often joined his extended family (Maguindanao, 2020). Although, nowadays, this is rarely
practiced as the couple already have an option to form their own independent household. Divorce
is also allowed under Islamic tradition, especially during the early years of marriage (EGP, 2020;
Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020). Most divorces occur due to “infertility, incompatibility,
infidelity, or failure of the bride’s relatives to pay an agreed bride-wealth” (Maguindanao, 2020,
par. 11).
2.3 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
Traditional settlements in Maguindanao are located in the extensive coast and mostly near
the waterways in the interior of their territory (Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020). This kind of
settlement allowed the ease of trading and communication among the Maguindanaos and non-
Muslim native people like the Manobo and Tiruray (Maguindanao, 2020). The Maguindanaos
dominate the trade where they were able to establish several trading centers in Cotabato City,
Datu Plang, and General Santos City that also serve as seats of political power (Maguindanao in
Philippines, 2020).
Other settlements along or near the waterways were also controlled by the datus where
traditional dwellings have been altered by building of the roads that do not follow the natural
162
course of the waterways (Maguindanao, 2020). Since the American colonial period, large towns
have already sprung up along the roads and highways which became new centers of commerce
while the older water-oriented communities have become isolated and languished (Maguindanao
in Philippines, 2020; EGP, 2020).
In the 20th century, the Maguindanao also dominated trade with people of the interior island
whom they exacted tributes from (Maguindanao, 2020). They sold commodities like “salt, metal
goods, Chinese pottery, cloth, beads, and other manufactured items” that may be exchanged for
rice, gold, and a variety of forest products (Maguindanao, 2020; EGP, 2020). At the time, slaves
may also be sold or exchanged.
Lands were also communally owned during the early years of 20th century. Claimants only
need to demonstrate descent from their ancestors who had cleared and used that land
(Maguindanao, 2020). It was only altered in the 1920s when the American colonial government
conducted cadastral surveys to determine the individual landholdings of the Maguindanaons
(Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020). A lot of datus have taken this opportunity to claim the land
farmed by their followers as their own, and thus acquired large parts of the communal lands (EGP,
2020; Maguindanao, 2020).
Today, there is a “mixture of titled small holdings, land of uncertain title farmed on the basis
of traditional claims, and ‘estate’ lands farmed by datus and their tenants” (Maguindanao, 2020,
par. 15). They are also able to produce nearly all their own food, “grown variety of crops, trap fish,
and obtain wild foods from the marshes” (Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020, par.6). the
Maguinadanaons also cultivate wet rice in the lowlands, and dry rice and corn in the upland areas.
Their diets include “yams, rice, tomatoes, squash, beans, coconuts, goats, chickens, and eggs”
(Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020, par.6).
2.4 Way of Life
The Maguindanaons are the largest group of Muslim Filipinos (Maguindanao in Philippines,
2020). However, rather than an orthodox Islam, the sultanate’s belief system follows the “folk
Islam” where they usually mingle with the animalistic beliefs (belief that inanimate objects have
spirits) (Maguindanaos, 2020).
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The imams (religious leaders) and the panditas (religious teachers) preside over the religious
life of the Maguindanaons (Maguindanao, 2020). They regularly celebrate religious holidays and
festivals while teaching schoolboys to memorize the Qu’ran (EGP, 2020; Maguinadano, 2020).
2.5 Contribution to Filipino Society
The Maguindanaons are known for the ceremonies, festivities, art, and music. They have
distinct culture that they still practice until today. Some of these are the following:
1. Kulintang – the most emblematic musical traditions of the Maguindanao. It is a percussion
ensemble that “draws its name from the melodic centerpiece, a single row of seven or
eight small horizontally suspended ‘pot gongs’ (Gorlinski, 2011, par. 6). Kulintang sets
constitute heirloom property, and its ownership remains a traditional status symbol among
the Maguindanaons. Both men and women participate in the ensemble where they often
engage in spirited competition on the gong row (Gorlinski, 2011).
2. Aside from musical instruments, the Maguindanao also perform broad spectrum of vocal
repertoire which ranges from the songs related to the recitation of the Qu’ran or love long
songs and lullabies of the epics and other narrative songs (EGP, 2020; Gorlinski, 2011).
3. The Maguindanaons are also known in the realm of visual arts. They are renowned
metalworkers who produce gongs, weapons, and wavy bladed Kris ceremonial swords
(Gorlinski, 2011). Their woven mats and colorful fabrics (like the malong or the tube skirts)
are also famous among the Muslims and non-Muslims communities (Gorlinski, 2011).
Most of the Maguindanaon art is confined to weaving, basket making, and designing
ornaments (Maguindanao, 2020). They love bright clothing, beaded jewelry, and other
accessories which make their apparel distinctive and colorful (EGP, Maguindanao, 2020).
Numerous Maguindanaon products are handcrafted in their houses from “wood, bamboo, rattan,
thatch, and fiber” that are used for domestic and commercial purposes (Maguindanao in
Philippines, 2020).
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Lesson 3. The Yakan
The Yakan (also spelled as Yacan) ethnic group primarily reside in the hillsides of Basilan
(Stockinger, 1998). They are one of the major Muslim groups who were formerly known as
Tanguina (De Jong, 2010). They make up half of Basilan’s population that are related to other
South Philippines Muslim Groups (Yakan in Philippines, 2020). In the early 21st century, there are
an approximately 100,000 members of the Yakan tribe in the Philippines and 12, 000 in Malaysia
(Gorlinski, 2012).
Yakans are horse-riding hill tribe whose descents are believed to stem from the Orang
Dyaks or the Tagihamas of Eastern Indonesia (Ethnic Groups of the Philippines [EGP], 2020;
Yakan in Philippines, 2020). The tribe is also known to be kind and loving who live in close-knit
communities and embody a non-materialistic culture (Bramhall, 2016). They are recognized for
their remarkable technicolor geometric weaves, colorful handwoven clothes, and distinctive face
decorations (Bramhall, 2016; Stockinger, 1998). They can also speak Austronesian language that
is written in either Malay Arabic or in Latin script related to the northern Borneo (Gorlinski, 2012).
Figure 7.3. A typical Yakan family wearing traditional handwoven clothes for festivities
Source: (Haute Culture Fashion, 2016)
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During colonial times, the Spaniards branded the inhabitants of Basilan as Yakan as a
mispronunciation of the word ‘yakal’, from yakal trees which thickly covered the island (Yakan in
Philippines, 2020). Yakans are generally tall, have a brown skin, slanting eyes, black hair, and
high-bridged noses which made them distinct from other ethnic Filipino groups (Yakan in
Philippines, 2020).
3.1 Geographical Location
The Yakans are the original inhabitants of Basilan, but due to several political unrests and
armed conflicts between soldiers and militant groups, some of them settled in Zamboanga City
and other parts of central and southwestern Mindanao (Yakan in Philippines, 2020; Abdulhakim,
2017; Stockinger, 1998). They are concentrated in Tipo-tipo, Lamitan, Sumisip, and Tuburan at
the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) (EGP, 2020; Bureau of Cultural Heritage
[BCH], 2019). They can also be found in Sacol, Malanipa, and Tumalutab islands in the Southern
tip of Zamboanga Peninsula while smaller groups of Yakan reside in Sabah and East Malaysia
(Bramhall, 2016; Gorlinski, 2012; National Commission for Culture and the Arts [NCCA], n.d.).
3.2 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
Unlike their seafaring neighbors, the Yakans are predominantly inland-dwelling
agriculturists (Yakan in Philippines, 2020; Gorlinski, 2012). They use plows drawn by water
buffalos to cultivate the fields (Yakan in Philippines, 2020; De Jong, 2010). They also rely in rice
as a means of subsistence. Gorlinski (2012) argued that the Yakan tribe supplies rice to Tausugs,
Samal, and other coastal people in the region, too.
Furthermore, the tribe cultivates additional root crops like corn, eggplant, beans, cassava,
and other vegetables (Yakan in Philippines, 2020; Gorlinski, 2012). They grow fruits such as
papayas, bananas, mangoes, and pineapples. They also plant coconut palms for commercial
copra production (Gorlinski, 2012).
The Yakans combine their religion to agriculture. They have a local Imam who offers
prayer before planting and harvesting the fields (EGP, 2020; De Jong, 2010). The Imam plants
166
the first seed at the center of the rice field while offering prayer for abundant harvest (BCH, 2019;
De Jong, 2010). According to De Jong (2010), the Yakans believe that Mondays, Tuesdays, and
Wednesdays are good working days while the remaining days of the week are bad working days.
3.3 Way of Life
Yakan houses are scattered across the countryside rather than clustered into villages like
the other ethnic groups in the area (Gorlinski, 2012). Their houses are mostly inhabited by nuclear
families which is joined by small political units or parishes, local mosque headed by the Imam,
and a council (Gorlinski, 2012). Parish membership in Yakan is totally voluntary and it is in no
way bound by kinship.
The Yakan tribe have their own identifiable culture and religion related to Moro groups
(Stockinger, 1998). The diversity of their culture is best portrayed in their Lami-lamihan Festival
which showcases traditional Yakan customs, traditions, music, traditional dances, and crafts (De
Jong, 2010). The tribe proverbially lays a red carpet and warm hospitality for all spectators who
will come and visit the festival (Bramhall, 2016; De Jong, 2010).
One of the festival’s highlights is the traditional display of the Yakan’s handwoven
garments (De Jong, 2010). According to Stockinger (1998), women wear tightfitting short blouses
while both sexes wear narrow-cut pants which resemble breeches. Stockinger (1998) added that
women also wear wrap-around material while men wrap a sash-like cloth around their waists
where they usually place their weapons (usually a long knife).
The traditional Semmek is also worn by both the bride and groom during a tribal wedding
ceremony (Abdulhakim, 2017; Bramhall, 2016). Their faces are also painted with distinctive
patterns during weddings, although patterns do not have any symbolic meaning (Bramhall, 2016).
Abdulhakim (2017) cited that these patterns are painted for aesthetic purposes only.
In religion, Gorlinski (2012) argued that Yakan are decidedly Muslim whose practices are
uniquely colored with local tradition. For instance, men and women are starkly separated and
veils among women are uncommon (Gorlinski, 2012). The National Commission for Culture and
the Arts (n.d.), also stated that Yakan religion is Islamic with syncretic elements from traditional
and indigenous beliefs (NCCA, n.d.).
167
Abdulhakim (2017) added that some Yakans also practice animism and old religious
beliefs. He stated that syncretism is not unusual in the Philippine setting because the Catholics
also perform the same rituals to their anting-anting and Sto. Niño (Abdulhakim, 2017). The center
of the Yakan community is the langgal that is headed by an Imam (Abdulhakim, 2017; Gorlinski,
2012). It is a sacred place where the Imam performs all the religious functions and rice ceremonies
(Abdulhakim, 2017).
Gorlinski (2012) added that aside from an Imam, a shaman and the presence of myriad
spirits are also consulted to cure illnesses. They also celebrate Muslim holidays and a series of
rituals in celebration of the local agricultural cycle (Gorlinski, 2012). The weddings in Yakan are
also celebrated twice: once according to Muslim practice and once according to the Yakan
tradition (Bramhall, 2016; Gorlinski, 2012).
According to Stockinger (1998), the tribe is also known to be peaceful and respectful as
shown in their manner of greeting strangers. In meeting the tribe, the visitors have to join them in
a betel nut chewing ritual known as the Mang-Upa (Stockinger, 1998). Mang-upa in Yakan
tradition symbolizes hospitality which strengthen their social ties with the visitors. It is often
practiced at the beginning of ceremonies, social, and cultural events (Stockinger, 1998).
3.4 Contributions to the Filipino Society
The Yakan women are known as excellent weavers. They are famous for their elegantly
woven traditional costumes made from cotton and pineapple cloth (De Jong, 2010). Yakan’s
weaving tradition has been handed down from generation to generation where they were able to
perfect unique sets of fabrics, designs, purses, and accessories (De Jong, 2010; Abdulhakim,
2017; Stockinger, 1998). Their crafts are intricate and patterns in each finished product are not
exactly identical (De Jong, 2010).
The textiles that the Yakans produce are mostly characterized by vibrant colors of red,
blue, yellow, and green while their designs are inspired by island living, nature (like bamboo and
flowers) and geometric patterns (Bramhall, 2016; Gorlinski, 2012). Abdulhakim (2017) argued that
the intricacy and draping of the Yakan’s woven clothing sets their fabrics and culture apart from
other ethnic tribes. Bramhall (2016) added that the cultural value of the textiles makes the weaving
tradition of the Yakans stand out. She cited that the Yakans have already mastered the way of
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the weave because their ancestors have passed them the artistry and harmony of hands and feet
in weaving these textiles (Bramhall, 2016). Some of their contributions in the textile industry
includes the following:
1. Kandit – a 15-meter long red sash with intricate and beautiful motifs that is done on
the back-strap loom (NCCA, n.d.)
2. Seputangan – the most intricate design worn by women around their waist or as a
head cloth (Stockinger, 1998). It usually contains a palipattang (patterned after the
color of the rainbow) and bunga-sama (or the python) (Stockinger, 1998).
3. Yakan Sawal – striped trousers with zigzag and diamond repeat patterns made from
bamboo fibers (Bramhall, 2016).
4. Badju Yakan – men’s button up shirt that is designed to match the trousers.
5. Yakan Pis – a headscarf with intricate geometric weave word to cover the hair on the
daily basis.
6. Seputangan Teed – an apron with different designs
7. Sakan Pinalantupan – a sash that is made from a mix of pineapple and bamboo fibers.
8. Pagal Bato – bride’s button up jacket that is made from satin or cotton cloth, sometimes
mixed with the lurex threads.
9. Batawi – handmade brass button worn on the women’s jacket.
Aside from textiles, Yakan is also known for the face decoration known as Tanyak (Bramhall,
2016). It is a face painting custom in Yakan tribal culture that is only worn during wedding
ceremonies (Stockinger, 1998; Gorlinski, 2012). It usually comes in circles, spots, and diamond
patterns that are printed on skin using bamboo implements and thick mixture of flour and water
(EGP, 2020; Bramhall, 2016). The patterns are said to have no symbolic meaning but it has been
used for centuries as a form of cosmetic decorations (Abdulhakim, 2017; Gorlinski, 2012).
Music is also a large part of the Yakan tradition. Their music is dominated by percussion
instruments (Gorlinski, 2012). They play two types of xylophones in the rice fields for personal
entertainment and for frightening the pests in the ripening crops (Gorlinski, 2012). Tagunggu gong
ensemble is also popular at weddings and other festivities (Bramhall, 2016). Its lead instrument
is a row of horizontally suspended “pot gongs” known as the kwintang that can provide
accompaniment for solo dances of men and women (Gorlinski, 2012; Stockinger, 1998).
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3.5 External Influences
After the Philippine independence in the mid-20th century, several migrants occupied the
Yakan territories and acquired rights to traditional Yakan lands (Gorlinski, 2012). Consequently,
numerous members of the Yakan tribe left the region due to land-rights issues coupled with
religious differences which fueled the conflict in the region (Gorlinski, 2012; De Jong, 2010).
The Yakans are only one of the many indigenous groups in Mindanao who suffered in
wars. Their families have to fled into safer grounds which require them to abandon their homes in
Basilan and move to their neighboring areas of Zamboanga Peninsula (De Jong, 2010). This
displacement altered their weaving traditions which became their source of income, identity, and
hope (Explore Philippines, 2020).
Traditionally, the Yakans used plants like pineapple and abaca as basic materials for
weaving (Bramhall, 2016; Stockinger, 1998). They also utilized herbal extracts from leaves, roots,
and barks to dye the fabrics in colorful combinations and intricate designs (Stockinger, 1998).
However, contacts with the Christian Filipinos and the American Peace Corps also brought
changes in Yakan’s art and style of weaving (Stockinger, 1998). There were a lot of Yakans who
resorted into convenience of chemical dyes. They started to weave table runners, placemats, wall
décor, purses, and other items that are not present in a traditional Yakan house (Gorlinski, 2012;
Stockinger, 1998). Yakans also catered customers for economic reasons. They have already
introduced new designs like the kenna-kenna (patterned after a fish), dawen-dawen (a leaf or a
vine), pene mata-mata (shape or an eye), and the kabang buddi (diamond-shaped design). In this
time of pandemic, Yakan weavers also shift to online selling as a way to nurture their business
(Lacastesantos, 2020).
The Yakans were also decked out in their customary woven clothing. Due to
westernization of the Philippines, their traditional clothing is worn during weddings, cultural
festivals, and other important occasions only (Abdulhakim, 2017; Stockinger, 1998; Yakan, n.d.).
Lesson 4. The Tausug
Tausug (also spelled as Tau sug or Tausog) are also called Joloana, Sulu, or Suluk
(Rodriguez, 2016). They are one of the largest Moro ethnic groups in the southwestern Philippines
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(Rodriguez, 2016; Kierer, 1984). They have culturally unified groups with minimal regional
differentiation. In Jolo island, the coastal-dwelling Tausugs refer to themselves as “Tau Higad”
(higad means seacoast) while the inland dwellers call themselves “Tau Gimba” (gimba means
hinterland) (Sather, 2020). In Sabah, Tausugs are officially known as the “Suluk” while Tausugs
living on the islands rather than Jolo is known as “Tau Pu” (Pu means island) (Sather, 2020).
Traditionally, the Tausugs are sailors, pearl divers, and traders (De Jong, 2010). Their
ancestral homelands, the Sulu archipelago, have vigorous tidal currents which flow from Sulu and
China seas to the Celebes Seas which earned them the names “Tau” (means man/people) and
“Sug” (means current) translated as the people of the current (Moro Joloano Tausug in
Philippines, 2020; De Jong, 2010).
The tribe primarily lived in the Sulu Archipelago, but there are also a significant number of
Tausug migrants and immigrants in Malaysia and Indonesia, particularly in the northeastern coast
of Borneo island (Rodriguez, 2016). In the early 21st century, there are roughly 900,000 Tausugs
in the Philippines, 200,000 in Malaysia, and nearly 20,000 in Indonesia (Rodriguez, 2016; Sather
2020). In the Philippines, Tausugs are concentrated in Jolo (50,265), Indanan (40,791), Siasi
Figure 7.4. The Tausugs of Sulu, Philippines
Source: (BCH, 2019)
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(30,064), and Patikul (29,326) (NCCA, n.d.). There are also over 413,700 Tausugs who live in the
province of Sulu (NCCA, n.d.).
Tausugs were the first group in the archipelago to be converted to Islam (De Jong, 2010).
They are also renowned as brave people who fiercely resisted the Spanish conquerors for 300
years, to which they are often tagged as Tau Maisug or brave people (De Jong, 2010). They
regard themselves as superior than the other Philippine Muslim communities as they are still
engaged in combative way of life (Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020; De Jong, 2010).
They considered running away from fight as shameful, and they live up to the proverb: “Hanggang
may buhay, may pag asa” translated as “Never admit defeat as long as you live” (De Jong, 2010).
The tribe is also considered as a dominant ethnic group in Sulu archipelago because of
their political and religious institutions established in Jolo, Indanan, Siasi, and Patikul in Sulu
(ARMM) (EGP, 2020; Bureau of Cultural Heritage [BCH], 2019).
4.1 Geographical Location
Tausugs are a homogenous tribe from a blend of Malay and Indonesian races (De Jong,
2010). They are living dispersedly in the Philippines, but its large majority can be found mainly in
the coastal communities (EGP, 2020; De Jong, 2010). According to the National Commission for
Culture and the Arts (n.d.), the Tausugs appear to move from northeastern Mindanao (particularly
in Butuan City) to southwestern Mindanao during the 11th century A.D. They were believed to
arrive in the Sulu Archipelago as a result of trade expansion with the Chinese and Sama-Bajau
traders in the early thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020;
Tausug, 2020). This movement is estimated to begin in early Sung (A.D. 960-1279) and Yuan
dynasties (A.D. 1280-1368) (Tausug, 2020; Sather, 2020).
Linguistic evidences of the tribe also suggest that Tausug-speaking community may have
originated from a bilingual population that was established in Jolo by Sama traders, their wives,
and children as early as 10th-11th centuries (Sather, 2020).
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4.2 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities
According to De Jong (2010), Tausugs were formerly boisterous pirates who infested the
waters of Sulus seas. They were also famous for being the best pearl divers in the world (De
Jong, 2010; NCCA, n.d.). During the latter end of the thirteenth century, the Tausugs emerged as
the most powerful commercial elite in the islands (Sather, 2020).
From the founding of the Sulu sultanate until the mid-nineteenth century, the Tausugs
conducted an extensive trade with China in pearls, bird’s nests, trepang, camphor, and
sandalwood (Sather, 2020; De Jong, 2010). It is also reported that inter-island trades existed
within the archipelago where Jolo emerged as a major center of trade and piracy (Sather, 2020).
Sather (2020) cited that Jolo served as an entrepot for slaves. He mentioned that slavery
was made possible due to intensification of trade-related production practiced by the Tausugs
and carried out by the Ilanon and Balangingi Samal under the commission of Tausug aristocrats
(Sather, 2020). The practice is latter abolished after the Spanish colonization when the Americans
implemented the ‘Pax Americana’ which eradicated slavery, initiated confiscation of firearms, and
temporary curtailment of piracy and feuding (Sather, 2020).
Nowadays, Tausugs make a living from agriculture, fishing, trading, and raising water
buffalos and other livestock like cattle, chickens, and ducks (Sather, 2020; Moro Joloano Tausug
in Philippines, 2020; De Jong, 2010). They practice plow agriculture and growing of dry rice on
permanently diked, non-irrigated fields using cattle and water buffalos as their draft animals
(Sather, 2020). They also produce major cash crops like coconuts, coffee, and fruit (Moro Joloano
Tausug in Philippines, 2020). They plant rice, corn, cassava, yams, millet, and sorghum as a
means of subsistence (NCCA, n.d.). In addition, Tausugs fish in off-shore waters from motorized
boats using bamboo traps, fishing nets, and hook and line as their full- or part-time occupation
(De Jong, 2020; Sather, 2020).
Trade is also one of the most popular occupation among Tausugs. Primarily, they are
wholesaling copra and abaca to the Chinese, while most locally consumed products are handled
by Tausug or Samal traders (Sather, 2020). Consequently, their language has become the
language trade in the southern archipelago (NCCA, n.d.). Oftentimes, they also smuggle foreign
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products between Sulu and nearby Malaysian ports with capital and commercial connections as
a major source local difference in wealth and power (Sather, 2020).
4.3 Way of Life
With exception to the town of Jolo and few coastal villages, majority of the Tausugs live in
dispersed communities, usually near their fields (Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020). A
typical Tausug home is made from timber and bamboo-walled rectangular room that is raised on
stilts at approximately six to eight feet from the ground with thatched roof (Moro Joloano Tausug
in Philippines, 2020; EGP, 2020). It is surrounded by a series of elevated porches which leads to
a separate kitchen. A fence is also commonly built around the house for their own protection
(Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020; EGP, 2020).
The household is the smallest settlement in a Tausug community (EGP, 2020). The
second largest unit is the village settlement known as the lungan where related families commonly
reside (Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020). The largest unit is the community known as
the kauman where relatives of common name reside with a single headman (Moro Joloano
Tausug in Philippines, 2020; EGP, 2020).
In Tausug tradition, marriage is ideally arranged by parents (Sather, 2020; Rodriguez,
2016). Contacts between sexes are restricted and marriageable women are kept secluded to
protect the value of the family as political and economic assets (Sather, 2020). Bilateral ties are
also given utmost importance in Tausug community (NCCA, n.d.). They favored first and second
cousins as spouses, with exception to the children of brothers (Sather, 2020).
A series of negotiations precedes marriage which conclude at an agreement on the
amount of bride-wealth and other expenses shouldered by the groom’s family (Sather, 2020).
Weddings are officiated by imams and held at the groom’s parents’ house immediately after
payment of the bride-wealth (Sather, 2020; EGP, 2020). As alternatives to arranged marriages,
wives may also be taken through elopement and abduction (Sather, 2020; Moro Joloano Tausug
in Philippines, 2020).
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Newly married couples reside uxorilocally for the first year or until the birth of a child
(Sather, 2020). After which, they are free to join the husband’s family, remain with the wife’s
family, or build their own house that is typically closed to the husband’s natal community (Sather,
2020; Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020). Polygyny (having more than one wife) is
practiced in the Tausug tradition (Sather, 2020). Divorce is also permitted, but happens
infrequently to only about 10 percent of all marriages (Sather, 2020; EGP, 2020). Nowadays,
courting among young people to select their own mates has been permitted too (Moro Joloano
Tausug in Philippines, 2020; NCCA, n.d.).
The language of the Tausug is similar to most Muslim groups in the Philippines
(Rodriguez, 2016). It is closely related to the languages in the central Philippines that belong to
Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) language family (EGP, 2020; Rodriguez, 2016). Their
language is also closely related to Butuanon and Kamayo of Bisilig in coastal eastern Mindanao
(Sather, 2020; NCCA, n.d.). They have adopted vocabulary from the Tagihama that was
established in Buansa (the capital of the Sultanate), the locality where the Sultan of Sulu lived
(EGP, 2020; BCH, 2019). The Tausug language also exhibits extensive linguistic convergence
with the Sama-Bajau which indicates a long and close association with them (Sather, 2020).
The tribe has two dialects: the parianum that is spoken by the people who are living along
the coasts of Jolo, and gimbahanun that is used by those who are living in the interior part (BCH,
2019; Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020). A Malay-Arabic script is also used for religious
writings of the Tausugs (Sather, 2020).
Islam is widely practiced in the Tausug community. It was later reinvigorated in Sulu by
the Sufi missionaries who came from Arabia and Iraq via Malaya and Sumatra (Tausug, 2020;
NCCA, n.d.). The strong-willed Tausug follow the Sunni (comes from the word Sunnah which
means tradition) Islamic beliefs and practices (Sather, 2020; De Jong, 2010). However,
indigenous beliefs still persist in the Tausug tradition. It includes belief in spirits that inhabit in
nature (especially in rocks and trees), belief in evil spirit name saytan, and unseen creatures they
call jinn (De Jong, 2010).
The tribe still sought the folk curers (known as the mangungubat) in time of illness (Sather,
2020). They believe that traditional medical specialists acquired their powers through dreams or
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as instructed by the older curers who heal using herbal remedies and prayers (Sather, 2020; EGP,
2020).
The imam is also an important figure in the Tausug community. They officiate life-crisis
rites, offer religious counsel, and lead the faithful in prayer (Sather, 2020). The major events in
the religious calendar of the Tausugs also include:
1. fasting during Ramadan,
2. Hari Raya Puasa, a day of feasting which immediately follows the Ramadan,
3. Hari Raya Hadji, a feast on the tenth day of the month of Jul-Hadj,
4. Maulideen Nabi, the birthday of the prophet that is celebrate don the twelfth day of Maulud
5. Panulak Balah (which literally means to send away evil) that is celebrated as a day of ritual
bathing on the last Wednesday of Sappal.
The Tausugs also believe that the human soul has four souls which leave the body when
a man dies. These souls are characterized by (1) life-soul related with blood, (2) the spirit-soul
connected with dreams, (3) the soul of breath associated with life, and (4) the transcendental soul
(De Jong, 2010). According to Tausug religion as cited by De Jong (2010), the body of the
deceased will go to hell to receive punishment for the sins that were committed while he was still
living. The tribe also believes that the souls of the dead is sent back to earth on the fifteenth day
of the month of Shaaban where the deceased is honored with prayer (Sather, 2020).
Tausugs practice the four acts performed at death which include (1) bathing the corpse,
(2) enshrouding it, (3) reciting the prayer for the dead, and the (4) burial (Sather, 2020). The burial
is followed by a seven-day vigil and commemorative feasts that are celebrated on the 7th, 20th,
40th, and 100th day of death (Sather, 2020; De Jong, 2010). Another feasts are also held during
the first, second, and third anniversaries depending on the family’s economic status (Sather,
2020).
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4.4 Role and Family
In the Tausug community, relations with the kin are markedly dyadic (Sather, 2020).
Relatives act as a group whenever there are life crises, when the family honor is at stake, or in
times of sickness, health, and special needs (Sather, 2020; Rodriguez, 2016). Solidarity among
siblings is intense, and bonds between brothers and first cousins are important in forging
alliances, political allegiances, and garnering support in times of armed conflict (Sather, 2020;
Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020). A variety of ritual friendship relations are also
recognized in the Tausug tradition (Sather, 2020). These include sworn alliances between allies
and ritual friendships between rivals (Sather, 2020; Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020).
The bilateral ties (known as the usbawaris) among the Tausugs, usually kindred up to
second cousin, has a greater bias toward the patrilateral side (NCCA, n.d.). For instance,
landholdings are typically dispersed with the man having rights of usufruct or tenancy in farms in
several different locations (Sather, 2020; Rodriguez, 2016). These rights are individually held in
contrast to water holes, pasturelands, and beaches that are traditionally unowned and available
for common use (Sather, 2020; NCCA, n.d.). In the past, titular rights were held by the sultan over
all land within the state and secondarily by local or regional leaders acting as his representatives
(Sather, 2020).
The tribe’s traditional political structure is a sultanate headed by the Sultan as the head of
all ranks (NCCA, n.d.). Their sultanate reached the height of its power in the eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries when their influence extended from Sulu through the coastal areas of
Mindanao and northern Borneo (Tausug, 2020).
However, due to a weak sense of community among the Tausugs, the authority of the
headman is one of the several factors that must be considered to maintain solidarity in the kauman
(Sather, 2020). Other factors include the amount of intermarriage among its residents and the
attendance of people to common mosque (Sather, 2020; Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines,
2020). In theory, the datus are the descendants of the original sultan who occupy the ascribed
status (NCCA, n.d.), but succession in the position is determined by an election which greatly
favors the patrilineal side (Sather, 2020).
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Children are often taught Koran with their private tutors where public ceremonies are held
whenever children are ready to recite the scriptures (Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020).
A son is circumcised (known as the pagislam) in his early teen years while daughters are
circumcised (known as the pagsunnat) as early as six or seven (Moro Joloano Tausug in
Philippines, 2020; Rodriguez, 2016). Young girls help their mothers with the household chores
while the boys help their fathers in the fields and fishing (Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines,
2020).
Both sexes share in the farm work where men do much of the heavy work while women
work in smaller gardens. Men do the clearing, plowing, and fencing the fields while women gather
the fruits and maintain small gardens. Planting, weeding, and harvesting are done jointly by both
sexes (Sather, 2020).
Both sexes are also engaged in trade. They do fishing, metalwork, interisland trade, and
smuggling (Sather, 2020). Women also produce pandanus mats and woven headcloths for both
sale and home use (Sather, 2020; EGP, 2020).
4.5 Contributions to the Filipino Society
The Tausugs are fans of folk stories and legends. One of the most famous legend is the
Kaawn of Bud Tumatangis which tells the story about Mount Tumatangis as the highest peak in
the province (De Jong, 2010). According to De Jong (2010), the name Tumatangis comes from
the word tangis which means “to cry” and bud which means “mountain” known to local as the
“weeping mountain.” The mountain is known by such name because sailors cry when they lose
sight of it and weep when seeing its silhouette upon their return (De Jong, 2010). Moreover, the
magnificent tomb of Sharif Abu Bakr (the founder of the Sulu Sultanate) still exists on one of
Mount Tumatangis’ slopes (Sather, 2020; De Jong, 2010).
Many of the Tausug’s beliefs can also be seen in their rituals and dances (Sather, 2020;
EGP, 2020). Many of them reflects nature such as the ebb, flow of the ocean waves, and the
travels at sea (De Jong, 2010). One of the most popular Tausug dances is the Pangalay known
as the fingernail dance that is accompanied by a kulintang ensemble (De Jong, 2010). Pangalay
is a distinctive traditional Tausug wedding dance where dancers use metal or golden nail
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extenders (known as the janggay) to make their fingers stiff and to set them apart from the thumbs
(De Jong, 2010; EGP, 2020). The Pangalay imitates the mythical Sarimanok bird—a reincarnation
of a goddess who loved a mortal man. After the dance, she removes her nails and drop them on
the ground with the hopes that a man will gather them and claim her as his bride (De Jong, 2010).
The Tausugs are also known for their home-grown signature coffee called the Kahawa
Sug (Tutoy, 2020). The coffee culture of the tribe was known to start as early as the mid-1800s
when the robusta coffee beans were brought to Sulu by Herman Leopold Schuck (Tutoy, 2020).
Schuck was a Prussian seafarer who became a blood brother of Sultan Jamalul Alam (the ruler
of the Sulu Sultanate at that time). He decided to stay in the Philippines and built robusta coffee
plantation with 20,000 plants (Tutoy, 2020).
Several ethnic groups in the Southeast Asia consume coffee as part of their customs and
religious ritual (Tutoy, 2020; EGP, 2020). For Tausugs, coffee is traditionally partnered with
bangbang (snacks) or latal (a platter of native dishes), and served with extra cup which allow the
drinker to pour the coffee back and forth from cup to cup for cool down and added flavor (Tutoy,
2020). However, nowadays, traditional practice of pouring coffee is only done at cafes upon
request of the customer or during special occasions.
4.6 External Influences
The Tausugs are experiencing a great deal of change. Their culture is diminishing
because of the influences of the modern Philippine society. Nowadays, many Tausugs have been
displaced from their homes and livelihoods due to escalating wars and armed conflicts between
the rebel groups and the Philippine government (De Jong, 2010). Their religion was also heavily
influenced by the constant warfare between the cross and the crescent where Spanish hardened
their fight against the Moros (Kierer, 1984). The Moros are known as the Islamic conquerors of
the Iberian Peninsula whose religious influences still persist today (Kierer, 1984).
Following the Spain’s colonization of the Philippines in the 16th century, the warfare against
the Spaniards continued for the next 300 years (Tausug, 2020; Kierer, 1984). The Spanish attack
on Jolo town was recorded in 1578 while it was briefly occupied in 17th century. After the Spain’s
defeat during the Spanish-American War, the Americans tried to occupy the town in 1899 but the
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tribe’s strong resistance prevented them from gaining control over the interior of the islands
(Sather, 2020).
Since the Second World War, Muslim ethnic groups in the southern Philippines have been
fighting for regional political autonomy (Kierer, 1984). During the declaration of the martial law in
the Philippines in 1972, various Muslim ethnic groups waged war against the central government
with the desire for political recognition of ethnic regionalism (Sather, 2020; Kierer, 1984). These
struggles resulted to multiple open warfare and considerable displacement among the Tausugs.
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Assessment Task 7-1
MODIFIED TRUE OR FALSE. Choose the letter of the correct answer (10 items, 2 points
each: 20 points).
A. Both statements are true B. Only the first statement is true
C. Only the second statement is true D. Both statements are false.
ANSWER FIRST STATEMENT SECOND STATEMENT
1.
The Moro is a collective term used to refer to
Christian population who resides in the
Southern part of the Philippines.
Moros are traditionally united.
2. The Maranaos are known for their metalwork
and woodcraft.
Okkil is their epic song which encompasses
wealth of knowledge.
3.
The Yakan is known as the largest Moro
group in the Philippines.
There is an estimated 1.4 million population
of Maguindanaons during the second
decade of the 21st century.
4.
Maratabat is known as a social rank that is
based on the real or imputed descent of
Sarip Kabungsuwan.
The Maguindanaos preferred relatives for
marriage.
5. The Yakan is a tribe whose descent can be
traced from indigenous people of Indonesia.
Yakan tattoos do not have any significant
meaning.
6, Yakans are famous for their handwoven
garments.
Their most common clothing is known as the
Semmek.
7. The Yakans are Christians who practice
animism and other old religious beliefs.
They believed to an Imam who heads a local
mosque in their community.
8. Tausugs are renowned pearl divers. They are also dubbed as the brave people.
9. The Tausugs marry their cousins. Polygamy and divorce are permitted in the
Tausug culture.
10. Tausugs believed that the souls of the dead
person stay on earth until reincarnation.
They also performed seven acts of death.
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Assessment Task 7-2
ANALYSIS. Choose two Islamic groups. Compare and contrast them using a sketch or a
drawing. Add details (eg. hair, face, clothing, weapons used etc.) to the stickmen below to
differentiate one tribe to the other (30 points).
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Assessment Task 7-3
COMPLETE THE TABLE. Choose three (3) Islamic Indigenous Group. Compare and contrast
the chosen groups by using the table below (30 points).
Islamic Indigenous Group
______________ ______________ ______________
Role and Family
Geographical
Location
Way of Life
(eg. Religion,
traditions,
beliefs, etc.)
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Contributions to
Filipino Society
(What they have
contributed to
the
Philippines?)
Traditional
Livelihood and
Economic
Activities
(Source of
income or
subsistence)
External
Influences
(Factors that
changed/
brought change
to their group)
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Summary
Moro is the collective term used to refer to the Filipino Muslim ethnolinguistic groups
(Kamlian, 2012). As a Muslim ethnic group, they comprised the majority of non-Christian
population in the Philippines. There are four Islamic indigenous groups characterized by (1) The
Maranaos/Maranaws (2) The Maguindanao, (3) The Yakans, and (4) The Tausug.
The Maranaos are the inhabitants of Lanao del Norte and Lanao del Sur (Ethnic Groups
of the Philippines [EGP], 2020). The term “Maranao” literally means “people of the lake,” The
Maguindanao (also spelled as Magindanaw) is an ethnolinguistic group which primarily settled in
south-central Mindanao. They are heavily concentrated along shores and flood lands of the
Pulangi-Mindanao River basin which earned them the name “Maguindanao” that means “people
of the flood plain” (Gorlinski, 2011, par. 1).
The Yakan (also spelled as Yacan) ethnic group primarily reside in the hillsides of Basilan
(Stockinger, 1998). They make up half of Basilan’s population that are related to other South
Philippines Muslim Groups (Yakan in Philippines, 2020). Tausug are one of the largest Moro
ethnic groups in the southwestern Philippines. In Jolo island, the coastal-dwelling Tausugs refer
to themselves as “Tau Higad” (higad means seacoast) while the inland dwellers call themselves
“Tau Gimba” (gimba means hinterland) (Sather, 2020). In Sabah, Tausugs are officially known as
the “Suluk” while Tausugs living on the islands rather than Jolo is known as “Tau Pu” (Pu means
island) (Sather, 2020).
185
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