PHILIP A. CLARKE - Flinders University · 2011. 11. 18. · THE ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE OF...

THE ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE OF SOUTHERN SOUTH AUSTRALIA

PHILIPA. CLARKE

CLARKE, P. A. 1997. The Aboriginal Cosmic Landscape of South em South Australia. Recordsa/the South Australian Museum 29(2): 125-145.

This paper provides an overview of recorded accounts of Aboriginal beliefs from southernSouth Australia concerning the cosmos. This study is restricted to discussing a pre-Europeansystem of beliefs. It further develops concepts about Aboriginal relationships to space asdiscussed by Clarke (1991 a). Star maps are provided for the Adelaide and Lower Murray areas.

P. A. Clarke, Division of Anthropology, South Australian Museum, North Terrace, Adelaide,South Australia 5000. Manuscript received 19 February, 1996.

INTRODUCTION

In the mythologies recorded by the ethnographicsources for southern South Australia, there istrequent mention of Aboriginal beliefs concerningthe origin of various cosmic bodies and theirrelationships to ancestral beings, both in theheavens and on earth. Many of the ancestral spiritsthat were considered to have been involved in thecreation of the world, ended up in the sky. Thepresent paper assembles information on theheavens and discusses how it was organised inthe pre-European systems of belief. Althoughatmospheric properties, such as clouds, wind, rain,etc., are also clearly related to Aboriginal beliefsabout the regions above them, this paper focuseschiefly on astronomical traditions.

The data presented in this paper is historical,recorded from Aboriginal people who had lived inthe southern districts prior to and during the earlyphases of European colonisation in SouthAustralia. The sources provide a fragmentaryrecord from observers who were generally notprivy to insider views of the indigenous cultures.Much of the material available consists of theobservations from Europeans chiefly concernedwith the setting up of colonial social structures,such as the legal system and Aboriginal welfare.Teichelmann, Schurmann, and Meyer wereGerman missionaries who actively recorded theculture of their intended Aboriginal converts.Their reliability as sources comes throughpersonal knowledge of the languages involved.Nevertheless, some caution is necessary becausethe missionaries were looking for religious ideasto assist in translating Christian terms. Their

publications,which were published between 1840and 1846, were essentially studies of Aboriginallanguage and religion (Teichelmann &Schurmann 1840; Teichelmann 1841; Meyer1843; 1846; Schurmann 1844; 1846). Theethnographic dominance of these recorders wassuch that other sources for southern SouthAustralia, such as Gell (1842), Wilhelmi (1860),and Taplin (Journals; 1874; 1879) acknowledgedthem as major sources of primary data. The mainaccount provided by Wyatt (1879) stemmed inpart trom material he gathered while preparing areport in 1838 concerning whether Aboriginalreligion provided for beliefs in 'God' and anafterlife, upon which an oath in a court of lawcould be based. I The ethnography of Moorhouse(1843; 1846) was compiled by him in his officialcapacity of Aboriginal Protector. Although allethnographic accounts were written by men, in thecase of the missionary, Taplin, there is evidenceshowing that he incorporated the observations andviews of his wife.2 These observers had a practicalinterest in Aboriginal religion and traditions, inspite of the fact that their records were compiledbefore the development of anthropological theory.

During the twentieth century, muchethnographic data from southern South Australiawas collected and published by Tindale (1935;1936; 1937; 1938; 1939; 1940; 1941; 1974; 1987;Tindale & Mountford 1936; Tindale & Pretty1980), the Curator of Anthropology at the SouthAustralian Museum.' His data chiefly came tromelderly Aboriginal informants he interviewed tromthe late 1920s onwards. His Aboriginal sourcesincluded John Wilson ('Sustie'), Reuben Walker,Amelia Savage ('Ivaritji'), Henry Mason. .~

126 P. A. CLARKE

('Mengoan'), Robert ('Joe') Mason, Mary('Grannie') Unaipon('Ngunaiponi'), and Clarence('Clarrie') Long ('Milerum'). The Aboriginalpeople who worked with the socialanthropologists, Ronald and Catherine Bemdt(Bemdt 1940; Bemdt & Bemdt 1993), includedBarney Warrior ('Waria'), Albert Karloan('Karlonie'), Mark Wilson ('Thralrum'), andMargaret ('Pinkie') Mack. The mythology uponwhich the folklorist, Smith (1930), based his

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Aboriginal stories was primarily gathered by hisNgarrindjeri informant, David Unaipon.~ As abody of literature these twentieth centuryethnographic sources are essentially attempts torecord a pre-European culture as it would havebeen experiencedto the generationsprecedingthatof their informants. In contrast to studies thatdescribed a living situation, these are studies of'memory culture' (Berndt 1974: 22, 25;Tonkinsonin Bemdt & Bemdt 1993:xix).A more

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detailed analysis of the chief historical sourcesused in this paper is given elsewhere (Clarke1994: 63-81,417-425; Clarke 1995: 145,146).The present article is part of a larger study ofAboriginal relationships with the landscape ofsouthern South Australia (Clarke 1990; 1991a;1991b; 1994; 1995), which combine historical andethnographic sources with data gathered fromcontemporary fieldwork. The language andcultural groups identified in the literature aremapped by Schmidt (1919) and Tindale (1940;1974). The geographical and broad culturalregions used in this paper are identified inFigure 1.

European accounts of Aboriginal relationshipsto space have tended to describe territoriality overtwo-dimensional space, rendered as 'tribes' onmaps (for example Tindale 1940, 1974).Nevertheless, from ethnographies acrossAustralia, it is clear that Aboriginal peopleconsidered that there were other realms within theperceived cultural landscape in addition to theirown terrestrial regions, to which they could travelin spirit form.s Such regions are the Skyworld andthe Underworld. The latter is also sometimesrecorded as the 'Land to the West'.6 It appearsthat with the fragmentation of the spirit afterdeath, both regions could be the abode of the spiritto the same Aboriginal group.' These landscapeperceptions are also common concepts throughoutthe Oceanic region (Luquet 1968: 451,452). Suchplaces are defined as psychic landscapes in thispaper because they are not tangible according to acontemporary Westem definition of landscape,which is concerned with topographical features.They are nevertheless important inclusions to themapping of the total cultural landscape of theAboriginal people.

The perceived existence of the Heavens as ananalogue of the terrestrial landscape is commonacross Australia. This Skyworld was consideredto be a region which, to some extent, obeyed thesame laws as those of terrestrial regions.8Teichelmann stated that the Adelaide Aboriginalpeople:

consider the firmament[Heavens]with its bodies asa land similar to what they are living upon... It istheir opinion that all the celestial bodies wereformerly livingupon earth. partly as animals. partlyas men, and that they left this lower region toexchangefor the higherone.Thereforeall the nameswhich apply to the beingson earth they apply to thecelestial bodies, and believe themselves to beobnoxious to their influence, and ascribe to themmal-formation of the body, and other accidents(Teichelmann 1841:8).9

127

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In the Adelaide area, the 'sky' was recorded as'Ngaiera' (Teichelmann & Schurmann 1840, pt 2:29).10 In the Parnkalla language of eastern EyrePeninsula, it was similarly termed 'Naieri'(Schurmann 1844, vol.2: 37).11

Accounts that illustrate the connectednessbetween the Skyworld and the terrestriallandscape exist for other parts of southern SouthAustralia. In the Mid Murray area, Eyre noted:

One old native informed me, that all blacks, whendead, go up to the clouds, where they have plenty toeat anddrink; fish,birds, andgame of all kinds, withweapons and implementsto take them. He then toldme, that occasionally individualshad been up to theclouds, and had come back, but that such instanceswere very rare; his own mother, he said, had beenone of the favoured few. Someone from above hadlet down a rope, and hauled her up by it; sheremained one night, and on her return, gave adescription of what she had seen in a chant, or song,which she sung for me, but of the meaning of whichI couldmake outnothing(Eyre 1845,vol.2: 367).

It is possible that beliefs such as these reflectsome influence from Christianity, perhaps gained

-from missionaries whom Murray River people metwhen receiving rations at the Native Location inAdelaide or through the education of their childrenat the Native School.12 In the Lower Murray area,Taplin recorded 'Talkothere says that a little whileago he dreamed that he was sick and a line camedown from heaven and fastened on his foot to pullhim up there and he took out his knife and cut itand so escaped (Journals 22 April 1863)'. Theconnection between the spirit and the Skyworld isbroad, involving both ends of an individual's lifecycle. For instance, Pinkie Mack, a Yaraldiwoman of the Lower Murray, claimed that beforebirth 'children are said to be little, flying about inthe air, dropped out of a bag and they could becaught' (Harvey 1939). Presumably, the sky wasperceived as being spatially very close to peopleliving in the terrestrial region. The body ofknowledge about the cosmos was not divorcedfrom everyday living.

The Skyworld was perceived as a place wheregreater knowledge could be attained (Elkin 1977:53,75,76,81,87,90). For example, in the Adelaidearea, initiates were ritually taken to the celestialregion in order to gain sacred knowledge(Teichelmann & Schurmann 1840, vol.2: 13,22).In the above quotation from Eyre, an Aboriginalwoman reportedly learned a new song during avisit to the Skyworld. Similarly, in the LowerSouth East of South Australia, a healer reportedlygained knowledge through crossing into the

128 P. A. CLARKE

Heavens by climbing a tree (Smith 1880: 30). Insouth-western Victoria, Aboriginal 'doctors' and'sorcerers' frequently claimed to have visited theSkyworld (Oawson 1881: 57,58). The perceivedexistence of this psychic landscape therefore had asignificant role in the cultural organisation ofpeople and space.

The Heavens were known to Lower Murraypeople as Waiirri.13 The Lower Murray peoplebelieved that they would all go to Waiirri afterdeath (Taplin 1874 [1879: 18,19]). TheRamindjeri people had a term,'NgranggerakkauwuIl-urmi', which reportedlymeant the 'arch of the heavens' (Meyer 1843: 88).The Booandik people from the Lower South Eastpossessed the phrase 'kan-murn-a-moorn-o-noong', which apparently translated as 'up in theclouds' (Smith 1880: 134). They also caIled theclouds, 'moorn', which was apparently the sameterm for skin (Smith 1880: 129). In Gundidjmararegion of south-western Victoria, the 'smaIlerstars' together formed' star earth' (Oawson 1881:99). In Central Australia, 'tribal' or linguisticboundaries are reflected in the cosmic landscape(Maegraith 1932: 20,26). The Aboriginalethnography of southern South Australiademonstrates the widespread perception that thesky was a landscape, similar to that of theterrestrial plane.

It appears that the sky was considered to beginat the height of a tree or at most a hill. Oneethnographer claimed that the 'Lower Murraytribe do not climb trees'.14 This may possibly havebeen through a general fear of entering theSkyworld. If so, then presumably this only appliedto upper sections of the tree, as Aboriginal peoplein better wooded areas still climbed trees to catchpossums, collect honey, and cut bark for canoes.In the Lower Murray region, particular large treesand big sand dunes that were considered to reachthe clouds and which attracted lightning strikes,were regarded as malevolent (J. C. Harwood, citedTindale 1930-52: 193,194).JS In the Waiyungarimyth of the Low~r Murray, the Skyworld wasreached by the throw of a spear (Tindale 1935). Inthe Adelaide area, a Monana spirit used a similarmethod to attain access to the Skyworld.

[He] was one day throwing large spears in variousdirections, east, west, north, south; when, havingthrown one upwards, it did not return to earth. Hethrew another, and another, and so continuedthrowing; each spear sticking fast to the former oneuntil they reached the ground, and he climbed up bythem to the sky, where he has ever since remained(Wyatt 1879: 166).16

Monana was considered to be a mortal who had

accomplished immortality. In the southern EyrePeninsula district, Aboriginal people believed thatthunder was caused by the spirit creator,Pulyallana, having fits of rage and storming aboutthe clouds (Schurmann 1846 [1987: 243];Wilhelmi 1860).17 Lightning was reportedlyproduced when he jerked open his legs. TheSkyworld was perceived by Aboriginal people ofsouthern South Australia as a part of thelandscape that was not beyond their physicalreach.

The amount of cosmological knowledgepossessed by the Aboriginal people of southernSouth Australia must have been considerable.Teichelmann recorded that with 'the exaltation ofalmost every consteIlation they give the history ofthe attending circumstances, which the reasons oftheir present movements explain' (Teichelmann1841: 9). The cosmos is important in themythology associated with the ancestral creativeperiod, called in Aboriginal English the'Oreamtime'.'1 However, there appears to havebeen many layers to this body of knowledge.Teichelmann wrote:

The opinions which the Aborigines of SouthAustralia entertain about the visible world arelimitedlyknown,as they carefullyconcealthem fromEuropeans,and even their own males are only at acertain age initiated into the knowledge of them(Teichelmann 184]; 8).

Indeed, the informants of Schurmann guardedtheir secrets so much that he was only told aboutthe cosmology under the condition that he wouldnot teIl another Aboriginal person.19~ cosmicbodies were rich with meaning. This is illustratedin an account by Giles, recorded from anAboriginal man named Billy Poole from the LakeAlbert area of the Lower Murray.

When aroundthe camp fire at night he [BillyPoole]told me the names of stars, and, moreover, ofconstellations.He pointed out one group as an oldman kangaroo with his arm broken; another groupwas a turkey sittingon her eggs, the eggs being ourconstellationPleiades,another a Toolicher, a smalland very prettily marked kangaroo peculiar to thedistrict;anotheran emu and so on.20

Another record for the Lower Murray listscelestial bodies such as Nunganari (stingray),Pindjali (emu), and Prolggi (brolga) (Berndt &Berndt 1993: 164, Fig.25).21 The cosmiclandscape was therefore, to these Aboriginalpeople, populated with animal species that alsooccurred in their terrestrial landscape of theMurray River.. .~


Aboriginal kinship patterns were also reflectedin the sky (Fig.2,3). For instance, Lower Murraypeople formerly believed that some of the starswere deceased ancestors, such as Ngurunderi,Waiyungari, Nepeli, Manchingga, and theirfamilies, who were now living in WaiirriY This isconsistent with the relatively short lineagesrecalled by them, with their totemic ancestorsending up as stars. Meyer (1846 [1879: 201])recorded the Ramindjeri belief that 'The starswere formerly men, and leave their huts in theevening, to go through the same employmentswhich they did while on earth'. In the Adelaideregion, Monaincherloo (= Munaintyerlo orMonaincherloo) was described as the 'highestcreature'.23 He created all things in the visibleworld. No one made or created him. According toone account he had always been in the Heavensabove, although others state that he did live on thelower landscape once.24 Another ancestral beingsignificant to Adelaide people was Teendo Yerle,literally 'Sun-father' (= Tindoyerli &Tindojerlimejo [lit. 'Sun-father man']).25 Thename of Teendo Yerle suggests a fatherrelationship with the Sun. Teendo Yerle hadseveral wives, probably planets, who wereperceived as very good. However, he also had apair of sisters who were said to be 'long',probably comets, and evil. He had power over lifeand death. The Skyworld landscape was thereforehumanised, to a similar extent to the lowerlandscape.

The influence of the stars was not alwaysconsidered benign. For example, Eyre (1845,vol.2: 361) stated that Aboriginal people in theMid Murray area considered 'Malformations ofthe body are attributed to the influence of the stars... in consequence of forbidden food being eaten.'Teichelmann (1841; 9) recorded a similar belieffrom the Adelaide people. Similarly, the LowerMurray people believed that a being namedKarungpe, who lived in Waiirri, would comedown to the campfires at night, scattering theembers and causing death (Taplin Journals 27June 186I). Southern Aboriginal people generallyconsidered that the beings who had become starsstill had some influence over earthly events.

Knowledge of the cosmos appears to haveexisted in the same varied manner of other bodiesof mythological-based beliefs (see Clarke 1991a;Clarke 1995). In south-western Victoria, Dawson(1881: 98,99) stated;

Although the knowledge of the heavenly bodiespossessed by the natives may not entitle it to bedignified by the name of astronomical science, it- .-'"

129

greatly exceeds that of most white people. Of suchimportance is a knowledge of the stars to theaborigines in their night journeys, and of theirpositionsdenoting the particularseasonsof theyear,that astronomy is considered one of their principalbranchesof education.Amongthe tribesbetweentheriversLeighand Glenelg,it is taughtby men selectedfor their intelligenceand information.

With the identification of 'Dreaming' ancestorsin the Skyworld, it is clear that the cosmic bodieswere referable as markers of 'Dreamtime' eventsin the same manner as terrestrial topographicfeatures of the landscape. It follows that like theaccounts of the 'Dreaming', we should expect theassociated mythology to vary in detail even withina cultural area, although the basic structureremained the same.

Across Australia, many Aboriginal groupsconsidered the Heavens or Skyworld to be wheretheir spirit, or a part of it, travelled to after death(Elkin 1977; Berndt & Berndt 1993 [1981]). Theaccounts trom the Lower Murray of the Son andthe Moon, mention that after setting they passedthrough the 'dwelling-places of the dead'. Taplin(Journals 12 April 1862) records that Aboriginalpeople in the Lower Murray had a belief that thespirits of the dead descended into the ocean at aplace beyond Kangaroo Island. Nevertheless, theSkyworld was also a destination for the souls ofdead people. It is therefore likely that the earlyLower Murray people believed in thetragmentation of the soul in the afterlife, whichconforms to the beliefs of other southernAboriginal groups.26 The movements of theDreaming ancestors in the Lower Murray alsoshows this division. For instance, Ngurunderi wasperceived as going to live in the west aftercreating the Lower Murray (Clarke 1995). Thewest here was equated with the Underworld,where the Sun passed through after setting in thewestern horizon. However, Ngurunderi was alsothought to be present in the Skyworld. From herehe directed the movement of souls, termed'pangari' by Lower Murray people (Meyer 1843:90; Taplin 1879: 138). Angas (1847: 97) recordsthat 'after death the spirit wanders in the dark forsome time, until it finds a string when ...Oorundoo [Ngurunderi] pulls it up trom the earth.'~It is possible that the introduction of Christianityinfluenced south-eastern Australian Aboriginalbeliefs about spirit ancestors who went up into theSky.27 Other Dreaming ancestors became dividedin a different way. For instance, in the southernFleurieu Peninsula area, the body of the Tjirbrukiancestral creator became a stone, and his spirit

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was transformed into a blue crane (Smith 1930:340,341).28WithAboriginalbeliefs in the spirit, itis clearthat the total landscapedefinedboth thelivingand the dead.

Although the original traditions were rich, thecultural information garnered from the historicalliterature is fragmentary and sometimescontradictory. At least some of the variations inbeliefs about the cosmos may have resulted fromthe differences between insider and outsiderknowledge. In other cases, the differences mayreflect regional and socio-political influences. Afew of the records also indicate an error by therecorder. In some cases, the combinationsof starswhich form a constellation for Europeans, differfromthose that other culturalgroupshave chosen.Therefore, the translator may not be accuratelyrecordingthe identityof someof the constellationsas perceived by Aboriginal people. Elsewhere inAboriginal Australia, colour was important indeterminingthe identityof variouscelestialbodies(Maegraith 1932: 25). With these restraints inmind, an outline will now be provided of theAboriginal cosmology of southern SouthAustralia.

STARS (GENERALLY)

In the Adelaide area, stars as a class were called'purli'.29 Similar terms for other areas include'purdli' or 'purli' in the Pamkalla language ofeastern Eyre Peninsula (Schurmann 1844, vol.2:61), 'buli' in Narangga from Yorke Peninsula(Black 1920: 86), 'purtli' or 'purlali' in Nukunuof the southern Flinders Ranges (Hercus 1992:27), 'budli' in Ngadjuri of the Mid North of SouthAustralia, 'buudli' in Wail pi of the centralFlinders Ranges (Berndt & Vogelsang 1941: 9),and 'pedli' in the Ngaiawang language of the MidMurray area (Moorhouse 1843 [1935: 34]).30 Inthe Lower Murray area, stars were collectivelycalled 'tulde' by Ramindjeri people at EncounterBay (Meyer 1843: 101), 'tuldar' in theNgarrindjeri language of the Lower Lakes area(Taplin 1879: 138), and 'thildi' in the southernCoorong district (Wells 1852-1855: 112). In theSouth East, the star terms are 'troot' in the Tatiaralanguage (Haynes & Curr, in Curr 1886, voU:457,459), and 'boongil' in Booandik from MountGambier (Stewart, in Curr 1886, vol.3: 465).

MOON

In Adelaide mythology, the first celestial body. .<".

to leave the lower landscape was the Moon. Here,the Moon, known as Kakirra, was considered tobe male.31 He persuaded all the rest to follow sothat he might have companions. The Moon kept agreat number of dogs tor hunting, who were seenas stars. They had two heads but no tail. He wasgenerally benevolent and had no particularinfluence on human life. Here, the Moon wascalled Kakirramunto when in full phase. InNukunu mythology from the southern FlindersRanges, there was a related account of how theMoon entered the Skyworld:

The Moon [pira] was greedy with meat and wouldnot share it with others, crowd decided to get rid ofhim, coaxed him to climb a tree and get grubs,coaxed him up higher and higher until they couldhardly see him. They cut the tree down, and theMoon hung up in the sky. Moon said 'I'll give thelight forpeople who walk at night. I'll die then cometo life again (Mountford,citedRercus 1992:16,17).

In the Mid Murray region, Aboriginal peopleused the term, 'Kakere', or variations of it for theMoon.32 One group of people was known toMurray River as the 'Moon men' (Tindale 1953:17,31,32). Their territory, north of Morgan, wasthe 'country of the Moon'. A 'tribe' to the east ofthe Adelaide region apparently called the Moon,Piki, although this term also appeared in anexample of a sentence spoken by an Adelaideperson (Teichelmann & Schurmann 1840, vol.2:38; Teichelmann, 1857). Near the confluence ofthe Darling and Murray Rivers, the Marauracalled the Moon, 'Patjira' (Tindale 1930-52: 251).In the Eyre Peninsula and West Coast districts theMoon was considered to be the spirit being, Piira,who was once a man who chased the SevenSisters (Pleiades) across the landscape (Tindale1928: 21).33

To the Lower Murray people, the Moon wascalled Markeri, or variations of it.34In contrast tothe Adelaide area, here the Moon was female.Meyer stated that the Ramindjeri people believedthat, like the Sun, the Moon spends its time awayfrom the sight of the terrestrial landscape withmen of the 'dwelling-places of the dead' (=Underworld). He recorded:

The Moonis ... a woman,and not particularlychaste.She stays a long time with the men, and from theeffects of her intercourse with them. she becomesvery thin, and wastesaway to a mere skeleton.Whenin this state, Nurrunduri [Ngurunderi]orders her tobe driven away. She flies, and is secreted forsometime, but is employed all the time in seekingroots whichare so nourishingthat in a short time sheappears again, and fills out and becomes fat rapidly(Meyer 1846 [1879:200,201]).


This belief explains how the Moon'sappearance is not timed to the Sun, and alsoaccounts for the phases of the lunar month.3>TheYaraldi people of Lake Alexandrina had similartraditions to the Ramindjericoncerning the Moon(Berndt & Berndt 1993: 131,232,233,445).Theyalso believed that the lunar cycle had an effectupon femalemenstruation(Berndt & Berndt 1993:156). Further up the Murray River, into northernVictoria, the Moon was considered to be female,as it was in the LowerMurray (Smyth 1878,vol.l :431).

The Potaruwutj people of Keilira in the SouthEast called the Moon, Mitjan, and considered it tobe a male of the native cat (DasYllrlls)totem.36Itwas believed that he attemptedto steal the wife ofanother being before being driven away. Hewandered about, sometimes well fed, at othertimes starving. This observation explains thephases of the Moon. According to Tindale, thename, Mitjan, or a variation of it, was used bygroups ranging to the north-east, as far away asthe Wati Wati people of Swan Hill in Victoria.37The term, Jern (pronounced Yern?) for Moonoccurred in groups to the east of the Potaruwutj.Similarly,Tu:ngum was used in the Lower SouthEast of South Australia and in the adjacent partsofVictoria.38Here, the Moon was also consideredto be masculine(Dawson 1881:99).

In southern South Australia, the appearanceofthe Moon was used as a measure of time. In thesouthern Coorong district, the number of fullMoons was sometimes used to record the age ofchildren,if less than a year old (Wells 1852-1855:102). Similarly, in the Hahndorf area of theAdelaide Hills, the local Aboriginal people wereobserved making notches in their digging-sticksupon the appearanceof each new Moon to marktheir own age (Hahn 1838-1839 [1964:130,131]).However,it is doubtful that this servedas a long term counting device. Some activitieswere governed by the phases of the Moon. Forinstance,a colonistnoted that 'at every new Moonthey [Aboriginal people] also light fires in thehills. From this fact, people conclude that theyadore and worship the Moon' (Hahn 1838-1839[1964: 133]). Moonlight was regarded as adeterrent for harmful spirits, who were chieflyactive during the darkness of night.39 TheRamindjeri called a half Moon, 'Marger-ald-narte', meaning 'Moon of piece', whereas a fullMoonwas 'Marger-ald rakkuni', that is 'Moon ofround' (Meyer 1843:78). In the southernCoorongarea, 'Mercuri' (= Markeri)reportedly meant boththe Moon and the night (Wells 1852-1855: 112).

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133

In the Lower South East, the Booandik term forthe Moon,Toongoom,was reportedlyalso used toindicatea periodof a month(Smith1880:131).

SUN

In the Adelaide area, the Sun, known as Tindu,was said to be femaleand, with her severalsisters,had a negative influence over humans.4oOne ofthe afflictionsperceivedas caused by the Sun wasa very painful and often fatal cough. The Moontaught the Adelaide people that should a very illperson offer a hand of coughed up phlegm to theSun as a form of appeasement, that person mightrecover (Wyatt 1879: 166,167). However, if notproperly appeased, the Sun said 'Noornte oornte,wirrilIa pallone ningko' which means 'Go away,quickly dead you'. The Sun also had a negativeeffecton the Moonwho was old and sufferedfroma strong cough. She was able to easily beat himevery month so that he died. But in dying herevived again. Of the Sun and the Moon it wassaid 'Tikkan teendo, wandeen olte, karkaratatteen, boorapallon' .41 This reportedly meant thatthe Sun rested or slept at night while the Moonclimbed and eventually died. By another accountthe Sun sat in her house at night and ate fish.42 Itis likely that the observable difference in therelative strength of illumination between the Sunand the Moon is a factor in this perceivedAboriginal dichotomy of strength versusweakness. The term, 'Tindu', or variations of it,appears in several languages to the north and westof the Adelaide area.43 In Ngadjuri mythology ofthe Mid North of South Australia, the Sun went tothe Underworld (= Land of the West) for the firsttime as the result of the killing of an old womanand her two dogs (Tindale 1937). Tindale'sexplanation for this myth is that it is an Aboriginalrecord of a complete lunar eclipse that occurred in1793.

The Ramindjeri people of Encounter Baybelieved that the Sun was female. Meyer recorded:

The Sun they consider to be female,who, when shesets, passes the dwelling-placesof the dead. As sheapproaches, the men assemble, and divide into twobodies. leavinga road for her to pass between them;they inviteher to stay with them, whichshe can onlydo for a short time, as she must be ready for herjourney forthe next day. Forfavoursgrantedto someone among them she receives a present of a redkangarooskin: and. therefore, in the morning,whenshe rises, appears in a red dress (Meyer 1846[I 879:200]).

134 P. A. CLARKE

Their name for Sun was 'Thulderni'.44 For theYaraldi of the Lower Lakes, there was a similartradition recorded (Berndt & Berndt 1993:232,233,444). The Sun's heat, 'watalti', was thenga:tji (spirit familiar) ofthe Wutaltinyeri descentgroup north of Meningie on the shore of LakeAlbert in the Lower Murray, whereas the Sun'sdisc, 'nangge', was that of another unnamedgroup (Berndt & Berndt 1993: 215). In the LowerMurray area, Aboriginal people generally calledthe Sun, 'Nangge' (Meyer 1843: 84; Taplin 1874[1879: 131]; Taplin 1879: 139,142).45 In the MidMurray area, the term for sun was 'Nanka', orvariations of it.46Here, a local landowning groupwas known as the 'Sun people' (Tindale 1953:7).41

There was a belief amongst the Tangani of theCoorong that the Sun was in earlier times muchbrighter. Tindale records:

Wange [sic.?= Nangge?]was a Sun woman,a beingwho, in ancient times, climbed into the heavenswhere she carried firesticks;but these firesticksdidlittle for people on earth in keeping them from beingcold. The light from her firesticks was too bright.Another being still on earth, named Nure:le,magically forced her to be less vigorous in wavingher firesticks, instead of affording much bright lightthere was a greater amount of red glow. Thus peoplecould remain warm (Tindale 1983: 7).

This belief relates to the observation byAboriginal people that for maximum heat theirown campfires needed more red coals, and lessbright flame. In their society it was the olderwomen who had responsibility for maintaining thefires. During the initiations in the South East ofSouth Australia, the female gender of the SunBeing was reportedly an embarrassment to theAboriginal people (Tindale 1983: 9). Her role inthe ceremony was represented temporarily by 'herbrother', who carried paired firesticks which weresymbolic of those that lit up the earth from above.However, it is unclear whether this was a pre-European practice, or one resulting from morecontact between Aboriginal groups after Europeancolonisation.

The Tangani people of the Coorong called theday, 'nangi', and the Sun itself was 'Tulduruwi'or 'Taldarawei'. 48 In the southern Coorong region,the recorded name for Sun was 'Thildiroor', witha related term, 'thildirooi', which was said tomean a 'day' (Wells 1852-1855: 112). A nearbyinland group, the Potaruwutj people, apparentlycalled a day, 'kado', and the Sun, 'Kardu', andSunrise,'Tarkinj'.49 In the LowerSouthEast,the

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Booandik term for both the Sun and a day wasreportedly'Karo', the risingSun, 'Yoong-in-karo',and the Sun having set was 'Kap-an-a-karo'(Smith 1880: 129,132,134).50In the South East ofSouth Australia, and the adjacent area of south-western Victoria, the Sun appears generally tohave been considered a female entity (Dawson188I: 99).

MILKY WAY

The Aboriginal cosmic landscape wasdominated by the Milky Way. It was consideredby the Adelaide people to be a large river, alongthe banks of which reeds were growing(Teichelmann & Schurmann 1840, vol.2:11,35,38,57,62; Teichelmann 1841: 8). The MilkyWay was given the name 'Wodliparri', whichliterally means 'hut-river'. The Ngadjuri people ofthe Mid North of South Australia had a similarterm for the Milky Way, 'Walibari' (Berndt &Vogelsang 1941: 7), as did the Nukunu people inthe southern Flinders Ranges, who called it'Waarli Pari' (Hercus 1992: 29). Similarly, theGundidjmara in south-western Victoria reportedlyconsidered this large cosmic feature to be a 'bigriver' (Dawson 1881: 99). The habitations of thedeceased as a group were an important element ofthe Milky Way. A nineteenth century observerclaimed that:

In parts of Queensland and South Australia thenatives believed the "Milky Way" to be a sort ofcelestial place for disembodiedspirits. They said itwas the smokeproceedingfromcelestialgrass whichhad been set on fire by their departed women, thesignal being intended to guide the ghosts of thedeceasedto the eternalcamp firesof the tribe.51

Similarly, to the Ngaiawang of the Mid Murray,the Milky Way was symbolic of the Murray River,with the stars being men hunting game in themallee on either side.52 For the Nukunu, anotherimportant association with the Milky Way wasthat it represented a huge tree, like a ceremonialpole (Hercus 1992: 13-16). In this context, it waspart of the Urumbula song-line which runs fromthe vicinity of Port Augusta all the way to theGulf of Carpentaria.53 The Milky Way wastherefore widely considered an importanttopographical feature of the cosmic landscape.

The Adelaide people considered that the darkspots in the Milky Way were water lagoons inwhich a 'magnificent animal' or 'monster' calledYura lived. One record actually describes Yura as


a group of monsters, although other accountsmention Yura as a single being (SchurmannDiaries 5 June 1839; Teichelmann 1841: 8). Thesedark spots were known as Yurakauwe, whichtranslates as 'monster-water'. Adelaide peopleclaimed that the monster Yura was vicious and

would swallow people who did not hide from him.When he appeared, an abundance of water wascreated. Yura was the 'author' of circumcision andfirst taught the practice to the ancestors of theAdelaide people. He punished those whoneglected it. Yura lived in the sky with Paitya,another dangerous monster. Schurmann recordedthat women and children were not allowed toknow of these things.

Yura is analogous to the Akurra, the hugemythical water snake of the Flinders Ranges(Tunbridge 1988: 5-11), and to Akaru, theNgadjuri equivalent (Berndt & Vogelsang 1941:9). The Akurra was sometimes considered to be asingle being, although able to be in many placesat once. This characteristic may help to explainhow in the Adelaide area beings like the Yura andthe Monana can be conceived as existing both inthe singular and plural forms. Similarities ofYurawith the Australian-wide Rainbow Serpentmythology are also significant (see RadcliffeBrown 1930).

According to Meyer (1846 [1879: 202]), theMilky Way was considered by the Ramindjeripeople of the extended Lower Murray area to be arow of huts, among which were heaps of ashesand ascending smoke. Another account of theMilky Way, given by George Taplin, concerns theNgurunderi myth (1874 [1879: 57]). Taplinrelated that when Ngurunderi caused thedrowning of his fleeing wives, a flood occurred atPoint McLeay (Rauwoke). Nepeli, who was livingthere, was forced to pull up his canoe to the top ofthe cliff (now called 'Big Hill'). From here, thecanoe was transported to Waiirri, and thereafterthe dense part of the Milky Way was said to bethe canoe of Nepeli floating in the Heavens.According to Berndt's informant, Karloan,Ngurunderi made the Milky Way while at MountMisery by placing his canoe in the sky (Berndt1940: 173; Berndt & Berndt 1993: 224). Heexplained that the Milky Way was called'Ngurunderi yuki', said to mean 'Ngurunderi'scanoe'. Both Nepeli and Waiyungari wereconsidered to live in the Milky Way (Smith 1930:183). A version recorded by Harvey (1939) fromAboriginal informants, Jacob Harris andCreighton Unaipon, suggests that Nepeli threw hisspear into the sky and this became the Milky Way.

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135

MAGELLANIC CLOUDS

The Adelaide people called the Magellanicclouds, 'Ngakallamurro', said to literally mean'paroquet-ashes' (Teichelmann & Schurmann1840, vol.2: 25,30; Teichelmann 1841: 8). Beingwhite, they represent the ashes of a species of'paroquet' known as the Blue Mountain lorikeet(TrichoglosslIs haematodus). These birds wereassembled there by one of the constellations andwere later treacherously roasted.

The Magellanic Clouds were known in theLower Murray as Prolggi, which was translated as'cranes' (Taplin 1879: 133). In Australian Englishwe know them as brolgas or native companions.54The Yaraldi considered that there were twoProlggi in the sky, having got there after fightingwith the emu spirit, Pindjali, who also became aheavenly body (Tindale 1931-34: 207-209; 1938-56: 33-61; Berndt & Berndt 1993:15,164,456-458).55 Tindale recorded the following accountfrom Mark Wilson, a Yaraldi man:

The brolgas,knowingthat the emus wouldhunt themand kill them, flew up into the air, circling around,higher and higher, until they reached the sky. Theyfound it to be a good country to live in, so theystopped there. You can see them in the heavens atnight, "in the form of two patches of clouds, likewisps of smoke, at the end of the Milky Way." Theaborigines' belief is that when anyone of them isknocked down and left bruised and unconscious onthe ground by a person from another tribe, thebrolgas come down, lifthim up and guidehim home(TindaIe 1931-34:207-9).

To the Lower Murray people then, the brolgasin the Skyworld exerted a benign influence. Asimilar account was provided to Tindale (1934-37: 60) from a Meintangk informant who claimedthat the emu concerned was to be seen in the skyjust under the Southern Cross. The fight in themyth was apparently due to the jealousy of theemu over the brolga's children. This mythologyappears to be related to Gundidjmara beliefs,which held that the larger cloud was the 'malenative companion' or 'gigantic crane', the smallercloud being the female equivalent (Dawson 1881:99). A similar version has also been recorded inthe Kamilaroi language of northern central NewSouth Wales (Austin & Tindale 1985). As withtheir terrestrial counterparts, these celestial spiritbeings migrated according to the season. In thewinter sky, the brolgas are seen lying to the south-east and then south of the Milky Way (Tindale1938-56: 57). In summer they shift towards thewestern side.

136

PLEIADES

P. A. CLARKE

The Adelaide people considered the higherlandscape to be similarly organised to the lower,to the extent that the celestial bodies were believedto obey the same laws as men and animals uponearth. For example, the Pleiades, which werecalled 'Mankamankarranna' (also Mankankarranaand Mangkamangkarranna), were considered tobe girls who gathered roots and other vegetablesaround them in the sky.56The Narangga people ofYorke Peninsula had a similar mythology. Theycalled the Pleiades the 'Mangga Manggaridi',who were said to be 'maids' (Black 1920: 87). Inthe Pamkalla language of eastern Eyre Peninsula,the Pleiades were recorded as women, called'Pallarri' (Schurrnann 1844, vol.2: 51). Similarly,in Nukunu mythology, the seven sisters or'Purlara', were reportedly chased into the sky bythree brothers (Hercus 1992: 7,16,27). One sisterbecame sick and stayed on the terrestriallandscape. These are clearly related accounts tothe Seven Sisters Dreaming of the Western Desert,where the young women, called Kungkarungkara,are chased by Orion (Tindale 1959). Here theyappear in the dawn sky during April/May, beingthe start of a ceremonial cycle.57 The southernmyths also bear resemblance to the Mankarawora(Pleiades) of the Diyari in the north-east of SouthAustralia (Berndt & Vogelsang 1941: 8). In thecosmology of the Adnyamathanha people of theFlinders Ranges, the Pleiades were known as theMakara or Artunyi, meaning a group of women(Mountford 1939: 103,104; 1976: 33-35;Mountford & Roberts 1970: 56; Tunbridge 1988:16). They believed that the Akurra serpentancestor ate the Artunyi women at Yandara inNew South Wales, and that these women werelater released into the sky when he drowned. Mostbeliefs concerning the Pleiades simply record anumber of sisters, because Aboriginal countingsystems before European contact had little use forfigures greater than three.

In the account of cosmology recorded iTomBillyPoole of the Lake Albert area, the Pleiadesrepresented the eggs that another constellation, aTurkey, was sitting upon.58 For the southernCoorong district, 'the Seven Stars are black mensitting round a fire, of course they are smoking(We lIs 1852-1855: 99)'. In south-westernV:ctoria there are various accounts of the Pleiades,representing a flock of female cockatoos, or sixwomen whose 'Queen' had been taken by thecrow, signified by Canopus (Da\'{son 1881: 100).The Pleiades are probably the Yatuka

r

consteIlation that Yaraldi people believedcomprised six girls and one boy (Berndt & Berndt1993: 163,164). This may relate to the Tanganibelief that the Pleiades, caIled by themMantjingga, were seve.\ or eight girls and a singleboy.59 He went with ',hem because his fire hadgone out. Munaijeri was one of the Mantjinggawho went away (Tindale 1930-52: 290). ThePleiades are known in many cultures of the worldas the Seven Sisters.60

ORlON

In the Adelaide region, the stars of the OrionconstelIation were calIed Tinniinyarra (alsoTinniinyaranna and Kurkukurkurra). They wereconsidered to be youths who hunted kangaroos,emus and other game on the great celestial plain,calIed the Womma.61 The mother of theTinniinyarra was a red star called Madletaltarni(Teichelmann & Schurmann 1840, vol.2:17,37,42). This is probably the star astronomerscall Betelguese. The father of the Tinniinyarra wasa star caIled Parnakkoyerli. To the Parnkallapeople of eastern Eyre Peninsula, the Orionconstellation could be termed either Minye orMirrarri, considered to be men or boys(Schurrnann 1884, vol.2: 33). In the WesternDesert mythology, Orion, called Njiru, chased thePleiades across the terrestrial landscape, as he stilldoes in the Skyworld (Tindale 1959).

A version of the Waiyungari story recorded inthe Lower Murray region iTom an early Narrungresident has Waiyungari and the two escapingwives of Nepeli, who are sisters, becoming thethree great stars of Orion's belt.62 As reportedbelow, Tindale's version has Waiyungaribecoming the planet Mars. In relation to Orion'sbelt, there is a close parallel in the beliefs of theGundidjmara people of south-western Victoriawhere three stars were the sisters of Sirius whoalways followed him (Dawson 1881: 100). Therealso, a red star in the constellation of Orion wascalled 'fire', and was masculine. The Ngalwaraconstellation recorded in Yaraldi cosmology,which was perceived as six young men (Berndt &Berndt 1993: 164), is possibly Orion. The Tanganicalled the seven boys the Ngawiri.63

THE SOUTHERN CROSS AND THE COAL SACK

In the Ngadjuri language of the Mid North ofSouth Australia, the Southern Cross was called

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'Wildu', the eagle (Berndt & Vogelsang 1941: 9).To the Parnkalla people of eastern Eyre Peninsula,the Southern Cross and adjacent stars were termed'Kadnakadna purdli' (Schurmann 1844, vol.2: 9).The Tangani people of the Coorong had a deathfear song concerning the arrival of a smallpoxepidemic (Tindale 1937: 111,112; Tindale 1941:233,234).6~ As part of the story of this song, a'dream man', Kulda, came down to the lowerlandscape ITomthe Southern Cross, called Yu:ki.65He foretold the coming of death, with his 'pointingbone' taking the spirits of the dead with him toKangaroo Island. Tindale recorded that:

The natives saw a man (meteor) come out ofYuuki,the Southern Cross; they heard a noise and lookedup (meinyanga nampi). They saw him move hishands and said 'Ha! peika bakki' ('Ah! deathcoming'; 'peik' = 'die'). The natives could not standthe murki [smallpox] and a great many died. Themeteor was a ma1dawuli man whose name wasKuldalai, he travelled westward through the sky andbeckoned to indicate that all the people should followhim. Then the smallpox came and many peoplefollowed him (literally went west) across to KangarooIsland and beyond (Tindale 1931-34: 232).

Furthermore, Tindale (1931-34: 25 I ,252)recorded that Ku1da appeared 'like a bright flash,too bright to look.' The method he used to attractpeople was first by smoke signals, then by wavinghands. Tindale's Aboriginal infonnants believedthat many of the bones in the sandhills of theLower Murray belonged to people whom Kuldahad beckoned to follow him. This account isfurther illustration of the perceived connectionsbetween the Skyworld, Land to the West, and theterrestrial landscape.

A Meintangk informant told Tindale (1934-37:60) that 'The black patch (Coal Sack) in theSouthern Cross is the emu ... The Southern Crossstars are men.' The emu in this instance wasprobably the spirit who fought with the brolgas,as already noted above. According to theEuropeanised mythology of Smith, the'Grandmother Spirit', known as Puckowe, wasconsidered by Lower Murray people to inhabit thedark spot in the Milky Way, known as the CoalSack (Smith 1930: 184,185,199). Aboriginalhealers in the Lower Murray could reportedlyappeal to her for help. The Gundidjmara people insouth-western Victoria apparently believed that a'bunyip', a mythical water spirit, livedsimultaneously both in the Coal ~ack and in partsof the terrestrial landscape (Dawson 1881: 99).

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137

LYRA

The 'doctor men' of the Tangani interpretedtheappearance of Vega, called by them Lawarikark,in the constellation of Lyra as indicating thenesting time ofmallee fowls (Tindale 1983:26).66These birds, called lawari or lowan, make a harshscolding noise when racking the leaves for theirnests. For this reason, Aboriginal peopleconsidered this constellation to have quarrelsomeproperties.

SEASONAL BODIES

To the Adelaide people, the arrival of Parna inearly autumn indicated the change of season andwas a sign that large and waterproof huts neededto be built in the Adelaide foothills (Gell 1842[reprint 1988: 7,9]). The Aboriginal place namefor a hilltop campsite at Morphett Vale, south ofAdelaide, was Parnangga.67 This reportedly meant'autumn rains', and referred to the appearance ofParna.68 Similarly the Ngarrindjeri called autumn,Marangani, which is a time when stars of thisname appear (Taplin 1879: 126). The Yaraldi termrecorded for autumn, Marangalkadi, was said tomean 'pertaining to the crow' (Herndt & Berndt1993: 21,76,240). Marangani was a crow (moreproperly called a raven) in the creative period ofthe Yaraldi 'Dreamtime' (Meyer 1843: 78; Berndt& Berndt 1993: 163,240-242). According toYaraldi tradition, the autumn stars are low in thesouth-eastern sky because it was to the south-eastof the Lower Murray that the crow spirit enteredthe Skyworld. When Marangani was at its zenith,both animals and humans were thought to enterthe 'rutting season' (Tindale 1930-52: 266).Women in particular were considered to be easilyaffected by Marangani, making some individualspromiscuous.

In the Adelaide area, spring was termedWillutti or Wiltutti (Teichelmann & Schunnann1840, vol.2: 55; Teichelmann 1857). It was underthe influence of the constellation of the eagle,Wilto. It is likely that Wilto was the SouthernCross, through the apparent relationship betweenWiltu in the Adelaide language and Wildu of theNgadjuri mentioned above. Similarly, in theAdelaide area summer was governed by the wildturkey constellation, Wo Ita (Teichelmann &Schurmann 1840, vol.2: 57,58; Teichelmann1857). Summer was therefore called Woltatti. Thelinking of seasons with the movements of celestialbodies is common across Australia (Clarke 1990:6; Clarke 19C)1a: 59).

138 P. A. CLARKE

UNIDENTIFIED STARS

In the ethnographies of southern SouthAustralia, there are several names for stars whereidentification is difficult due to lack of description.One example is Njengari, who reportedly wasonce a mortal on earth (Tindale 1941: 235;Tindale 1987: 12). He had a happy nature andwas often observed dancing. He created a smoothdancing spot along the coast at a place calledWatbardok in the Normanville area south ofAdelaide. This later became an excellent fishingspot as nets could be drawn here withoutsnagging. Njengari was a clansman of Tjirbruki,who was also a landscape-creating ancestor.Njengari was eventually transformed into a star.There are also recorded names from the Adelaidelanguage for constellations such as 'Mattinyi' and'Kumomari', for which there is no Europeanequivalent given (Teichelmann & Schurrnann1840, vol.2: 13,22). Similarly, 'Yurdlakka' wassaid to be 'a star or constellation' in the Pamkallalanguage (Schurmann 1844, vol.2: 87). Theidentity of these was not known to the recorder. Inthe Gundidjmara region of south-western Victoria,larger stars (and probably planets) were feminineand considered to be 'sisters of the Sun' (Dawson1881: 99).

In the Lower Murray region, there was acelestial body that appeared every few years as agood omen. Tindale reports:

Nalkari- a specialstaror planetwhichappearseveryfour or five years. It causes the fish to die inthousands and to float along the river banks. Thepeople are glad when they see Nalkari for it meansthat much food can be obtained (Tindale 1934-37:147).

The identity of this cosmic body is unknown,although it seems unlikely to be a comet, as thesewere universally held in great fear.

PLANETS

In the Adelaide region, the Sun-father, TeendoYerle, had several wives which Schurmannthought were probably planets.69 In contrast to thesisters of Teendo Yerle who were bad, the wiveswere considered to be very good. In the case of theLower Murray traditions, a version of theWaiyungari myth provided a Yaraldi account ofthe origin of the planet Mars (Tin dale 1935).Tindale had several Aboriginal sources whoconfirmed that Waiyungari bec~me Mars after heand the two wives ofNepeli fled into the sky. The

. ",,'

Ramindjeri people considered that Waiyungaribecame a 'star' (Meyer 1843: 105). Waiyungariwas said to actually mean 'he who returns to thestars' (Smith 1930: 250). However, there is noethnographic record of the celestial identity of thetwo women of who accompanied him. A pastGovernment Astronomer, G. F. Dodwell,suggested that they might have been perceived asJupiter and Venus, as both of these planets moveover the Heavens, coming into conjunction withMars (cited in Tindale 1931-34: 189; Tindale1935: 270-274). However, another record of theWaiyungari myth stated that his home was in theMilky Way (Smith 1930: 183,251). According tothis version, Aboriginal people pointed out threestars in the eastern sky which representedWaiyungari and his two wives. Other accounts ofMars, perhaps associated with the Waiyungarimythology, state that when the 'red star' is shiningat its 'hottest' and 'brightest', it is blamed forincreasing sexual desire (Berndt & Berndt 1951:223; Berndt & Berndt 1993: 164). To theGundidjmara people of south-western Victoria,Mars was a feminine entity (Dawson 1881: 99).

According to George Taplin (1879: 135,140),Venus was termed Warte by the Ngarrindjeri. Thisterm has also been recorded to mean 'firestick'(Meyer 1843: 106). Presumably the relative strongbrightness of Venus adds to its association withfire. The Gundidjmara apparently consideredVenus to be the 'mother of the sun' (Dawson1881: 99). This tradition is possibly linked to thenotion that Venus sometimes accompanied theSun across the Skyworld, as it is visible duringthe day. In the recorded Pamkalla language ofeastern Eyre Peninsula, the 'evening star' (Venus)was 'Kabminye' (Schurmann 1844, vol.2: 9). Atthe confluence of the Murray and Darling Rivers,the 'evening star' (Venus) was reportedly called'Pudli' or 'Pudali' (Tindale 1930-52: 255),although this may have simply meant 'a star'.

METEORS

Although many of the celestial bodies werelinked to each other through kinship, in theAdelaide region meteoric lights (or shooting stars)were said to be 'orphans'.7o Their ephemeral andunregulated nature may have contributed to thisclassification. Generally, meteors were consideredto be bad omens, especially in times of greatsocial disruption. The account of Kulda, perceivedas a meteor who came out of the Southern Cross,is a good illustration of this. Furthermore, when a


falling star was seen, the Tangani people of theCoorong reportedly said 'peika bak:i', that is'death coming'.71Tindale (1938) linked the mythof Prupi, a cannibalistic woman living along thesouthern Coorong who was killed by fire, with ameteorite fall in the area. Furthermore, to theGundidjmara people of south-western Victoria, ameteor represented 'deformity' (Dawson 1881:101). In north-western Victoria, a meteor'portends evil to those that have lost a front tooth,to avert which they stir the fire and cast aboutfirebrands(Stanbridge 1857: 140)'.

COMETS

The Adelaide people believed that Teendo Yerleor Sun-father, had a pair of evil sisters who were'long' and probably comets.72 Aboriginal peoplehere considered most of the unusual cosmicphenomenon they observed to be a 'sure harbingerof death [which filled] them with awe and terror'(Schurmann 1846 [1879: 242]). In March 1843, acomet visible to Aboriginal people from along theMurray River was taken as a:

harbinger of all kinds of calamities, and moreespeciallyto the whitepeople. It was consideredthatthe comet wouldoverthrowAdelaide,destroying allEuropeans and their houses, and then to take acourse up the Murray and past the Rufus Rivercausing havoc in its path' (Eyre 1845, voI.2:358,359).73

It was believed to have been created by northernAboriginal people who were powerful sorcerers.On this occasion, the Resident Magistrate atMoorunde, Eyre, was told by river Aboriginalpeople to go to Adelaide and procure the releaseof an Aboriginal man from the north gaoled forassaulting a shepherd. If this was done, he wastold that disaster would be averted. The disquietcaused by unusual cosmic phenomena appears tohave been widespread. In the Port Lincoln area,the 1843 comet caused Aboriginal people to hidein caves (Schurmann 1846 [1987: 242]).74 TheGundidjmara people of south-western Victoriaconsidered a comet to be a great spirit (Dawson1881: 101).

ANGAS, G. F. 1847. 'Savage Life and Scenes inAustralia.' Smith, Elder & Co.: London.

AUSTIN, P. & TINDALE, N. B. 1985. The brolga &

emu myth. Aboriginal History 9( It 8-2 I.BERNDT, R. M. 1940. Some aspects of Jaraldi culture,«

".

139

OTHER CELESTIAL EVENTS

There were also other celestial events that wereperceived to be bad signs. In the Adelaide area,the Southern Lights foretold disease.75Furthermore, an eclipse was considered to causedeath and destruction. Aboriginal people at PointMcLeay in the Lower Murray area were veryfearful of the Aurora Australis and the eclipse ofthe Moon (Taplin Journals 4-7 June 1859, 2September 1859). Both events were said to havebeen created by 'wild blackfellows', an earlyAboriginal English term for 'uncivilised' groupsliving beyond the European colonial frontier. Suchpeople were often feared as sorcerers. In the caseof the Aurora Australis, it foretold the arrival ofthese dangerous human/spirit beings.

DISCUSSION

This paper illustrates that the connectionsbetween Skyworld, terrestrial land and theUnderworld were crucial parts of Aboriginalcosmology.Perceived events and influencesfromthe cosmic landscapehad a significantrole in theordering of human life. The observable seasonalchanges in the cosmos, due to the movement ofplanets and constellations, mimicked theterrestrial movements of people and animals.These observances would have strengthened theperceptionthat the cosmoswas a landscape.Thesepsychic regions were considered by Aboriginalpeople to be part of the landthat they 'used'. Witha social kinship system linking many of thecelestial bodies, it can be seen that the cosmosand earthly landscapeswere in at least one sensereflections of each other. The total culturallandscape was humanised by the people livingwithin it.

ACKNOWlEDGMENTS

This paper is based on material in the author's Ph.Dthesis, which was supervised by Chris Anderson, PeterSmailes and Kingsley Garbett. Drafts of this paper werecommented upon by Jane Simpson, Rob Amery, AdelePring, Richard Kimber and Philip Jones.

REFERENCES

South Australia. Oceania 11(2): 164-185.

BERNDT, R. M. 1974. 'Australian Aboriginal Religion.'Fascicle One - Introduction; the South-easternRegion. EJ. Brill: Leiden.

BERNDT. R. M. & c. H., with STANTON, 1. E. 1993.

140 P. A. CLARKE

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r

P. A. CLARKE

ENDNOTES

Quarterly Report (I October to 31 December 1837) fromWyatt to the Colonial Secretary, dated I January 1838(Colonial Secretary Reports, 1838/3 & 1838/69, PublicRecords Office, Adelaide).

Forevidence oITaplin 's incorporation ofhis wife's thoughtsand observances see Taplin Journals, 12 September 1860.

Tindale's journals, field notebooks, and the 'Milerum'

manuscript are also important ethnographic sources. Thismaterial is housed in the Anthropology Archives, SouthAustralian Museum.

Tindale records that Robert Mason remembered David

Unaipon turning up at Swan Reach many years ago, offering5 shillings for each Aboriginal story he was told (Tindale

1953: 39). Apparently, Ramsay Smith in turn paid him 10shillings per story he collected. Unaipon collected mythologyfrom Aboriginal contacts he had with communities acrossSouth Austral ia.

For southern South Australia, see Clarke (1990; 1991 a:

63-66). Mountford (1958: 144-146,170-177), & Sims(1978) describe the cultural landscape for the Tiwi of

Melville & Bathurst Islands in the Northern Territory.

In the Adelaide region, the Underworld or Land to the West

was known byvariationsof'Pindi' (Clarke 1991a: 64,65).In the southern Flinders Ranges it was termed 'Kintyura'{Hercus 1992: 17,20,30).1tis interestingtonotethatsouthern

groups believed thatthe Sun entered the Underworld throughdiving into the sea, whereas groups near Lake Eyre in

Central Australia believed that it disappeared into the groundat a place called 'Dityi-minka', reportedly meaning 'Hole ofthe Sun' (Howitt 1904: 427,428).

This is consistent with the individual losing its corporealidentity after death, as noted for the Walbiri in CentralAustralia (Meggitt 1962: 317).

For instance, see the cosmologies described by Stanbridge(1857), Smyth (1878, voU: 430-434), & MacPherson(I 882) for northern Victoria, Roth (1903: 7,8) for northernQueensland, Howitt (1904: 426-434) for south easternAustralia, & Maegraith (1932) for Central Australia.

This is quoted by Cawthorne (1844 [reprint 1926: 24,25])without acknowledgment to Teichelmann.

10 Anotherword in the Adelaide language that referred to sky,heaven, & height is 'karra' (Teichelmann & Schurmann1840, pt 2: 10).

" Other Pamkallaterms associated with the SJ...yworld include

'Wangkurtu kurtu' - 'heaven; 'Pandarri' - 'sky, heaven';& 'Walkurri'-'heaven'(Schurmann 1844, voL2: 52,67,68).The 'sky' or 'ether' was 'ilkari' (Schurmann 1884. voL2:6).

I: Foster (1990) discusses the role ofthe Native Location &Native School.

. .~

,; Othervariations include Waieruwar(=Wyirrewarre), Wyirri(= Waiyirri) & WairalL depending on linguistic context,respectively meaning 'Heaven', .to Heaven', 'in Heaven'.

These variations are illustrated by Taplin (1874 [I879:


131]; 1879: 38,132,142).See also Tanganekald vocabularycards, Tindale collection, Anthropology Archives, SouthAustralian Museum.

" Penney (as 'Cuique'), South Australian Magazine,September 1842, I (xii): 467-472.

1; Tindale, no date, 'Milerum', Stage A, #6. AnthropologyArchives, South Austral ian Museum.

16 Schurmann's account issimilarto Wyatt' s but differs in that

Monana represents a group of beings, not one individualspirit (Schurmann Diaries 5 June 1839; Wyatt1879:166,181).

17 There are aspects of the Pulyallanamythology that appearto be closely related to the mythology ofNgurunderi in theLower Murray (Clarke 1995). Both ancestors were chasingtheir wives across the landscape while creating many of thelandforms, eventually drowning the women.

18 The 'Dreamtime' represents an Aboriginal English gloss ofa range of meanings. The 'Dreaming' can loosely be defined

as the whole body of mythology in Aboriginal Austral ia that

provides some insight into significant cultural events.

19 Schurmann in a newspaper article titled 'The Aborigines ofSouth Australia' in The South Australian Colonist, 10March 1840.

20 Adelaide Register, 5 October 1887.

21 According to Tindale (no date, 'Milerum', Stage A, #1,Anthropology Archives, South Australian Museum) theTangani considered that there were seven stars shaped likeastingray.

22 For a destination of the spirit of these warriors see Taplin(1874 [1879: 18],&Meyer(1846 [1879:201]).A variationinthe spellingofNepeli in the literature isNepele. Variationsof Waiyungari include Wyungare, Wyangaure &

Waijungari. Meyer (1843, vol.2: 105) lists 'Waiyungari'simply as the 'name of a star'. Elsewhere, such as south

western Victoria, major spirit ancestors were also perceivedas living in the Skyworld (Dawson 1881: 49).

2) Schurmann Diaries (5-6 June 1839), & Wyatt (1879:

166,181). Also see Schurmann in a newspaper article titled'The Aborigines of South Australia' in The South AustralianColonist, 10 March 1840. Monaincherloo also refers to 'a

very remote time; ancient' (Teichelmann & Schurmann1840, vol.2: 25).

2. Schurmann Diaries (5 June 1839). Also see Schurmann inanewspaper article titled 'The Aborigines of South Australia'in The South Australian Colonist, 10 March 1840.

2; Schurmann Diaries (5 June 1839). Also see Schurmann in

a newspaper article titled 'The Aborigines of South Australia'in The South Australian Colonist, 10 March 1840.

26 Clarke (1990; 1991a: 65.66) outlines early AdelaideAboriginal beliefs in the afierlife.

27 ForChristianinfluencesuponAboriginalcultureinsouthernSouth Australia, see Berndt & Berndt (1993: 215), &Clarke (1995: 150-152).

28 There is much variation in the spellingofthis ancestral spiritin the literature (see Clarke 1991: 66-68). This paperfollows the standard spellingset byTindale (1987).

. 111'"'

143

29 Teichelmann & Schurmann (1840, vol.2: 41). Also see L.

Piesse in a newspaper article titled 'The language of thenatives of South Australia' in 171eSouthAustralianColonist,

14 July 1840. A variation in the recording of'purli' is 'pou-lee'.

30 Other recorded variations in the Ngaiawang language are'pidli' (Moorhouse 1843 [1935: 34]), & 'pille' (Tindale1964: 7).

31 Schurmann Diaries (22 July 1839), Teichelmann &Schurmann (1840, vol.2: 7,38,46), Teichelmann (1841: 9),Wyatt(1879: 166,167),&Stephens(1889: 500).Alsosee'The Transactions of the Statistical Society - Report on theAborigines of South Australia', The Southern Australian,II January 1842. Variations recorded for Kakirra include

Karkara & Cackera. Teichelmann (1857) also uses theterm, Marrero. Tindale (1974: 48,49) notes that in manyparts of Austral ia, 'Kakara', as the word for Moon or Sun is

also used to mean 'the east'. He speculates that this

relationship is based on the perception of the east beingwhere these celestial bodies enter the s"-"y.

32 The Erawirung people in the Mid Murray region used theterm, 'Kakere' ,for the Moon (Tindale 1930-52: 251). ).In

a coagnatic language, Ngaiawang, the Moon was called'Kokarar' (Tin dale 1964: 5), 'Kakur' or 'Kagurre'(Moorhouse 1843 [1935: 18]).AnotherwordforMoonthat

Tindale (1953: 7) records for the Mid Murray region is'Kagura'. It was recorded in the Moorundie area as 'Kok-erer' (Scott 1840-1907).

J) In the Whyalla area of Eyre Peninsula, Bira was perceivedas an 'old man from the moon' who killed one of the seven

sisters, while chasing the other ones across the landscape(Advertiser, 14 April 1990). Schurmann (1884: 3,57)records the Moon in the Pamkalla language of eastern EyrePeninsula as 'Pirra' .Similarterms recorded elsewhere in the

Central Lakes cultural bloc, such as 'Bira' in the Naranggalanguage ofYorke Peninsula (Black 1920: 86), 'Pira' inNukunu of the southern Flinders Ranges (Hercus 1992:2,8,27), 'Bera' in Ngadjuri of the Mid North of SouthAustralia, 'Vera' in Wailpi of the Flinders Ranges, & 'Pira'in Dieri of the North East of South Australia (Bemdt &Vogelsang 1941: 7).

3. To the Ramindjeri, 'Markeri' was also the name ofa largeshell which resembled a full Moon (Meyer 1843: 78). Byanother account, the Encounter Bay people called the Moon,'Mukkeri'. & pronounced it very much like the Englishrendering of'Mercury , (Adelaide Observer, 10 May 1851).Taplin also listed the Moon as 'Markeri' in his Ngarrindjerivocabularies (1874 [1879: 131]; 1879: 134,142). The

Tangane called the Moon, 'Marakari' (Tanganekaldvocabulary cards, Tindale collection). In the southern

Coorong district. Wells (1852-1855: 112) recorded theMoon as .Mercuri' .

J; A similar account exists in the mythology of northernVictoria. where the main male creative ancestor. Nooralie

(= Nureli, Nure:le). commands the Moon to die and the Sunto disappear (Smyth 1878: 431).

36 Tindale, no date, loose sheet in 'Milerum', 'Jobs needingfurther attention before typing.' Anthropology Archives,South Austral ian Museum.

144 P. A. CLARKE

J7 Tindale, no date, loose sheet in .Milerum',.Jobsneedingfurther attention before typing.' Anthropology Archives,South Australian Museum.

)8 Smith(1880: 131) lists the Moon as 'Toongoom'.

J9 Quarterly Report (I October to 31 December 1837) fromWyatt to the Colonial Secretary, dated I January 1838(Colonial Secretary Reports, 1838/3, Public Records Office,Adelaide).

.0 Schurmann Diaries (5 June&22July 1839), Wyatt(1879:166), Stephens (1889: 501), Williams (1839 [1926: 59]).Also see Schurmann in a newspaper article titled 'TheAborigines of South Australia.' in The South AustralianColonist, 10 March 1840. In the Adelaide area, variations

in the recording oITindu include Teendo, Tindo, & Tindoo.

., Wyatt (1879: 166,167). Also see letter by Wyatt dated IApril 1838, from him to the Colonial Secretary. 69/1838.Public Records Office, Adelaide.

.2 Schurmann Diaries, 5 June&22July 1839.

.) Similarnamesforthe Sun existed across South Australia. It

is 'Tjindu' inthe Pitjandjara language of Central Australia(Goddard 1992: 151), & in the Wirrangu language of theWest Coast (Black 1917: 7; Tindale 1928: 21). It wasrecorded as 'Tjindo' in Kukatha from the West Coast(Black 1920: 91). In Wongaidya from Baroota in thesouthern Flinders Ranges itwas recorded as 'Dindo' (Black1917: 12). The Sun was 'Yumo' in the Parnkalla languageof eastern Eyre Peninsula (Schurmann 1844, vol.2: 88),'Thirntu' in Nukunu from the southern Flinders Ranges(Hercus 1992: 28), & 'Tindo' in Narangga of YorkePeninsula (Black 1920: 89). Similarly, in a coagnaticlanguage, Ngadjuri, it was 'Jandu' or 'Djendu' (Berndt&Vogelsang 1941: 9). In the Flinders Ranges, it was termed'Yuundu' (Berndt& Vogelsang 1941: 9).

.. Adelaide Observer, 10 May 1851. However, 'thulderni'may be a version of the term, 'tulde', recorded by Meyer(1843: 101)to mean a star.

.5 A variation in the recording ofNangge is 'Nungge'. AtCurrency Creek, an early colonist records that a localEuropean woman, with the name 'Mrs Sunman', wasinvariably called 'Mrs Nange' by the local Aboriginalpeople (Adelaide Observer, 10 May 1851).

-16 In the Mid Murray area, the Erawirung people used a relatedterm, 'Nanka', for the Sun (Tindale 1930--52: 251).Similarly, the Ngaiawang people used 'Nunka' (Tindale1964: 7). At Moorundie, it was recorded as 'Nunka' (Scot!

1840--1907). Furthernorth at theconfluence of the Murray& Darling Rivers. the Maraura people called the Sun,'Yukku', & dawn 'ngata yukui' (Tindale 1930--52:251,253).

.7 For the Mid Murray area. Eyre (1845. vol.2: 365) suggeststhat an Aboriginal practice of placing stones in trees was to

measure time. However. the most likely explanation wasthatthis was to indicate the proximity ofwater{J. Simpson.pers.com.).

.. Tanganekald vocabulary cards, Tindale collection.Anthropology Archives, South Australian Museum.

.9 Potaruwutj vocabulary cards, Tindale collection,Anthropology Archives, South Australian Museum.

50 It is possible that 'kado', 'karo' & 'kardu' are the samelinguistic form.

51 CharlesWhite in the Adelaide Observer, 14January 1905.

52 Tindale, no date, 'Milerum', Stage A, #3. AnthropologyArchives, South Australian Museum.

S) This trail may have been moditiedorextendedasaresultofthe building ofthe Overland Telegraph Line (1. Simpson,pers.com.)

s. The term 'prolggi', appears to be related to the AustralianEnglish term, brolga. This is a borrowing by Europeansfrom the Kamilaroi language in eastern New South Wales,where it was 'burralga' (Dixon eta/1992: 31 ,87,88,218).However, other Aboriginal languages from eastern Australiato the Lake Eyre region have similar terms for this bird. TheTangane people of the Coorong called this bird 'porolgi'(Tanganekald vocabulary cards, Tindale collection). The'native companion' is an early European term forthe brolga.

ss By another account, the Granites near Kingston representedthe emus of this myth {Tindale 1931-34: I92).In the SouthEast of South Australia, this myth was sometimes used to

identify Aboriginal groups (Tindale letterto Dixon, 6 March1976, correspondence files, Anthropology Archives, SouthAustralianMuseum). The coastal people called themselves

Porolgi, while inland groups were Pindjali (= Peindjali).

56 SchurmannDiaries (12 July 1839),Teichelmann&Schurmann (1840: 19,47), & Teichelmann{l841: 9). Alsosee 'The Transactions of the Statistical Society - Report on

the Aborigines of South Australia ',The SouthernAustralian,11 January 1842.

57 Tindale, no date,loose sheet in 'Milerum', 'Jobs needingfurther attention before typing.' Anthropology Archives,South Australian Museum.

ss Adelaide Register, 5 October 1887.

S9 Tindale, no date, 'Milerum', Stage A, #1. AnthropologyArchives, South Australian Museum. This term may relateto the 'Manchinnga', the 'warrior who became a star'(Taplin 1874 [1879: 18]).

60 For generalisedAustralianaccounts,see Smith(1930:70,345-50), & Parker (1953: 105-109). Western Desert

accounts are given by Robinson (1966: 91-93), & Isaacs(l980: 152,153). The 'Seven Sisters inma' isoften performedby Western Desertwomen visiting capital cities for publicceremonies. such as those held at the Tandanya NationalAboriginal Cultural Institute in Adelaide.

61 Schurmann Diaries (12 July 1839), Teichelmann &Schurmann (1840. vol.2: 15,17,47), Teichelmann (1841:

9). Also see 'The Transactions of the Statistical Society-Report on the Aborigines of South Australia', The Sol/fhernAustralian. 1I January 1842.

(,2 Theoriginal version appears to be c.c. Hackett in NarrungAlpha. August 1915: 10--12. A later version is Hackett(cited in Laurie 1917: 660--662). See Clarke (1995, endnote14: 157).

6; Tindale. no date. 'Milerum', Stage A. #1.Anthropology


Archives, South Australian Museum. Ngawiri appears to berelated to 'ngauwir', meaning boy in the Ramindjeri dialectof Encounter Bay (Meyer 1843: 86).

... Alsosee Tanganekald vocabulary cards, Tindale collection.As well as Tindale, no date, loose sheet in 'Milerum', 'Jobs

needing further attention before typing'. AnthropologyArchives, South Austral ian Museum.

6; It ispossible that there were several constellations termedYuki by the Lower MUITaypeople, as this term is applied tocanoes(cf. Mi I"-1'Way). In the Yaraldi dialect, the Southern

Cross constellation was termed Tjirilengi (McDonald 1977).

66 Tindale, no date, loose sheet in 'Milerum', 'Jobs needingfurther attention before typing'. Anthropology Archives,South Australian Museum. Stanbridge (1857) provides asimilar myth concerning Lyra, which represents a lowanflying.

67 Tindale, Aboriginal Place Name File, AnthropologyArchives, South AustralianMuseum.

68 Tindale, Aboriginal Place Name File, AnthropologyArchives, South Australian Museum. A creek near Yankalillain the southern Fleurieu Peninsula area is known asParananacooka. According to Tindale, this was a rendition

of the Aboriginal forms, Paranankuka and Paranankuna Its

translation was said to refer to the excreta and urine of the

ALltumn Star, which explained why this creek becomes very

brackish at the end of summer. However, given his word

derivation, this appears to be unlikely on linguistic grounds(1. Simpson, pers.com.).

145

69 Schurmann Diaries (5 June 1839). Also see Schurmann in

a newspaper article titled 'The Aborigines of South Austral ia'in The SOlllh Australian Colonist, 10 March 1840.

70 'The Transactions of the Statistical Society- Report on theAborigines of South Australia', The Southern Australian,

11January 1842. Another reference is Moorhouse in 'Reporton the Aborigines of South Australia' 14 October 1843,Document no. 1234, GRG 24/6, Public Record Office. In

the Narangga langauge ofY orke Peninsula, ashooting starwas 'wajaga' (Black 1920: 89).

71 Tanganekald vocabulary cards, Tindale collection,Anthropology Archives, South Austral ian Museum.

n Schurmann Diaries (5June 1839). Also see Schurmann ina newspaper article titled 'The Aborigines of South Austral ia'in The South Australian Colonist, 10 March 1840.

7) The inclusion of the Rufus River in this explanation was

possibly dueto it being the site of a mass acre of Aboriginalpeople by overlanders in 1842 (see Moorhouse

correspondence to Colonial Secretary, reproduced by Taplin

1879: 115-123).

74 Schurmann (1844, vol.2: 79) suggested that in the Pamkallalanguage of eastern Eyre Peninsula the term for comet was

'yandarri' .

7; 'The Transactions ofthe Statistical Society - Report on theAborigines of South Austral ia', The Southern Australian,II January 1842. Another reference by Moorhouse is in'Report on the Aborigines of South Australia', 14 October1843, Document no. 1234, GRG 24/6, Public RecordOffice.

PHILIP A. CLARKE - Flinders University · 2011. 11. 18. · THE ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE OF...

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