Perspectives on Anarchist Theory - vol 4, no 2 - Fall 2000

7/30/2019 Perspectives on Anarchist Theory - vol 4, no 2 - Fall 2000

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Inside this issue:Gront Awards & Updates...lrish anarchists and Black NationalismUpdate on the IAS...saying goodbye to a board member, new website, 2000 fundraising campaign, and moreWhat's Hoppening...books, magazines, events, and anarchist comradesWriting Contest...call for essays on the new social movement

Volume 4, No. 2Fall 2000

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Postructuralist AnarchismAn Interview with Todd MayAs a political philosophy,anarchism is concerned withthe transformation of society;however, anarchism is oftenneglected by major politicaland philosophical trends. Inan attempt to situate anarchism within contemporaryphilosophical thought as wellas think critically about anarchism, Todd May has createdwhat he calls postructuralistanarchism. By graftingFrench post ruc tura l is tthought onto anarchism, Mayoffers a new political philosophy with which to analyzeour worid. I conducted aninterview with Todd May viaemail in October 2000.- Rebecca DeWitt

Postructuralist Anarchism ishe combination of anarchismand poststructuralist philosophy(the work of Foucault, Lyotardand Deleuze). What is essential toboth these political philosophiesthat makes it possible to combine

them?What I see as the essentiallink between anarchism andthe poststructuralism of Lyotard, Deleuze, and especiallyFoucault, is the denial thatthere is some central hingeabout which political changecould or should revolve. ForMarx, political change was amatter of seizing the meansof production; for liberals, itlies in regulating the state.What anarchists deny (at leastin parts of their writings, theparts which I'm trying todraw out) is that there is asingle Archimedean point forchange. Inasmuch as poweris everywhere, the need forpolitical reflection and critique is also everywhere. Notonly at the level of the stateor the economy, but also atthe level of sexuality, race,psychology, teaching, etc. etc.I s there anything left of anarchism?

I believe there is. If I'm rightin my approach, what anarchism provides to poststructuralism is a larger framework within which to situateits specific analyses. Theframework is a different one,to be sure, from the traditional anarchist framework. Itis not unchanged by poststructuralism. But the newframework I have tried toarticulate would be news tomost poststructuralists, whoresist the idea of a largerframework altogether.

How do we reconcile anarhism, which often relieson politically unifying principles(such as anti-capitalist I statiststances), with postructuralistthought, which sees power as aninterconnected network rather thana system to be opposed?Regarding the idea of totalizing systems, it is surely the

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Reclaim the Cities: From Protest to Popular Power"Direct action gets the goods,"proclaimed the IndustrialWorkers of the Wodd neady acentury ago. And in the shorttime since Seattle, this has certainly proven to be the case.Indeed, "the goods" reaped bythe new direct action movement here in North Americahave included creating doubtas to the scope and nature ofglobalization, shedding lighton the neady unknown workings of international trade andfinance bodies, and making

anarchism and anticapitalismalmost household words. Asif that weren't enough, wefind ourselves on the streetsof twenty-first-century metropolises demonstrating ourpower to resist in a way thatmodels the good society weenvision: a truly democratic

But is this really what democracy looks like?The impulse to "reclaim the

streets" is an understandableone. When industrial capitalism first started to emerge inthe early nineteenth century,its machinations were relatively visible. Take, for instance, the enclosures. Pasture lands that had beenused in common for centuries to provide villages withtheir very sustenance weresystematically fenced off -enclosed - in order to grazesheep, whose wool was

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Pago 2 PERSPECTIVES ON ANARCHIST THEORY

Perspectives onAnarchist TheoryFall 2000, VoL 4, No. 2

Newsletter of the Institutefor Anarchist StudiesEditor:Rebecca DeWitt

Subscription Rates(Two issues per year)IAS Donors - FreeI n d i v i d u a l s - $ 5I n s t i t u t i o n s - $ 1 0Bulk (25 Copies)- $25

(Please make checkspayable to theInstitute for Anarchist Studies)Disclaimer: the views expressed in Perspectives do notnecessarily represent the viewsof the IAS as a whole. The material in this newsletter is theInstitute for Anarchist Studies.

IAS Board of Directors:Paula Emery, John Petrovato,Dan Chodorkoff,Cindy Milstein, Maura Dillon,Paul Glavin, Chuck Morse

General Director:Rebecca DeWitt

P.O. Box 1664Peter Stuyvesant StationNew York, NY 10009 - USAPhone: 718-349-6367E-mail: [email protected]: http://flag.blacken.cd

net/ias/DefaulthtmThe IAS is a nonprofit,

tax-exempt organization.

IAS UpdateThis fall sees the IAS expand funding opportunities, say goodbye to a board member andfind a new home on the internet, as well ascontinue with our general activities.As a result of our June 2000 board meetingwe decided to sponsor a writing contest inaddition to our usual grant awards. Wewanted some way to connect more direcdywith contemporary political developmentsand offer financial support to a wider varietyof people. While our grants are meant formore substantial projects, we decided to offer $1000 for a short essay focusing on anarchist perspectives on the "new social movement" we see developing all around us. Seepage three for more details. The winningessay will be published in the newsletter aswell as on our website.Michelle Matisons, after five years as a boardmember, is moving on. She has relocated tothe San Francisco Bay area where she hasjust successfully completed a PhD. inWomen's Studies. Her dissertation,"Systems, Standpoints, and Subjects: MarxistLegacies in U.S. Feminist Theories" looks atthe ways in which Marxism has influencedUS feminism - for better or for worse. Fromthe start, Michelle committed herself to ensuring the success of the IAS and we have allenjoyed working with her.The IAS website has moved to a new location, http://flag.blackened.net/ias. This anarchist site has generously offered to hostthe IAS and we are happy to be in the company of friends. Our email address stays thesame for the time being and we'll maintain aredirect page on our old website accountA new page on the website detailing howand where to find completed IAS projectswill be of interest to everyone. Future pagesin the works include advice on writing andpublishing for the radical writer.This year we gave out our first grant to afiction project For quite some time, we havebeen committed to funding the "writtenword" and we are excited to have given agrant for a play about an Irish anarchist Wealso gave a grant to a previous grant recipientwho will expand upon his original work on

anarchism and South Africa to include issuessuch as Black Nationalism. See page threefor more details.Cindy Milstein and John Petrovato organizeda great anarchist conference at the end ofAugust It was a pleasure to attend an anarchist conference where a high level ofthought was present in both the presentations and inevitably lively lunch and dinnerconversations. Five board members gavepresentations to varying degrees, along witha wide variety of activists and intellectuals.Chuck Morse's interview with Janet Biehl(Spring 1998) has been translated into twomore languages, German and Japanese thatmakes six different translations so far. Myarticle on Seattle (Spring 2000) was quoted ina London based Portuguese language newspaper and will also be reprinted, in a revisedstate, in the upcoming issue of Social Anarchism.Our fundraising campaign is going quite wellalthough we still need $6000 in donations tomeet our goal. So far, we have received$14,000 in donations and we thank everyone old and new supporters for theirgenerosity. We recendy received a fabulousdonation from Aigis Press of three new tides, which will compliment our books fordonors. These include Since Predator Came:Notes From The Struggle For American IndianLiberation by Ward Churchill; From State toCommunity: Rethinking South Korean Modernisation by Seung-joon Ahn; and One Si%e DoesNot Fit All by Beverly Naidus. See the booklist insert for all the wonderful books fromRaven Used Books you can choose from andsupport the IAS. ~ Rebecca DeWitt

The IAS website has moved!Our new address ishttp://flag.blackened.net/ias

Grants awarded Entire collection ofnewsletters Application materials Anarchism links


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VOLUME 4, NO. 2 Page 3

Grant AwardsThe IAS Board of Directors was pleasedto award grants to the following individuals in June 2000:$1000 to Kevin Doyle for "OrangeFire", a three act theater play about thelife, beliefs and struggles of Irish activistCaptain Jack White (1879-1946), whostrongly identified as an anarchist.White's life and anarchist beliefs have allbut been obliterated due to the destruction of his memoirs and papers by hisfamily (White came from a privilegedProtestant family loyal to the Britishmonarchy) and the fact that, as a revolutionary, he has been "written out" of thehistory books. In order to provide aframework with which activists can challenge sectarian divisions in Ireland, thisplay aims to situate White within Irishrevolutionary history as well as anarchism and draws on the destruction ofWhite's papers as a metaphor for therepressive mentality of a sectarian soci

ety. Kevin Doyle is an award winningshort story writer and political activistHe is a founding member of the Workers Solidarity Movement, an anarchistorganization in Ireland.$1000 to Lucien van der Walt for"Anarchism and Revolutionary Syndicalism in South Africa, 1904-1921", whichexpands upon a project previouslyfunded by the IAS. This new work willdeal with the influence of anarchism andrevolutionary syndicalism on broadersocial movements in the same period.The specific focus is on the impact oflibertarian socialist ideas on trade unionsand Black Nationalism. This projectbuilds upon the original research intothe influence of anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism on revolutionarygroups in South Africa. Lucien van derWalt is a student, teacher and activist inSouth Africa. His work focuses on tradeunion activity in Africa and he has written

Grant UpdatesC.W. Brown completed Vanguards of theCrusaders; The American Radical Right, Liberal Ideology, and the New World Order andpresented it in August in Vermont during the anarchist conference "CriticalAnarchism: Remaking the Tradition."He was awarded $800 in June 1997.Allan AntlifFs book, The Culture of Revolt: Art and Anarchy in America, wentthrough final editing at the Univeristy ofChicago Press. "Cosmic Modernism:Elie Nadelman, Adolf Wolff, and theMaterialist Aesthetics of John Weich-sel", an article based on material fromhis book, can be found in the March1999 issue of Archives of American ArtHistory, magazine of the Smithsonian.He was awarded $1000 in January 1997.Matt Hern and Stuart Chalk's book,Architecture of Isolation is available soonftom Broadview Press, Ontario. Excerpts published in Democracy & Nature, Vol. 6, No.1. They woe awarded $1200 n January 1998.

Sam Mbah completed a draft of hismanuscript, Military Dictatorship and TheState of Africa. He hopes to finish thebook and begin the publishing processthis fall. He was awarded $2000 in January 1999.Frank Adams completed a draft of hisessay "Work Ownership & Work Management: One Anarchist's Perspective"and aims to complete the essay by spring2001. He was awarded $500 in June1997.Mike Staudenmaier's piece Towards aNew Anarchist Theory of Nationalism isshaping up with research on theories ofnationalism in Bakunin, Landauer, andRocker; theories on the nature and character of nations and states; and contemporary anarchist responses to nationalisms, including the rWW as anti-nationalist and the Anarchist BlackCross Federation as pro-nationalist Aversion of this project will be published

extensively on historical and contemporary labor politics. -If you are interested in applying for agrant, please send a SASE to the IAS atP.O. Box 1664, Peter Stuyvesant Station,New York, NY 10009 - USA; or printan application from our website, http://flag.blackened.net/ias.

Writing PrizeThe IAS is offering a $1000 award foran essay that advances anarchist per

spectives on the "new social movements" represented by recent international anti-globalization protests. Essays should address this movement in afashion that links theory to practice inorder to contribute to the emergenceof new anarchist praxis, theory in

formed by practice. Submissions shouldbe between 3000 and 10,000 words.Written work already funded by theIAS will not be considered. The winningessay will receive $1000 and excerptswill be published in the IAS newsletter.Deadline for submissions is

January 1,2001.

in issue #3 of Arsenal: A Magazine oj"Anarchist Strategy and Culture (Winter 2001).He was awarded $1500 in January 2000.Fernando Lopez continues researchon, The FACA and the Anarchist Movementin Argentina. He has completed threechapters and is now writing about anarchist activities in the Devoto prison during 1931. He has also collaborated withuniversity students to research materialon the "disappeared comrades" of thelate 70's. He was awarded $2200 in June1999.Joe Lowndes is still working on his essay "Anarchism and the Rise of Right-wing Anti-Statism", focusing on the roleof white southern activists and intellectuals in the 1940s and 1950s in creatingthe racist antistatist discourse prevalenton the right today. An article will beproduced in the near future. He wasawarded $1000 in June 1998. ~


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Page 4 PERSPECTIVES ON ANARCHIST THEORY

What's Happening: Books and Events

lapatismo!The Zapatista experience is rich in lessons for anyone working to thinkthrough a radical politics for today. JohnRoss's forthcoming The War AgainstOblivion: Zapatista Chronicles 1994-2000adds another volume to the alreadyabundant literature on the Zapatistas'accomplishments and dilemmas(Common Courage Press, December 2000, 320 pages). This book analyzesthe evolution of the Zapatistas and theirconflict with the Mexican state fromtheir 1994 uprising to Mexico's recentpresidential elections. Some of the theoretical background of Zapatista workcan be found in Our Word Is OurWeapon: Selected Writings of SubcumandanteInsurgente Marcos (Seven Stories Press,December 2000, 416 pages). This collection is divided into three sections: thefirst contains Marcos' political essaysand shows the evolution of Zapatismoas a whole; the second presents Marcos'philosophical queries, personal reflections, and humorous recollections on hisfirst days as a guerrilla, as well as lettersto other writers; and the final sectionfeatures short stories, folk tales, andmythic pieces for which he has becomefamous.understanding is Half the BattleNoam Chomsky tackles some of theinternational contradictions that helpproduce movements such as the Zapatistas. In his Rogue States: The Ride of Forcein World Affairs Chomsky criticizes theworld's superpowers for committingindefensible actions in the name of democracy and human rights. The UnitedStates and its allies are rebuked for violations of international law, violationsthat make them the real "rogue states" inthe world today. He challenges the legaland humanitarian arguments in favor ofNATO's war in the Balkans, turns hisattention toward U.S. involvement in theMiddle East, Southeast Asia, and CentralAmerica, and reveals the United States'increasingly open dismissal of die United Nations and international law (South End

Luisa Capetillo

Press, August 2000, 164 pages). Readersmay also wish to consult Robert Bur-bach's Globalisation And Postmodern Politics: From Zapatistas To High Tech RobberBarons (Pluto Press, December 2000, 192pages). This book develops a criticalanalysis of global capitalism and placescontemporary opposition movements,such as the Zapatistas and the protestmovements that laid siege to last year'sWTO meeting in Seattle in this context.

ost Anarchist StrugglesWhile European anti-authoritarianmovements are relatively well documented, much has still to betold. The history of anarchism in Portugal is the subject of Joao Freire's new book:Freedom Fighters: Anarchist Intellectuals, Workers, and Soldiers inPortugal's History (Black RoseBooks, 200 pages, September 2000). This book tracesthe Portuguese anarchistmovement from the beginning of the twentieth centuryto the present, touching onthe Spanish Civil War, WorldWar II, the Salazar dictatorship,and the "carnation revolution" in 1974. Astill broader picture of European radical

ism is possible thanks to several newpublications from London's Kate Sharpley Library. Louis Lecoin: An AnarchistLife (33 pages, large format) traces thebiography of a French anarchist whosepolitical activity spanned more than ahalf-century, ending with his death 1971.They have also released a treatment of amore contemporary movement: The Couriers are Revo/ting: The Despatch IndustryWorkers Union, 1989-92 (24 pages). Readers will also want to pick up Chris Mo-sey's Car Wars: Battles on the Road to Nowhere for a look at the anarchist-influenced anti-roads movement in theUK (Vision Paperbacks, 222 pages,March 2000). This book traces the history of opposition to the automobileand the explosion of these sentiments inthe UK during the first half of the1990's. Special attention is paid to theReclaim the Streets group.

atin-American FeminismIf European radicalism has not beenfully documented, then the history ofLatin American anarchism has hardlybeen touched. Norma Valle Ferrer's TheStory of Luisa Capetillo: a Pioneer Puerto Ri-can Feminist will make a contribution tothe rectification of this problem (PeterLang Publishing, December 2000). LuisaCapetillo (1879-1922) was one of theleading figures of Puerto Rico's earlylabor movement, a movement in whichlibertarian socialism was an important ifnot the most important - ten

dency. Capetillo, a feminist,anarchist, labor organizer,and novelist, is often remembered as the first woman towear pants in public inPuerto Rico and many consider her book, Mi opinionsobre las Ubertades, Derechos yDeberes de la Mujer (trans: MyOpinion on the Liberties, Richesand Duties of the Woman) thefirst Puerto Rican feministwork. Valle Ferrer's biography will be a principal sourcefor biographical data on this major political figure.


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JL oreign Language ResourceIf anarchism has always been international, there is no doubt that it hasstrong roots in Russia, especially in thelife and work of the Russian Anarchist,Mikhail Bakunin. Researchers will nolonger have to travel to archives aroundthe world to find his writings thanks toAmsterdam's Institute for Social History. This September the Institute willpresent Mikhail Bakunin's Oeuvres Completes, a searchable CD-ROM containingall known texts written by Bakunin inRussian and, whenever applicable,French translation. Spanish readers willbe able to enjoy an expanded view ofthe anarchist tradition thanks to the recent translation of Murray Bookchin'sEcology of Freedom: The Emergence and Dissolution of Hierarchy. This work is themost comprehensive statement of ananti-authoritarian vision and politicssince Kropotkin's Mutual Aid (LaEcologia de la Libertad: el Surgimiento y laDisolucidn de la Jerarquia, translation byMarcelo Gabriel Burcllo. Nossa y Jaraand Colectivo Los Arenalejo, 1999, 509pages).M odernist RootsAnarchism has provided a commonframework for some of the most important innovations in art and politics. InMosaic Modernism: Anarchism, Pragmatism,Culture, David Kadlec examines the anarchist and pragmatist origins of modernism as a literary/cultural phenomenon. Treating a wide range of historicalsources and materials, many of thempreviously unpublished, Kadlec arguesthat German, French, and British anarchists spurred the formal experiments ofleading modernists, thus offering a dramatically new account of modernism'spolitical genesis and the mosaic, im-provisational tendencies of modern literature (Johns Hopkins University Press,October 2000, 312 pages). Erich Muh-sam, an important anarchist thinker andone of the leading artists in the tradition,will become more familiar to Englishreaders thanks to the translation of his

Luce Fabbri

play Thunderation: Folk Play With Song andDance (Bucknell University Press, September 2000). This is Miihsam's lastplay, written before he died at the handsof the Nazis in 1934.A ctivist ResourcesTwo new books will help activists develop a strategy for our times. Globalisation from Below: The Power of Solidarity byJeremy Brecher, Tim Costello, andBrendan Smith (South End, October2000, 128 pages) attempts to advance astrategy for building die movementagainst globalization. A revised editionof Brian Burch's Resources for Radicals, anannotated bibliography of print resources for those involved in movements for social transformation, is nowavailable. This book contains approximately 800 entries and touches on issuessuch as meeting facilitation, communitygardening, civil disobedience, union organizing, among many other topics(September, 2000, Toronto Action forSocial Change).w elcome BackAfter a long hiatus, Kick it Owrmagazinehas begun publishing regularly again.Individual subscriptions to this attractive, high quality "social anarchist anti-authoritarian quarterly" are available for$14.50 (in US funds). Institutional subscriptions are $20. For more information write to Kick It Over, P.O. Box

1836, Guelph, Ontario, Canada, N1H7A1 or e-mail [email protected].

resenting the PastAnyone living near or passing throughAnn Arbor will want to visit the exhibit"Jo Labadie and His Gift to Michigan: ALegacy for the Masses," which will beon display from September 12th to November 22nd at die Labadie Collection atthe University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.This exhibition will examine the life ofthis Detroit anarchist and influential labor activist.

uce Fabbri, 1908-2000Sadly it is necessary to note the death ofLuce Fabbri, a life-long anarchist diinkcrand activist (and daughter of the famedItalian anarchist Luigi Fabbri). Luce diedof a heart attack on August 19th in Montevideo, Uruguay at the age of 92. Herlatest book was La Libertad entre la Historia y la Utopia: Tres Ensayosy Otros Textosdel Siglo XX (trans: Freedom in History andUtopia; Three Essays and Other Texts of the20th Century (REA, 1998, 145 pages).Her life will be documented in a forthcoming biography by Margareth Rago.She will be greatly missed by her friendsand comrades in Uruguay and aroundthe world.

Contacts and AddressesCommon Courage Presswww.comrnoncouragepress.com

Toronto Action for Social ChangeP.O. Box 73620, 509 St. Clair Ave. WestToronto, ON M6C 1C0(416) 651-5800; e-mail: [email protected]

Institute for Social Historyhttp://www.iisg.nl/

Peter Lang Publishinghttp://www.peterlang.com/

Seven Stories Presswww.sevcnstories.com


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Postructuralist Anarchism: Interview with Todd MayContinued from page Icase that much of anarchism, both inpractice and in theory, targets capitalismand the state. My book is a suggestionthat we not look in those two places soas to blind ourselves about the ubiquityof power's operation. If capitalism andthe state were the sole culprits, theneliminating them would by itself open usup to a Utopian society. But we ought tobe leery of such simple solutions. Oneof the lessons of the struggles againstracism, misogyny, prejudice against gaysand lesbians, etc. is that power and oppression are not reducible to a single siteor a single operation. We need to understand power as it operates not only atthe level of the state and capitalism, butin the practices through which we conduct our lives.

7 n your book, political philosophy is cast inerms of the articulation of "the discordancebetween the world as it exists and the world asit is envisioned."When the discordance is no longerpresent, that par-motivated by a ticular political

discordance philosophy becamebetween how obsolete whether itoccurs because thepeople think the mHd has changedworld should be and or because the goals

how they find it." have been realised.You give the example of the communist revolution where, once the goals of the revolution were reached, the political philosophy thatdescribed such a change becomes obsolete andtherefore a new political philosophy was neededin order to advance. Is political philosophy a

process where we are constantly remaking ourview of the world and what we want?The idea I'm trying to press eady in thebook is that political philosophy is motivated by a discordance between howpeople think the wodd should be andhow they find it. Why think about political philosophy unless there is a problemthat needs to be addressed? And thatproblem, for political philosophy, is thatthe wodd is distant from how one thinksit should be. Whether political philosophy is a constant process is something

"politicalphilosophy is

I'm not sure how to answer. I don't seeany reason in principle why it should be,although it may turn out to be. Thequestion of whether political philosophyis a process of constandy remaking ourselves is tied to the question of whatkinds of nature human beings have andwhat kinds of environments they findthemselves in. Since elsewhere in diebook I deny that there is anything interesting to say about human nature, it allcomes down to environment. But whoknows how environments will change,and what kinds of questions they willraise for us?

For postructuralist anarchism, power isoth creative and destructive. In contrast,anarchism natural Justification of its own existence that humans are essentially good and itis the institutions of power that are bad therefore we need to get rid of them - characterises allpower as bad. How does the anarchist conceptof power change with the addition of postruc-turalism?While [anarchists] have a two-part distinction: power (bad) vs. human nature(good), I have a four-part one: power ascreative/power as repressive and good/bad. I do not take creative power asnecessarily good, nor repressive poweras necessarily bad. It all depends onwhat is being created or repressed. Theethical evaluation is independent ofwhich kind of power it is. That's whyit's so important for there to be clarityon one's ethical vision - a point whichtoo many poststructuralist thinkers neglect. But one does not solve the ethicalproblem by positing a good human nature and then saying that it should beallowed to flourish. There is too muchevidence against the idea of an essentially good (or essentially bad) humannature for that claim to be made. Onecannot rest one's ethical judgments onhuman nature, but instead must developthe socially given ethical networkswithin which our lives unfold.

you state that we "must abandon [for theost part] the idea of a clear demarcation to be made between political philosophy andpolitical programs...as one moves away from

analysis and toward suggestions for intervention,one passes from philosophy to programmatics."Most political philosophies seem incapable ofpassing into programmatics and then backagain. The tension between the world as it exists and what we envision is most often destroyedby consolidation of power by one idea or politicalparty. Anarchism advocates a direct democracyor federalism to ensure that this doesnt happenbut is the life of a political philosophy capablesurviving programmatics?Bear in mind that the anarchism I'm trying to draw out of the tradition wouldnot see direct democracy as the answerto all political problems (otherwise, anarchism would be another strategic political philosophy). That said, your questionstill remains, since one can wonder whathappens to political philosophy when aprogrammatics is carried out. Certainly,one thing would remain of the view Itried to develop: the idea that we needalways to be investigating the power relationships that arise in various practicesand to give them proper ethical evaluation; that is to say, to ask whether theyare acceptable or not. On the view I'mdefending, since we never know in advance how power works, we need always to keep investigating its operation,in order to see where it's leading andwhat it's creating; and we need always toask the ethical question of whether wefind that acceptable.yUy hose job is it to construct the program-W matte?As far as who is to construct the pro

gram, it is certainly not to be philosophers. (Goodness gracious, banish thethought) This idea is, I hope, no longertaken seriously, even by philosophers.The only response as to who IS to construct the program, or at least have inputinto its construction, is that it is thosewho are affected by the current situationand the proposed changes. Now thatmay be another way of saying "the people," but it does limit things somewhat.For instance, I will have litde to sayabout how gays and lesbians should betreated in society (e.g. should they beadmitted into the category of the marriageable or should they challenge mar-


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riage itself?) That, it seems to me, is upto them. My role is to support them intheir choices.

The anarchist concept of power is characerised as one which "conglomerates atcertain points and is reinforced by [power] alongcertain lines' \ and therefore can be amenable tothe idea of reform because certain reforms atcertain points could result in revolution. Is therea place for revolution in postructuralist anarchism?The term "revolution" strikes me as aloaded one. Sometimes it seems to meanthat there is an overturning of the keypoint of power in a society. When usedin that way, the term "revolution" seemsto imply a strategic political philosophy,so I think it is better avoided. Whenthings change enough as a result of political intervention, then we have a revolution. Thus, the distinction betweenreform and revolution should not be thet i red one o f"we never know in mere reform"advance how power vs. "real revolu-

works,weneed tion-" If should, i n s t e a d b e a na l w a y s t o k e e p ^ o f h o winvestigating its mucn and howoperation, in order deep of a changeto see where it's j? going on. Infact, I think theterm is often

used as a banner,a mark of one'sradicalism, and an unconsidered way ofmarking out one's distinction from liberalism. As such, it hides the question,which we should be asking: what needsto be changed and how does it need tobe changed? When we ask that moreconcrete question (yes, a philosophersuggesting that a certain jargon is hidingour ability to see the concrete), thenwe're on the right track. The question ofis it revolution or just reform dropsaway.XT//? bat is the World Trade Organisp-Vv tion to poststructuralist anarchism?The WTO seems to be one of those or

ganizations where power conglomerates,where a variety of practices collude to

leading and whatit's creating"

create an oppressive power arrangement I think we mistake many supporters of the WTO if we describe them interms of a conspiracy theory. My suspicion is that most of them sincerely believe they are doing good things, eventhough they're not. How to explain this?It seems to me that we need to look atthe practices they're engaged in and theeffects of those practices on others, andto recognize that there are a whole seriesof deleterious effects that supporters ofthe WTO have failed to recognize. That,it seems to me, would be a poststructuralist anarchist take on the WTO...Asan activist, I find myself in accordancewith the recent demonstrations intendedto eliminate the WTO and related oppressive institutions and to abolish loanpaybacks from Third Wodd countries.Of course, there's a lot more, but philosophy, while it interacts with the pro-grarnmatic, does not, it seems to me,have as a role the construction of theprogrammatic

y\ s far as action is concerned, you offerJiJ-suggestions of how postructuralist anarchism can be acted upon. These include: experimentation, situated freedom, valorisation ofsubjugated discourses, and the intellectual as aparticipant in theoretical practice rather than aleader. Can you tell me how you and other politically active people can practice these guidelines?It is difficult to practice much of anypolitics in South Carolina. Just to pointin the general direction of how I live thisstuff, it concerns my attitude towardgays and lesbians (I was faculty advisorfor the gay/lesbian group for six orseven years); my teaching (I try to rejectthe idea of a given human nature in mycourses, I experiment with course ideas,I include neglected works, often with apolitical spin, in my syllabi, I often situate the problems we face in the contextI've developed in the book); and my parenting (trying to see the effects of powerrelative to my children's lives and attitudes, and offering alternatives to them)... If I were to approach the questionfrom the standpoint, say, of someoneliving in an urban area in the U.S. I

BiographyTodd May grew up in NYC and has beenmore or less politically active since the1960's. He continues to be inspired by thehope generated in the 1960's. Unlike manyothers of his generation, May has not turnedto stock options and pension plans andinstead strives for a better society bymaintaining "the open and continuousresponse to oppression wherever one findsit" During the 1980's he became involved inthe divestment and anti-nuclear movementsand since then has worked on gay and lesbian rights, anti-racism and, especially, Palestinian rights. As an intellectual, May paraphrases Foucault to describe himself: "Iwrite what I believe to be right, and let thebureaucrats sort out my papers." He countsamong his influences Abbie Hoffman, Nelson Mandela, Martin Luther King, Saul Alin-sky, Rosa Parks, and Noam Chomsky. ToddMay is an Associate Professor of Philosophyat Qemson University in South Carolina.

Selected WorksTwentieth Century Continental Philosophy. Edited,with an introduction by Todd May. UpperSaddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1997.Between Genealogy and Epistemobgy : PsychologyPolitics, and Knowledge in The Thought of MichelFoucault. University Park, PA: PennsylvaniaState University Press, 1993.The Moral Theory of Poststructuralism. UniversityPark, PA: Pennsylvania State UniversityPress, 1995.Our Practices, Our Selves, or, What it Means ToBe Human. University Park, PA: PennsylvaniaState University Press, 2001.The Political Philosophy of Poststructuralist Anarchism. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania StateUniversity Press, 1994.Reconsidering Difference: Nancy, Derrida, Levinas,andDekuse. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997."Kant the Liberal, Kant the Anarchist: Rawlsand Lyotard on Kantian Justice." The Southernjournal of Philosophy 28, no. 4 (1990): 525-38."The Politics of Life in the Thought of GillesDeleuze." SubStance 20, no. 3 (1991): 24-35.


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ment remains trapped. On the one hand,it reveals and confronts domination andexploitation. The political pressure exerted by such widespread agitation mayeven be able to influence current powerstructures to amend some of the worstexcesses of their ways; the powers thatbe have to listen, and respond to someextent, when the voices become toonumerous and too loud. Nevertheless,most people are still shut out of thedecision-making process itself, and consequendy, have lifde tangible powerover their lives at all. Without this abilityto self-govern, street actions translateinto nothing more than a counterculturalversion of interest group lobbying, albeit far more radical than most and generally unpaid.What the movement forgets is thepromise implicit in its own structure:that power not only needs to be con

tested; it must

other, but there is a fair amount of homogeneity precisely because we've consciously chosen to come togedier for aspecific reasonmost often having litdeto do with mere geography. This sense

'What the also be consti-movement forgets tuted anew in

is the promise l^eratory ande g a l i t a r i a nimplicit in its own forms ^ en_structure: that tails taking die

power not only movement's di-reedy demo-needs to be cratic processcontested; it must seriously--notalso be constituted sim?lY as a tacticn t o o r g a n i z e p r o -a n e w t e s t s b u t a s t h e

very way we organize society, specifically the politicalrealm. The issue then becomes: Howdo we begin to shift the strategy, structure, and values of our movement tothe most grassroots level of public policy making?The most fundamental level of decisionmaking in a demonstration is the affinity group. Here, we come together asfriends or because of a common identity, or a combination of the two. Weshare something in particular, indeed,this common identity is often reflectedin the name we choose for our groups.We may not always agree with each

Protestors surrounded by police in Philadelphia, August 2000Photo from Independent Media Center Philadelphia

of a shared identity allows for thesmooth functioning of a consensus decision- making process, since we startfrom a place of commonality. In an affinity group, almost by definition, ourunity needs to take precedence over ourdiversity, or our supposed affinity breaksdown altogether.Compare this to what could be die mostfundamental level of decision making ina society: a neighborhood or town.Now, geography plays a much largerrole. Out of historic, economic, cultural,religious, and other reasons, we mayfind ourselves living side by side with awide range of individuals and their various identities. Most of these people arenot our friends per se. Still, the verydiversity we encounter is the life of avibrant city itself. The accidents and/ornumerous personal decisions that havebrought us together often create a fairamount of heterogeneity precisely because we haven't all chosen to cometogether for a specific reason. In thiscontext, where we start from a place ofdifference, decision-making mechanismsneed to be much more capable of allowing for dissent; that is, diversityneeds to be clearly retained within anynotions of unity. As such, majoritarian

decision-making processes begin tomake more sense.Then, too, there is the question of scale.It is hard to imagine being friends withhundreds, or even thousands, of people,nor maintaining a single-issue identitywith that many individuals; but we canshare a feeling of community and astriving toward some common goodthat allows each of us to flourish. Inturn, when greater numbers of peoplecome togedier on a face-to-face basis toreshape their neighborhoods and towns,the issues as well as the viewpoints willmultiply, and alliances will no doubtchange depending on the specific topicunder discussion. Thus the need for aplace where we can meet as human beings at the most face-to-face level thatis, an assembly of active citizens toshare our many identities and interestsin hopes of balancing both the individual and community in all we do.As well, trust and accountability function differendy at the affinity group versus civic level. We generally reveal moreof ourselves to friends; and such unwritten bonds of love and affection holdus more closely together, or at least giveus added impetus to work tilings out.Underlying this is a higher-than-averagedegree of trust, which serves to make usaccountable to each other.On a community-wide level, the reverseis more often true: accountability allowsus to trust each other. Hopefully, weshare bonds of solidarity and respect;yet since we can't know each other well,such bonds only make sense if we firstdetermine them together, and then record them, write them down, for all torefer back to in the future, and even revisit if need be. Accountable, democratic structures of our own making, inshort, provide the foundation for trust,since the power to decide is both transparent and ever amenable to scrutiny.There are also issues of time and space.Affinity groups, in the scheme ofContinued on page 10


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Reclaim the Cities: From Protest to Popular Power

there is

Continued from page 9things, are generally temporary configurations they may last a few months, ora few years, but often not much longer.Once the particular reasons why we'vecome together have less of an immediateimperative, or as our friendships falter,such groups often fall by the wayside.And even during a group's lifespan, in the interim betweendirect actions, there is fre-quendy no fixed place or face-to-face decision making, norany regularity, nor much of arecord of who decided whatand how. Moreover, affinitygroups are not open to - everyone but only those who share aparticular identity or attachment. As such, although anaffinity group can certainlychoose to shut down a street,ultimately something slightly authoritarian in small groups taking matters intotheir own hands, no matter what theirpolitical persuasion.Deciding what to do with streets in general - say, how to organize transportation, encourage street life, provide greenspace, and so on - should be a matteropen to everyone interested if it is to betruly participatory and nonhierarchical.This implies ongoing and open institutions of direct democracy, for everything from decision making to conflictresolution. We need to be able to knowwhen and where citizen assemblies aremeeting; we need to meet regularly andmake use of nonarbitrary procedures;we need to keep track of what decisionshave been made. But more important, ifwe so choose, we all need to have access to the power to discuss, deliberate,and make decisions about matters thataffect our communities and beyond.Indeed, many decisions have a muchwider impact than on just one city;transforming streets, for example, wouldprobably entail coordination on a regional, continental, or even global levelRadicals have long understood suchmutualistic self-reliance as a "communeof communes," or confederation. The

"It is time to pushbeyond theoppositional

character of ourmovement by

infusing it with areconstructivevision.

spokescouncil model used during directactions hints at such an alternative viewof globalization. During a spokescouncilmeeting, mandated delegates from ouraffinity groups gather for the purpose ofcoordination, the sharing of resources/skills, the building of solidarity, and soforth, always returning to thegrassroots level as the ultimatearbiter. If-popular assemblieswere our basic unit of decision

making, confederations ofcommunities could serve as away to both transcend parochialism and create interdependence where desirable. Forinstance, rather than globalcapitalism and internationalregulatory bodies, where tradeis top-down and profit-oriented, confederations could coordinate distribution between regions in

ecological and humane ways, while allowing policy in regard to production,say, to remain at the grassroots.This more expansive understanding of aprefigurative politics would necessarilyinvolve creating institutions that couldpotentially replace capitalism and nation-states. Such direcdy democraticinstitutions are compatible with, andcould certainly grow out of, the ones weuse during demonstrations, but theyvery likely won't be mirror images oncewe reach the level of society. This doesnot mean abandoning the principles andideals undergirding the movement (suchas freedom, cooperation, decentralism,solidarity, diversity, face-to-face participation, and the like); it merely meansrecognizing the limits of direct democracy as it is practiced in the context of ademonstration.Any vision of a free society, if it is to betruly democratic, must of course beworked out by all of us - first in thismovement, and later, in our communities and confederations. Even so, we willprobably discover that newly definedunderstandings of citizenship are neededin place of affinity groups; majoritarianmethods of decision making that strive

to retain diversity are preferable to simple consensus-seeking models; writtencompacts articulating rights and dutiesare crucial to fill out the unspoken culture of protests; and institutionalizedspaces for policy making are key toguaranteeing that our freedom to makedecisions doesn't disappear with a line ofriot police.It is time to push beyond the oppositional character of our movement byinfusing it with a reconstructive vision.That means beginning, right now, totranslate our movement structure intoinstitutions that embody the good society; in short, cultivating direct democracy in the places we call home. Thiswill involve the harder work of reinvig-orating or initiating civic gatherings,town meetings, neighborhood assemblies, citizen mediation boards, any andall forums where we can come togetherto decide our lives, even if only in extralegal institutions at first Then, too, itwill mean reclaiming globalization, notas a new phase of capitalism but as itsreplacement by confederated, direcdydemocratic communities coordinatedfor mutual benefitIt is time to move from protest to politics, from shutting down streets toopening up public space, from demanding scraps from those few in power toholding power firmly in all our hands.Ultimately, this means moving beyondthe question of "Whose Streets?" Weshould ask instead "Whose Cities?"Then and only then will we be able toremake them as our own.

~ by Cindy Milstein

Cindy Milstein is a faculty member at the Institute for Social Ecology (see http:ffwww.tao.ca/~*ise/ for more on the ISE as well as acompanion essay to this one by Ms. Milstein,"Democracy is Direct") and a board memberfor the Institute for Anarchist Studies. Cindycan be reached at [email protected].


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The IAS' 2000 Fundraising Campaign

The IAS needs your support: we mustraise $20,000 by January 2001 to continue awarding grants to radical writersand publishing Perspectives.This year is special because we are giving out $2000 more in grant awards,sponsoring a writing contest and providing a monthly stipend for the generaldirector. In order to do so, we are doubling our fundraising goal. We are notputting money into our endowment thisyear because we feel it is more important, at this time, to increase our grantawards instead.Thanks to the generous support of IASdonors, we have already raised $14,000.Please help us raise an additional $6,000by sending a donation to the IAS today.Your contribution will help the IASmeet its 2000 fundraising goal and thusmake the following contributions to the

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The IAS will publish Perspectives onAnarchist Theory, our biannual newsletter. Perspectives is a unique sourceof interviews, publishing news, andcommentary pertaining to anarchism. It helps keep people informed about anarchist scholarshipand encourages dialogue amongthose interested in this work.

The IAS will award SI000 to thebest essay on anarchist perspectiveson the new social movement. Recent and on-going political activityaround the world has excited manypeople and opened up many issues.Help us to support new thought onhow contemporary political activityaffects our understanding of anarchism and how anarchism can contribute to this movement.

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Please make checks payable to theInstitute for Anarchist Studiesand mail diem to:P.O. Box 1664Peter Stuyvesant StationNew York, NT10009 - USA

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Interview continued from page 7would point to the necessity of understanding and participating in strugglesagainst racism, sexism, the WTO, etc.,and in doing so to see the interactionsamong those struggles and the oppressions those struggles seek to overturn,without trying to reduce them all to asimple formula.

Many anarchists feel it is imperative toreate a public intellectual culture andthat, increasingly, the university is not a placethat encourages intellectual freedom, not to mention political thought. What is your experience?I agree that the university is a questionable source of intellectual culture...Ibelieve that the reality of an intellectualculture is difficult to achieve now, because with the "mall-ization" of the U.Sthe whole idea of public space is beingmarginalized. Some say that the internetis a new place for a public culture, but Ihave my doubts. First, the sheer size ofthe internet makes the intimacy of anintellectual culture difficult to achieve.

Second, there is something about sharingthe same space and time in conversationthat is denied by the internet, somethingwithout which interchange remains tooanonymous in character. I don't thinkthe internet is useless; but it's ability tosubstitute for what we have lost is morelimited than some folks think.

Can you respond to critics who charge thatoststructuralist theory (postmodernism ingeneral) is an example of a highly specialised,abstract and obscure language that is alienatingto most people and doesnt encourage thoughtoutside of a graduate department?Guilty as charged. But that doesn't applyonly to poststructuralists and postmodernists. It is a general problem across thehumanities and across academics generally. We talk to one another rather thanto those outside our immediate circle.There are a number of reasons for this:pressure to publish, the history of anti-intellectualism in the U.S., etc. But wealso contribute by adopting the jargon

we do. I have tried to stay away fromjargon as much as possible, and I hopethat my anarchism book, although difficult, is at least not laden with jargon. Butwhat you're pointing to is a problem forall academics, and only serves to marginalize us further.Given that "knowledge, like other subjects,s a matter of struggle and domination"and recent publish or perish f cost-analysis tendencies of universities, how does postructuralismescape beingjust another commodity?Much of poststructuralist discourse is, ofcourse, just like other academic discourse in that it replicates the currentacademic system of ideas in the cost-benefit consumerist model currendydominating academia. I think thatchange comes not only through the ideasthemselves but, especially in academics,who's spouting them. The real question,it seems to me, is whether people areliving these ideas out or whether they arejust holding them as ideas.

IASPO Box 1664Peter Stuyvesant StationNew York, NY 10009 - USA


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The IAS's 2000 Fundraising Campaign:Great Books for IAS Donors - New Titles for 2000Raven Used Books - one of the best booksellers around - has generously made the following books available tocontributors to the IAS's 2000 fundraising campaign. Please help us meet our $20,000 fundraising goal so we cancontinue awarding grants to radical writers, publishing Perspectives on Anarchist Theory, and building ourendowment for future generations of dissenting, Utopian authors. For a S25 donation to the IAS, we will mail you any one of the following books.

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Perspectives on Anarchist Theory - vol 4, no 2 - Fall 2000

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Transcript of Perspectives on Anarchist Theory - vol 4, no 2 - Fall 2000