Perfective but incomplete accomplishments - GALAgala.gre.ac.uk/16482/1/16482...

Arche- UoMLELResearchSeminar 10March2017

1

Perfective butincompleteaccomplishments

Dr María J.ArcheUniversityofGreenwich

LELResearchSeminarUniversityofManchester, 28th February2017

Workinprogress

Captatio benevolentiae


2

Workabout

• Theeventtypeknownasaccomplishments,•Which,however,areunderstoodasincomplete

• Evenwhentheyappearintheperfectiveviewpoint.

• Thatis,it isaworkabouttheintertwineofEventtypeswithviewpointaspect.

Whyisthisanissue?

•Well,• Accomplishments aresupposedtoentailanendpoint,culmination–thatistheclassicaldifferentiationfromactivities:(1)Ellaranforthreehours.(2)Ellarantwomilesinthreehours.


3

Lexical orSituation AspectStates Non-actions;

express the existence of the thing

Be green, love, hate

Activities Actions with duration & no inherent endpoint

Wander, swim, push*in an hour

Accomplishments Actions with duration & an inherent endpoint

Build a housein an hour

Achievements Actions with endpoint but no duration

Arrive, die, awaken

• Taxonomyofpredicates,eventtypes.

• Aristotle.• Ryle1949,Vendler 1957,Kenny1963,Dowty 1979,Smith1991

Whyisthisanissue?

• Especiallywhentheyappearintheviewpoint formcalledperfective.

•Why?Becausetheperfectiveistheviewpointthatbringstheinterpretationaccordingtowhichthesituationisfinished.


4

Viewpoint aspect• Asemanticcategory• Informationabouttheunfoldingofthesituation;

• Abouttostart:prospectiveaspect(1)Iamgoingtoreadthenewspaper.

• On-going:progressiveaspect(2)Iamreadingthenewspaper.

• Finished:perfectiveaspect(3)Ireadthenewspaper.

ThesemanticsoftheperfectivePerfectiveform:• situationfinished;• bounded;• closed

Finishedwhat?Formalanalysisbasedontheorderingonintervals:Klein1994


5

TheperfectiveKlein(1994),Demirdache&Uribe-Etxebarria (2000,2004,2007).Viewpointasarelationbetween

• aTopic/Assertion Time(theintervaltheutteranceisabout)

• anEventTime(theintervalthesituationitselfmayextendover).

The perfective:AspP

AstT Asp’

Asp EvtToverlap

EvtT

a.------------------------|xxxxxxxxxxxx|-----------------b.TopicTimetotaloverlapwithEventTime


6

ThePerfective• Perfectiveviewpoint:theAstT andtheEvent

Time(EvT)overlapcompletely.

• Theconsequenceofthisorderingistheensue

oftheinterpretationof‘finished’,‘culminated’

eventuality’inthecaseofaccomplishments

• Thatis,culminationisaconsequenceofan

intervalorderingoperation.

Theperfective(2) a.Juanestuvo enfermo. State

Juanbeestar-perfve.3ps ill

b.Juanpaseó por laplaya. Activity

Juanwalk-perfve.3ps bythebeach

c.Juanpintó lavalla. Accomplishment

Juanpaint-perfve.3ps thefence

d.Juanencontró laaguja. Achievement

Juanfind-pfve.3pstheneedle


7

• Inallofthesentencesinthepreviousslideitisunderstoodthattheperiodoftimeduringwhichtheeventtookplaceisover.

• Withtelicpredicates,itisalsotypicallyunderstoodthattherelevantpointneededforthesituationtobesubstantiatedhasbeenreached.

• Thatistosay,perfectiveaccomplishmentstypicallyyieldtheinterpretationof‘culminated’.

However• Factssuchasthefollowingonesareattested:


8

Accomplishmentsintheperfective

Hindi (Arunachalam&Kothari2010)(3) maayaa-nebiskuT-ko khaa-yaa

Maya-ERG cookie-ACCeat-PFVparuse puuraanahiin khaa-yaabutit-ACC finishnoteat-PFV

‘Mayaatethecookie,butdidnotfinishit’.


Lilooet Salish (St’át’imcets)(Bar-eletal2005)(4) máys-en-lhkan ti q’láxan-a, t’u7 cw7ay

fix-TR-1SG.SU DET fence-DET but NEGt’u7kw-s tsúkw-s-anjustDET-NOM finish-CAU-1SG.ERG

‘Ifixedafence,butIdidn’tfinish.’


9


Thai(Koening &Muansuwan2001)--Semiperfectives;khurnpfve marker.

(6)Surii tεεŋ klɔɔn khurn tεε jarjmaj sedSurii composepoemascendbutstillnotfinish

'Surii composeda/thepoem,buthasnotfinishedityet.'


Balkar (Tatevosov 2008)

(7)Kerim esik-ni ac-xan-di,alaj bosa-ma-van-diKerimdoor-ACCopen-PFT.3psbutfinish-neg-PFT.3ps‘Kerimopenedthedoor,but(he)didnotfinish’


10


Spanish (Arche2014a,c)(7)Pedropintó lavalla,pero noterminó.

Pedropaint-pfve.3psthefencebutnotfinished‘Pedropaintedthefencebuthedidnotfinish’

(8)Juanvació lapiscina,pero no terminó.Juanempty-pfve.3psthepool,butnotfinished.‘Juanemptiedthepool,buthedidnotfinish

AccomplishmentsintheperfectiveSpanish (Arche2014a,c)(7’)Pedropintó lavalla,peronodeltodo.

Pedropaint-pfve.3psthefencebutnotcompletely‘Pedropaintedthefencebutnotcompletely’

(8’)Juanvació lapiscina,pero nodeltodo.Juanempty-pfve.3psthepool,butnotcompletely‘Juanemptiedthepool,butnotcompletely


11

Basedontraditional tenets

• Thisshouldnothappen!

Theresearchtask

• Identifythesourceofthephenomenon.

• Authors thatputtheweightonthestem.• Thisproposal:exploretheweightandroleofviewpointsemantics.


12

Theresearchtask

• Identifythegrammarlimitsofitexamining

• Variation inthegrammarofviewpointaspect• Variation inthestemsallowedinnonculmination phenomena

Theroleofviewpoint aspect• Interpretationtofocusonnow:

Partialsuccess

• BUTtheyarenotIMPERFECTIVE cases.• InlanguageswhereinflectiondistinguishesbetweenImperfectiveandPerfective(e.g.,Spanish)wecanseethedifference.


13

Theroleofviewpoint aspect(9)Pedropintaba lavalla.

Pedropaint-IMPF.3psthefence‘Pedrowas.impfpaintingthefence’

à noculminationreading.

(10)Pedropintó lavalla.Pedropaint-PFve.3psthefence‘Pedropaintedthefence’

à culminationreading

Somesayitisinthestem

• Becauseitispartialsuccesswithout(classical)

imperfectivity involved,authorsconcludethatthe

sourceofthereadingisinthecomputationofthe

eventualitytype(Bar-eletal2005;Tatevosov2008).


14


• Tatevosov (2008)alsoarguesthatthefact

thatnonculmination isfoundinotherforms,

suchasthefuture,arguesagainstany

possibleroleplayedbytheviewpointaspect

semantics.Hisexamplesare:


Balkar(11)Kerim eki sabat esik-ni ac-ar-di.

Kerim twohourdoor-ACCopen-FUT.3ps‘Kerimwillopenthedoorfortwohours’


15

Mytake• Truethatclassical imperfectivity isnotatstake,aswehaveundisputable perfectives

• Admit thatfutureexamples fallwithinthesamephenomenon.

BUT• Thisdoesnotmean thatviewpointsemanticsdoesnotplayarole.

Mytake• Viewpointformsarenotmonolithicandcanbemorecomplex(havemorecomponents) thanpreviouslythought.

• Actually,weknowthatthesemanticsandthecorrespondencesbetweenformandmeaningwithotherviewpointsisnotthatsimple.

• Seethecaseoftheimperfect,towitthetreacherousterrain:


16

Meanings andforms ofviewpointaspect

(11)Juancantaba.Juansing-impfv.3ps

• Meanings/readingsinSpanish:• Habitual ‘Juanusedtosing’• Progressive ‘Juanwassinging’• Ability‘Juanknewhowtosing’

• Arche2006,2014:sharedcore:orderingpredicatemeaning‘within’plusotherdifferentheadsadding otherinformation.

IMPERFECT

Cross-linguistic variation• Comrie 1976;Dahl1985;Bybee etal1994;Koontz-Garboden 2003,a.o.

• English:doesnotdistinguishimpfve/pfveinflectionally;ratheritseemstodistinguishongoing/rest.

(12)Iwasreadingthebook Progressive(13)Ireadabook. Perfective(14)IbikedtoschoolwhenIwasachild. Habitual(15)IreadFrencheventhoughIwasnevertaught. Ability


17

• Hindi:distinguishimperfective/perfective

dichotomy,buttheImperfectformcannotbe

interpreted asprogressive.

• Georgian hasthehabitualbutnottheprogressive

explicitlymarked.

• Furthermore,differentwaysofmarkingthe

contrasts: inflection(synthetic),auxiliaries–

analytical,tone(Krongo),etc.


• Whatiftheperfectiveismorecomplexthanwhatwethought?

• Caninvolveotherelements?–Becomplex.

• Altshuler 2014;Arche 2014.


18

Nonculminatingaccomplishments• Heterogeneousevents

• Borer(2005):haveQuantityprojected• Thesituationisnotunderstoodasculminated.• Tackletheheartoftherelationbetween:

• Telicity• Heterogenousevents• noteventterminus/completion/telos

• Perfectiveviewpointaspect• Perfective:intervalbounded

Typical casesPiñón 20081.Defeasiblecausatives(teach;treat)(16)Leenseñé latín,pero noaprendió nada.

hertaughtLatinbutnotlearnt anything‘Itaught herLatinbutshedidnotlearnanything’

2.Verbsofcreation(build,draw,write,compose)(17)Pedro compuso elpoema,pero noterminó.

Pedrocomposedthepoembut notfinished‘Pedrocomposedthepoembutdidnotfinish’


19

Typical casesPiñón 20083.Verbsofnon-creation(colour,read,fill,empty)(18)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo,peronoterminó.

Pedrocoloured.pfve thecastlebutnotfinished‘Pedrocolouredthecastlebutdidnotfinish’

(19)Pedrovació lapiscina,pero noterminó.Pedroemptied.pfve thepoolbutnotfinished‘Pedroemptiedthepoolbutdidnotfinish’

Typical casesPiñón 2008

4.Performance-creation(recite,play,sing)(18)Pedrotocó lasonata,peronoterminó.

Pedroplayed.pfve thesonatabutnotfinished‘Pedroplayedthesonatabutdidnotfinish’


20

Typical cases• Differentdegreesofacceptability• Creation>>performance>>noncreation--- +++ +++

• OngoingstudyofacceptabilityfromnativespeakersofSpanishandFrench(Arche&Martin,inpreparation).

• Firstphase:reactiontimestudywithadults;nativeuniversityundergraduates.

• Differentverbs;with/withouttheadverbial;perfective/perfectiveprogressive.

Leading case

• Forthesakeofthediscussion,Iwillfocusoncasessuchas(19):

(19)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo,peronoterminó.Pedrocolour-pfve.3psthecastle,butnotfinished‘Pedrocolouredthecastlebuthedidnotfinishto’


21

Pointsforexploration1. Qualityoftheeventuality:trueaccomplishments?

2.Semanticsoftheperfective

3. Syntax-semanticsofthetemporalmodifiersthat seemtofosternonculmination inthesecases

“Forxtime”

4. Thecompatibilityoftheovertclausedeclaringthelackofculminationexplicitly“notfinishto”(vs.notcompletely).

Iwillexplore

• Asortofcorrelationamongtheseelements

• Whichmaypointtotheavailabilityof

PARTITIVEsemanticsintheperfective in

Spanish.

• Whichincludesanadditionalsyntactichead,

whichispartitive,progressive.


22

Leading case(19)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo, pero noterminó.

Pedrocolour-pfve.3psthecastle, butnotfinished‘Pedrocolouredthecastlebuthedidnotfinishto’

• OKformanyspeakersbut• somewanttoadd“forxtimemodifier”

• Stillanaccomplishment?

(20)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo durante unrato,Pedrocolour-pfve.3psthecastleforawhile,pero noterminó.butnotfinished

1.QualityoftheeventualityTrueaccomplishment? yes

1.1.Culmination ispossible

(21)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo durante unratoyloterminó.P.coloured.pfve thecastle forawhileanditfinished‘Pedrocolouredthecastleforawhileandhefinishedit’

(22)Pedronadó durante unrato (#yterminó).Pedroswim-pfve.3psforawhileandfinished.‘Pedroswanforawhileandfinished’


23

• The sentence

Pedrocoloreó elcastillo durante unrato.Pedrocolored.pfve thecastleforawhile.

is vaguewithrespecttoculmination.Itiscompatiblewithbothscenarios: onewhere there isnoculminationandanother onewhere there is(Arche 2014a).

• inasimilarwayinwhichwespeakaboutvaguenessintemporalorderingintheso-calledIndependenttemporalconstrualobservedinrelativeclauses(Stowell 1993;seeArche2001forSpanish).

Quality oftheeventuality1.2.Okafterfinish

(23)√Pedronoterminó decolorear elcastillo.Pedrodidnotfinishcolouringthecastle

(24)*Pedronoterminó depasear. *ACTIVITIESPedrodidnotfinishstrolling

• (not)finish+accomplishments:okonly(Pustejovsky 1988)

• ElidedVPmustbeanaccomplishment, justastheoneitisacopyof,ergo,stillanaccomplishmentdespitetheforxtime.


24

2.Themeaningoftheperfective• Inallthesecases, theperfectivecanbeparaphrasedwithwhatcanbecalled“perfectiveprogressive”:

(25)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo,peronoterminó.Pedrocolour-pfve.3psthecastle, butnotfinished‘Pedrocolouredthecastlebuthedidnotfinishto’

(26)Pedroestuvo coloreando elcastillo, peronoterminó.

Pedrowas.pfve coloring thecastle, butnotfinished.

N.B.Notethat thisformISNOT equivalentinanysensetoanimperfectiveprogressive(thetypicalformknownasprogressiveinshort).

3.Thesemanticsofthetemporalmodifier

(27)Pedrocoloreóelcastillo,pero noterminó.Pedrocolouredthecastle,butnotfinished (to)

• OKforsomespeakers,butmanyreactbyaddinga“for-time”modifier.

(28)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo duranteunrato,pero noterminó.P.coloured.pfve thecastle forawhile,butnotfinished‘Pedrocolouredthecastleforawhilebutdidnotfinish’


25

Themeaning ofthetemporalmodifier

• Q:Whydoesthisadverbialmakethesentencebetter?• Q:Whatdoesitmean?• Ans:Forawhile givesusthesizeofaninterval• Ans:Whichinterval?TheTTorAssertionTime(Klein1994)

(29)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo durante tres horas…Pedrocoloured.pfve thecastlefor threehours…

(29)istrueevenifPedrocolouredthecastleforfivehours.(Arche2014)

Themeaning ofthetemporalmodifier

• TheAssertionTimeà Theintervalwewanttoassert(theTT,AstT),ratherthantheintervalofthewholeeventperse.

• Forthreehours,forawhilegiveusonlypart oftheintervaltheeventmayextendover.


26

Themeaning ofthetemporalmodifier• For-timeadverbialssharplycontrastwithin-timeadverbials:

(30)Pedrocoloreó elcastillo entres horas.Pedrocoloured.pfve thecastleinthreehours

• cannotbe trueif ittookPedrofivehourstocolour thecastle.

• cannot becontinuedby“notfinishto”

(31)*Pedrocoloreó elcastillo entres horas,Pedrocoloured.pfve thecastle inthreehours,peronoterminóbutnotfinished

ThemeaningofthetemporalmodifierEntres horasinthreehoursà intervalofthewholeactualevent

Durante tres horasfor threehoursà intervaloftheassertion

• Demirdache &Uribe-Etxebarria 2004:temporal

adverbialsaremodifiersoftheAssertionTimeorthe

EventTime.


27

Thesyntaxofintervalsizemodifiers

durante-timefor-time

AspP

AstT Asp’

AstT for-PPAspºEvtT

en-time in-timeAspP

AstT Asp’

AspºEvtT

EvtT in-PP

Semanticsofintervalsizemodifiers• Bothfor-time&in-timegivethesizeofaninterval

• Hencebotharecompatibleonlywithperfective

(inSpanish)

v For-time:measurestheAssertionTime,hencethe

intervalcangiveusonlyPART oftheEventTime.

v In-time:measurestheEventTime(à boundsthe

wholeevent– andthatiswhyitisnotokaywith

activitiesorstates.)


28

4)Compatibility with “notfinish to”vs.“not completely”

• Bothusedintheliteratureasexpressionsmarkingincompatibilitywithculmination

• However,asnoticedbyDemirdache&Martin2015,itisnotthecasethatbothareequallycompatiblewithanycaseofnonculmination.• ThisseemstobethecaseintheSpanishcasescontemplatedhere:

(32) Pedro coloreó el castillo durante tres horaspero noPedrocoloured.pfve the castle forthree hours butnotterminó.finished‘Pedro coloured the castleforthree hoursbutdid notfinish’

(33) *Pedro coloreó elcastillo durante tres horaspero noPedro coloured.pfve the castle forthreehours butnotdel todo.completely‘Pedro coloured the castleforthree hoursbutnotcompletely’


29

“not finish to”vs.“notcompletely” &pfve progr

(34)Pedroestuvo coloreando elcastillo durante tresPedrowas.pfve colouring thecastle forthreehoras,pero noterminó.hoursbut notfinished‘Pedrowascolouringthecastleforthreehoursbutdidnotfinish’

(35)*Pedroestuvo coloreando elcastillo durante tres horas,Pedrowas.pfve colouring thecastlefor threehoursperonodeltodobutnotcompletely‘Pedrowascolouringthecastleforthreehours,butnotcompletely’

Thecorrelationsnotedhere

u *Pfve progressiveu *For-timeu *Notcompletely

u √Pfve progressiveu √For-timeu √notfinished to


30

Correlations

1.For-time:partitive

2.Perfectiveisprogressive:partitive

3.“Notfinishedto”:compatiblewiththose

casesthatallowforperfectiveprogressiveand

for-timeadverbials

Someworkingideatoaddtothepuzzle• Spanishperfectivecanbeapartitive perfective

• Viewpointaspectpropertiesareresponsibleformakingthepartialcompletionavailable(Arche2014a;Demirdache&Martin2015)


31

• Thecaseswheretheabove-mentionedcorrelationsholdarearguedtobeaccountedforbythepropertiesofthesyntax-semanticsofviewpointaspect,thatis:

• wheretheperfectivecanbeparaphrased byaperfectiveprogressive.

• Inthesecases, theperfectiveishomophonouswiththenon-progressiveonebutithasdifferentsyntax-semantics,asinArche2014a(nextslide)

SyntaxoftheSpanishperfective(36)Pfve Progressive(analytical&synthetic)

Estuvo coloreando/coloreówas.pfve coloring/coloured

TP

T AspP 1[past]

AstT AspP2

Asp AspP2(overlap)

Interval’ Asp

Asp EvtTP(within)(-ing)/∅ EvT [colourthecastle]

(37)Non-progressive

TP

Taux[past] AspP

AstT AspP

AspEvtT(overlap)

EvtT VP


32

Summary &Conclusions• Ihavemadeaproposalwherebynonculmination isduetothepropertiesoffunctionalmaterial.

• Inparticular,Ihaveproposedthatlackofculminationisduetoacomplexviewpointhead,consistingofaperfectiveheadandaprogressiveone.

• Progressiveisnot100%synonymouswithimperfect.

• &perfective progressive

Perfective but/andprogressive

perfective progressive&

Crosslinguisticvariation

Semantics&Morphology

ofViewpointAspect

“VariableTelicity”

Emptiedthepoolfor/in3minutes


33

Faringwithpreviousproposals

Previousproposals• Koening&Muansuwan2001:Thaisemiperfectives involveanimperfectiveoperatorinthelexicalmeaningofaccomplishments.• “Thaiperfectivesdescribesubpartsofinherentlyboundedeventualities”(p.2)

• “Thaistemsarefundamentallybiasedtowardsimperfectivity”(p.15)

• “ThaibaresentencesaresimilartosentencesmarkedwiththeprogressiveinEnglish”

• Completionisjustastrongimplicature.


34

Previousproposals• Tatevosov 2008:“nonculminationmustbepartofthecomputationoftheeventualitytype,notgrammaticalaspect.”

• Thesamehappensinthefuture.• Inertiaworldsaspartofthefirstphasesyntax(Ramchand2008).

Inertia worldsinvP syntax(38) vP

inertia VP

V RP

R

(39)vP

V VP

inertia RP

R


35

Advantages andlooseends• Theproposalpursuedinthistalkdoesnot

needtostipulatetheexistenceofmodal

materialinthelexicalstemsof

accomplishments.

• Theproposalalsoaccountsfortheavailability

ofnon-culminationwithothertense/aspect

formssuchasthefuture:

(40) Pedrocoloreará elcastillo durante doshoras,Pedrocolour-fut.3psthecastle fortwohours(pero noloterminará).butnotitfinish-FUT.3ps‘Pedrowill colourthecastlefortwohoursbutwillnotfinishit’

means…

(41)Pedroestará coloreando elcastillo durante doshoras.Pedrobe-fut.3pscolouringthecastlefor twohours‘Pedrowillbecolouringthecastlefortwohours’


36

Advantages andlooseends

• Thatis,itisagaintheprogressiveheadthatcanbeblamedfortheinterpretation.

Advantages andloseends• ThesyntacticdivisionproposedbyTatevosov aimedataccountingforthetwotypesofnonculminationobservedintheliterature:partialsuccessandfailedattempt.

• Itcouldseemthattheinclusionofaprogressiveheadcanstraightforwardlyaccountforthepartialsuccessreading,sinceprogressiveheadsreturn“parts”.

• However,failedattemptreadingsexist(tosomeextentinSpanish),preciselyonlywiththeexplicitversionoftheperfectiveprogressive:


37

(42)Estuve enhebrando laaguja durante doshoras.was.pfve.1psthreading theneedlefortwohours‘Iwasthreading theneedlefortwohours’‘Iwastryingtothreadtheneedlefortwohours’

(iterativereadingdiscardedhere; availablewiththesyntheticperfective)

• Failedattempt readingisunavailablewiththeimpf.:

(43)Estaba enhebrando laaguja.was.pfve.1psthreading theneedle

• Conceptualizationoftheeventitself.• Cf.Iambuilding ahouse– abletoincludethepreparatorystageofdoingtheblueprints.


38

Thankyou!

References• Altshuler,D.2014.Atypologyofpartitive aspectualoperators.NaturalLanguageandLinguisticTheory32:735-775.

• Arche,M.J.2001.Anoteondistributivity andtheindependenttemporalconstrual.WorkingPapersinLinguisticsoftheInstituteOrtegayGasset.Madrid.

• Arche,M.J.2014a.Theconstructionofviewpointaspect:theimperfectiverevisited. NaturalLanguageandLinguisticTheory32:791-831.

• Arche,M.J.2014b.Abouttheprimitivesofaspectacrosslanguages.NaturalLanguageandLinguisticTheory32:711-733.

• Arche,M.J.2014c.ViewpointaspectandagentcontrolinSpanishnonculminatingaccomplishments.TalkdeliveredatChronos XI,PisaJune2014.

• Arche,M.J.&F.Martin. Inprep.Viewpointaspectmorphosyntax andacceptabilityofnonculminatig accoumplishments inFrenchandSpanish.

• Bar-el, Leora,HenryDavis,andLisaMatthewson.2005.Onnon-culminatingaccomplishments.ProceedingsoftheThirty-FifthAnnualMeetingoftheNorthEasternLinguisticsSociety,eds.LeahBatemanandCherlon Ussery,87–103.Amherst,MA:GLSA.


39

• Demirdache,H.&F.Martin.2015.Agentcontrolovernon-culminatingevents.InBarrajónetal (eds.),VerbalClassesandAspect,Amsterdam:JohnBenjamins,185-217.

• Klein,Wolfgang.1994.Timeinlanguage.London:Routledge.• Koenig,J.P.,&Davis,A.R.2001.Sublexical modalityandthestructureoflexical semanticrepresentations.LinguisticsandPhilosophy,24(1):71-124.

• Martin,F.,&Schäfer,F.2015.Sublexical modalityindefeasiblecausativeverbs.ModalityacrossSyntacticCategories.OxfordUniversityPress,Oxford.

• Piñón,Christofer.2008.Verbsofcreation.InEventstructuresinlinguisticformandinterpretation, JohannesDölling,Tanja Heyde-Zybatow,andMartinSchäfer (eds.),493-522.Berlin:WalterdeGruyter.

• Ramchand,G.2008.Verbmeaningandthelexicon.Cambridge:CUP.• Stowell,T. (1993).Syntaxoftense.Ms.,UniversityofCalifornia,LosAngeles.

• Tatevosov,Sergei. 2008.Subevental structureandnon-culmination.InEmpiricalIssuesinSyntaxandSemantics7,eds.OlivierBonami andPatriciaCabredo Hofherr,393–422.Paris:Colloque deSyntaxetSémantique àParis.Accessedathttp://www.cssp.cnrs.fr/eiss7/eiss7.pdf.

Perfective but incomplete accomplishments - GALAgala.gre.ac.uk/16482/1/16482...

Documents

Transcript of Perfective but incomplete accomplishments - GALAgala.gre.ac.uk/16482/1/16482...